On the Dress of the Romans, in Seven Books

Creator: Ottavio Ferrari | Date: 1654 | Notes: Original title: Octavii Ferrarii de re vestiaria libri septem, quatuor postremi nunc primum prodeunt; reliqui emendatiores & auctiores … An antiquarian-philological treatise in seven books on Greco-Roman dress. Ferrari examines garments such as the toga, praetexta, tunic, lacerna, paenula, military cloaks, and the Greek pallium, using literary testimony alongside statues, coins, and engraved plates to reconstruct their forms, ways of wearing them, materials, and social meanings. 👉 <a href="https://tryleo.ai/collections/exlatinis/one-cloak-under-three-names-how-a-paduan-professor-adjudicated-the-wardrobe-of-the-dead">Read our introductory primer, full report, and finding guide here</a> 📜 <a href="https://archive.org/details/bub_gb_oQgeyZa3wfMC">View the original file on Internet Archive</a> This text was transcribed and translated as part of the ExLatinis project—an effort by Leo to make English translations of every published text in Latin in early modern Europe (between 1450 and 1750) available to the public for free online.

Title: On the Dress of the Romans, in Seven Books
Creator: Ottavio Ferrari
Date: 1654
Notes: Original title: Octavii Ferrarii de re vestiaria libri septem, quatuor postremi nunc primum prodeunt; reliqui emendatiores & auctiores … An antiquarian-philological treatise in seven books on Greco-Roman dress. Ferrari examines garments such as the toga, praetexta, tunic, lacerna, paenula, military cloaks, and the Greek pallium, using literary testimony alongside statues, coins, and engraved plates to reconstruct their forms, ways of wearing them, materials, and social meanings. 👉 <a href="https://tryleo.ai/collections/exlatinis/one-cloak-under-three-names-how-a-paduan-professor-adjudicated-the-wardrobe-of-the-dead">Read our introductory primer, full report, and finding guide here</a> 📜 <a href="https://archive.org/details/bub_gb_oQgeyZa3wfMC">View the original file on Internet Archive</a> This text was transcribed and translated as part of the ExLatinis project—an effort by Leo to make English translations of every published text in Latin in early modern Europe (between 1450 and 1750) available to the public for free online.

Document notes

Original title: Octavii Ferrarii de re vestiaria libri septem, quatuor postremi nunc primum prodeunt; reliqui emendatiores & auctiores … An antiquarian-philological treatise in seven books on Greco-Roman dress. Ferrari examines garments such as the toga, praetexta, tunic, lacerna, paenula, military cloaks, and the Greek pallium, using literary testimony alongside statues, coins, and engraved plates to reconstruct their forms, ways of wearing them, materials, and social meanings. 👉 Read our introductory primer, full report, and finding guide here 📜 View the original file on Internet Archive This text was transcribed and translated as part of the ExLatinis project—an effort by Leo to make English translations of every published text in Latin in early modern Europe (between 1450 and 1750) available to the public for free online.

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FERDINANDI CORTESI Xai Tōν φιλῶν. EX SCIENTIA SPES JULIUS S. HELD 1768

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FERDINANDI CORTESI Xai Of friends. EX SCIENTIA SPES JULIUS S. HELD 1768

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155/65 UA 2402 TH TH 40 4: Danielis Sconi Bergam. ULRICO HOEPLI LIBRAJO DELLA REAL CASA MILANO

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155/65 UA 2402 TH TH 40 4: Danielis Sconi Bergam. ULRICO HOEPLI Bookseller to the Royal House MILAN

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OCTAVII FERRARII DE RE VESTIARIA LIBRI SEPTEM

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Octavius Ferrarius On Dress Seven Books

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OCTAVII FERRARII DE RE VESTIARIA LIBRI SEPTEM. Quatuor postremi nunc primum prodeunt: reliqui emendatiores & auctiores. Adiectis iconibus, quibus restota oculis subiicitur. PATAVII, MDCLIV. Typis Pauli Framberti Bibliop. Superiorum Permissu.

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OCTAVIUS FERRARIUS ON THE VESTIARY SEVEN BOOKS. The last four now appear for the first time; the remaining ones, revised and enlarged. With added illustrations, by which the whole is laid before the eyes. PADUA, 1654. Printed by Paolo Framberti, bookseller, with permission of the Superiors.

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1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 50 60 61 62 63 63 64 64 65 65 66 66 67 67 68 68 69 69 70 70 71 71 72 72 73 73 74 74 75 75 76 76 77 77 78 78 79 79 80 80 81 81 82 82 83 83 84 84 85 85 86 86 87 87 88 88 89 89 90 90 91 91 92 92 93 93 94 94 95 95 96 96 97 97 98 98 99 99 100 100 101 101 102 102 103 103 104 104 105 105 106 106 107 107 108 108 109 109 110 110 111 111 112 112 113 113 114 114 115 115 116 116 117 117 118 118 119 119 120 120 121 121 122 122 123 123 124 124 125 125 126 126 127 127 128 128 129 129 130 130 131 131 132 132 133 133 134 134 135 135 136 136 137 137 138 138 139 139 140 140 141 141 142 142 143 143 144 144 145 145 146 146 147 147 148 148 149 149 150 150 151 151 152 152 153 153 154 154 155 155 156 156 157 157 158 158 159 159 160 160 161 161 162 162 163 163 164 164 165 165 166 166 167 167 168 168 169 169 170 170 171 171 172 172 173 173 174 174 175 175 176 176 177 177 178 178 179 179 180 180 181 181 182 182 183 183 184 184 185 185 186 186 187 187 188 188 189 189 190 190 191 191 192 192 193 193 194 194 195 195 196 196 197 197 198 198 199 199 200 200 201 201 202 202 203 203 204 204 205 205 206 206 207 207 208 208 209 209 210 210 211 211 212 212 213 213 214 214 215 215 216 216 217 217 218 218 219 219 220 220 221 221 222 222 223 223 224 224 225 225 226 226 227 227 228 228 229 229 230 230 231 231 232 232 233 233 234 234 235 235 236 236 237 237 238 238 239 239 240 240 241 241 242 242 243 243 244 244 245 245 246 246 247 247 248 248 249 249 250 250 251 251 252 252 253 253 254 254 255 255 256 256 257 257 258 258 259 259 260 260 261 261 262 262 263 263 264 264 265 265 266 266 267 267 268 268 269 269 270 270 271 271 272 272 273 273 274 274 275 275 276 276 277 277 278 278 279 279 280 280 281 281 282 282 283 283 284 284 285 285 286 286 287 287 288 288 289 289 290 290 291 291 292 292 293 293 294 294 295 295 296 296 297 297 298 298 299 299 300 300 301 301 302 302 303 303 304 304 305 305 306 306 307 307 308 308 309 309 310 310 311 311 312 312 313 313 314 314 315 315 316 316 317 317 318 318 319 319 320 320 321 321 322 322 323 323 324 324 325 325 326 326 327 327 328 328 329 329 330 330 331 331 332 332 333 333 334 334 335 335 336 336 337 337 338 338 339 339 340 340 341 341 342 342 343 343 344 344 345 345 346 346 347 347 348 348 349 349 350 350 351 351 352 352 353 353 354 354 355 355 356 356 357 357 358 358 359 359 360 360 361 361 362 362 363 363 364 364 365 365 366 366 367 367 368 368 369 369 370 370 371 371 372 372 373 373 374 374 375 375 376 376 377 377 378 378 379 379 380 380 381 381 382 382 383 383 384 384 385 385 386 386 387 387 388 388 389 389 390 390 391 391 392 392 393 393 394 394 395 395 396 396 397 397 398 398 399 399 400 400 401 401 402 402 403 403 404 404 405 405 406 406 407 407 408 408 409 409 410 410 411

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ÆTERNÆ VENETORVM REIPVBLICÆ Octavius Ferrarius F. POPVLVS Romanus Quiritium eodem tempore & rerum dominus & togatus esse desit. Nam postquam fatorum inuidia, terrarum, ac maris, nunquam satis libertatis potens, vnius parum vir impotentiæ, ac libidini Orbis Imperium, seque, ac fortunas autorauit, pristinum quoque cultum mutauit, simulque libertatem exuit, & togam: & quod olim non nisi in luctu publico, Vrbisque periculo vsurpabatur, perpetuò ad saga transit. Quasi eos, qui sponte seruitium induerant, ipsius fortunæ rubore in veste ingenuorum conspici puderet. Itaque ex eadem domo rei Romanæ excidio natus adolescens, postquam annona, & donis morientis libertatis reliquias profligasset, vt eius aliquod inane solatium relinquueret, frusta togarum vsum reducere conatus est: nam ferò sapiens Martius populus non diu ludibrium illud tulit, & forturæ

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Of the eternal Venetian republic Octavius Ferrarius, son of F. The Roman People of the Quirites ceased to be at the same time both master of the world and a people of the toga. For after the envy of fate, over land and sea, never sufficiently powerful in freedom, had granted to the spirit of one man, little able to bear power, the empire of the world, and over himself and his fortunes, he changed his ancient way of life as well, and at the same time put off both liberty and the toga: and what once was used only in public mourning and in the peril of the City, he passed over perpetually into military cloaks. As though those who had voluntarily taken up servitude were ashamed to be seen, through the blush of fortune itself, in the dress of freeborn men. And so a youth born from the same house as the ruin of the Roman state, after he had squandered away the remnants of dying liberty through grain-distributions and gifts, and in order to leave some empty consolation for it, tried to bring back the use of pieces of togas: for the people of Mars, wise only too late, did not long endure that mockery, and of fortune

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næ suæ intelligens cum seruili schema deinceps processit. Ita nullus scriptoribus eorum temporum querendi locus erat, quòd cum togæ in desuetudinem abiissent, sublatum omne esset inter ingenuos, atque seruos in vestitu discrimen: nam quid eo opus erat, cùm omnes priuatim, aut publicè seruitutem seruirent? Quantò admirabilior publica res vestra, Principes semper Italiæ Viri, quæ sicut singulari omnium seculorum exemplo intactam per omne æuum libertatem, seruiente Orbe seruauit: ita eodem vestitu, quàm graui, ac maiestatis pleno, tàm simplici, & virili pacis, atque ingenuitatis argumento perpetuò visa est. Et cum Latium omne in barbarum, aut hostilem cultum degenerauerit, ac togati quondam populi braccis adstricti, aut sagulis inclusi, certè in re populi placida altius cincti, quos oderunt imitentur: contra magna pars deliciis fracti adeo a gestanda lorica degenerauerint, vt cùm sericum oneri sit, cultus vix nuribus decoros sumant, totque nouis vestium nominibus foedati in publico pelluceant; Veneta grauitas prisca morum, atque amictus sanctimonia ad hanc diem egit, ac maiorum cultum per tot secula nulla aut peregrinitate infecit, aut luxu blandiente corrupit. Et quamuis Romanæ togæ pondus, ac redundantiam, morosamque rugarum contabulationem aspernata sit panno etiam æstiuis incommodis velata modestia: deco- ro tamen fluente ad pedes amictu, non colorum superbia, aut cretæ ambitu notabili, sed maxime ciuili gaudens omne luxus certamen submouet, quo maxima olim Imperia pessum iêre. Ita quamuis sua magistratibus insignia apud vos sint, murexque, & violæ color palmatas ve-

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Our own intelligence went on afterward with a servile pattern. Thus there was no room left for complaint among the writers of those times, since, when togas had fallen into disuse, every distinction in dress between free men and slaves had been removed: for what need was there of such a thing, when all alike, in private or in public, were serving slavery? How much more admirable is your commonwealth, Princes, men of Italy forever, which, as by the singular example of all ages, preserved liberty untouched through all time while the world was enslaved: so too by the same attire, so grave and full of majesty, yet so simple and manly an evidence of peace and free birth, it has always been seen. And although all Latium has degenerated into barbarous or hostile dress, and the people once known for the toga have been confined in breeches or enclosed in cloaks, certainly in the calm of the commonwealth those more closely girded whom they hate may imitate them: on the other hand, a great part, broken by luxury, have so degenerated from wearing armor that, since silk is a burden, they scarcely even take up clothing becoming to women, and, debased by so many new names of garments, appear in public in translucent finery; Venetian gravity, the old integrity of morals and of dress, has carried itself to this day, and through so many centuries has never stained the custom of our ancestors either by foreign novelty or corrupted it with seductive luxury. And although it has disdained the weight and excess of the Roman toga, and the troublesome piling of folds, modesty, even when covered by a cloth against the discomforts of summer, still with becoming dress flowing to the feet, delighting not in the vanity of colors or in conspicuous whitening with chalk, but chiefly in civic simplicity, it removes every contest of luxury, by which the greatest empires once went to ruin. Thus, although among you there are insignia proper to magistrates, and the purple dye and the color of violets, palmata ve-

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vestras, ac triumphales illuminet, reliqua promiscuo amictu agitis, similem que caueæ orchestram, & circumdatam sapienti pallio Imperii maiestatem miraretur hospes, nisi nihil admirari a vobis ipsis didicisset. Ego veterum vestitum, cultumque longa desuetudine abolitum, etiam apud scriptores vix sui vestigia retinentem cùm eruditorum oculis subiicere constituissem, ausus sum id opus Sacrario vestro sistere, quòd apud vos conceptum, atque editum, quòdque non exiguam lucem Græcis, ac Latinis scriptoribus allaturum spes esset, quos vestro accitu, atque inuidiæ capaci liberalitate publicè interpretabar. Nec fortasse præter rem fuerit principis quondam populi, licut bella, opesque, ita domesticum cultum, ac paratum propiùs inspici, reputantibus quàm modicus initio fuerit, atque ipsi naturæ, gentisque primordiis par, mox luxu victus sit: donec eo ventum, vt idem corruptus, ac corruptor, moribus, ipsique demum Imperio labem attulerit. Quo magis seculo, vestroque nomini gratulari libet, apud quos cum ex æquo viuat Imperium, amictus simplicitas cum morum sanctitate contendit, imo abstinentiæ index, ac custos est, potens humanum genus emendare, licut Venetæ mansuetudinis beneficio Imperio subiecta, exemplo, cuncta terrarum refouentur. Valete, bene rem gerite, Vincite Virtute vera, quod fecistis ante hac. Patauii in vestro Athenæo Calend. Decembris Anno CLCIXCLXLI. OCTA-

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...may it illumine your victorious and triumphal ones; you go about the rest in a mixed attire, and a guest would marvel at a theater-like orchestra surrounded by the wise mantle of Empire, unless he had learned from you yourselves to marvel at nothing. When I had resolved to place before the eyes of the learned that ancient dress and adornment, abolished by long disuse and scarcely retaining even among writers any trace of itself, I dared to present that work to your Sanctuary, because it had been conceived and brought forth among you, and because there was hope that it would bring no small light to Greek and Latin writers, whom I was publicly interpreting at your summons and with a liberality open even to envy. Nor perhaps would it be out of place to consider how the former prince of the people, just as wars and wealth, so also domestic refinement and equipment, ought to be more closely examined; how modest it was at the beginning, and how, equal to nature itself and the first origins of the nation, it was soon overcome by luxury; until it came to this, that the same thing, corrupted and corrupting, brought a stain upon customs and at last upon the Empire itself. For which reason it is the more pleasing to rejoice in your age and your name, among whom Empire lives on equal terms, and the simplicity of dress contends with holiness of manners; indeed, it is a mark and guardian of abstinence, able to reform the human race, just as by the favor of Venetian mildness, all things subject to the Empire are revived by example. Farewell; conduct affairs well; conquer by true Virtue, as you have done before. At Padua, in your Athenæum, on the Kalends of December, in the year 1661. OCTA-

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OCTAVIVS FERRARIVS Lectori suo S. Imaiorum gentium Critici, atque harum literarum principes Lipsius, Casaubonus, Salmasius fidem suam aliquando liberassent, quem toties polliciti fuerant Commentarium De Re Vestiaria non inuidissent, supersedissem ipse labore hoc, atque aliud interim promissem. Sed quoniam beati illi ante fatis, quàm studiosorum voto debitum persoluerunt, quæ diu in hanc rem commentatus sum non ultra supprimere constitui, pro viribus posteritati consulere. Res ea quidem, si quæ alia in tota vetustate, vt maximè vtilis, iucunda, ita ardua in primis, atque obscura, non dumque satis viris doctissimis explicata. Nam quæ ad hunc diem hoc argumento prodiêre hiantes deludunt, cùmque autores multum æstuarint, grandiaminati pro Romanis barbaros, ac peregrinos habitus obtrudunt. Lazari Bayfi conatus laudandus est, qui tamen si nihil aliud statuam nobis pro togata palliatam dedit, traxitque in eundem errorem non paucos vix excusandos, cùm in veteribus nummis, ac lapidibus tot togatæ appareant. Sigonius totus in hoc sui dissimilis est, credo dissentiendi studio, ne fieret accessio alterius. Primus nugari desit iunior Manutius, quem maluerunt recentiores transcribere, quam laudare, non multum solliciti, ne quis manum iniiciat, cùm pridem doctorum monumenta iuuentutis manibus incuria, ac torpor excusserit: dum noua sita

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OCTAVIUS FERRARIUS To his Reader, greetings. If the critics of ancient nations, and the leading men in these branches of learning—Lipsius, Casaubonus, Salmasius—had at some time fulfilled their pledge, and had not begrudged that Commentary on Dress which they had so often promised, I myself would have spared this labor and meanwhile promised something else. But since those blessed men, before their fate, paid the debt owed to the wish of scholars, I have resolved not to suppress any longer what I have long composed on this subject, but to provide for posterity as far as lies in my power. The matter is indeed, if there is any other in all antiquity, both most useful and pleasing, and at the same time especially difficult and obscure, and not yet sufficiently explained by the most learned men. For those works that have appeared on this subject up to the present day merely mislead by their gaping emptiness; and while their authors have greatly floundered, under grand-sounding pretenses they foist barbarian and foreign garments upon the Romans. The effort of Lazarus Bayfius is worthy of praise; yet if I establish nothing else, he gave us a pallium in place of the toga, and drew not a few into the same error, scarcely excusable, since in ancient coins and inscriptions so many togate figures appear. Sigonius is wholly unlike himself in this matter, I believe from a desire to disagree, so that there might not be an addition from another source. The younger Manutius was the first to cease trifling, whom later writers have preferred to copy rather than praise, not much concerned lest anyone lay hands on the subject, since long ago the indolence and sluggishness of youth have shaken loose the monuments of the learned from their grasp: while new things were placed

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sectamur veterum incuriosi; Iamque idem fatum Manutii scripta premit, quod Beroaldis, Politianis, Domitiis, Val- lisque, & reliquis nocuit, qui harum litterarum instauratores Italum nomen Ultra Sauromatas porrexerunt; Quorum lu- minibus non tam offecit posterior cura, quàm alienos fætus si- bi supponendi mala libido, quibus vbi miram verborum vo- lubilitatem non sine lolligine, & repetitas ad fastidium scri- ptorum sententias addidere pro suis venditant, atque ambi- tiosa commentariorum mole scriptores prægrauant, lectores absterrent, iisque miraculo sunt, qui libros oculis metiuntur, titulorum periti, quique bibliothecas in ostentationem luxus exornant. Neque hæc obtrectandi causa dicta velim, sed vt ipse quoque euincerer, quoties culpæ huius affinis forem. Ceterum Manutium non semel in hoc opere præluxisse initio profiteor, & cùm res poposcerit indicabo, nec alium quemquam honore suo fraudare animus est, per quem proficere licuerit. Neque etiam mihi tantum defero, vt magnis nominibus inseri ve- lim, hisque optionem dari: sed id modo, vt quod illi vel altio- ribus curis districti omiserunt, vel fato intercepti ad exitum perducere nequivêre, supplerem ipse, qui sicut non tantum in- genii, at fortasse non minorem curam, certe iuuandi litteras studium non impar domo attulissem. Quantum porro illud sit Lector incorruptus iudicabit, & quidem minores sincerius. Nobis hercules iidem fontes, vnde illi arua Musarum irri- garunt, patuere, & quidem pronius, ad quos illi digitum in- tenderant. Quid porrò hoc argumento præstiterint, qui adhuc vitales auras carpunt, seque ac seculum exornare pergunt, in ipso ope- re apparebit. Neque ægrè laturos summos viros existimo, quòd b sæpè

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We pursue the ancients with little regard; and now the same fate presses upon the writings of Manutius, the same that has harmed Beroaldus, Politianus, Domitius, Valla, and the rest, who, as restorers of this literature, carried the Italian name beyond the Sauromatae. Not so much later negligence as the evil desire of foisting one’s own offspring upon others has done them injury: these men, when they display a wondrous fluency of words, not without some loquacity, and offer as their own repeated sentiments from writers to the point of disgust, burden authors with an ambitious mass of commentaries, deter readers, and are a marvel to those who measure books by their covers, connoisseurs of titles, and those who adorn libraries as an ostentation of luxury. Nor would I have said this for the sake of disparaging them, but that I too might be convicted whenever I should be guilty of a fault akin to this one. Besides, I openly profess that Manutius has more than once shone forth in this work from the beginning, and when the matter requires I shall indicate it; nor is it my intention to defraud any other person of the honor due to him, through whom I have been able to make progress. Nor do I so highly value myself as to wish to be numbered among great names and be given the choice among them; rather, my aim is only this: that what they, either distracted by higher concerns or cut off by fate before completion, were unable to bring to an end, I myself should supply, I who, if not of greater genius, yet perhaps of no less diligence, and certainly with an equal zeal for aiding letters, had brought something from my house. How great that is, the uncorrupted reader will judge, and indeed the lesser scholars more sincerely. For us, by Hercules, the same springs from which they watered the fields of the Muses were open to us too, and indeed more readily, toward which they had pointed their finger. What further they have accomplished in this subject—those who still draw vital air and continue to adorn both themselves and the age—will appear in the work itself. Nor do I think that the greatest men will take it ill that, b sæpè

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sæpè ab iis modestè dissentiam. Quam sibi Veniam in aliis refellendis concedi illi postularunt, haud mihi denegatum iri certus sum. Ceterum nisi ingentia in me merita essent Francisci Putei Venetorum patronorum disertissimi, cuius domus perpetuum Musarum hospitium est, ac commune Prytaneum, hoc illi nomine plurimum deberem, quòd non pauca Romani cultus monumenta nondum vetustatis iniuriâ vieta transmiserit, quo res ipsa sub aspectum caderet. Hæc erant, quæ præfari necesse fuit, reliqua scriptorum solemnia, leniendo liuori, aut fascino depellendo ne tangam quidem. Ambitiosi simul est, & meticulosi ægros oculos, ac municipalem rubiginem expectare, aut reformidare. Nimis preclare mecum actum crederem, si hæc inuidia digna vide- rentur. Lector Viue, vale; Si quid nouisti rectius istis, Candidus imperti: si non his vtere mecum.

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I shall often modestly dissent from them. The same indulgence they demanded for themselves in refuting others, I am sure will not be denied to me. For the rest, unless the great merits I owe to Francesco Puteo, the most eloquent of the Venetian patrons, whose house is a perpetual lodging of the Muses and a common Prytaneum, were enough, I should owe him very much on this account too: that he has conveyed to me not a few monuments of Roman culture, not yet worn away by the injury of time, so that the thing itself might come before the eye. These were the things that had to be said in advance; the remaining formalities of writers I shall not even touch, whether to allay envy or to dispel fascination. It is at once ambitious and timid to wait for, or to fear, sickly eyes and municipal rust. I should think myself treated too well if these things were deemed worthy of envy. Reader: Live well, farewell; if you know anything better than these, kindly share it; if not, use these with me.

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VLPIANVS D. DE AVRO ET ARGENTO LEGATO. Vestimentorum sunt omnia lanea, lineaque, vel se- rica, vel bombycina, quæ induendi, præcingen- di, amiciendi, insternendi, iniiciendi, incubandiue cau- sa parata sunt: Et quæ his accessionis vice cedunt, quæ sunt institæ, picturæ, clauique, qui vestibus insuuntur. Vestimenta omnia aut virilia sunt, aut puerilia, aut mu- liebria, aut communia, aut familiarica. Virilia sunt quæ ipsius patris familiæ causa parata sunt, veluti togæ, tunicæ, palliola, vestimenta stragula, amfitapa, & saga, reliqua- que similia. Puerilia sunt quæ ad nullum alium vsum per- tinent nisi puerilem, veluti togæ prætextæ, aliculæ chla- mydes, pallia quæ filiis nostris comparamus. Muliebria sunt, quæ matris familiæ causa sunt comparata, quibus vir non facile vti potest sine vituperatione, veluti stolæ, pallæ, tunicæ capitia, zonæ, mitræ, quæ magis capitistegendi, quam ornandi causa sunt comparata, plagulæ, pænulæ. Communia sunt, quibus promiscuè vtitur mulier cum vi- ro: velut si eiusmodi pænula palliumue est, & reliqua huiusmodi quibus sine reprehensione vel vir, vel vxor vtatur. Familiarica sunt, quæ ad familiam vestiendam comparata sunt: sicutisaga, tunicæ, pænulæ, lintea vesti- menta, stragula & consimilia. b 2 ODE.

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VLPIANUS D. ON BEQUESTS OF GOLD AND SILVER. All garments are either woolen, linen, silk, or cotton, and are prepared for the purpose of being put on, girded, wrapped around, spread out, laid in, or slept under; and those things which serve as accessories to them, such as borders, embroidery, and the nails sewn into garments. All garments are either masculine, juvenile, feminine, common, or household. Masculine garments are those prepared for the use of the paterfamilias himself, such as togas, tunics, small cloaks, bedding garments, amphi tapes, and military cloaks, and the like. Juvenile garments are those intended for no other use than that of children, such as bordered togas, little cloaks, chlamydes, and cloaks which we buy for our sons. Feminine garments are those bought for the materfamilias, which a man cannot easily use without reproach, such as stoles, mantles, tunics with hoods, girdles, mitres, which are bought more for covering the head than for adornment, little coverings, and pænulæ. Common garments are those used indiscriminately by woman together with man: for example, if a pænula or cloak of that kind, and other similar things, may be used without objection either by a man or by a wife. Household garments are those bought for clothing the household: such as military cloaks, tunics, pænulæ, linen garments, bedding, and the like. b 2 ODE.

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ODE. I Actura facta est tum nimium grauis Antiquitatis quum venerabilis Mos vestiendi temporum æstu, Et vitio periit nepotum. Hi facta maiorum inclyta quum parum Sint æmulati, pensaque gloriæ Languore inerti negligentes A studiis abiere honesti. Hinc exulauit tam Latio toga, Quàm pallium Argis, atque simul decus Vtrinque virtutis recessit Crimine desipientis æui. Mutata vestis, mutat & urbibus Mores auitos; & ruit in nefas Gens omne præceps, Barbarorum Dum capit inde cores amictus. Frugalitatis lex moderans domos Hinc spreta; constans posthabita est fides; Humanitatis nulla, pacisque Innocuæ fuit inde cura. Quin fluxit omnem luxus in angulum, Qui ciuium rem distrahit artibus Congestam anhelis, atque turpi Desidiâ temerat potentes. Obducta passim nomine gratiæ Egerminarunt perfidia, & doli, Et coepit illic stare vultu Barbara sæuities superbo. Ad arma ciues mox pepulit furor Quaqua solutus, diffidiis faces Subdens cruentes, unde cædes, Et trepidus metus usque creuit.

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ODE. The fashion of attire once made antiquity too heavy, When the venerable custom of dress, in the heat of time, Perished through the fault of later generations. When these men had too little emulated the renowned deeds of their elders, And, through sluggish weariness, neglecting the rewards of glory, They departed from honorable pursuits. Hence the toga was banished as much from Latium As the pallium from Argos, and at the same time the honor Of virtue on either side withdrew Through the crime of a foolish age. Changed dress also changes, in the cities, Their ancestral customs; and a people rushes headlong into wickedness, While it takes up, from that source, the coverings of the barbarians. The law of frugality, governing households, Was here despised; steadfast faith was set aside; There was no care for humanity, Nor for harmless peace. Rather, luxury poured itself into every corner, Which, by its devices, tears apart the state of the citizens, Gathered together with panting effort, and with shameful Idleness wounds the powerful. Everywhere perfidy and deceit sprang up, Their name cloaked under the pretext of favor, And barbarous savagery began to stand there With haughty face. Soon rage, set loose in every direction, drove the citizens to arms, Kindling bloody fires through mistrusts; whence slaughter, And fearful dread, continued to increase.

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Imbellem ab annis, & tremulum patrem Nati bipennis terruit impia; Et sæpè pugnarunt propinqui Sanguinis immemores amandi. Permissa terro sæcla malignior Vis asperauit legibus obrutis, Astræa, postquam exosa vulgus Tot scelerum, alma reuuit astra. Nonne ista fraudum tempora nunc forent Dicenda verè ferrea, ubi minas Inter frementes cuncta ferri Arbitrium temerè occupauit? Corrupit eheu consimilis propè Ferrugo nostri curriculum furens Aeui, peracri damna ferro, Glandeue fulmineâ serentis. Occurris at tu luctifico malo Prisci reducens ingenii typum, Inlubriæ, OCTAVI, feracis Lux, celebre atque decus Mineruæ; Sub involucro dum modò vestium Virtutis antiquæ inuehis indolem, Aurique purum reddis æuum, Quo probitas generosa fultit. Scriptis inauras aurifluis tuis Orbem, atque pulchris diuitiis beas, Quas non habet Pactolus æque, Nec Tagus Hesperiis in undis; Tuâ disertâ quum sapientiâ Fulgere possit nil pretiosius, Quâ promis apte abstrusa rerum Sepositâ peregrinitate. Fælix ò ætas nupera vestibus Priscis resumptis, si repetat simul Mores decentes æquitatis, Aurea quos coluit vetustas. b 3 Egrel-

Transcription: Translated (English)

Warlike from their earliest years, and the trembling father The impious offspring terrified with the sword; And often kinsmen fought, Forgetting the blood that should be loved. To the age given over to terror, malign Violence, with laws overthrown, gave strength; After Astraea, having grown hateful of the mob For so many crimes, withdrew again to the kindly stars. Should not those times of deceit now be truly Called iron, when, amid threats And all things raging with the clamor of steel, Willful power rashly seized command? Alas, a like rust has nearly corrupted The course of our raging age, With sharp harms by iron, or by the thunderbolt, Sown by the hand that strikes. But you stand against the mournful evil, Bringing back the pattern of ancient genius, O OCTAVIUS, light of a fertile mind, And famed adornment of Minerva; While beneath the covering of your garments You bring in the character of ancient virtue, And restore the pure age of gold, By which noble probity is upheld. With your writings you gild the world with golden streams, And enrich it with fair treasures, Which Pactolus does not equally possess, Nor Tagus in the Spanish waves; For with your eloquent wisdom Nothing more precious can shine, With which you aptly unfold the hidden things of the world, Set apart from foreign strangeness. Happy, O recent age, with the old garments Taken up again, if at the same time it recover The decent customs of equity, Which ancient times once cherished as golden. b 3 Egrel-

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Egressus Argocum iuuenum manu Iason decorâ, primus Achaicâ Contempsit audacter carinâ Aequoris imperium tremendi. Claustris revulsis sæua licet cohors Erumpat amens Aeolio è specu, Totumque conturbet profundum, Nil timet vndiuagus phaselus. Nam Graia pubes per varios sinus Excurrit, anceps liue periculum, Seu dura fortunæ molestæ Indomito subiens labore. Ausus præaltos nec potuit virûm Armata messis flectere concita, Nec semper insomnis Draconis Faucibus ciaculatus ignis; Quin ferret auratam Aesonides mari Ab usque Colchis pellem, & Apollinis Ornatus altâ fronde crines Exuuiis decoraret Argon. Io. Iacobi Cruceolani Mediolanensis.

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Setting out from the ship Argo with a band of young men, Jason, radiant in form, first among the Achaeans, boldly despised the command of the dreaded sea in his noble craft. Though the savage crew may burst forth madly from the broken bolts out of the Aeolian cave, and throw the whole deep into confusion, the wave-roaming vessel fears nothing. For the Greek youth, through various straits, races onward, though danger in either case be uncertain, whether, enduring hard and troublesome fortune, undergoing unyielding toil. He dared the lofty mountains, nor could he be turned aside by the armed harvest of men stirred into fury, nor by the fire ever darted from the jaws of the sleepless Dragon; but the son of Aeson should bear back from Colchis across the sea the golden fleece, and, adorned with the high leafage of Apollo, should deck Argo with the spoils and honor her hair. Io. Iacobi Cruceolani of Milan.

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INDEX CAPITVM LIB. I. Cap. I. Toga: τήβεννος: περιβόλαιον. Vestimenti genus fuisse rotundum, ac clausum. P. I II. Sigonii opinio refellitur Togam quadratam censentis. Athenæus explicatur. 5 III. Docti Viri opinio de Vestimentis quadratis expenditur. 6 IV. Noua opinio de Vestimentis quadratis affertur. Quod inter vulgare pallium, ac Philosophicum discrimen fuerit. 8 V. Sigonii sententia reiecta censentis Togam semicircularem, et apertam fuisse. 11 VI. Modus gestandi togam. Quid sinus et vmbo. Quintilianus explicatus. 12 VII. Brachium toga continere. Ciceronis locus explicatus. 22 IX. Mittere trans pondera dextram. Horatius explicatus. Cur anno tirocinii brachium toga cohibitum. 24 X. Brachium exerere. Cethegi exerti, ac cinctuti. Horatius, et Lucanus illustrati. 29 XI. Toga caput inuoluere. Caput aperire. 32 XII. Caput pallio inuoluere: Palliolum: Ciceronis Scholiastes notatus: Petronius explicatus. 36 XIII. An toga cingeretur. Macrobii sententia reiecta. Cæsaris cinctus. 38 XIII. Cinctus Romanus. Modus cincturæ Cæsaris cur

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INDEX OF CHAPTERS BOOK I. Chap. I. Toga: τήβεννος: περιβόλαιον. It was a kind of garment, round and closed. p. 1 II. Sigonius’ opinion is refuted, who held that the toga was square. Athenaeus is explained. 5 III. The opinion of learned men concerning square garments is examined. 6 IV. A new opinion concerning square garments is presented. What difference there was between the ordinary pallium and the philosophical one. 8 V. Sigonius’ view is rejected, who held that the toga was semicircular and open. 11 VI. The manner of wearing the toga. What the sinus and umbo are. Quintilian explained. 12 VII. To keep the arm in the toga. A passage of Cicero explained. 22 IX. To let the right arm pass beyond the weights. Horace explained. Why, in the year of apprenticeship, the arm was restrained by the toga. 24 X. To bear the arm free. Cethegus, with his arm bare and girded. Horace and Lucan illustrated. 29 XI. To wrap the head in the toga. To uncover the head. 32 XII. To wrap the head in the pallium: palliolum: Cicero’s scholiast noted: Petronius explained. 36 XIII. Whether the toga was girded. Macrobius’ opinion rejected. Caesar’s girding. 38 XIII. The Roman girding. The manner of Caesar’s girding, why

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cur notabilis. Dionis interpres notatus. 41 XIV. Expenduntur scriptores, qui togam cingi soli- tam docere videntur. Cinctus Gabinus. 43 XV. Docti viri opinio refutata de cinctu Gabino Catonis cum ius diceret. Tertullianus de pallio explicatus. 47 XVI. Nullum in toga fibulæ usum fuisse. Pancioli nô unus error in re vestiaria perstringitur. 51 XVII. De Togæ materia. Lanarum varia genera. Toga pexa, & detrita. 53 XIX. Lana coacta. Plinius uno capite non semel correctus, & explicatus. 56 XIX. Vestis serica. Bombyx Coa, & Assyria. Plinius defensus. 60 XX. Vestes bobycinæ: sericæ: subsericæ: multitia. 63 XXI. Togæ color. Candidati. 66 XXII. Albus color lætitiæ causa adhibitus. Alba- ti. 69 XXIII. Pullus color in luctu. Atrati. An idem a ma- tronis usurpatus. 71 XXIV. Togæ mensura. Togæ talares. Quintilianus explicatus. 72 XXV. Togam antiquis temporibus commune vesti- mentum fuisse tam virorum, quam fæmina- rum. Recinium. Festus emendatus. Toga meretricum gestamen. Ouidius, & Varro ex- plicati. Plebs infima quandoq[ue]; togata. Gla- diatores in toga producti. 74 XXVI. Imperatores toguti. 79 XXVII. Togas in luctu, & calamitate publica depositas.

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remarkable cur. Dionysius’ interpreter noted. 41 XIV. Writers are examined who seem to teach the customary way of girding the toga. The Gabinian cincture. 43 XV. The opinion of learned men refuted concerning Cato’s Gabinian cincture when he was giving judgment. Tertullian on the pallium explained. 47 XVI. That there was no use of a fibula in the toga. One error concerning dress is pointed out in Panciolo. 51 XVII. On the material of the toga. Various kinds of wool. The shaggy toga, and the worn one. 53 XIX. Felted wool. Pliny corrected and explained more than once in a single chapter. 56 XIX. Silk clothing. Bombyx Coa and Assyria. Pliny defended. 60 XX. Bobykin garments: silk: half-silk: multitia. 63 XXI. The color of the toga. Candidates. 66 XXII. The white color used for the sake of joy. The white-clad. 69 XXIII. The dark color in mourning. The black-clad. Whether it was also used by matrons. 71 XXIV. The size of the toga. Trail-bearing togas. Quintilian explained. 72 XXV. That in ancient times the toga was a common garment for both men and women. Recinium. Festus corrected. The toga as a garment of courtesans. Ovid and Varro explained. The lowest plebs sometimes toga-clad. Gladiators brought out in the toga. 74 XXVI. Emperors in togas. 79 XXVII. Togas laid aside in mourning and public calamity.

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Index Capitum. tas. Quæ vestis earum loco sumptæ. 81 XXIX. An toga vestis domestica fuerit. 83 XXIX. Togæ in conuiuiis adhibitæ. Toga submissa 84 XXX. Vestis conuiualis. Cænatoria. Synthesis. 86 XXXI. Quale vestimentum fuerit Synthesis. Lipsii sententia examinatur. 88 XXXII. An extra Vrbem togæ usus fuerit. Toga etiam in militia. 93 XXXIII. Quando toga in desuetudinem abierit. Aue togatorum. Patroni togati. 95 XXXIV. Togas Imperatorum æuo non ita totum depositas. 100 XXXV. Tunicatus populus. Pullatus circulus. 102 XXXVI Christi Sacerdotum vestem exteriorem Mis- sarum Sacris adhibitam togam fuisse vide- ri. Pænula: Planeta: Casula. 104 XXXVII. Modum gestandi Casulam diuersum a togæ gestatu fuisse. Lineus amictus. 106 XXXIX. Planetam, & Casulam etiam extra sacra in communi vestitu fuisse. 109 XXXIX. Dalmatica. Lacernum byrrhum. Cardinalium Vestitus. Baronii opinio reiecta. 111 LIB. I I. Cap. I. DE Prætexta. 134 II. De Prætexta Sacerdotum. 135 III. Prætexta Magistratuum. Varii Interpretum errores in uoce explicanda casti- gantur. 136 Ais

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Index of Chapters. ... What vesture of theirs was taken in its place. 81 XXIX. Whether the toga was a domestic garment. 83 XXIX. Togas used at banquets. The toga lowered. 84 XXX. Banquet garment. Dining garment. Synthesis. 86 XXXI. What kind of garment the Synthesis was. Lipsius’ opinion examined. 88 XXXII. Whether the toga was used outside the City. The toga also in military service. 93 XXXIII. When the toga fell into disuse. Farewell to the toga-wearers. Toga-clad patrons. 95 XXXIV. Togas in the age of the Emperors were not yet entirely discarded. 100 XXXV. The tunic-clad people. The dark-robed circle. 102 XXXVI. The exterior garment of Christ’s priests, used in the sacred rites of Masses, seems to have been a toga. Penula: Planeta: Casula. 104 XXXVII. The manner of wearing the Casula was different from that of the toga. Linen mantle. 106 XXXIX. The Planet and also the Casula were in common use, even outside sacred rites. 109 XXXIX. Dalmatica. Lacernum. Byrrhus. Vesture of the Cardinals. Baronius’ opinion rejected. 111 BOOK II. Chapter I. On the Praetexta. 134 II. On the Praetexta of Priests. 135 III. Praetexta of Magistrates. Various errors of interpreters in explaining the word are corrected. 136 Ais

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Index Capitum. IV. An Senatores Prætextati. An Tribuni plebis. 140 V. De Trabea. Toga Φοινικοπάρυφος. Halicarnassus explicatus. 144 VI. Scholiastæ Ciceronis error Trabeam cum Paludamento confundentis. 145 VII. De purpura, & eius generibus. Plinius correctus, & explicatus. 147 IX. Toga triumphalis, purpurea, picta, palmata, Capitolina. 152 X. De Vestibus holoueris. 156 XI. Togarum diuersa genera enumerata magis, quàm indicata. Auctorum sententiæ expensa. Varro explicatus, & correctus. 160 XII. Abollam non fuisse togam, aut vestem Senatoriam. Quid ea fuerit. 164 XIII. Quod vestimenti genus fuerit Læna. Seruii opinio reiecta. 168 LIB. III. DE TVNICA. Cap. I. TVnica. χιτων. Dionis Interpres, & Manutius notati. Maldonati sententia reiecta. 172 II. Tunicas in petitione honorum depositas. An Cynici tunicas gestarint. δοξον. παχος. 177 III. Tunicæ Lineæ. Paragaudes. 180 Mi-

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Index of Chapters. IV. Whether senators were praetextati. Whether tribunes of the plebs. 140 V. On the trabea. The toga Φοινικοπάρυφος. Halicarnassus explained. 144 VI. The scholiast of Cicero, in error, confusing the trabea with the paludamentum. 145 VII. On purple, and its kinds. Pliny corrected and explained. 147 IX. The triumphal toga, purple, picta, palmata, Capitolina. 152 X. On holoveris garments. 156 XI. The various kinds of togas are enumerated rather than described. The opinions of authors weighed. Varro explained and corrected. 160 XII. The abolla was not a toga, nor a senatorial garment. What it was. 164 XIII. What kind of garment the lacerna was. Seruius’ opinion rejected. 168 BOOK III. ON THE TUNIC. Chapter I. The tunic. χιτων. The interpreter of Dio, and Manutius, noted. Maldonado’s opinion rejected. 172 II. Tunics laid aside in the seeking of honors. Whether the Cynics wore tunics. δοξον. παχος. 177 III. Linen tunics. Paragaudes. 180 Mi-

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Index Capitum. IV. Ministros conuiuiorum in tunica & ferme linea solitos ministrare. 182 V. Linea Vestis sacrificantium. Camisia: Camisum: Cotta. 187 VI. Tunica superior. Eius mensura. Talaris probrosa. Propertius, Iuuenalis, Cicero explicati. 190 VII. De Cinctu. 194 IX. Tunicæ Manuleatæ. Colobia. 196 X. Dalmaticæ. Non unus Baronii error notatus. 199 X. De Tunicæ colore. Non fuisse purpureum. Manutii opinio reiecta. 203 XI. Tunica palmata. Russa. Galbina. 205 XII. De Tunicæ ornamentis. Latus clauus. Doctissimorum virorum sententia explosa. Quintilianus explicatus. 206 XIII. Laticlauii etiam Senatorum filii. Dionis Interpres notatus. 210 XIV. Augustus clauus. Angusticlauii. 212 XV. Tunicæ Asemæ. Claui mappis & linteis assuti. Alia tunica ornamenta. 215 XVI. De Tunica Christi Domini inconsutili. Doctissimi viri opinio reiecta. 216 XVII. De Tunica Muliebri. Stola. Institæ. Segmenta. Plinius explicatus. 222 XIX. Pallium muliebre. Palla. Citharædicus ornatus. Palla Gallica. 231 XX. De Amiculo. 237 Varia muliebrium vestimentorum nomina ex Plan-

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Index of Chapters. IV. Ministers of banquets were accustomed to serve in a tunic and generally a linen one. 182 V. Linen garment of sacrificers. Camisia: Camisum: Cotta. 187 VI. Upper tunic. Its measure. Talaris disgraceful. Propertius, Juvenal, Cicero explained. 190 VII. On the girding. 194 IX. Tunics with sleeves. Colobia. 196 X. Dalmatics. One error of Baronius noted. 199 X. On the color of the tunic. That it was not purple. The opinion of Manutius rejected. 203 XI. Palmata tunic. Russa. Galbina. 205 XII. On the ornaments of the tunic. The broad stripe. The opinion of the most learned men overthrown. Quintilian explained. 206 XIII. Even the sons of Senators had the laticlave. The interpreter of Dion noted. 210 XIV. Augustus stripe. Angusticlaves. 212 XV. Asema tunics. Stripes sewn on with cloths and linen. Other tunic ornaments. 215 XVI. On the seamless tunic of the Lord Christ. The opinion of a most learned man rejected. 216 XVII. On the woman’s tunic. Stola. Borders. Segments. Pliny explained. 222 XIX. Women’s pallium. Palla. Citharædic dress. Gallic palla. 231 XX. On the amiculum. 237 Various names of women’s garments ex Plan-

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OCTAVII FERRARII DE RE VESTIARIA LIBER PRIMVS. QVI EST DE TOGA. Toga: tûsberros: περιδόλαυν. Vestimenti genus fuisse rotundum, ac clausum. Cap. I. OGA, Romanum tegmen, ipsis Quiritibus longè vetustior scriptoribus perhibetur. Nam circummeasse a Pelasgis ad Lydos, a Lydis ad Romanos auctor est Tertull. de Pallio: & cum Suida Artemidorus eius originem ab Temeno Arcade deducunt, qui ad Ionij maris accolas nauigans primus eo modo chlamydem induit, a quo indigenæ edocti eadem ratione habitum suum composuêre, vestemque Tebennam corrupta voce a Temeno appellarunt. Verba Artemidori sunt lib. I I. cap. I I I. prout ea viri doctissimi ad Tertullianum emendarunt. ἡδ[em] αυτα καὶ ἀρωμαῖνη, ἐδης, ἐν νῦν τήβεννον παλῶσων απὸ Τημενὸν Π Αρνάδες, ὃς αρῶτος των ἐαυτῶν χλαμύδα ἐπον υεριεβάλετο τον τρόπον ἐκαλωσας ἡτ[em] τον ἔονιον πόλπον, καὶ ἐκδεχθεις ἐκὸν τῶν ταυτην πατοιμητων, αφ[ε] ἐ μαδόντες καὶ οι ἐγχωρισι τον αυτὸν ἐσκλησιαστο Ἐόπον, καὶ ἐκαλον των ἐσδητα Τημεννον ἐπῶνιμον Τημενὸν Π Αροντος, ἐνερεν δὲ χρόνον παραθαρεν τὸ ὅνομα τήβεννος ἐκληθεν. Eadem significat, & vestis Romana, quam nunc Tήβεννον vocant a Temeno Arcade, qui primus suam chlamydem hoc modo circumdedit cum per sinum Ionium nauigasset, & ab his, qui istichabitant susceptus esset, a quo indigenæ edocti eodem modo aptarunt, & vestitum Temenium vocauerunt a Temeno inuentore, verum securis temporibus corrupta voce Tebennus appellatus est. Ab hoc igitur Temeno Arcade Τημεννον, mox A Tήβεννον

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OCTAVIUS FERRARIUS ON THE VESTIARY ART BOOK ONE. WHICH IS ABOUT THE TOGA. Toga: tûsberros: περιδόλαυν. A kind of garment that was round, and closed. Chapter I. THE TOGA, a Roman covering, is said to be much older even than the Quirites themselves, for Tertullian in De Pallio says that it passed from the Pelasgians to the Lydians, from the Lydians to the Romans; and, together with Suidas, Artemidorus derives its origin from Temenus the Arcadian, who, sailing first to the inhabitants of the Ionian sea, put on a cloak in that manner, from whom the natives, instructed, fashioned their own dress in the same way, and called the garment Tebenna, the name being corrupted from Temenus. The words of Artemidorus are from book II, chapter III, as the learned men have corrected them for Tertullian: [Greek text] ... The same thing is meant by the Roman garment, which they now call Τήβεννον, from Temenus the Arcadian, who first wrapped his cloak around himself in this manner after sailing through the Ionian gulf, and, having been received by the inhabitants there, the natives, instructed by him, adapted it in the same way and called the dress Temenian, from Temenus the inventor; but in later times, through corrupted speech, it was called Tebennus. From this Temenus the Arcadian, Τημεννον, then A Tήβεννον

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2 Octauij Ferrarij T[er]r[or]err[um] togam dixere. Hesychius T[er]r[or]err[um] eos[us] Pap[er]a Papyriis. Vbi doctissimus Criticorum Pap[er]a Papyrii appellat, quemadmodum Artemidorum voce περιεβάλε- το ν[er]sus est, quod nempe toga, vt dicemus, ita inijcere- tur siue circumijceretur, vt totum corpus inuolueret. Ety- mologo T[er]r[or]err[um] dicitur Regium gestamen. Sed si Romani Reges excipientur nullus exterorum Tyrannorum toga vsus reperietur, nisi ex dono Pop. Romani, aut eius imitatione. Malè itaque ex Polybio apud Athenæum id firmare docti co- nantur, qui Antiochum Epiphanem memorat deposito Re- gio cultu amictum toga forum circumire solitum. Πολλὰνις δὲ παὶ πλῶ Βασιλικὴν απερθεωνος ἐσθήτα τ[er]r[or]err[um] αναλαβῶν περισήδει λων αγοραν. Id enim & prætermorem fuisse notat Polybius, & ad imitationem Romanorum fecisse subiicit. ἀιναθίσας ὑπι τὸν ἐλεφάντινον διφον ν[ost]r[um] Πορα[ν]αίον ἐθος. Togam ergo Romanorum gestamen fuisse nemo est qui ignoret: sed quæ eius forma, quodque a Græcanico pallio discrimen viri doctissimi delitigant, nec satis rem expediunt. Glossæ Veteres Persij. Toga est purum pallium forma rotunda & fusiore, atque inundante sinu. Manutius in quæsitis Vesti- menti genus fuisse censet a summo ad imum clausum nullis manicis, quodq[ue] totum corpus tegeret, & inuolueret. Con- tra Sigonius in lib. de Iudicijs Togam apertam fuisse conten- dit, & quadrat am. Quòd Athenæus lib. v. narret Romanos in Asia, vt vim Mithridatis effugerent ad Templa confugisse, & quadratis vestimentis abiectis pallia sumplisse. Ea autem quadrata vestimenta fuisse Togas Cicero indicare videtur pro Posthumo. P. Rutilium facilius inquit, necessitatis excusatio defendet, qui cum a Mithridate Mytilenis oppressus esset, crudeli- tatem Regis in Togatos, vestitus mutatione vitauit. Ergo ille P. Rutilius, qui documentum fuit hominibus nostris virtutis, antiqui- tatis, prudentiæ, soccos habuit & pallium. Ex quo colligit Si- gonius quadratam togam fuisse, eandemq[ue] apertam ex eo contendit, quòd Val. Maximus lib. 111. de Nasica in Grac- chum impetum facturo loquens ait, eum lauam manum apertæ togæ circumdedisse. Nihilo-

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2 Octauij Ferrarij They said toga was called Terrorerrum . Hesychius calls them Terrorerrum eosus . . Where the most learned of the critics calls Papera Papyrii , just as Artemidorus, in the phrase περιεβάλετο νέρσος, is said to mean that it was indeed thrown over, or wrapped around, as a toga, as we shall say, so that it was cast on, or wrapped around, so as to envelop the whole body. The etymologist says that Terrorerrum means “the regal garment.” But if the Roman kings are excepted, no use of the toga will be found among foreign tyrants, unless by gift of the Roman people, or in imitation of them. It is therefore wrongly that the learned try to establish this from Polybius as cited by Athenaeus, who mentions that Antiochus Epiphanes, having laid aside royal dress, used to go about the forum wearing a toga. Πολλὰνις δὲ παὶ πλῶ Βασιλικὴν απερθεωνος ἐσθήτα τερρορerrum αναλαβῶν περισήδει λων ἀγοραν. For Polybius notes that this was omitted, and adds that he did it in imitation of the Romans. ἀιναθίσας ὑπὶ τὸν ἐλεφάντινον δίφον νostrum Πορα[ν]αίον ἔθος. That the toga was the garment of the Romans is known to everyone; but what its shape was, and what distinguished it from the Greek pallium, the most learned men dispute, and do not explain the matter sufficiently. The ancient glosses on Persius say: “The toga is a plain cloak, of round form and with a fuller, flowing fold.” Manutius, in his Quaestiones, thinks it was a kind of garment closed from top to bottom, with no sleeves, and covering and enveloping the whole body. On the other hand, Sigonius, in the book De Iudiciis , argues that the toga was open and square. For Athenaeus, in book 5, says that the Romans in Asia, in order to escape the violence of Mithridates, took refuge in temples and, after throwing off their square garments, took up cloaks. But that these square garments were togas Cicero seems to indicate in Pro Posthumo . “P. Rutilius,” he says, “will more easily be defended by the excuse of necessity; for when he was overwhelmed by Mithridates at Mitylene, he avoided the cruelty of the king against men in togas by changing his dress.” Therefore that P. Rutilius, who was a model to our countrymen of virtue, antiquity, and prudence, wore shoes and a pallium. From this Sigonius infers that the toga was square, and he argues that it was open as well, because Valerius Maximus, book 3, speaking of Nasica about to attack Gracchus, says that he wrapped his left hand in the open toga. Nihilo-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 3 Nihilominus Togam vestimentum clausum, & rotundum fuisse, quodque vno iniectu corpus inuolueret, multa sunt quæ conuincunt. Primum antiquæ statuæ, veteresque num- mitalem Togæ formam oculis subijciunt, quæ licet satis id superque comprobent, argumenta tamen non leuia adijcie- mus. Quod enim primo loco a Manutio affertur, nullius mo- menti est, qui existimat ita clausam togam fuisse, vt a sum- mo ad imum nullam scissuram habuerit, & proinde ait, inde- corum visum esse pectus nudum patuisse. Hoc enim omnino fal- sum est; Nam licet Togæ vt dicemus rotundæ & per imum ambitum essent conclusæ in superiori tamen ora ad ceruices laxè patuisse necesse est, tum vt dextrum brachium exerere- tur, tum vt claui in tunica Equitum, & Senatorum appare- rent, vt in statuis togatis videre est. Plutarchus etiam in Co- riolano tradit, consueuisse Magistratum petentes sine inte- riori tunica in forum opertos toga descendere, vt qui cica- trices haberent signa fortitudinis aperirent; quod fieri mi- nime potuisset, si per totum clausa toga fuisset, & ceruici- bus adstricta. Illud ergo potiùs quod idem Manutius vidit, cum anti- quissimi Romanoru[m] vt tradit Gellius l. vir. nullis tunicis vte- rentur, solisque togis amicti incederent, nisi Togæ a pecto- re ad ima clausæ fuissent, nihil velando pudori reliquum fuisset: idem dicendum de petitoribus, quos solis togis ami- ctos in campu[m] descendisse tradit ibi Plutarchus, siue vt cica- trices aduerso pectore ostenderent, siue ne pecuniam ad suf- fragia mercanda tunica occultarent, siue vt supplicarent hu- miliùs. Et quamuis cùm solas togas Romani induerent etiam campestribus velando pudori succincti essent (quod de Ca- tone tradit Pædianus pro Scauro, quem locum infra exami- nabimus,) id factum est, non quòd toga aperta esset, sed cum sinistro brachio læua eius par subduceretur, ne aliquid Ro- mano pudori deperiret. Hinc est quod Cæsar infestis coniuratorum pugionibus pe- titus togæ sinum sinistra manu ad ima crura deduxit, quò, vt ait Tranquillus, honestiùs caderet: quod frustra fecisset, si A 2 toga

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De Re Vestiaria Book I. 3 Nevertheless, that the toga was a closed and round garment, and that it wrapped the body in a single throw, many things prove. First, ancient statues and old coins present the form of the toga to the eyes, and although these sufficiently and more than sufficiently confirm this, we shall nevertheless add no slight arguments. For what is first brought forward by Manutius is of no importance: he thinks that the toga was so closed that from top to bottom it had no slit, and therefore says that it seemed indecorous for the breast to be exposed and bare. But this is altogether false; for although the togas, as we shall say, were round and enclosed along the lower border, yet along the upper edge at the neck they necessarily lay open loosely, both so that the right arm could be brought out, and so that the studs on the tunic of knights and senators might be visible, as may be seen in statues dressed in the toga. Plutarch also relates in the Coriolanus that those seeking office were accustomed to go down into the forum wrapped in the toga without an inner tunic, in order that those who had scars might display signs of bravery; which could by no means have been done if the toga had been closed all through and tightly fastened at the neck. Rather, then, that which the same Manutius saw, namely that the earliest Romans, as Gellius reports, used no tunics and went about wrapped only in togas, implies that unless the togas had been closed from the breast down to the bottom, nothing would have remained to cover modesty. The same must be said of the candidates, whom Plutarch says went down into the field wrapped only in togas, whether in order to show scars on the front of the breast, or lest they conceal money for buying votes in a tunic, or so that they might supplicate more humbly. And although, when the Romans wore only togas, they were even girded with campestria to cover modesty (which Pedianus relates of Cato in the speech for Scaurus, a passage we shall examine below), this was done not because the toga was open, but because with the left arm his left side was drawn up beneath it, lest anything should be lacking to Roman modesty. Hence it is that Caesar, when attacked by the daggers of the conspirators, drew the bosom of his toga down to his lower legs with his left hand, so that, as Tranquillus says, he might fall more decorously: which he would have done in vain, if the toga

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Tabula I. Q. FURFANIO. C.F. FURFANIAE. FLO. NIGNINO Q. RAE. CONIVGI. PROC. FABRORVM. SANCTISSIMAE VIXIT. ANN. XXIVMVII. VIXIT. ANN. XXIII. MIII SEX. FURFANIVS. TYRANNVS. HER. FVNER. ETAR. FECIT. III. IDVS. APRIL M AIMILIO. II. ET. MVNATIO. PLANCO. COS. A 3 To Georg. f.

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Table I. To Q. Furfanius, to C. Furfania Flo, Nignino, wife of Q. Rae, procurator of the craftsmen, most holy. He lived 24 years 7 months. She lived 23 years 3 months. Sex. Furfanius Tyrannus made this funeral monument. 3rd Ides of April, in the consulship of M. Aemilius and M. Munatius Plancus. A 3 To Georg. f.

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1 2

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Tabula II. Romæ in Aedibus Cesiorum Io. Georg. sculp.

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Plate II. At Rome in the house of the Cesii Io. Georg. engr.

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Tabula III. To Georg. sculp

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Plate III. To Georg. sculp

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Tabula IV. M. Aurelij. Plautilla. CONCORDIA CONCORDIA AVGUSTOR. FELIX TR. P. XIX COS. III XI Titi. PIETAS DOMITIANI SC SC AVGUSTATA

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Table IV. M. Aurelij. Plautilla. CONCORDIA CONCORDIA AVGUSTOR. FELIX TR. P. XIX COS. III XI Titus. PIETAS DOMITIANI SC SC AVGUSTATA

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De Re Vestiaria Lib I. 5 Sigonij opinio refellitur Togam quadratam censentis; Athenæus explicatur. Cap. II. Ex his quæ suprà adduximus satis liquidò apparet, To- gam vestimentum fuisse clausum, & rotundum. Nam Marcelli Donati opinio censentis partim quadratum esse, partim circulare, vt mitissimè dicam ridicula est. Sed fuisse quadratum ex Athenæi loco laudato Sigonius contendit, quod ante notauerat Victorius lib. xix. Variarum. Vbi Athe- næus seuitiam Mithridatis in togatos commemorans, ait Ro- manos ab ipso oppressos in Asia quam occupauit, aut ad si- mulachra Deum confugiendo, aut quadratis vestimentis abiectis ad pallia redeundo, antiquasque patrias iam reli- ctas ab ipsis agnoscendo vitam conseruasse. Sed diligentius Athenæi locum expendenti mihi manifesto apparet, non mo- do interpretem Dalechampion, sed summos viros Victo- rium, ac Sigonium aliquid humani passos esse; Verba Græci scriptoris hæc sunt. Τῶν δὲ αλλῶν Ρωμαίων οι μὴθεῶν αγάλμασι φροαπεπτώνας, οι δὲ λοιωσί μεταμφιεσάμενοι τεξάγωνα ἰμάτια τὰς ἐξ αρχης παζίδας πᾶλν ὑνομαζούσι. Quæ sic verterunt docti vi- ri. Romanorum quidem alij ad simulachra Deum confugerunt: alij mutata veste quadrata patriam quam principio gestabant nunc rursus induunt. Perperam & contraria planè sententia. Sic enim vertenda erant. Alij quidem ad simulachra Deum confugerunt: alij togam vestimentis quadratis mutantes: siue, deposita toga pallia sumentes priorem quisque patriam fatentur. Nam μεταμφιεννωα, & μεταμφιασμαίει est vestibus exutum alias induere, ita μελαμ- φιαδαίει Τερράγωνα ἰμάτια est deposita priori veste, id est, toga, quadratum pallium induere. Lucian. των πορφυρία μεταμ- φιεσμαίει, relictò pallio philosophico, purpuram induar. Et Socra- tes lib. III. cap. xxiv. Hist. Ecclesiast. οι Τε Ζιβωνοφόροι τοὺς Ζιβωνας απελθεύτο, καὶ εἰς Τὸνονὸν Χήμα μελημφιεννύλο. Loqui- tur de Philosophis qui extincto Iuliano deposito tribonio communem habitum resumpsêre. Ergo μελαμφιεσάμενοι τεξά- γωνα ἰμάτια est, mutantes togas quadratis pallijs, siue qua- drata vestimenta resumentes, & vt ita dicam, mutantes ro- tund

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De Re Vestiaria, Book I. 5 Sigonius’s opinion, in which he thinks the toga was square, is refuted; Athenæus is explained. Chap. II. From what we have brought forward above, it is sufficiently clear that the toga was a closed and round garment. For Marcellus Donatus’s opinion, which holds that it was partly square and partly circular, to speak as mildly as possible, is ridiculous. But Sigonius contends that it was square from the passage in Athenæus cited above, which Victor had noted earlier in book xix of the Varied Readings. Where Athenæus, recounting Mithridates’ cruelty toward the men in togas, says that the Romans, oppressed by him in Asia, which he had occupied, preserved their lives either by fleeing to the statues of the gods, or by casting off their square garments and returning to cloaks, and by acknowledging the ancient homes already abandoned by them. But on a more careful examination of Athenæus’s passage, it appears to me clearly that not only the interpreter Dalechamp, but also the eminent men Victor and Sigonius, have suffered something human. The words of the Greek writer are these: [Greek text]. Learned men translated them thus: “Some of the Romans fled to the statues of the gods; others, having changed their dress, again put on the square garments which they had worn from the beginning.” This is badly and altogether contrary to the meaning. For they should have been translated thus: “Some indeed fled to the statues of the gods; others, changing the toga for square garments— or, having laid aside the toga and taken up cloaks—each acknowledged his former homeland.” For μεταμφιέννυμι and μεταμφιάζομαι mean to strip off one’s clothes and put on others; thus μεταμφιασάμενοι τετράγωνα ἱμάτια means, after laying aside the former garment, that is, the toga, to put on a square cloak. Lucian says, [Greek text], “having laid aside the philosophical cloak, I shall put on purple.” And Socrates, Ecclesiastical History, book III, chap. xxiv, [Greek text]. He is speaking of philosophers who, after Julian’s death, laid aside the tribonion and resumed the common dress. Therefore μεταμφιεσάμενοι τετράγωνα ἱμάτια means, changing togas for square cloaks, or resuming square garments, and, so to speak, changing round

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6 Octauij Ferrarij tunda quadratis, siue vt simpliciùs, quadrata vestimenta induentes. Idque miror a Magno Casaubono prætermissum, cum tamen vltimorum verborum e[ss]e veram interpretationem solus attulerit, priorem quisque patriam fatentes; (scilicet vestitu,) nec omiserit notare, esse Græcorum, non Romanorum, adductis in id Appiani verbis ciuil. lib. v. idicò in luculis e[ss]e , na[tur]a ex nov na[tur]i Artmòv. Simplicitatem vero priuati hominis rursum ex ducatu, & habitum quadratum habens, & calceamenta Altica. Docti Viri opinio de Vestimentis quadratis expenditur. Cap. 111. Athenæi locus monet me, vt de vestimentis quadratis aliquid adijciam: quia quid ea fuerint, inter eruditos minimè conuenire video. Vir doctissimus in Notis ad Tertull. Pallium per hoc rectè Togam a Græcorum pallio distinguit, quod illa clausa, & rotunda, hoc apertum, & quadratum fuerit. Vestimentum autem omne apertum quadratum intelligi vult, quod nempe quatuor angulos habuerit; Angulos vocat extremam vestis partem vbi aperta est, quæ in acumen desinit, vt scilicet duo anguli in ima ora vestis, duo in summa fuerint, qualia nunc vulgo pallia gestantur. Tale non modo Græcorum pallium fuisse, sed & matronarum pallas, virorumque Chlamydes, ac Romana paludamenta. Hanc opinionem nititur conuellere Kercoetius, neque tamen quid vestimenta quadrata fuerint exponit. Eidem opinioni ne ipse adhærescam, illud in causa est, quod adduci non possum vt credam, omne pallium, seu vestimentum apertum fuisse quadratum. Frustra enim quadrati pallij mentio apud scriptores extaret, si omne pallium hac forma fuisset. Nam præter Festi locum de Ricinio allatum a Kercoetio: Petronius. mox incincta quadrato pallio cucumam ingente foco apposuit. Quo loco interpretes nihil sani afferunt. Si pallium omne tam virorum, quam mulierum quadratum fuit & apertum

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6 Octavius Ferrarius worn in square pieces, or, more simply, wearing square garments. And this I wonder was omitted by the great Casaubon, though he alone supplied the true interpretation of the last words, “acknowledging each his native country” (namely, in dress), and did not fail to note that they are Greek, not Roman, adducing for this Appian’s words, Civil. lib. v. indeed, to be in little halls, from the nature of the art. But the simplicity of a private man again from the command, and having a square habit, and Attic shoes. The opinion of learned men concerning square garments is examined. Chap. 111. A passage in Athenaeus reminds me to add something about square garments; because I see that there is hardly any agreement among the learned as to what they were. A most learned man in the Notes on Tertullian distinguishes the Pallium from the Greek pallium correctly by this: that the former was closed and round, while the latter was open and square. But he wishes every open garment to be understood as square, namely one that has had four corners; he calls the corners the extreme part of the garment where it is open, ending in a point, so that, as it were, there were two corners at the lower edge of the garment and two at the upper, such as cloaks are now commonly worn. He says that not only was the Greek pallium of this kind, but also the palla of women, the chlamys of men, and the Roman paludamenta. Kercoetius undertakes to refute this opinion, yet he does not explain what square garments were. And for my part I do not adhere to that opinion, because I cannot be persuaded to believe that every pallium, or open garment, was square. For the mention of a square pallium would appear in writers in vain, if every pallium had been of this form. For apart from the passage of Festus concerning the ricinium cited by Kercoetius: Petronius: “Soon, having belted herself in a square pallium, she placed a huge vessel on the fire.” In this passage the interpreters bring nothing sound. If every pallium, both of men and women, was square and open

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7 De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. tum Enothea more reliquarum quadratum pallium habere debuit: satis ergo fuisset dicere pallio incinctam fuisse, si omne pallium quadratum fuit, quemadmodum, & frustra quis toga rotunda indutus diceretur cum omnes togæ tales essent; Sane pallas, id est vestem superiorem mulierum, quæ & pallium dicebatur, apertas fuisse si nihil aliud veteres statuæ ostendunt. Si ergo omne vestimentum apertum etiam quadratum fuit pallium muliebre quod apertum erat, etiam quadratum fuisse necesse est. Duo ergo notasse videtur Petronius, quod pallio cincta esset, cum tamen pallium non cingeretur; deinde, quòd quadrato, & fortasse sacrorum quæ parabat peculiari. Sanè veteres omne vestimenti genus pallium dixere, quam apertum, tam clausum, vt toga pallium rotundum Isidoro dicatur, nihilominus propriè ac simpliciter communique loquendi vsu pallium accipitur pro Græco indumento, vt a toga distinguitur. Hinc transire a toga ad pallium, & palliatum incedere: vt quoties quadrati pallij mentio incidit, non pro vt a pallio rotundo, id est toga distinguitur accipiendum sit, sed a pallio quod minime quadratum fuit. Sagum etiam vestimentum apertum fuisse constat, quare horum sententia & quadratum. Atqui Isidorus lib. xix. c. xxii. Linnas Gallorum vestes saga quadra appellat: frustra, si talia omnia saga fuissent. Idem cap. xxiv. Sagum autem Gallicum nonen est: dictum autem sagum quadrum, eo quod apud eos primum quadratum, vel quadruplex esset. Et cap. xxv. Palla est quadrum pallium muliebris vestis. Ac ne quis hoc positum ad distinctionem stolæ, siue cycladis putet, quæ rotunda, hæ tunicæ fuere non pallia. Si ergo omnia pallia aperta quadrata, satis fuisset pallam pallium appellare, illico enim quadratum intelligeretur. Pallia quæ a nobis gestantur, quadrata esse contendunt, sed si formam eorum attendamus, non tam quadrata, quam semi rotunda apparebunt, & si qua parte patent consuantur, rotunda efficientur vt si quis cycladem muliebrem in anteriori parte discindat istorum sententia ex rotunda quadratam efficiet, & cum libuerit refinget rotundam. Præterea si omnia

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7 On Dress, Book I. then Enothea, like the others, must have had a square mantle; therefore it would have been enough to say that she was girded with a mantle, if every mantle were square, just as it would be pointless to say that someone wore a round toga, since all togas were of that kind; indeed, the palla , that is, the upper garment of women, which was also called a pallium , was open, as the ancient statues show if nothing else. If therefore every open garment was also square, then the female mantle, which was open, must also have been square. So Petronius seems to have noted two things: that she was girded with a pallium , although a pallium was not girded; and secondly, that it was square, and perhaps a special one for the rites she was preparing. Certainly the ancients used the word pallium for every kind of garment, whether open or closed, so that a toga is called a round pallium by Isidore; nevertheless, properly and simply, and in common usage, pallium is understood as a Greek garment, as distinguished from the toga. Hence the transition from toga to pallium , and walking clad in a pallium : thus whenever mention is made of a square pallium , it is not to be understood as distinguished from a round pallium , that is, from a toga, but from a pallium that was in no way square. It is also established that the sagum was an open garment, wherefore in their view it too was square. And yet Isidore, book xix, ch. xxii. calls the linen garments of the Gauls saga quadra : in vain, if all such things had been saga . The same writer, ch. xxiv: “The Gallic sagum is a term; and it is called a square sagum , because among them it was first square, or folded fourfold.” And ch. xxv: “The palla is a square pallium , a woman’s garment.” Nor should anyone think this was said to distinguish it from the stola or cyclas , which are round; these were tunics, not mantles. If therefore all open mantles were square, it would have been enough to call the palla a pallium , for immediately it would be understood as square. They contend that the mantles worn by us are square, but if we consider their shape, they will appear not so much square as half-round; and if sewn up on any side in which they are open, they will become round, just as if someone were to slit a woman’s cyclas in the front, by their reasoning he would make a square out of a round garment, and when he wished he would make it round again. Besides, if all

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8 Octauij Ferrarij omnia pallia fuere quadrata, quod inter vulgare pallium, & philosophicum discrimen fuit? Nam distincta fuisse, non est dubitandum: & præcipuum Philosophiæ insigne cum pera, ac barba pallium olim fuit. Non enim sola materiæ vilitate, aut colore distinguebatur, quod philosophicum tribonium rude, ac detritum palliastrum esset, & fermè pullum, alioqui pauperes ac plebei, & quicumque exoleto pallio incessisset, pro philosopho habitus fuisset; Forma ergo, non materiæ vilitas, aut color vestimenta distinguit: atqui forma eadem omnino fuisset, si omnia pallia quadrata fingamus. Nona opinio de vestimentis quadratis affertur. Quod inter vulgare pallium, ac Philosophicum discrimen fuerit. Cap. IV. VT igitur & ipse quod sentio expromam, vestimenta quadrata illa tantum fuêre, quæ ex duabus plagulis confecta erant, quarum vtraque quadrata erat, hoc est, quatuor angulos habebat, fibula autem in humeris neccebatur, atque ita hinc inde a lateribus aperta quales Diaconorum sacris operantium vestes visuntur. Tales veterum Carthaginiensium tunicas fuisse Tertullianus tradit & quadrangulas appellat, non quod in medio apertæ essent, alioqui vel corpus renudassent, vel alijs interioribus tunicis iniectæ fuissent, sed quod ex duabus quadratis partibus confectæ, & a lateribus apertæ (non quales ætate Tertulliani gerebantur rotundæ & clausæ) quadrata iustitia starent, id est æquali vtriusque plagæ ora, nec cingulo inæqualiter suspensæ, vt rectè doctis obseruatum. Quare non aliud discrimen inter vulgare pallium ac philosophicum fuisse videtur, quam quòd vulgare quadratum fuit, quod ex duabus plagulis confectum fibula in humeris necce- retur: at Philosophicum fusius, ac semirotundum ad instar nostri, quod nempe & reijci in humerum poterat, & duplicari totumque corpus inuoluere, quod a Cynicis fiebat, licet sola materia diuersum pallium reliqui Philosophi gestarent

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8 Octauij Ferrarij Were all cloaks square, then what distinction was there between the common cloak and the philosophical one? For that they were different is beyond doubt; and the chief badge of Philosophy, together with the satchel and beard, was once the cloak. For it was distinguished not merely by the cheapness of the material or by its color, since the philosophical tribonium would have been a rough and worn-out little cloak, and almost black; otherwise the poor and the common people, and anyone who wore a worn-out cloak, would have been taken for a philosopher. Therefore it is the form, not the cheapness of the material or the color, that distinguishes garments; but the form would have been exactly the same if we suppose all cloaks to have been square. A ninth opinion concerning square garments is set forth, namely, what distinction there was between the common cloak and the philosophical one. Chapter IV. Therefore, to state my own view also, those garments alone were square which were made from two pieces, each of which was square, that is, had four corners, and which were fastened on the shoulders by a clasp, and so were open on this side and that at the sides, such as the vestments of deacons engaged in sacred duties are seen to be. Tertullian reports that such were the tunics of the ancient Carthaginians, and he calls them quadrangulae, not because they were open in the middle—for otherwise they would either have bared the body or been put over other inner tunics—but because, being made of two square parts and open at the sides (not like those worn in Tertullian’s own age, which were round and closed), they stood in square fairness, that is, with the edges of each piece equal, and not hanging unevenly from the belt, as has rightly been observed by learned men. For this reason it seems that there was no other distinction between the common cloak and the philosophical one than that the common cloak was square, made of two pieces and fastened at the shoulders by a clasp; whereas the philosophical cloak was broader and semicircular, like our own, so that it could both be thrown over the shoulder and be doubled over and wrap the whole body, as was done by the Cynics, although the rest of the philosophers wore a cloak differing only in material.

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 9 rent, & ideo Iuuenalis dixit Cynica dogmata Stoicis sola tu- nica distantia. Nam in pallio conueniebant: tunicati Stoici, Cynici axioloves, vt ijsdem obseruarunt. In hoc autem pallio Philosophico opus fibula non fuit, alioqui nec reijci in hume- rum, nec duplicari potuisset, vulgare pallium quadratim, quod insibulatum nec reijciebatur in humerum, nec dupli- cabatur. Tales, aut non omnino dissimiles lacernæ, ac chla- mydes Romanorum fuerunt, quadratæ nempè, & a latere apertæ, licet breuiores & vt plurimum non totam partem anteriorem operirent. Et ideò a veteri Interprete Persij la- cernæ, ac pænulæ pallia dicuntur ad ilud. Scis comitem horri- dulum trita donare lacerna. Scis (inquit) birrum attritum comiti condonare. Lacerna pallium fimbriatum, quo olim soli milites vela- bantur. Penula, pallium cum fimbrijs longis. Coniecturam nostram, quod vulgare pallium ita quadra- tum fuerit, vt quatuor in imo angulos habuerit, & propte- rea ex duabus partibus confectum quales Diaconorum ve- stes, illud iuuat, quod similia Iudæorum, ac Græcorum pal- lia docti tradiderunt. Atqui pallium Iudaicum quatuor in imo angulos habuit. In illis enim ex Dei præcepto fimbrias & vittas hyacinthinas gestabant. Num. xv. Loquere ad filios Israel, & dices ad eos, vt faciant sibi fimbrias per angulos palliorum ponentes in ijs vittas hyacinthinas, quas cum viderint recordentur omnium mandatorum Domini. Eas fimbrias etiam Christu Do- minum gestasse verisimile doctis videtur, quod venerat legem non soluere, sed adimplere. Gestari has hodie a Iudæis docet Serrarius, cuius narratio nostram de quadratis vestimentis sententiam maxime confirmat. Exiguam enim vestem habere eos tradit, gentis characterem, & insigne, quæ quadrata sit & dorsum pectusque tegat, a lateribus aperta, vt cilicia quædam esse solent. Ex imis quatuor vesticulæ huius angulis pendere chordulas totidem, in quarum singulis nodi quinque ad quinque Moysis librorum, vt diunt, memoriam. Præterea Epiphanius hæresi XV. cuius locum at- tulit Kercoetiis, ait in scribarum pallio quatuor angulos fuisse, a quibus mala Punica penderent, quæ certè in imis angulis fuê- re, & non ad ceruicem, nam in yeste pariter Pontificali in B ima

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De Re Vestiaria Book I. 9 and therefore Juvenal said, “Cynic doctrines differ from the Stoic only by a tunic.” For they agreed in the pallium: the Stoics were tunic-clad, the Cynics axioloves, as they note in the same authors. But in this philosophical pallium there was no need of a clasp; otherwise it could neither have been thrown over the shoulder nor doubled. The ordinary pallium was square, and when unfastened it was neither thrown over the shoulder nor doubled. Such, or not wholly dissimilar, were the Roman lacernae and chlamydes , namely square and open at the side, though shorter and for the most part not covering the whole front part. And therefore, in the old interpreter of Persius, lacernae and paenulae are called pallia in that line: “You know how to give a shabby comrade a worn cloak.” “You know,” he says, “to bestow a worn-out birrus on a companion.” The lacerna was a fringed cloak, with which formerly only soldiers were covered. The paenula was a cloak with long fringes. Our conjecture—that the ordinary cloak was so square that it had four corners at the bottom, and therefore was made from two parts, such as the vestments of deacons—is supported by the fact that learned men have handed down that the cloaks of the Jews and Greeks were similar. Indeed, the Jewish cloak had four corners at the bottom. For in these, by God’s command, they wore fringes and blue cords. Num. xv. “Speak to the children of Israel, and you shall say to them that they make fringes on the corners of their garments, placing in them blue cords, which, when they see them, they may remember all the commandments of the Lord.” Learned men think it probable that Christ the Lord also wore such fringes, since he had come not to abolish the law but to fulfill it. Serrarius teaches that Jews still wear these today, and his account strongly confirms our opinion about square garments. For he says that they have a small garment, the mark and emblem of the nation, which is square and covers the back and chest, open at the sides, as certain haircloths are wont to be. From the lower four corners of this little garment hang four cords, on each of which are five knots, said to commemorate the five books of Moses. Moreover, Epiphanius, heresy XV, whose passage Kercoetius cited, says that in the scribes’ pallium there were four corners from which pomegranates hung, which certainly were at the lower corners, and not at the neck, for in the pontifical vestment likewise in the lower part...

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Octauij Ferrarij ima ora mala Punica appensa erant. Verba Epiphanij sunt: poisonos ὑδτινας ὑπιτα τὴναρα περύια Τοῦ ἐπικνων ἐκασος εἰχεν. Ex quo tamen male colligit Kercoetius, ideo pallium illud Græcanici dissimile fuisse, quod ad latera scissum & apertum fuerit: nam non aliter quadratum esse potuit, & quatuor angulos habere. Scio posse hic mihi pallium obijci, quod veteres Carthaginenses gestasse auctor est Tertullianus, quod quadrangulum fuisse, & ab vtroque laterum regestum idem scribit; Sed non eiusdem formæ fuisse omne quadratum pallium illud argumento est, quòd subijcit Tertullianus, id pallium ætate sua penes solos Aesculapij sacerdotes permanisse; Instar eius hodie Aesculapio iam vestro sacerdotium est. Soli ergo Sacerdotes Aesculapij vetus pallium gestabant id temporis, & tamen etiam ipse Tertullianus & quicumque austeriorem sapientiam sectabantur pallium tunc induebant, & quidem quadrangulum: non igitur eiusdem omnino generis fuere cuncta pallia quadrata. Si enim pallium illud idem cum vetere fuisset, frustra peculiare Asclepiadarum gestamen dixisset Tertullianus. Diuersum vetus pallium fuit, quod quomodo fibula in humeris adstrictum ab vtroque latere regeri posset, difficile est explicare. Nec facile expediri potest, quod aiunt, Christi Domini pallium apertum fuisse, & quadratum Philosophici instar ex cuius quatuor angulis quatuor partes milites fecisse; Nam si pallium illud vulgaris nostri simile fuit, vt quatuot partes fierent decussatim & per quadras scindi debuit, atque ita laceratum fuisse magis, quam diuisum. Quamquam si pallium illud quadratum fuit, vt supra explicauimus, quomodo tamen in quatuor partes diuidi potuerit, haud facile dixerim, quærant doctiores, nos fortasse aliquid infra cum de tunica inconsutili curatius disputabimus. Et hæc de vestimentis quadratis paulo vberius dicta sint in re obscurissima, si cui tamen altera opinio magis arridet, eam per me sequatur licet. Sigoni

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Octavius Ferrari the red pomegranates were hanging up. The words of Epiphanius are: poisonous ὑδτινας ὑπιτα τὴναρα περύια Τοῦ ἐπικνων ἐκασος εἰχεν. Yet from this Kercoetius draws a poor conclusion, namely that that cloak was unlike the Greek one because it was slit and open at the sides; for in no other way could it have been square, and have had four corners. I know that here I may be met with the cloak which Tertullian says the ancient Carthaginians wore, which he also writes was quadrangular and gathered up from either side; but that not every square cloak was of the same form is shown by what Tertullian adds, namely that that cloak in his own time had remained only among the priests of Aesculapius; today, in place of it, the priesthood is yours, Aesculapius. Therefore only the priests of Aesculapius wore the old cloak at that time, and yet even Tertullian himself and whoever followed a more austere wisdom were then wearing the cloak too, and indeed a square one: so not all square cloaks were altogether of the same kind. For if that cloak had been the same as the ancient one, Tertullian would have spoken in vain of a special garment of the Asclepiadae. The old cloak was a different thing, and how, being fastened with a clasp at the shoulders, it could be gathered up on both sides, is hard to explain. Nor is it easy to explain what they say, that the cloak of Christ the Lord was open and square like that of a philosopher, and that the soldiers made four parts from its four corners; for if that cloak was like that of ordinary people, it would have had to be cut into four parts crosswise and along the squares, and thus would have been more torn than divided. Although if that cloak was square, as we explained above, how nevertheless it could have been divided into four parts I would not easily say; let the more learned inquire. Perhaps we shall discuss something more carefully below, when we treat of the seamless tunic. And let these rather fuller remarks about square garments, in a very obscure matter, suffice; if, however, another opinion pleases anyone more, let him follow it freely. Sigoni

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 11 Sigonij sententia reiecta censentis Togam semicircularem, & apertam fuisse. Cap. V. M Arcellum Donatum supra reprehendimus, quod Togam partim quadratam, partim circularem statuerit: non minor Sigonij inconstantia, qui post quam vestimentum quadratum esse dixit, semicirculare facit, quod Dionys. Halicarnassæus Togam . Figura semicircularem fuisse scribat: atque ex hoc contendit Sigonius apertam fuisse, quod non aliter semicircularis esse posset. Verum non quod aperta esset sed quod orbem absolutum non faceret, vt muliebres cyclades, ideo semicircularis dicta est, quemadmodum doctissimus Salmasius obseruat. Tota quidem in imo commissa erat, & clausa, sed circulum integrum, & perfectum non efficiebat, quia laciniosa circa imas oras, non æqualiter, nec perfectè rotunda, vt in statuis togatis videre est. Dici etiam posset, quòd licet plane rotunda esset, nihilominus brachio subducta semicircularis efficeretur ea scilicet parte, qua subducebatur. Neque tamen ex eo apertam fuisse togam dicendum est, etiamsi Val. Maximus tradat Scipionem Nasicam cum Gracchum interfecturus esset læuam manum apertæ togæ circumdedisse, sublataque dextra proclamasse. Nam si quis modum gestandæ togæ, quem infra dabimus, attendat, facile quid sit aperta toga intelliget. Quippe cum læua eius pars liue lacinia subiecto læuo brachio eleuaretur, & contraheretur in sinum, ea parte toga aperta videbatur, quòd nempe lacinia hinc inde brachio dependeret, ac veluti diuidetur, & aperiretur. Velleius de eodem loquens. 1. 2. Scipio Nasica circumdata læuo bracchio togæ lacinia in Gracchum irruit. Eas ergo laciniæ partes hinc inde pendentes inuoluit brachio Nasica, vt eo veluti scuto vteretur, quòd in repentina pugna vlitatum; Siue etiam ne fufum, ac fluens vestimentum pugnantem impediret. Læuam inuoluere toga, Quintilianus dixit l. xi. idque penè furiosum esse. Plutarchus B 2 in

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 11 The opinion of Sigonius rejected, who thought the Toga was semicircular and open. Chapter V. M We have already criticized Marcellus Donatus, because he maintained that the toga was partly square and partly circular; and there is no less inconsistency in Sigonius, who, after saying that the garment was square, makes it semicircular, because Dionysius Halicarnassensis writes that the toga was semicircular in shape: and from this Sigonius argues that it was open, because it could not otherwise be semicircular. But it was called semicircular not because it was open, but because it did not make a complete circle, like women’s cyclades, as the most learned Salmasius observes. Indeed it was joined together and closed at the bottom, but it did not make a full and perfect circle, because it was somewhat ragged around the lower edges, not equally, nor perfectly round, as can be seen in togated statues. It could also be said that, although it was perfectly round, nevertheless it was made semicircular when drawn back over the arm, namely in that part where it was drawn back. Nor, however, ought it from this to be said that the toga was open, even if Valerius Maximus reports that Scipio Nasica, when he was about to kill Gracchus, wrapped his left hand in the open toga and, raising his right hand, cried out. For if one considers the manner of wearing the toga, which we shall give below, he will easily understand what an open toga is. For since its left part, namely the loose border, was lifted and drawn up by the left arm beneath it, and gathered into the fold, the toga appeared open on that side, because the border on this side and that hung down from the arm, and was as it were divided and opened. Velleius, speaking of the same man, 1. 2. Scipio Nasica, with the border of the toga wrapped around his left arm, rushed upon Gracchus. Therefore Nasica wrapped those parts of the hanging borders on this side and that around his arm, so as to use it like a shield, which was customary in a sudden fight; or perhaps so that the loose and flowing garment might not hinder him in fighting. To wrap the left hand in the toga, Quintilian said in book XI, and that it is almost insane. Plutarch B 2 in

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12 Octauij Ferrarij in Graccho de eodem Nasica. Lacinia toga super caput posi- ta in Capitolium ire pergit, alij post eum toga circa brachium in- noluta secuti sunt. Idem tradit, Appianus l. 1. ciuilium. [n]o[n] [τὸ πράωπεδον Πιμαίες Τλω Πεφαλω Περιεσύρατο. Vbi non re- cte interpres toga Laciniam reiecit in humerum & caput. Non enim reiecit Piso laciniam in humerum, sed ab imo contra- ctam siue adductam capiti imposuit quod ait Plut. loco pau- lo supra adducto. [τὸ πράωπεδον Πιμαίες Θεμενος Θπι Τήσονεφαλής. Cur autem hoc fecerit addit Appianus. Siue multitudinem ad se hoc signo contrahens, siue pugnæ velut tesseram proferens, siue re- uerentia Deorum sua coepta obtegens. Sed verisimilius est id e- gisse vt leuior, & expeditior in ea pugna esset. Idem Ap- pian. lib. 11. de Cæsaris interfectoribus. Percussores autem vo- luerant aliquid in senatu dicere, sed quum nemo ibi maneret [Tau]à ιμάτια [Tau]aίς λαιχίς [ω]οπερ αποίδας περιπλεξή αμφοι togam læua impli- cantes ad instar clypei cruentos gladios, tenentes vociferabantur. Contorta toga dixit auctor ad Herennium l. IV. contor ta toga cum pluribus alijs ire celeriter cæpit. Et Pacuuius Hermio- na. Currum liquit, cblamyde contorta astu clupeat brachium. Liu. l. xxv. Paludamento circum læuum brachium intorto, nam ne scuta quedam, secum extulerant in hostes impetum fecit. Petronius. Idem ego ex altera parte feci & intorto circa brachium pallio com- posui ad præliandum gradum. Alia res fuit togam in collum conijcere quod fiebat cum xpeditiores esse vellent. Plutarch. in Poplicola de ijs qui in domum Aquiliorum venerant vt literas coniurationis de prehenderent. Reversi domum Aquilij nitebantur literas aufer- re. Hi verò repugnabant, [n]o[n] [Tau]à ιμάτια περιεαλλοῦλες αυτῶν [Tau]o[n]s Θα- χήλοις, & coniecta in collum toga impulsi, atq[ue] impellentes in fo- rum pertraxerunt. Modus gestandi togam. Quid sinus & vmbo. Quintilia- nus explicatus. Cap. V I. Togam vestimentum fuisse clausum, ac rotundum, quodque vno coniectu totum corpus inuolueret & vtrumque brachium operiret, non est dubitandum. Com- munis

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12 Octauij Ferrarii in Graccho on the same subject, Nasica. With the skirt of his toga placed over his head, he went up to the Capitol; others followed him with the toga wound around the arm. The same is reported by Appian, book 1 of the Civil Wars. [n]o[n] [τὸ πράωπεδον Πιμαίες Τλω Πεφαλω Περιεσύρατο. Where the translator has wrongly rendered the toga as the skirt thrown back over the shoulder and head. For Piso did not throw the skirt back over the shoulder, but, drawn up from the lower part, he placed it upon his head, as Plutarch says in the passage cited a little above. [τὸ πράωπεδον Πιμαίες Θεμενος Θπι Τήσονεφαλής. But why he did this, Appian adds: either drawing the crowd to himself by this sign, or displaying it as a kind of token of battle, or covering his actions with reverence for the gods. But it is more likely that he did it so that he might be lighter and more agile in that fight. The same Appian, book 11, on the assassins of Caesar. But the murderers had wished to say something in the senate; yet since no one remained there, [Tau]à ιμάτια [Tau]aίς λαιχίς [ω]οπερ αποίδας περιπλεξή αμφοι, they, winding the toga around the left arm like a shield and holding the bloodstained swords, shouted aloud. The author to Herennius said contorta toga: with his toga twisted, he began to go away quickly with several others. And Pacuvius in Hermione: He left the chariot, and with a cloak twisted by cunning he covered his arm. Livy, book XXV: With his cloak wrapped around the left arm, for they had also brought certain shields with them, he made an attack upon the enemy. Petronius: I likewise did the same from the other side, and with my mantle wrapped around the arm I prepared my step for battle. Another matter was to throw the toga around the neck, which was done when they wished to move more quickly. Plutarch in Poplicola, concerning those who came to the house of the Aquilii to seize the letters of the conspiracy. When they had returned home, the Aquilii were trying to take away the letters. But these resisted, [n]o[n] [Tau]à ιμάτια περιεαλλοῦλες αυτῶν [Tau]o[n]s Θα- χήλοις, and, with the toga thrown around the neck, they were pushed on, and, pushing forward, dragged them into the forum. The manner of wearing the toga. What the sinus and umbo are. Quintilian explained. Chapter VI. There is no doubt that the toga was a closed and round garment, which, by a single wrapping, enveloped the whole body and covered both arms. Common

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 13 munis autem eius gestandae modus fuit, quemadmodum togatæ statuæ demonstrant, vt dextrum brachium qua par- te ad ceruices patuisse diximus, exereretur: & ita quidem, vt antiquissimis temporibus manus tantum vsque ad cubi- tum porrigeretur, postea totum brachium humerusque extaret. Sinistrum autem brachium non poterat per eun- dem hiatum exeri (alioqui toga ex humeris prolapsa ad pe- des decidisset) sed sub ipsa toga extensum, extremam ipsius oram quæ & lacinia dicebatur, in rugas, plicasque contra- ctam subducebat ad pectus læua manu extante. Quintilia- nus l. xi. Sinistrum brachium eo vsque alleuandum est, vt quasi normalem illum angulum efficiat; Super quod ora ex toga duplex æqualiter sedeat. Togæ ora subiecto brachio subducta spe- ciem normæ referebat, siue regulæ, fabrilis nempe instru- menti ad quod omnia exigunt; super quod brachium, ait idem, ora ex toga duplex æqualiter sedeat; hoc est lacinia togæ veluti brachio diuisa, æquis partibus contineatur, nec alte- ra longior, aut breuior deformiter cadat. Rugas eas & pli- cas tam quæ superne a ceruice cadentes exerto brachio de- xtro colligebantur ad pectus, quam quæ in ima ora sinistro brachio subductæ contrahebantur veteres sinum togæ dixêre. Vir summus ad Tertullianum de pallio, Sinum in toga nihil aliud fuisse contendit quam laciniam togæ, quæ sub humero dextro missa ad humerum læuum recurrebat; & oblique tam- quam balthus ducebatur Sed Quintilianus, vt ipse quoq; non ignorat, duplicem togæ sinum facit, neque tamen quis alter sinus ille fuerit, explicat. Verba Quintiliani sunt eodem libro. Sinus decentissimus, si aliquando supra imam togam fuerit, nunquam certè sit inferior. Ille qui sub humero dextro ad sini- strum obliquè ducitur velut balthus, nec fluat, nec strangulet. Sinus igitur duplex fuit: alter inferior, qui nempe ex lacinia togæ si- nistro brachio contracta formabatur, ita tamen vt ima ora infra ipsum caderet, qui decentissimus Quintiliano dicitur. De hoc inferiori sinu capiendus est Suetonius in Cæsare. Vt animaduertit vndique se strictis pugionibus petitoga caput obuoluit, simul finistra manu sinum ad ima crura deduxit quo honestiùs ca- deret,

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De Re Vestiaria, Book I. 13 Now the manner of wearing it was as shown by the statues clad in the toga: the right arm was allowed to emerge on the side by which, as we said, it opened toward the neck; and indeed in the most ancient times the hand was extended only as far as the elbow, but later the whole arm and shoulder were exposed. The left arm, however, could not be brought out through the same opening (otherwise the toga would have slipped from the shoulders and fallen to the feet), but, stretched beneath the toga itself, it drew up the outermost edge of it, which was also called the lacinia, gathered into folds and wrinkles, toward the chest, with the left hand exposed. Quintilian, Book XI. “The left arm must be raised only so far as to make, as it were, that right angle; upon which the upper edge of the toga should rest evenly.” The edge of the toga, drawn up beneath the arm, presented the appearance of a carpenter’s square, or rule, that is, a craftsman’s instrument to which everything is measured; upon which arm, he says, the double edge of the toga should rest evenly; that is, the lacinia of the toga, as though divided by the arm, should be kept in equal parts, and neither part should hang awkwardly longer or shorter than the other. The folds and wrinkles, both those which, falling from above at the neck, were gathered at the chest by the raised right arm, and those which were drawn up beneath the left arm at the lower edge, the ancients called the sinus of the toga. A very distinguished man, in the treatise to Tertullian on the pallium, maintains that the sinus in the toga was nothing other than the lacinia of the toga, which, sent from under the right shoulder, returned to the left shoulder; and was carried obliquely, like a baldric. But Quintilian, as he himself also does not ignore, makes a double sinus of the toga, though he does not explain which the other sinus was. Quintilian’s words in the same book are these: “The sinus is most becoming, if it has once been above the lowest part of the toga, but certainly let it never be below it. That which is drawn obliquely from under the right shoulder to the left like a baldric should neither flow loosely nor be drawn too tight.” Thus there was a double sinus: one lower, namely that formed from the lacinia of the toga gathered up by the left arm, yet in such a way that the lowest edge fell below it, and this is what Quintilian calls the most becoming. Suetonius must be understood of this lower sinus in Caesar: “As he noticed that, attacked from all sides by drawn daggers, he covered his head with the toga, and at the same time with his left hand drew the sinus down to the lower legs, so that it might fall more decently.”

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14 Octauij Ferrarij deret, etiam inferiori corporis parte velata. alter de quo diximus, ex lacinia superiori togæ, quæ porrecto brachio dextro deiecta ad pectus, & in rugas complicata, obliquè sub dextro brachio ad læuum humerum ad instar balthei currebat. Factum Cæsaris narrat Val. Maximus l. iv. c. v. Netribus quidem inquit, & viginti vulneribus, quin verecundia obsequeretur absterreri potuit, si quidem vtraq[ue] togam manu demisit vt inferior pars corporis tecta collaberetur. Vtraq[ue] manu, sinistra scilicet subductum sinum cadere sinens, dextra eundem ad crura deducens. Quod Appianus expressit Tò inúarior [con]sepiúalvúpadæ, [n]o[n] è [con]vexèr [con]dixúnvæ. De sinu togæ inferiori capiendus etiam Liuius lib. xxI. de legatis Romanorum bellum Carthagini indicentibus. Tum Romanus sinu ex toga facto Hic inquit vobis bellum, & pacem portamus: vtrum placet sumite: sub hanc vocem haud minus ferociter, Daret vtrum vellet scelamatum est, & quum is iterum sinu effuso bellum dare dixisset: accipere se omnes responderunt. Quod nihil aliud fuit quam togæ laciniam læuo brachio subductam dextra manu expandere, & veluti gremium formare. Tòv [con]nólvæc [con]vivúnvæ ait Appianus rem eandem narrans. De eodem sinu capiendus Plurarchus in Romulo qui narrat rapiendarum Sabinarum hoc signum constitutum fuisse [con]væræaúta [con]liu[m] [con]lævúrida [con]piúzæ, [n]o[n] è [con]periballúcedæ [con]válviv. Sedebat Romulus toga purpurea amictus vt ide narrat. Signum ergo rei aggrediendæ erat, vt surgens ipse togam purpuream in sinum contraheret, ac rursus demitteret, siue explicaret. At sinus superior vt dicebamus ex summa togæ ora fiebat quæ exerto brachio deiecta ad pectus complicabatur in rugas, atque oblique subdextro brachio ad læuum humerum ad instar balthei currebat. Qui proprie sinus, & qua parte sinistram pectoris partem cum humero velabat inter ipsum & tunicam multa recondebantur. Plutarchus in Romulo tradit, cum ille inter homines apparere desijset creditum a Patribus discriptum fuisse in aede Vulcaniartusque laniatos [con]iústov [con]nólvæc intra togæ sinum conditos inde clatos. Arma etiam eodem sinu occultata. Suet. Octauio cap.

Transcription: Translated (English)

14 Octavius Ferrari ... also the lower part of the body covered. The other, of which we have spoken, was from the upper fold of the toga, which, with the right arm extended, fell down to the chest and, gathered into wrinkles, ran obliquely beneath the right arm to the left shoulder like a baldric. Valerius Maximus narrates Caesar’s deed, book iv, chapter v. For with the neck, he says, and twenty wounds, he could not have been restrained from blushing shame, if he had not let the toga down with both hands so that the lower part of the body might slide down covered. With both hands, that is, allowing the fold drawn up by the left hand to fall, while the right hand lowered the same to the legs. This is what Appian expressed: Tò ... De sinu togæ inferiori is to be understood also of Livy, book xxi, where the Roman envoys announce war to Carthage. Then the Roman, making a fold out of his toga, said: “I bring you war and peace; whichever pleases you, take it.” At this word, no less fiercely, when he had declared which he preferred, and when he again said, with the fold opened out, that he was giving war, they replied that they accepted it. This was nothing other than drawing up the hem of the toga with the left arm and spreading it with the right hand, and thus forming, as it were, a lap. Appian says the same thing when recounting the same matter, Tòv ... Of the same fold Plutarch is to be understood in Romulus, where he relates that this sign was established for the seizure of the Sabine women. ... Romulus was seated, clothed in a purple toga, as he narrates. Therefore the sign of the attack was that, rising, he himself gathered the purple toga into the fold and again let it down, or unfolded it. But the upper fold, as we said, was made from the upper edge of the toga, which, with the arm extended, fell down to the chest, gathered into wrinkles, and ran obliquely beneath the right arm to the left shoulder like a baldric. In this proper fold, and in that part by which it covered the left side of the chest together with the shoulder, many things were hidden within it, between it and the tunic. Plutarch in Romulus relates that, when he had ceased to appear among men, it was believed by the Fathers that the dismembered and torn arms had been deposited in the temple of Vulcan, and that within the fold of the toga they had been placed and carried away. Arms were also concealed in the same fold. Suetonius, Octavius, chapter ...

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Transcription: ATR-1

De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 15 cap. xxxv. Cordus Cremutius scribit ne admissum quidem tunc quens quam Senatorum nisi solum, & prætentato sinu. Ita apud Liuium, lib. xxiii. Perolla Campanus toga reiecta ab humero latus succinctum gladio nudat. Deiecta scilicet toga ab humero sinistro latens intra sinum gladium ostendit. Seneca de clementia lib. I. IX. Iam pugiones in sine amicorum abscenderat. Ceterum maior minorue sinus erat prout strictior, laxior- ue toga esset. Ita Quintilianus antiquissimis Romanorum nullos sinus fuisse tradit, quod brachium toga continerent. subijcit. Perquam breues post illos fuerunt: scilicet postquam brachium exericepit, angustis togis, ac corpore adstrictis. At ætate Augusti, & deinceps laxis, fusisq; togis maiores, & fusiores sinus, altiusq; cadentes in vsu esse ceperunt, vt in veteribus nummis apparet, vbi videre est longiores, ac breuiores sinus prout laxior, strictiorq; toga erat. In nummo Aurelij Diuoru[m] Fratrum togæ breuissinus cernitur vix pectus excedens. At in nummo Titi Vesp. Togæ sinus ultra genua cadens: vt & in nummo Plautillæ. Vide Tabulam quartam. Tibullus eleg. VII. lib. I. Tunc procul absitis quisquis colit arte capillos, Effluit effuso cui toga laxa sinu. In veteribus libris lapsa legitur nec male, nam sinus effluebat cum pars togæ superior labebatur, siue cadebat inpectus. Magis tamen placet Turnebi coniectura legentis laxa. Nam laxa toga sinus laxior effluebat. Quod vero addit: Qui laxius cingebantur, neque togam arcto satis nodo ad stringebant delicatos habitos fuisse, de togæ cinctura falli cum infra ostendemus. Ouidius etiam de remedio. lib. II. Nec compone comas cum sis venturus ad illam Nec toga sit laxo conspicienda sinu. Iterum Tibullus eleg. IX. Nunc si clausa mea est: si copia nulla videndi Me miserum laxam quid iuuat esse togam? Quare togæ honestiorum non ita laxæ erant, sicut neque nimis angustæ. Sueton. Augusto cap. lxxii. Togis vsus est neque restrictis, neque fusis: clauo nec lato, nec angusto. At

Transcription: Translated (English)

On Dress, Book I. 15 chapter xxxv. Cremutius Cordus writes that not even then was anyone admitted, except only Senators, and with the fold of the toga drawn forward. Thus in Livy, book xxiii. Perolla the Campanian, throwing back the toga from his shoulder, bares the side girded with a sword. That is to say, with the toga lowered from the left shoulder, he shows the sword hidden within the fold. Seneca, On Clemency, book I. IX. Now he had already concealed daggers in the bosom of his friends. Moreover, the fold was greater or smaller according as the toga was tighter or looser. So Quintilian says that the earliest Romans had no folds at all, because they kept the arm in the toga. He adds: they were very short after that; namely after the arm had been freed, with narrow togas and the body tightly bound. But in the age of Augustus, and thereafter, with loose and flowing togas, larger and fuller folds, hanging lower, began to come into use, as appears in ancient coins, where one can see longer and shorter folds according as the toga was looser or tighter. In a coin of Aurelius, of the Divine Brothers, the folds of the toga are seen very short, scarcely extending beyond the chest. But in a coin of Titus Vespasian, the folds of the toga fall beyond the knees; as also in a coin of Plautilla. See Table four. Tibullus, Elegy VII, Book I. Then keep far away, whoever cultivates his hair with art, for the loose toga flows out with an ample fold. In old books it is read as lapsa, and not badly so, for the fold flowed out when the upper part of the toga slipped, or fell upon the chest. Yet Turnebus’s conjecture is preferable, reading laxa. For with a loose toga the fold flowed out more loosely. But what he adds: Those who were girded more loosely, and did not fasten the toga with a sufficiently tight knot, were regarded as delicate, he is mistaken about the girding of the toga, as we shall show below. Ovid also, On the Remedy of Love, book II. Do not arrange your hair when you are about to go to her, nor should the toga be seen with a loose fold. Again Tibullus, Elegy IX. Now if my door is closed: if there is no chance of seeing me unhappy, what use is it for the toga to be loose? Therefore the togas of respectable men were not so loose, just as neither were they too narrow. Suetonius, Augustus, chapter lxxii. He used to wear togas neither too tight nor too full: with a stripe neither broad nor narrow. But

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16 Octauij Ferrarij At tenuuiorum togæ adstrictæ, quæ togulæ Martiali lib. iv. Ignosces togulam Posthume pluris emo. Horatius. lib. I. epist. xix. Stultitiam patiuntur opes, tibi paruula res est Arcta decet sanum comitem toga. Vbi nugatur Acron. Habebant inquit Patres pro qualitate opum togas, quæ erant bis ter vlnarum, id est quinque. Innuit enim quod Horatius in epodis Od. iv. de Mæna Pompeij liberto. Vides ne sacram metiente te viam Cum bis ter vlnarum toga, Vt ora vertat huc & huc euntium Liberrima indignatio? De angustæ toga alter Horatij locus criticis vexatus lib. I. epist. xx. Quid si vultu toruo ferus & pede nudo Exiguæque toga simulet textore Catonem. Quod satis durum videtur simulare textore Catonem exigua toga, vt sit metonymia id quod fit, pro eo, qui facit vt ait Prophyrio, quasi textoris opus esset maiores, vel minores to- gas conficere, atque ita totæ, id est vtraque pars a textore conficeretur. Quod vix fieri potuisse videtur. Quare alij tes- quore reposuerunt, id est squalore, & asperitate, quod tesqua- siue tesca loca sint inculta & aspera vt notat Turnebus lib. xvi i., qui tamen Lambino & veteribus assentitur qui texto- re defendunt. Quare textoris vox referenda erit non ad togam exiguam, sed ad materiam rudem scilicet, crassam- que, & vili textura, filoque soloci confectam. Nam Lucanus de eiusdem Catonis toga loquens ait. . . . pretiosaque vestis Hirtam membra super Romani more Quiritis Induxisse togam. Vbi more Quiritis non est more veterum Romanorum vt volunt Interpretes, nam & posteri Quirites, & ipse Cato, sed Quiris pro quolibet ex populo, id est plebeia vulgariq; toga contecto, & angustâ, rudique textura confectâ. Ex togæ quidem redundantia in fortuitas rugas tam in sum.

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16 Octavius Ferrari For the tighter garments of those of slender means, the little togas, as Martial says in book iv: “Ignosces togulam, Posthume, pluris emo.” Horace, book I, Epistle xix: “Wealth endures folly; your means are small, A tight toga suits a healthy companion.” Where Acron is being playful. He says that the Fathers had togas according to the amount of their wealth, which were two or three cubits broad, that is, five in all. For he is alluding to what Horace says in the Epodes, Ode iv, about Maena, Pompey’s freedman: “Do you not see, as you measure the sacred road, With a toga two or three cubits broad, How it turns the very face of those who pass This most free indignation here and there?” Another passage of Horace concerning the narrow toga, troubled by critics, is in book I, Epistle xx: “What if, with grim face and bare foot, And with a scant toga, he should imitate the weaver Cato?” This seems harsh enough: to imitate the weaver Cato with a scant toga, as if by metonymy that is said which is done for him who does it, as Prophyrius says; as though it were the weaver’s task to make larger or smaller togas, and thus both parts, that is, both sides, were made by the weaver. This scarcely seems possible. Therefore some have restored tesquore , that is, with roughness and coarseness, since tesqua or tesca are uncultivated and rough places, as Turnebus notes in book xvi, ch. i, though he nevertheless agrees with Lambinus and the ancients who defend textore . Therefore the word textoris must be referred not to the scant toga, but to the raw material, namely, coarse and cheap stuff, made with a plain thread. For Lucan, speaking of the toga of the same Cato, says: “... and the precious garment Had drawn its rough folds over his limbs, after the fashion of a Roman Quirite.” Here “after the fashion of a Quirite” does not mean, as interpreters wish, after the fashion of the ancient Romans; for later men too were Quirites, and Cato himself as well, but Quiris means anyone from the people, that is, one clothed in the toga of the common crowd, and made with a narrow and rough texture. Indeed, from the very fullness of the toga there arose, into accidental folds, even in sum.

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 17 summo, quàm in imo contracta sinus efficiebatur. Ceterum quoties illæ rugæ arte cogerentur, & nodo constrictæ, vt de toga Hortensij tradit Macrobius, contabularentur, eum vmbonem vocatum fuisse idem vir magnus ad Tertull. docuit, quem tamen a sinu distinctum fuisse vult, vt inde inciperet sinus, vbi vmbo delineret, & ipsum veluti vmbonem ambiret. Eamens Tertulliani est. Adeo nec artifice necesse est, qui pridie rugas ab exordio formet, & inde deducat intilias, totumque contracti vmbonis figmentum custodibus forcipibus adsignet. Mox. recognito rursus vmbone, & si quid exorbitauit reformato, partem quidem de læuo promittat, ambitum vero eius, ex quo sinus nascitur, iam deficientibus tabulis retrahat a scapulis, & exclusa dextra in læuam adhuc congerat, cum alio pariter tabulato in terga deuoto. Vmbo iste Tertulliani haud dubie a sinu distinctus, centrum nempe & nodus artifex coeuntium plicarum, vt vir ille doctissimus explicat. Ceterum non semper vmbonem arte coactum fuisse docet Persius, qui de communi toga virili loquens ait. totaque impune suburra Permisit sparsisse oculos iam candidus vmbo. Quem quidem eumdem cum sinu fuisse crediderim, cum nihil aliud esset, quàm fortuitæ rugæ ad instar vmbonis protruberantes, cumque sinum fuisse supra ostendimus. Quamquam quæ de forcipibus, nodoque artifice a Tertulliano, & Macrobio produntur mihi ficta videntur, cum nullus alius veterum huius rei meminerit. Quidquid sit, in togis communi- bus si nihil aliud sinus fuit, quam lacinia contracta in rugas, plicasque fortuitò congestas, adscribere eos oportebit, quid aliud præterea vmbo fuerit, quem nos non aliud fuisse statui- mus, quam rugarum in rotundum, & veluti in vmbonem contractionem, eundemque sinum fuisse contendimus. Nam doctissimus Manutius errat probè cum scribit, sinus, qui ætate Quintiliani in vsu erant, non attexi, sed insui, vel appendi togis consueuisse. Primò enim ijsdem semper sinus in toga fuêre; Quintilianus non tradit, sinus veterum diuersos fuisse, sed apud veteres nullos fuisse, posterioribus per quam breues, C quod

Transcription: Translated (English)

On Dress, Book I. 17 ... contracted at the top, a fold was formed at the bottom. Moreover, whenever those wrinkles were artfully gathered together and tightened with a knot, as Macrobius relates of Hortensius’ toga, they were made into what that great man, in his commentary on Tertullian, taught was called the umbo; yet he wishes it to have been distinct from the sinus, so that the sinus should begin where the umbo ended, and should, as it were, encircle the umbo itself. This is Tertullian’s madness. Thus there is no need even for a craftsman, who the day before shapes the wrinkles from the beginning, and from them draws out the little folds, and entrusts the whole making of the contracted umbo to protecting tongs. Then, when the umbo has again been examined, and if anything has gone beyond bounds, corrected, let him indeed let the left side project, but draw back its outer edge, from which the sinus arises, from the shoulders as the boards begin to fail, and, with the right side excluded, heap it still on the left, with another similarly devoted board upon the back. This umbo of Tertullian is undoubtedly distinct from the sinus, namely the center and the knot, the artificer of the joining folds, as that most learned man explains. Moreover, Persius shows that the umbo was not always formed by art, when, speaking of the ordinary man’s toga, he says: "and all unrestrained, the now-white umbo allowed the eyes to scatter over the Subura." I should indeed believe that this was the same thing as the sinus, since it was nothing else than wrinkles occurring by chance, protruding like an umbo, and since above we have shown that the sinus existed. Although what is reported by Tertullian and Macrobius about tongs and an artful knot seems to me invented, since no other ancient author mentions this matter. However that may be, in ordinary togas, if the sinus was nothing other than a strip gathered into wrinkles and folds piled up by chance, it will be necessary to reckon those as one thing; and whatever else the umbo was, which we have judged to have been nothing other than a rounding-up of the wrinkles, as it were into an umbo, we maintain that it was the same as the sinus. For the most learned Manutius is quite mistaken when he writes that the sinus in use in Quintilian’s time were accustomed not to be sewn on, but inserted, or attached, to togas. For first, the sinus were always the same in the toga; Quintilian does not state that the sinus of the ancients were different, but that among the ancients there were none, while in later times they were quite short, and what ...

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18 Octauij Ferrarij quod nempe brachium veste continebatur, atque ita nullus superior sinus efficiebatur, quem ex porrecto brachio factum diximus. Deinde si nihil aliud fuit sinus, quam contractio, & corrugatio togæ ad pectus, quomodo tamquam res diuersa adsui, vel appendi togæ potuit? Ceterum Quintilianus cum duplicem sinum faciat, inferiorem decentissimum fore tradit, si aliquanto supra imam togam fuerit, id est, si extrema pars togæ cum sinu non inuoluatur, sed soluta paulo infra rugas cadat. At sinum qui sub humero dextro ad sinistrum obliquè ducitur velut baltheus, nec strangulet, inquit, id est non ita ceruicibus adstringatur vt præfocet, nec fluat, ne nimis laxus sit. Hoc autem ex strictiore, aut laxiore togæ ora, quæ collum ambiebat, petebatur. Addit Quintilianus; Pars togæ, quæ postea imponitur, sit inferior; nam ita, & sedet melius, & continetur. Sinus scilicet inferior non injiciatur priori, sed in ipso brachio resideat alioqui defluet, nec satis contineri poterit. Tùm subdit idem, sinum injiciendum humero cuius extremam oram reiecisse, non indecens esse; Neque tamen cum toto iugulo humerum operiendum esse: alioquin fore, vt amictus fiat angustus, & dignitas, quæ est in latitudine pectoris perdatur. Hanc autem amictus observationem initio dicendi esse vult, procedente verò actu sinum ab humero rectè velut sponte delabi, & cum ad argumenta, ac locos ventum est, reijcere a sinistro togam, deijcere etiam si hæreat sinum, conuenire. Ceterum vt lænam inuoluere toga, & incingi penè furiosum esse, sinum vero in dextrum ab imo reijcere solutum, ac delicatum, ita nihil impedire quo minus laxior sinus sinistro brachio subijciatur. Hæc ex Quintiliano fusius paulò adduximus, quod totam veteris amictus Oratorij rationem, togæque, ac sinus explicarent, & quod locus is sanè perobscurus esset, nec illo explicando multum Iudans magnus Turnebus hilum profecisset. Cum hæc publici iuris facta essent beneficio patrui mei V. C. venere tandem in manus Doctissimi Rubenij Electa multum quæsita, ex quibus Iconisimum Statuæ togatæ hac noua editione adijci curauimus, quo res tota clarius sub aspectu[m] caderet, adscriptis etiam denuo Quintiliani verbis, quæ numeris suis ad vnam quamque togæ partem responderent. Tabula V. I: Si-

Transcription: Translated (English)

18 Octavius Ferrarius that is to say, the arm was held in by the garment, and thus no upper fold was made, which we said was formed by the outstretched arm. Then, if nothing else was a fold than the gathering and wrinkling of the toga about the breast, how could it have been sewn on or attached as though it were a separate thing? Moreover, Quintilian, while making a double fold, says that the lower one will be most becoming if it is a little above the very hem of the toga; that is, if the outermost part of the toga, together with the fold, is not wrapped up, but lies loose a little below the wrinkles. But the fold which is drawn obliquely from under the right shoulder to the left, like a belt, must neither, he says, strangle, that is, be tightened about the neck so as to choke, nor flow loose, lest it be too slack. This depended on a tighter or looser edge of the toga, which encircled the neck. Quintilian adds: the part of the toga that is put on afterward should be lower; for thus it both sits better and is better kept in place. The lower fold, namely, should not be thrown over the first, but should rest on the arm itself; otherwise it will hang down and cannot be sufficiently held. Then he adds that it is not unbecoming to throw the fold over the shoulder, having turned back its outer edge; nevertheless the whole neck should not be covered with the shoulder, otherwise the garment would become narrow, and the dignity that lies in the breadth of the chest would be lost. He wishes this arrangement of dress to be observed at the beginning of speaking; but as the action proceeds, the fold should rightly slip down from the shoulder, as it were of its own accord, and when one comes to arguments and commonplaces, it is fitting to throw the toga back from the left side, and also to let the fold fall away if it sticks. Moreover, just as it is almost mad to wrap the toga around the cloak and gird it, so too to throw the fold loosely and delicately over to the right from below, yet nothing prevents a looser fold from being passed under the left arm. We have quoted these words somewhat more fully from Quintilian because they explain the whole manner of the ancient oratorical dress, the toga and the fold, and because that passage is indeed very obscure, and the great Iudans Turnebus, in explaining it, would not have profited much at all. When these things had been published by the favor of my uncle, a man of consular rank, the learned work of Rubenius, long sought after, at last came into the hands of the learned; from it we have taken care to add, in this new edition, the most excellent statue in a toga, so that the whole matter might become clearer at a glance, and we have also added once more the words of Quintilian, which by their numbers correspond to each part of the toga. Table V. I: Si-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 19 TABULA V. Pars I. To Georg. sculps. C 2.

Transcription: Translated (English)

On Dress, Book I. 19 TABLE V. Part I. To Georg., sculpt. C 2.

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 21 TAB. V. Pars III. Io Georg. scrups.

Transcription: Translated (English)

On the Art of Dress, Book I. 21 TAB. V. Part III. Io Georg. engr.

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22 Octauij Ferrarij 1. Sinus decentissimus, si aliquanto supra imam togam fuerit, numquam certè sit inferior. 2. Ille qui sub humero dextro ad sinistrum obliq; ducitur velut baltheus, nec strangulet, nec fluat. 3. Pars togæ, quæ postea imponitur sit inferior: nam ita, & sedet melius, & continetur. 4. Subducenda etiam pars aliqua tunicæ, ne ad lacertum in actu redeat. 5. Tum sinus inijciendus humero cuius extremam oram reiecisse non dedecet. 6. Operiri aute[m] humerum cum toto iugulo non oportet: alioqui amictus fiet angustus, & dignitatem, quæ est in latitudine pectoris perdet. 7. Sinistrum brachium eousque alleuandum est, vt quasi normalem illum angulum faciat. 8. Super quod oræ ex toga duplex æqualiter sedeat. In numero tamen quinto assentiri Rubenio non possum, qui sinum humero inijciendum cum intelligit qui a dextro humero in tergum cadit. Nam toge partem, quæ in tergo erat nemo sinum dixerit, qui tantum ad pectus, neque ille dextro humero inijciebatur, qui exertus, & toga liber. Sinus ergo pars togæ superior, quæ in sinistro humero, qui cum sæpe in pectus defueret reijciebatur, & humero restituebatur. Plura de hoc in epistola ad Cl. Gronouium disputaui- mus quæ ad libri huius calcem adiecta est. Brachium toga continere. Ciceronis locus explicatus. Cap. VII. Qva parte ad pectus toga patebat dextrum brachium exerebatur. Et veteres quidem teste Quintiliano non exerebant, atque ideo tunc aut nulli, aut per breues sinus fuêre: post ea tempora non brachium modo, sed totus humerus exerebatur. Nec aliud intellexisse Plutarchu[m] existimo, cum ait, C. Gracchum primum Romanorum per pulpitum ambulasse, & togam ab humero detraxisse. Ὁς τὴ καὶ ἐμεργορεῖν τοῦ μεῖον ἐυμιᾶ ἀγῶρα Βελεμπότα ποσμίος, Τοῦ ἐν πρῶτον ἐπὶ ἐμι ἐμμαλος Θεριπάτω τε ἐγνοσαίδει, καὶ Θεριπαίδαε Τὴν Τιγεννοῦ ἐκ ὑμοῦ. Fuit tamen tempus cum more veterum brachium toga contineretur. Cicero pro Coelio. Nobis quidem olim annus erat vnus ad cohibendum brachium toga constitutus, & vt exercit-

Transcription: Translated (English)

22 October Ferrarius 1. The fold should be quite decent; if it is somewhat above the lower edge of the toga, it should certainly never be lower. 2. That part which is drawn obliquely from under the right shoulder to the left, like a belt, should neither strangle nor hang loose. 3. The part of the toga which is placed afterward should be lower; for in this way it both sits better and is held in place. 4. Some part of the tunic should also be pulled up, lest in motion it run back to the forearm. 5. Then the fold should be thrown over the shoulder, and it is not unbecoming to have its extreme edge cast back. 6. But it is not proper to cover the shoulder together with the whole neck; otherwise the garment will become too narrow and will lose the dignity that lies in the breadth of the chest. 7. The left arm must be raised so far that it makes, as it were, that normal angle. 8. Upon this, the two edges from the toga should rest evenly. However, on the fifth point I cannot agree with Rubenius, who understands the fold to be thrown over the shoulder as that which falls from the right shoulder onto the back. For no one would call the part of the toga that was on the back the fold, since it belongs only to the chest; nor was that placed on the right shoulder, which was exposed and free from the toga. The fold, therefore, is the upper part of the toga, which on the left shoulder, since it was often missing from the chest, was thrown back and restored to the shoulder. We discussed more about this in the letter to the learned Gronovius, which has been added at the end of this book. Keeping the arm within the toga. An explained passage of Cicero. Chapter VII. Where the toga opened at the chest, the right arm was exposed. And indeed the ancients, as Quintilian testifies, did not expose it; and therefore at that time there were either no folds at all, or very small ones: in later times not only the arm, but the whole shoulder was exposed. I think Plutarch meant nothing else when he says that C. Gracchus was the first of the Romans to walk about the platform, and to pull the toga away from the shoulder. Ὁς τὴ καὶ ἐμεργορεῖν τοῦ μεῖον ἐυμιᾶ ἀγῶρα Βελεμπότα ποσμίος, Τοῦ ἐν πρῶτον ἐπὶ ἐμι ἐμμαλος Θεριπάτω τε ἐγνοσαίδει, καὶ Θεριπαίδαε Τὴν Τιγεννοῦ ἐκ ὑμοῦ. Yet there was a time when, according to the custom of the ancients, the arm was kept within the toga. Cicero, In Defence of Caelius. “For us once there was a single year established for restraining the arm with the toga, and so that it would exercit-”

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 23 exercitatione, ludoque campestritunica vteremur, eademque erat, si statim mereri stipendia ceperamus castrensis ratio, & militaris. Ad quem locum mirè nugantur interpretes, quos non moror. Postremus enarrator, qui tertium volumen Orationum fusè explicauit, inde peti discrimen inter togam, & pallium putat, quòd in togâ dextra libera, & expedita esset, pallium autem vtramque manum inuolueret, ita tamen vt dextra cum opus esset posset expediri, idque adductis Tertulliani verbis stabilire nititur. Sed etiam toga ita vtrumque brachium cohibebat, vt tamen dextra exeri posset, & pallium, præcipuè Cynicum humerum cum brachio excludebat vt toga: commune vero vt diximus, ita apertum erat, vt fibula ceruicibus adstrictum liberum dextræ aditum daret. Solum igitur eo loco Tertullianus togæ operosam molitionem cum pallij simplicitate confert, in quo nullæ vt in toga rugæ, nullus vmbo forcipibus cogatur, nulla contabulatio, quodque vno circumiectu vestiat, sicque nihil eo expeditius. Discrimen ergo pallij, & togæ aliunde quam a modo exerendi brachium petendum erat; de quo nobis satis supra dictum est. In eo etiam falsus est Interpres ille, quòd tradit, tam toga- tos, quam palliatos sinistram veste continuisse idque his Quintiliani verbis confirmat; Quorum brachium sicut Græcorum veste continebatur. Fortasse cum Manutij auctoritas decepit, qui etiam videtur existimasse, Quintilianum de sinistra locutum. Nam cum dixisset brachium non per manicas togæ, quæ nullæ erant emissum, sed reiecta in humerum ima toga expediri solitum subijcit, per annum sumpta virili toga modestiæ causa in humerum non rejci consueuisse; atqui non nisi sinistra imam togam in humerum reiectam constat. Ceterum verba Quintiliani, quorum brachium sicut Græcorum veste continebatur, de manu dextra intelligenda esse declarant quæ præcedunt. Itaque etiam gestu necesse est vsos esse in principijs eos alio, nisi dice- re velimus sinistra in gestu veteres initio vsos. Quibus etiam intelligimus non totum cum manu brachium compressum, sed saltem manum emissam alioqui non alius, sed nullus gestus fuisset. Tertio Ciceronianus interpres labitur, quod cum

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 23 in exercise and in field games we wore a tunic, and the same was the military and camp rule, if immediately we had begun to earn pay. At this place the commentators babble wonderfully, whom I do not trouble myself about. The latest commentator, who explained at length the third volume of the Orations, thinks that from this place the distinction between the toga and the pallium is to be taken: namely, that in the toga the right hand was free and unobstructed, whereas the pallium wrapped both hands, yet so that the right hand, when there was need, could be freed; and he tries to support this by citing Tertullian’s words. But the toga also restrained both arms in such a way that nevertheless the right hand could be brought out, and the pallium, especially the Cynic one, excluded the shoulder with the arm just as the toga did: the ordinary pallium, however, as we have said, was so open that, being fastened at the neck with a clasp, it allowed free access to the right hand. Thus in that passage Tertullian compares the toga’s laborious construction with the simplicity of the pallium, in which there are no folds as in the toga, no umbo pressed together with clasps, no planking or layering; and because it is put on with a single wrapping, nothing is more convenient than it. Therefore the distinction between the pallium and the toga had to be sought from something else than the way the arm was put out; about which enough has already been said above. He is also wrong in this, that he states that both those wearing togas and those wearing pallia held the left arm within the garment, and confirms this with these words of Quintilian: “Whose arm was held in place just as by the garment of the Greeks.” Perhaps the authority of Manutius misled him, for he also seems to have thought that Quintilian was speaking of the left. For after he had said that the arm was not thrust through the sleeves of the toga, which did not exist, but was usually freed by throwing the lower part of the toga back over the shoulder, he adds that after the manly toga had been assumed for a year, for the sake of modesty, it was not customary to throw it back over the shoulder; and yet it is clear that only the left side of the lower toga was thrown back over the shoulder. Moreover, the words of Quintilian, “whose arm was held in place just as by the garment of the Greeks,” show that they must be understood of the right hand. Therefore they must also have used a gesture at the beginning different from this, unless we wish to say that the ancients at first used the left in gesture. From this we understand that the whole arm was not compressed together with the hand, but at least the hand was extended; otherwise there would have been not another gesture, but no gesture at all. Thirdly, the Ciceronian interpreter goes wrong in that, when…

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24 Octauij Ferrarij cum negare non possit dextram toga cohibitam, ait nihil aliud hoc fuisse, quam sinu dextram inuoluere. Sed quomodo hoc no- bis vir doctus persuadebit? Quis veterum hoc dixit? Arte- midori verba non hoc habent. Ἐγι ἡδ τοῦ ἐφησβον ἐν Τῷ ἧλαμύδν, παὶ τελο δεῖκαι ἐνειλημένειν ἐχδν. Nihil hic de manu sinu inuolu- ta, nihil de toga; De chlamyde loquitur Artemidorus, qua dextram contineri vult, quam etiam toga anno virilitatis co- hibitam scimus, sed hoc fuisse sinu dextram inuoluere negamus. Neque id fieri potuisse videbit quicumque, quæ de si- nu togæ disputauiimus perceperit. Aliter in pallio, & Chla- myde quæ vestimenta aperta fuêre. Datum igitur spatium vnius anni docet Cicero ad continendum brachium toga, hoc est ne anno virilis togæ iuventus in viros transcripta more ceterorum brachium dextrum exereret, sicque togæ ora superior vtrique humero insisteret, nec dextro brachio subiecta ad læuum humeru[m] ad instar balthei recurreret. Hic profecto verborum Ciceronis sensus est. Seneca lib. v. con- trou. vi. De eo qui raptus fuerat in veste muliebri. Apud patres nostros qui foresia stipendia auspicabantur nefas putabatur brachium extra togam exerere. Quæ verba manifestè indicant, Senecæ tempore cum morem cohibendi brachij exoleuisse: immo ætate ipsius Ciceronis, ait enim, Nobis quidem olim an- nus erat vnus ad cohibendum brachium toga constitutus; Discimus etiam ex Seneca, non totum brachium cum manu cohibitum, sed saltem dextram extra togam missam ad gesticulationem, nam sine gestu eos orasse non est credibile. Quare & Manutium falli necesse est, qui de sinistro brachio intelligit cum ait per annum sumta virili toga, modestiæ causa toga in hume- rum non reijciebatur: quod verbis Ciceronis adductis probare contendit. Mittere trans pondera dextram. Horatius explicatus. Cur, anno tirocinij brachium toga cohibitum. Cap. IX. IN petitione honorum brachium quoque toga cohibitum esse docet Horatius lib. I. ep. VI. Mer-

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24 Octavius Ferrari Since he cannot deny that the right hand was restrained by the toga, he says that this was nothing other than wrapping the right hand in the fold. But how will a learned man persuade us of this? Which of the ancients said this? Artemidorus’ words do not say this. Ἐγι ἡδ τοῦ ἐφησβον ἐν Τῷ ἧλαμύδν, παὶ τελο δεῖκαι ἐνειλημένειν ἐχδν. Here there is nothing about the hand wrapped in a fold, nothing about the toga; Artemidorus is speaking of the chlamys, by which he wants the right hand to be restrained, just as we know the toga was used to restrain it during the year of manhood; but we deny that this meant wrapping the right hand in a fold. Nor will anyone think that this could have happened who has understood the things we discussed concerning the fold of the toga. It is otherwise in the pallium and the chlamys, which were open garments. Therefore Cicero teaches that space of one year was given for keeping the arm restrained by the toga, that is, so that in the year of the virile toga, when youth was transferred into manhood in the customary way, the right arm would not be extended, and thus the upper edge of the toga would rest on both shoulders, nor, with the right arm placed underneath, would it run back toward the left shoulder like a baldric. This is indeed the sense of Cicero’s words. Seneca, book V, Controversy VI, On the one who had been carried off in women’s clothing. Among our forefathers, when men were about to begin military service, it was considered unlawful to extend the arm outside the toga. These words clearly indicate that in Seneca’s time the custom of restraining the arm had fallen out of use: indeed, even in the age of Cicero himself, for he says, “For us, indeed, one year was once established for restraining the arm by the toga.” We also learn from Seneca that not the whole arm with the hand was restrained, but at least the right hand was allowed out from the toga for gesture, for it is not credible that they spoke without gesturing. Therefore Manutius must also be mistaken, since he understands this of the left arm when he says that, after the virile toga was assumed for one year, for the sake of modesty the toga was not thrown back onto the shoulder: a point he tries to prove with the cited words of Cicero. “To send the right hand past the scales.” Horace explained. Why, in the year of training, the arm was restrained by the toga. Chapter IX. IN seeking honors, Horace, in book I, Epistle VI, teaches that the arm was also restrained by the toga. Mer-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 25 Mercemur seruum, qui dictet nomina: læuum Qui fodiat latus, & cogat trans pondera dextram Porrigere. Mirum est quantopere locus hic torserit quotquot Horatium interpretati sunt: Qui cum multum æstuassent, nihil præter ineptias attulêre. Alij enim fortasse Acrone[m] secuti pondera lapides interpretantur, qui porriguntur per vias, vt sit trans saxa magni ponderis dextram porrigere ad aliquem ciuem in via saxis impedita laborantem subleuandum. Alij trans pondera, id est, trans turbam quæ se obijcit, quæque pondus affert transmissæ dextræ. Alij etiam grania munera pondera esse dixerunt; Postremò trans pondera, trans plaustra dixerunt grandi- bus saxis, & magnis trabibus onusta manum transmittere. Turne- bus quidem, & Lambinus aliquid de prensatione, quæ in petitione honorum fiebat subodorati sunt, sed quid esset mittere dextram trans pondera, non intellexerunt. Nihil auté aliud fuit, quam toga brachium exerere, hoc est dextrâ trans toga brachio, atq[ue] humero obductam porrigere, quæ quoniam brachium premeret, & oneraret ideo poetice pondera appellat. Quare non sunt audiendi, qui brachium vl- terius quam par est è toga protendere, interpretantur. Mo- net Horatius, emendum esse serum Nomenclatorem, qui quoties quis in aliqua tribu gratiosus occurreret dominum moneat l[ingu]um latus fodiendo, vt brachiu[m] veste cohibitu[m] exerat siue extra togæ pondera mittat, ad ciu[m] eum prensandu[m]. Sed quare Romanis datum anni spatium ad cohibendum toga brachium? Festiuum est, quod ait Ciceronis Interpres nouissimus, eo potissimum anno dexteram fuisse veste, & continendo, fulciendoq[ue]; toga sinu saltem occupatam, vt ostenderetur nec tum quidem cum incederet, & spatiaretur, manum debere esse otiosam. Quid enim alijs annis factum est, cum brachium exerebatur? num otiosa tunc manus fuit, cum minime debuit; num sinus tunc, qui non fulciebatur defluxit? Immo nullus dextræ vsus ad fulciendum sinum, qui humero, brachioque sinistro fulciebatur. Vt igitur castè, ac pudicè iuuentus haberetur, hoc insti- D tutum

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De Re Vestiaria, Book I. 25 Let us hire a slave to call out the names: one who, on the left, should prod the side and compel the right hand to extend beyond the burdens. It is astonishing how much this passage has troubled all who have interpreted Horace: they, after sweating over it greatly, have brought nothing except nonsense. Some, following Acron perhaps, interpret pondera as stones, which are placed along the roads, so that it would mean to extend the right hand beyond the stones of great weight to help some citizen in the road, impeded by stones and laboring under them. Others take trans pondera to mean, beyond the crowd that presses itself upon one, and that lays a burden upon the outstretched hand. Others have also said that grania munera are burdens; and finally they have said that trans pondera means to pass the hand beyond carts laden with great stones and large beams. Turnebus indeed and Lambinus caught some scent of the grasping, which in the seeking of offices took place, but they did not understand what it was to send the right hand beyond the burdens. Nothing else was meant than to thrust the arm through the toga, that is, to extend the right hand through the toga, the arm and shoulder covered by it; and because this pressed upon and burdened the arm, the poet therefore calls it burdens. Wherefore those are not to be listened to who interpret it as stretching the arm farther than is proper out of the toga. Horace warns that a salaried nomenclator should be hired, who, whenever someone influential should appear in some tribe, might remind the master by prodding the side, so that, with the arm held in by the garment, he should extend it or send it out beyond the burdens of the toga, in order to solicit that citizen. But why was Roman youths given a year's time to keep the toga-arm in check? It is amusing what the latest Interpreter of Cicero says: that in that very year the right hand was occupied by the garment, and by holding and supporting it, at least by the fold of the toga, so that it might be shown that not even then, when one walked and moved about, ought the hand to be idle. For what was done in the other years, when the arm was extended? Was the hand then idle, when it ought not to have been; did the fold then, which was not supported, hang down? Nay, there was no use of the right hand for supporting the fold, since it was supported by the left shoulder and arm. Thus, in order that youth might be kept chaste and modest, this institu-

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Octauij Ferrarij tutum est; lubrico scilicet ætatis flexu, ipsiusque pubertatis initio, cum fere decimo quarto anno id fieret. Ne ergo adolescentes contrectarentur, vt brachium, quod ad cubitum vsque, ob truncas tunicas, siue colobia nudum erat anno tirocinij toga cohiberetur constitutum est. Id esse verissimum ipsum Ciceronem testem dabo, qui mox addit, & vt exercitatione, ludoque campestri tunica vteremur, eademque erat si statim stipendia mereri ceperamus castrensis ratio, ac militaris. Nam cum reliqui in exercitatione, ludoque campestri, item castrensi, ac militari nudi exercearentur, solis subligaculis succinæi, cur iuuentus anno togæ virilis domi, ac militiæ tunicata exercebatur? ob modestiam scilicet, ac pudicitiam, ne nuda epheborum corpora spectatorum oculis vorarentur: eandem ob causam brachium eodem anno toga cohibebat, eo scilicet ætatis tépore, quod vt ait orator ipsum sua sponte infirmum, aliorum libidine infestum est. Illud modò non satis expeditum esse videtur, etiam si anno primo virilitatis brachium toga contineretur, quid causæ fuisse dicemus, cur reliqui etiam eo anno elapso in petitione honorum toga brachium cohiberent, & ideo eos Horat. ait trans pondera dextram misisse? Ad quod non aliud in præsentia occurrit, quam candidatos Plutarchi testimonio sine tunica in Comitium descendere solitos, siue vt aduersa vulnera ostenderent, siue ne pecuniam in sinu gestarent, siue vt supplicarent humilius: cum igitur, vel nudi sub toga essent, vel arctis tuniculis, citra humeros desinentibus amicti, nudum brachium minime exerere solitos, sed decoris causa illud toga continuisse, vt tirones toto eo anno & vbique faciebant, & ideo necesse habuisse, cum prensandum esset, brachium exerere, & vt Flaccus loquitur trans pondera dextram mittere. Præcipuè aute[m] vt ea modestia fauorem populi conciliarent. Figuram brachij intra togam cohibiti infra habes. Prima visitur in fronte domus Bassianorum, quæ vulgo T. Liuij esse creditur ad dextrum Ianuæ latus. Altera extat in nummo Lepidi. Tabula. VI. VII. Brachium

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Octavii Ferrarii it is safe; that is to say, at the slippery turning of age and at the very beginning of puberty, when this was usually done in about the fourteenth year. So that young men might not be handled, it was established that the arm, which up to the elbow was bare because of the short tunics, or colobia, should be covered by the toga in the year of the first military training. I shall cite Cicero himself as witness to this, who immediately adds that we also used the tunic in exercise and in the field sport, and that the same practice was followed if we had already begun to earn our pay in the camp and in military life. For while the rest, in exercise, in the field sport, and likewise in camp and in military training, exercised naked, wrapped only in undergarments, why was youth, in the year of the virile toga, trained at home and in military service clothed in a tunic? Obviously for modesty and chastity, lest the naked bodies of young men be devoured by the eyes of spectators: for the same reason the toga covered the arm in that same year, that is, at that period of age which, as the orator says, is by its own nature weak and exposed to the lust of others. One point, however, does not seem sufficiently clear: even if in the first year of manhood the arm was kept in by the toga, what reason shall we say there was why the rest also, after that year had passed, in seeking public office, covered the arm with the toga, and why Horace therefore says that they sent their right hand beyond the weights? For this, at present, nothing else occurs to me than that candidates, by the testimony of Plutarch, were accustomed to descend into the Comitia without a tunic, either in order to display their wounds on the opposite side, or so as not to carry money in their bosom, or so as to make their supplication more humbly: since, therefore, they were either naked beneath the toga, or dressed in tight little tunics ending above the shoulders, they were by no means accustomed to expose the bare arm, but rather covered it with the toga for the sake of decency, as the recruits did throughout that whole year and everywhere, and therefore, when they had to shake hands, they were compelled to extend the arm and, as Flaccus says, send the right hand beyond the weights. Especially so that by such modesty they might win the favor of the people. You have below the figure of the arm confined within the toga. The first is seen on the front of the house of the Bassiani, which is commonly believed to be that of T. Livius, at the right side of the doorway. The second appears on a coin of Lepidus. Table VI, VII. Arm

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De Re Vestiarja Lib. I. 27 Tab. VI. D 2

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De Re Vestiarja Lib. I. 27 Tab. VI. D 2

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Octauij Ferrarij Tab. VII. Pag. 28.

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Octavius Ferrari Table VII. Page 28.

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30 Octauij Ferrarij cinctum gestarent, hoc est, subligaculum, siue campestre, quod solas partes infra pectus velabat. Hoc sensu capiendum Horatium vidit Parrhasius, & cum securi Turnebus, ac Sigonius, nisi quod Sigonius verba Turnebi pro verbis Acronis adducit. Sed in eo falsus est Parrhasius, vt & Sulpitius, cum tradunt, cum morem Cethegorum fuisse, vt seminudi in bellum proficiscerentur; Non enim exerti dicti sunt, quod seminudi in bello, sed quod domi, & togati exerto nudoque humero, ac brachio essent, quem postea morem etiam in bellis seruarunt, vt scilicet fine tunica solo cinctu ac chlamyde exerto gentili more brachio pugnarent. Silius lib. 11x. Ipse humero exertus gentili more parentum. Nec verum quod ait Turnebus, Cethegôs solo campestri cinctos reliquo corpore exerto, & nudo incessisse, nisi toga in vrbe tegerentur; Numquam enim exerti esse aut dici poterant, nisi cum togati; Exertum quippe ad togam refertur, extra quam brachium nudum cum humero exerebatur. Alij tamen cinctum non tantum subligaculum dixere, sed vestem quæ ab vmbilico ad pedes cadebat quales poparum vestis, siue victimariorum in sacrificijs: quæ & limus dicebatur. Seruius ad illud poetæ xii. Alij fontemque ignemque ferebant Ornati limo. Limus inquit vestis, qua vsque ad pedes teguntur poparum pudenda. Hygenus de limit. agrorum limum cinctum ideo dicit vocatum quod purpuram, transuersam habeat, habebat enim inextremo purpuram limam. Inde succincti pop[us] Suctonius Calig. xxxii. succinctus poparum habitu. Cinctum, ac campestre idem facit Ouidius cum cinctutos Lupercos appellat, quos nudos solo subligaculo incinctos discurrisse notum. Cur autem ita Cethegi incederent, ea ratio afferri potest, quod cum Romani antiquissimi solam togam fine tunica gestarent, vt diximus, Cethegos seueriosis vitæ, ac cultus in antiquo habitu perseuerasse eumque morem

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30 Octavius Ferrarius they would wear a girdle, that is, a subligaculum, or campestre, which covered only the parts below the breast. Parrhasius saw Horace as to be taken in this sense, and with safety Turnebus and Sigonius, except that Sigonius adduces Turnebus’ words in place of Acron’s. But Parrhasius is mistaken in this, and so is Sulpitius, when they report that it was the custom of the Cethegi to go to war half-naked; for they were not called “ungirt” because they were half-naked in war, but because at home, and in the toga, they were with bare shoulder and arm uncovered, a custom which they later also preserved in war, namely, so that without a tunic, with only a girdle and a cloak, and with the arm bared in the ancestral fashion, they might fight. Silius, book 11. He himself, with shoulder bared in the ancestral manner of his forefathers. Nor is what Turnebus says true, that the Cethegi, girded only with the campestre, with the rest of the body uncovered and naked, used to go about, unless they were covered in the city by the toga; for they could never be said to be bared, or to be bared at all, except when wearing the toga. For “ungirded” is referred to the toga, outside of which the arm was exposed naked together with the shoulder. Others, however, have said that cinctum is not only a subligaculum, but a garment which fell from the navel to the feet, such as the vestment of sacrificial attendants, or of victims in sacrifices: this was also called a limus. Servius, on the poet’s line: Others were bearing the spring and the fire Adorned with the limus. “Limus,” he says, “is a garment by which the pudenda of sacrificial attendants are covered down to the feet.” Hyginus, in his work on the boundaries of fields, says that the limus was called cinctum because it has a purple band across it; for at the very edge it had a purple border. Hence Suetonius, Calig. xxxii., “succinctus poparum habitu.” Cinctum, and campestre, Ovid makes the same thing when he calls the Luperci “cinctuti,” whom it is well known ran about naked, bound only with the subligaculum. But why the Cethegi should have gone about in this way, the explanation may be given, that since the most ancient Romans wore only the toga without a tunic, as we have said, the Cethegi, in the austerity of their way of life and dress, persevered in the ancient style, and that custom

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. 1. 31 morem posteros secutos esse. Neque audiendus Scaliger in Titium lib. 11. xvii. cinctutos Cethegos Horatio dictos hoc est antiquos, quiq[ue] illis temporibus extabant, quibus equites cinctuti & seminudi pugnabant. Si enim omnes tunc cinctuti, cur solos Cethegos Horatius dicit? Huc etiam Cæsaris verba trahenda sunt lib. vti. de bello Gallico. Aedui visi ab latere nostris aperto, ij similitudine armorum vehementer nostros perterruerunt; Ac tametsi dextris humeris exertis animaduertebantur, quod insigne pacatis esse consueuerat, tamen id ipsum sui fallendi causa milites ab hostibus factum existimabant. Lipsius ad Tacitum negat se intelligere quomodo humeri exeri potuerint: deinde Criticorum more quod non intelligit corrigit, vocemque humeris, confodit, & dextris exertis legit. Quasi verò nô semper dextræ exertæ sint, nisi veste inuoluantur, aut credimus illo æuo chirothecas adhibitas. In secunda editione, dextris nudis exertis posuit; Quod pe- ius est. Nam dextris nudis, idem est ac dextris exertis. Ser- uius ad illud. Aurea subnectens exertæ cingula mammæ exertæ inquit, nudatæ; Nudant enim quam addufferint mammam. & rursus ad id. Hasta sub exertam donec perlata papillam exertam ait, nudam. Lactantius ad illud Statij. Tum vero erectus vterque Exertare humeros nudamque lacessere pugnam. exertare, inquit, nudare. Vt exsertiq[ue] manus vesana Cethegi. Nudamq[ue], sine ferro. Nil opus ergo correctione. Exertis humeris Aedui fuêre, id est nudis, & inermibus, quod insigne pacatis fuisse tradit Cæsar, detracto scilicet tegmine, siue laminis ferreis, quibus humeri in bello operiebantur. Festus brachium exertum expapillatum appellat. Expapillato, exerto quod cum fit papilla nudatur. A cincto cincticulum, cuius mentio in veste adolescentum apud Plautum Bacchid. act. III. Scen. III. Inde de hippodromo, & palæstra vbi reuenisses domum Cin-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. 1. 31 the custom was followed by later generations. Nor is Scaliger to be heeded in Titium lib. 11. xvii., where he says that the Cethegi were called cinctuti by Horace, that is, the ancients, who existed in those times when horsemen fought cinctuti and half-naked. For if all were then cinctuti, why does Horace single out only the Cethegi? To this also must be referred Caesar’s words, lib. vti. de bello Gallico. “The Aedui, seen by our men with their side uncovered, greatly alarmed our soldiers by the likeness of their arms; and although they were noticed with their right shoulders bared, which had been accustomed to be a sign of peace, yet the soldiers thought that this very thing had been done by the enemy in order to deceive them.” Lipsius on Tacitus says that he does not understand how the shoulders could have been bared: then, in the manner of critics, what he does not understand he corrects, and he strikes out the word humeris, and reads dextris exertis. As though indeed the hands were not always bare, unless they are wrapped in clothing, or as if we believed gloves were used in that age. In the second edition, he put dextris nudis exertis; which is worse. For dextris nudis is the same as dextris exertis. Servius on the line Aurea subnectens exertæ cingula mammæ says exertæ means nudatæ; for they uncover the breast when they draw it down. And again on the line Hasta sub exertam donec perlata papillam he says exertam means nudam. Lactantius on that passage of Statius, Tum vero erectus uterque Exertare humeros nudamque lacessere pugnam. exertare, he says, means nudare. Thus also exsertique manus vesana Cethegi. Nudamque, without iron. Therefore there is no need for correction. The Aedui had bare shoulders, that is, naked and unarmed ones, which Caesar says was a sign of peace, namely after the covering had been removed, or the iron plates, with which the shoulders were covered in war. Festus calls the bare arm expapillatum. Expapillato, that is, exerto, because when that is done the breast is laid bare. From cinctus comes cincticulum, mention of which appears in the clothing of young men in Plautus, Bacchid. act. III. Scen. III. Then from the hippodrome and the palestra, when you had returned home Cin-

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Octauij Ferrarij Cincticulo præcinctus in sella apud magistrum assideres, Cum librum legeres. Toga caput inuoluene. Caput aperire. Cap. X. Licet e toga brachium exereretur, & summa togæ ora ab dextro humero deslueret: facile tamen fuit cum res posceret eandem deiectæ togæ partem reuocare, caputque operire, aut inuoluere. Et Romanos quidem in Vrbem in- tecto capite incessisse, nullumque pilei, petasi, causæ, & alius tegminis vsum nisi extra Vrbem in peregrinatione fuisse satis superque doctissimus Lipsius ostendit, cui assenti- endum est, neque attinet rationes eius hic verbis inuertere. Vnum modò refragari huic sententiæ videbatur, qua ratione si nudo capite vulgo incedebant in salutando tamen illud aperiebant, quod Pompeio fecisse Sullam tradit Sallustius, ac Plutarchus, & fieri solitum quoties Cos: vel Prætor occurreret confirmat Seneca; Quod licet de militia, atque itinere extra Vrbem intelligere, atque interpretari possimus, vbi petasi vsus, Lipsij tamen eiusdem sententiam probamus ex Plutarcho in causis, morem fuisse Quiritibus quandoque ad solem, ventumque, & alia Celi incommoda defendenda capiti togam inijcere, atque ita in occursu viri honorandi nihil aliud fuisse caput aperire, quam togæ velamen capiti detrahere. Plutarchi verba sunt. ὑποκατοιτῶν αυθραίπων τοῖς αξίοις απανπῶντες παντύχωσι ὑπί τὴς νεφαλής τὸ ἰματιον ἐχούλες αποκαλυπτοῦν[.] Romani si cui obuiam facti sunt cui honor habendus sit, & si forte toga caput velatum habeant, id aperiunt. Nec est cur Interpretem Lipsius tangat, nam velatum esse, & veste caput tectum habere idem plane est. Sed nescio quo pacto Lipsium fugerit alter Plutarchi locus in hanc rem præcipuus. Nam in Pompeio cum recenset eximios honores quibus Pompeium Sylla exceptit, ait assurrexisse ei aduenienti, & caput aperuisse. In Græco est ἀι Τὴς νεφαλής απαγοῦλος τὸ ἰμάτιον. Vestem capiti detrabentis. Ceterum nullo pacto eidem Lipsio assentiendum est, qui ait hoc factum fuisse laciniam togæ seu imamque oram

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Octauij Ferrarij Girt with a belt while seated on a chair at the teacher’s side, As you were reading a book. Covering the head with the toga. To uncover the head. Chap. X. Although the arm could be drawn out from the toga, and the upper edge of the toga slipped down from the right shoulder: nevertheless it was easy, when the occasion required, to draw back that same part of the toga that had fallen away, and to cover the head, or wrap it around. And indeed that the Romans went about in the City with the head uncovered, and that no use was made of the cap, petasus, causia, or any other covering except outside the City while traveling, the most learned Lipsius has shown sufficiently and more than sufficiently, to whom assent must be given, and it is not necessary to overturn his reasons here at length. Only one thing seemed to conflict with this opinion, namely: if they generally went about with the head bare, why then in saluting did they nevertheless uncover it? Sallust and Plutarch report that Sulla did this to Pompey, and Seneca confirms that it was customary whenever a consul or praetor met them. Although we may understand and interpret this of military service and of travel outside the City, where the petasus was used, nevertheless we approve the same opinion of Lipsius from Plutarch, that it was sometimes the custom of the Quirites, when shielding the head against the sun, wind, and other inconveniences of the sky, to throw the toga over the head, and so, when meeting a man to be honored, to uncover the head meant nothing other than to draw the covering of the toga back from the head. These are Plutarch’s words: ὑποκατοιτῶν αυθραίπων τοῖς αξίοις απανπῶντες παντύχωσι ὑπί τὴς νεφαλής τὸ ἰματιον ἐχούλες αποκαλυπτοῦν[.] The Romans, if they have come upon someone to whom honor should be shown, and if by chance they have their head covered with the toga, uncover it. Nor is there any reason why Lipsius should take issue with the interpreter, for to be covered and to have one’s head covered by a garment are plainly the same thing. But I do not know by what means the other passage of Plutarch on this matter, the principal one, escaped Lipsius. For in the Life of Pompey, when he recounts the excellent honors with which Sulla received Pompey, he says that he rose to meet him as he came in, and uncovered his head. In Greek it is ἀι Τὴς νεφαλής απαγοῦλος τὸ ἰμάτιον. Drawing the garment away from the head. Moreover, in no way can I agree with Lipsius when he says that this was done by means of the fold of the toga, or the lowest edge of the hem

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 33 oram in caput reijciendo: idq; veteres lapides ostendere, & fecisse Scipionem Nasicam apud, Plutarchum in Gracchis. Ἷνδὲ πρὸ αυτεδον τοῦ ἰμαλὶο Τερμπος άπι ἑνεργαλης Lacinia togæ capiti imposita. Hoc nequaquam nobis Lipsius persuaserit. Non enim lacinia togę, limbusue inferior in caput reijci solebat, sed pars togæ superior ad ceruicem, quæ nempe sinistro humero insidebat & dextro deijciebatur: ea attrahebatur in caput cum sacra fierent, & cum res alia posceret. Nec dubitare potest qui modo veteres lapides, ac numismata viderit. Tabula VIII. Hoc si non sufficit, id ita factum esse ratio ipsa cuincet. Nam de Cæsare scribit Tranquillus, cum se strictis pugionibus a coniuratis peti videret toga caput obuoluisse, simul sinistra manu sinum adima crura deduxisse, quo honestius caderet, etiam inferiore corporis parte velata. Si lacinia, imaque pars togæ vt credit Lipsius reijciebatur in caput, quomodo sinus deduci ad ima crura potuit qui nihil aliud erat quam lacinia brachio subducta? deinde quomodo inferior corporis pars velata esse potuit extrema ora in caput subducta? Pars ergo superior togæ ad ceruicem vt diximus sinistro humero incumbens trahebatur in caput, eaq; obuelatio fuit. Maxime in sacrificijs cuius rei causa a Plutarcho petenda est. Quare inter omnia mortis Adriani illud Spartanus recenset, quod sacrificanti prætexta sponte delapsa caput ei aperuit, vt recte Lipsius corrigit. Nec aliam ob causam apud Liuium lib. xxii i. Manitio Prænestinorum Prætori statua in foro Præneste statuta est loricata, amicita toga, velato capite. Habitu nempe vota concipientis: subijcit enim. Cum titulo laminae aneæ inscripto: Manitium pro militibus qui Casilini in præsidio fuerint votum vouisse. Non solum autem in sacris, contraque cæli iniurias toga caput operiebatur, sed in re crepera, & calamitosa totum inuoluebatur. Hoc Cæsar, & Pompeius eodem leti genere ad Cereris generum decendentes in ipsa morte vsurparunt. De hoc Dio tradit, quod simulatque insidias esse, & sene- E que

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On De Re Vestiaria Book I. 33 by throwing the border back over the head: and the ancient stones show this, and that Scipio Nasica did so, as in Plutarch’s Gracchi . Lacinia togae capiti imposita. Lipsius will by no means persuade us of this. For it was not the border of the toga, nor the lower hem, that was usually thrown back over the head, but the upper part of the toga toward the neck, which rested on the left shoulder and was thrown over the right: this was drawn up over the head when sacrifices were made, and whenever some other circumstance required it. Nor can anyone doubt who has merely seen the ancient stones and coins. Table VIII. If this is not enough, reason itself will prove that it was done in this way. For Tranquillus writes of Caesar that, when he saw himself attacked by the conspirators with drawn daggers, he wrapped his head in his toga and at the same time with his left hand drew the fold down to the lower limbs, so that he might fall more decently, even with the lower part of his body covered. If the border, that is, the lowest part of the toga, as Lipsius believes, was thrown back over the head, how could the fold be drawn down to the lower limbs, when it was nothing other than the border drawn under the arm? Then how could the lower part of the body have been covered, if the extreme edge had been drawn up over the head? Therefore the upper part of the toga, resting on the left shoulder as we said, was drawn over the head to the neck, and that was the covering. This was especially so in sacrifices, for which cause Plutarch must be consulted. Therefore among all the circumstances of Hadrian’s death, the Spartan records that, while he was sacrificing, his praetexta slipped down of its own accord and uncovered his head, as Lipsius correctly emends. Nor for any other reason, in Livy book xxii, was a statue of Manitius, the praetor of the Praenestines, set up in the forum of Praeneste, armed with a cuirass, wrapped in a toga, and with his head covered. That is, in the dress of one making a vow; for he adds, with an inscription on a bronze plate: that Manitius had vowed on behalf of the soldiers who had been in the garrison at Casilinum. But not only in sacred rites, and in protection against the injuries of the sky, was the head covered with the toga, but in dangerous and calamitous situations the whole body was enveloped. Caesar and Pompey, descending to the son-in-law of Ceres in the same manner of death, used this even in the very act of dying. Concerning this Dio relates that, as soon as he realized there was an ambush, and that the sen-

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34 Octavij Ferrarij

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34 Octavij Ferrarij

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 35 que defendendi sui, neque effugiendi facultatem habere vidit, . Eodemque planè verbo in morte Cæsaris vsus est; Nam ita a coniuratis vulneratum refert, vt præ ipsorum multitudine nec dicere, nec agere quidquam posset, . Et de . Illud postremo non omiserim, Tranquillum, ac Dionem dissentire in Cæsaris cæde narranda. Ille enim tradit, e coniuratis Cimbrum Tullum, quasi aliquid rogaturum propius accessisse, renuentique & gestu in aliud tempus differenti ab vtroque humero togam apprehendisse, ne scilicet Cæsar brachia expedire posset. Atqui Dion narrat quendam specie gratiarum agendarum accessisse, togamque Cæsari ab humero detraxisse, id enim signum inter coniuratos conuenerat. Quicquid sit, Cesar tunc vtrumque humerum toga opertum habuisse videtur, nisi hoc vltimum Dionis de humero sinistro intelligere malimus, ex quo detracta fuerit toga. Plut. ait Metellum (sed Tullium Cymbrum dicere voluit) vtraque manu comprehensam togam e collo detraxisse. Idque signum aggrediendi fuisse, quod signum in coniuratione alias vsurpatum. Nam Suetonius narrat, eundem Cæsare post Questuram venisse in suspicione, quasi cum Crasso, Sullaque, & Antrionio conspirasset, vt Senatum adorentur, signum autem cædis fuisse, vt Cæsar togam de humero deijceret. Quod ad Scipionem Nasicam attinet, quem dicit Plutarchus vadentem contra Gracchum laciniam togæ capiti imposuisse, alia res fuit. Nam cum repente in mediam rixam iturus esset, vbi fustibus ac saxis, subselliorumque fragminibus, & ceteris quæ furor ministraret maximè res agebatur, nullo spatio capiendi arma, non solam togæ laciniam, sed totam ferè partem inferiorem in rugas contractam, ac complicatam capiti imposuit ad tutelam, & se veluti galea communi E 2

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 35 which he saw neither the ability to defend himself nor to escape. The same expression was used quite plainly in Caesar’s death; for it is reported that, when he was wounded by the conspirators, because of their number he could say or do nothing at all. And concerning this. Finally, I will not omit the fact that Tranquillus and Dio differ in their account of Caesar’s murder. For the former relates that, among the conspirators, Cimber Tullus, as though about to ask something, approached closer, and when Caesar refused and with a gesture put him off to another time, he seized the toga by both shoulders, so that Caesar could not free his arms. But Dio says that someone approached under the pretext of offering thanks, and pulled Caesar’s toga from his shoulder; for that was the agreed signal among the conspirators. Whatever the case, Caesar then seems to have had the toga covering both shoulders, unless we prefer to understand Dio’s final statement of the left shoulder, from which the toga was pulled away. Plutarch says that Metellus (but he meant to say Tullius Cimber) with both hands grasped the toga and drew it down from the neck. And that was the signal to attack, a signal otherwise used in the conspiracy. For Suetonius relates that the same man came under suspicion after the Quaestorship, as though he had conspired with Crassus, Sulla, and Antonius, in order to force the Senate to yield; and that the signal for the murder was for Caesar to throw his toga from his shoulder. As for Scipio Nasica, whom Plutarch says, going against Gracchus, placed a fold of the toga upon his head, the matter was different. For when he was suddenly about to go into the midst of the quarrel, where the business was chiefly being carried on with clubs and stones, with the fragments of benches and the other things that frenzy could supply, and there was no time to take up weapons, he placed on his head not merely a fold of the toga, but almost the whole lower part, gathered into folds and folded up, for protection, and so defended himself as with a common helmet E 2

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 37 dusquam toga. Val. Maximus. lib. IV. cap. VI. Funerata vxore & in rogum imposita inter officium vngendi & osculandi stricto ferro incubuit, quem amici sicut erat togatum & calceatum corpori coniugis iunxerunt. Non ergo de togæ lacinia ea verba accipienda sunt, quæ numquam cum soleis gestata. Mulo minus de lacinia Græcanici pallij, non enim extrema ora, sed totum pallium capiti inijciebatur. Talem inducit Mæcenatem Seneca. Hunc esse qui in Tribunali, in Rostris in omni publico cætu sic apparuerit, vt pallio velaretur caput exclusis vtrimque auribus non aliter quam in Mimo Diuite fugitiui solent. Atqui seruos olim in Comædijs fugitiuos cum se ad cursura[m] expedirent pallium in caput iniecisse, vt agiliores essent, notum est. Plautus. Captiuis. Num certares est eodem pacto vt comici serui solent Conijciam in collum pallium. Et Epidico. Age nunc iam orna te Epidice, & palliolum, in collum conijce. Pessimè autem idem enarrator hunc accumbentium ritum fuisse contendit ex Plutarcho in Pompeio de Demetrio eius liberro. ἆγετ) ὑπιπολλάνις ὑπ[er] τὰις ἑμοδοχαῖς ἐπ[er] Πομαωνις ἀροσμενοντος, παὶ δεχομενον τὰς ἀλλονς ἐνεινος ἐπιδην πατενθος σοβαρῶς ἐχων δὲ ὑπεν ἐπὶ τὴς πεφαλής τὸ ἰμάτιον. Fertur sæpe in conuiuijs cum Pompeius expectaret, & conuiuas exciperet accumbere solitus cum magno fastu habens pallium per caput ad aures adductum. Vbi bonus ille vir. Nota inquit, particulam ἐπιδην qua notatur Demetrius, non quod accumbens veste caput innolueret, sed quod Pompeii ipsum in eo præueniret. Logi. Quis non videt notatam liberti importunitatem, quod ante dominum discumberet, qui alios conuiuas expectabat, deinde quod capite obtecto: quod soli ægroti, aut molles faciebant? Itaque & Trimalcio ille apud Petronium mollissimus pallio coccino adrasum incluserat caput circaque oneratas veste cervices laticlauiam immiserat mappam, quod conuiuis penè risum excussit. Ceterum quod ad velandum caput attinet alterum Petro- nij locum nemo interpretum assecutus est. Anicula quæ olus agreste vendebat Encolpium errantem in lupanar perduxit At subinde, inquit, vt in locum secretiorem peruenimus centonem anus urbana reiecit, & hic inquit debes habitare. Quid sit cento-

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De Re Vestiaria, Book I. 37 nowhere the toga. Valerius Maximus, book IV, chapter VI: after his wife had been carried to the funeral pyre, and while the rites of anointing and kissing were being performed, he threw himself upon it with a drawn sword; his friends, as he was, in toga and sandals, joined him to the body of his wife. Therefore those words are not to be taken from the border of the toga, since it was never worn with sandals. Still less should they be taken from the border of the Greek-style mantle, for it was not the outer edge, but the whole mantle that was thrown over the head. Seneca represents Maecenas in such a dress. This is the man who, in the tribunal, on the rostra, in every public gathering, appeared in this way, with his head covered by the cloak and both ears left uncovered, just as runaway slaves in farces used to do. Indeed, it is well known that in old comedies runaway slaves, when they were getting ready to run, threw the cloak over their heads so as to be more agile. Plautus, Captivi: “Would you contend in the same way as comic slaves usually do? I throw the cloak around my neck.” And in Epidicus: “Come now, adorn yourself, Epidicus, and throw your little cloak around your neck.” But that same commentator very badly claims that this custom of reclining at table is described from Plutarch, in Pompey, concerning Demetrius, his freedman. “Often at banquets, when Pompey was waiting and receiving his guests, he used to recline with great arrogance, with his cloak drawn over his head as far as his ears.” Thereupon that good man remarks: pay attention to the particle ἐπὶ δειπν, by which Demetrius is indicated, not because, while reclining, he had wrapped his head in his garment, but because he anticipated Pompey himself in that matter. Nonsense! Who does not see the marked insolence of a freedman, who reclined before his master, who was waiting for the other guests, and then, with his head covered—something done only by the sick or by effeminate men? And so that most effeminate Trimalchio in Petronius had enclosed his shaven head in a scarlet cloak, and around his neck, weighed down with clothing, had put the broad-striped napkin, which nearly provoked laughter from the guests. Moreover, as for the covering of the head, no one of the commentators has understood another passage in Petronius. An old woman who sold wild vegetables led Encolpius, wandering about, into a brothel. But then, he says, when we had come to a more secluded place, the old woman pushed aside the centon, and here, she says, you must live. What a centon-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 39 vtrumq[ue] brachium, aut saltem sinistrum cohiberet, totum- que corpus inuolueret, cingi nulla alia ratione potuit, quin eadem cincturâ, aut vtrumque, aut saltem læuum brachium colligaretur, quod cum, vt diximus, ad imam togæ oram contrahendam sub ipsa toga protenderetur, non nisi solu- tum, & vinculo expeditum id facere potuit. Deinde quo- modo sinus contraheretur in humerum, reijceretur, reuoca- retur, si cinctura impedimento fuisset? Atqui Sigonius, to- gam cingi solitam contendit, & Macrobij verbis nititur qui lib. 11. de Cæsare, Ita, inquit, toga præcingebatur, vt trahendo laciniam velut mollis incederet, vt Sylla tamquam prouidus dixerit Pompeio, caue tibi illum puerum malè præcinctum. Hunc Macro- bij locum ante nos suspectum habuit Manutius, atque pro toga tunica ponendum esse censuit, quòd idem narrans Sue- tonius de tunica intelligat; Ait enim Cæsarem cultu notabilem fuisse, vsum enim lato clauo ad manus fimbriato, nec vt vnquam ali- ter, quam vt super eum cingeretur, & quidem fluxiore cinctura, vnde emanasse Sullæ dictum optimates admonentis, vt malè præcin- ctum puerum cauerent. Absit vero vt cum Sigonio credamus, idem sensisse cum Macrobio Suetonium, & non ferendo er- rore in toga clauum fuisse, nam latum clauum pro tunica Se- natoria & lati clauia sumi solitum satis docti ostenderunt. Aut igitur corruptus Macrobij locus est, & pro toga, tu- nica reponendum est, quod fidentiùs ponerem, si quis MS. codex Macrobij ad manus esset in ea Vrbe, in qua etiam im- pressorum incredibilis penuria est: Aut suspicari possumus, ita tempore Macrobij toge formam immutatam esse, vt a lateri- bus aperta vel fortasse etiam additis manicis præcing eretur, vt talem veterum togam fuisse Macrobius crediderit. Certe idem de Hortensio loquens ait fuisse virum mollem, quique in præcinctu omnem decorem poneret, mox morosam eius togæ stru- cturam describit, quasi de togæ cinctura intelligat; Aut de- num existimauit veteres nodum illum in rugarum contabu- latione habuisse, quem fortasse togæ cinctum intellexit. Sed, & si de tunica loquutus fuerit Macrobius, neque sa- tis subsistere potest, quod subijcit, ita Cæsarem male præ- cinctum

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 39 Since it could neither wrap both arms, or at least restrain the left arm, and enfold the whole body, it could not be girded in any other way except by the same belt binding either both, or at least the left arm; and since, as we have said, this arm was extended beneath the toga in order to gather up the lowest hem of the toga, it could do this only when free and released from any tie. Then how would the fold be drawn up onto the shoulder, thrown back, and brought forward again, if the girding had been an impediment? Yet Sigonius maintains that the toga was accustomed to be girded, and relies on the words of Macrobius, who in book 11 On Caesar says: “Thus, he says, the toga was fastened around him, so that by drawing along the edge he walked as though softly, as Sylla, as a prudent man, is said to have told Pompey, ‘Beware that ill-girded boy.’” Manutius had already found this passage in Macrobius suspect before us, and judged that tunica should be read in place of toga , because Suetonius, in relating the same thing, understands the tunic. For he says that Caesar was remarkable in his dress, because he wore the broad purple stripe with fringes at the sleeves, and never otherwise than with it girded over him, and that too with a looser girding; whence arose Sulla’s remark, warning the nobles to beware of the ill-girded boy. But let us not agree with Sigonius in believing that Suetonius meant the same as Macrobius, and that the error is unbearable in the toga’s stripe; for learned men have sufficiently shown that the broad stripe is commonly taken for the senatorial tunic and the latus clavus. Therefore either Macrobius’ passage is corrupted, and tunica must be restored in place of toga —which I would place with greater confidence if any manuscript of Macrobius were at hand in this city, where there is also an incredible scarcity even of printed books—or else we may suspect that in Macrobius’ time the toga had changed shape so that, open at the sides and perhaps even with sleeves added, it was girded around, and Macrobius believed that such was the toga of the ancients. Certainly, speaking of Hortensius, he says that he was a soft man, one who placed all elegance in his girding, and then describes the rather fussy structure of that toga, as though he were speaking of the toga’s girding. Or finally he thought that the ancients had that knot in the arrangement of the folds, which he perhaps understood as the toga’s girding. But even if Macrobius was speaking of the tunic, what he adds cannot stand securely enough, namely, that Caesar was thus badly girded.

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40 Octauij Ferrarij cinctum fuisse, vt laciniam trahendo velut mollis incederet; Id enim fieri non potuit nisi in tunicis longis & talaribus, quæ cum essent in viris probrosæ, & infames, non est credendum a Cæsare quamuis molli gestatas, nec alius veterum id prodidit cum reliqua minutè exequeretur. Cùm itaque tunicæ viriles teste Quintiliano paulo infra genua caderent, quantumuis laxâ cincturâ quis præcinctus esset non poterat laciniam trahere. Præter quam quod laciniam trahere mollium fuisse, & effoeminatorum vns veterum quod sciam Macrobius dixit. Scio genus hominum cum tunicis demissitijs mulierosum Plauto dici: Sed causa in promptu, quia tales tunicæ mulierum fuere, & eorum qui opus muliebre faciebant: verum aliud est laciniam, siue syrma trahere. Tragoedilongum post se syrma ducebant, & nihil minùs quam effoeminati audiebant. Sane cum togæ talares essent euenire poterat vt si quis eam negligenter componeret, ac suspenderet, toga flueret, ac traheretur, qui tamen non vt molles, sed vt infani ridebantur. Val. Maximus. lib. VI. cap. VIII. Quam certæ, quam etiam notæ insaniæ Tuditanus? Vt pote qui populo nummos sparserit, togamque velut Tragicam vestem in foro trahens maximo cum hominum risu conspectus fuerit. Verè quidem aiebat Cicero apud Macrobius se in electione partium præcinctura Cæsaris deceptum fuisse, quod nempe laxior cinctura effoeminatum indicaret, & mollem, non quod laciniam traheret; Vnde Syllamonebat optimates, ne ex laxa præcinctura fractum Cæsaris animum, & nihil ausurum existimarent, nam ipsi multos Marios inesse. Illud igitur de lacinia, quodque Pompeium Sylla monuerit, vt Cæsarem caueret, de suo Macrobius adiecit scriptor non ita accuratus, vt & plagij non semel victus. Cum hæc sub prælo essent Insubres patriam meam ex negotijs reuisti, ibi in Bibliotheca Ambrosiana in tribus, Codicibus manu exaratis eandem cum impressa lectionem repperi & in omnibus toga constanter, retineri, vt omnino deceptum fuisse Macrobius necesse sit. Cinctus

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40 Octavius Ferrarius was girded about, so that by dragging his skirt he walked as if with a soft, effeminate gait; for this could not have happened unless in long, ankle-length tunics, which, since among men they were disgraceful and infamous, it is not to be believed were worn by Caesar, however delicately, nor has any other of the ancients reported this, while he was minutely following the rest. Since, therefore, male tunics, according to Quintilian, fell a little below the knees, no matter how loosely one was girded, one could not drag the skirt. Besides, the dragging of the skirt to have been the habit of the soft and effeminate, as far as I know no ancient writer said except Macrobius. I know that Plautus calls a kind of men with falling tunics womanish; but the reason is clear, because such tunics belonged to women and to those who did women’s work: but it is another thing to drag a skirt, or a syrma. Tragic actors would draw the long syrma behind them, and were thought anything but effeminate. Indeed, when togae were long enough, it could happen that if someone arranged and draped it carelessly, the toga would flow and be dragged; yet such men were laughed at not as soft, but as mad. Val. Maximus, lib. VI, cap. VIII. “How obvious, how well-known even, was Tuditanus’s madness! As one who had scattered coins among the people, and, dragging the toga through the forum as though it were a tragic garment, had been seen to the great laughter of men.” Truly Cicero, as Macrobius says, said that he had been deceived in choosing sides by Caesar’s girding, namely because a looser girding indicated an effeminate man and a soft one, not because he dragged his skirt; whence Sulla warned the optimates not to think, from Caesar’s loose girding, that he had a broken spirit and would dare nothing, for in him there were many Mariuses. That matter, then, about the skirt, and that Sulla warned Pompey to beware of Caesar, Macrobius added on his own account, a writer not so accurate, and thus also not once free from plagiarism. While these things were in print, the Insubres recalled me from business to my homeland; there, in the Ambrosian Library, in three manuscript codices, I found the same reading as in the printed edition, and in all of them toga is consistently retained, so that Macrobius must altogether have been mistaken. Cinctus

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42 Octauij Ferrarij ληγάταν) απολης πῶν σαλωτικῶν Ζασησεως αποκαλοῦν- τες. Ab vsu militaris vestimenti, ait Interpres. Putidè. Ne- mo enim tam puer est qui non videat, à militaris calceamenti vsu, vertendum esse. Sed hæc præter rem. Quemadmodum hunc Dionis locum a viro magno, non ferendo errore addu- ctum vt ostenderet caligas etiam Senatorum aliquando fuis- se, quod illi aliud agenti excidit. Neque rectè Xiphilinus ipse tradit, causam cur Cæsarem Sylla interficere voluerit fuisse, quod suspectam haberet cincturæ laxitatem. Ceterum hæc cincturæ laxitas non in toga fuit, vt diceba- mus, sed in tunica. Nam sola tunica cingebatur ab omnibus, præterquam a Senatoribus, ac laticlauijs. Nam vt ex Quin- tiliano docuit etiam Manutius, quibus ius lati claui erat, ij non cingebantur. Cui, inquit Rhetor, lati claui ius non erit, ita cingatur, vt tunice prioribus oris infra genua paulum, posterio- ribus ad medios poplites vsque perueniant; Nam infra mulierum est, suprà centurionum. Latum clauum habentium modus est, vt sit paulum cinctis submissior, id est, vt tunica lati claui, quæ non cingitur, paulo longior sit tunicâ non habentium ius lati cla- ui, quæ cingebatur. Egregiè igitur doctissimus Salmasius ad Historiam Augustâ obseruat, cultu Cæsaris tripliciter fuisse notabilè. Primò, quod cum ceteri tunicis non manicatis vte- rentur, & colobijs: Cæsar lato clauosiue tunica laticlauia ma- nuleata inducetur, ita vt oræ manicaru[m] fimbriatæ esset, quod mulieru[m] proprium; Deinde quod cum ceteri laticlauij no[n] cin- gerentur, ipse nihilominus tunicam laticlauiam cingeret; Tertium fuit, quod laxiore cinctura vteretur, siue vt Græci dicunt κανῶς ἔνοῦμπος esset. Haud inscius sum, non defore, qui aliter explicari posse Quintilianum dicant; latum haben- tium clauum modus est, vt sit paulum cinctis submissior; Ita sci- licet latum clauum gestatum fuisse, vt infra cincturam ca- deret, siue esset cinctu inferior, atque hoc modo Suetonij verba de Cæsare accipienda. Verum id nullo modo consiste- re potest; Si enim communis lati claui vsus fuisset, vt infe- rior zonâ esset, id tamquam nouum ac notabile in Cæsare non obseruasset Suetonius, quòd super latum clauum cinge- retur;

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42. Octavius Ferrarius calling them the legate) by the destruction of the Salotic ones. "From the use of military dress," says the Interpreter. Crude indeed. For no one is so much a child that he does not see that it ought to be translated from the use of military footwear. But this is beside the point. Just as this passage in Dio was brought in by a great man, through an intolerable error, in order to show that even the Senators at times had wore caligae, which escaped him while he was engaged in something else. Nor does Xiphilinus himself state correctly that the reason why Sylla wanted Caesar to be killed was that he thought the looseness of his girdle suspicious. Moreover, this looseness of the girdle was not in the toga, as we were saying, but in the tunic. For everyone was girded only with the tunic, except the Senators and those wearing the latus clavus. For, as even Mantius taught from Quintilian, those who had the right to the broad stripe were not girded. "For whom," says the rhetorician, "the right to the broad stripe shall not be, let him be so girded that the front edges of the tunic may extend somewhat below the knees, and the back as far as the middle of the ham; for below this belongs to women, above to centurions." The rule for those who have the broad stripe is that they should be somewhat less pulled up, that is, that the tunic of the broad stripe, which is not girded, should be a little longer than the tunic of those who do not have the right to the broad stripe, which was girded. Therefore the most learned Salmasius observes excellently in the Historia Augusta that the dress of Caesar was notable in three ways. First, because while the others wore tunics without sleeves and colobia, Caesar was arrayed in a tunic with the broad stripe, or laticlavian tunic, with sleeves, so that the hem of the sleeves was fringed, which is proper to women. Then, because while the other laticlavians did not gird themselves, he nevertheless girded the laticlavian tunic; third, because he used a looser girdle, or, as the Greeks say, was κανῶς ἔνοῦμπος. I am not unaware that there will be those who say Quintilian can be explained otherwise: "The rule for those who have the broad stripe is that they should be somewhat less pulled up." That is to say, the broad stripe was worn so that it fell below the girdle, or was lower than the belt, and that Suetonius' words about Caesar are to be understood in this way. But this in no way can stand; for if the common use of the broad stripe had been to be lower than the belt, Suetonius would not have noted as something new and remarkable in Caesar that he wore the broad stripe over the girdle;

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 43 retur; Latus clauus igitur tam apud Suetonium, quam apud Quintilianum est tunica lati claui, quam vult cinctis submi- ssiorem Quintilianus, id est tunicis aëmis, & quæ cingeban- tur: non autem cincturâ, nisi quis cincturam pro tunica cin- cta intelligat vt paulo infra Rhetor posteriorem partem togæ vult altius cadere cinctura hoc est tunicę longitudine, de quo suo loco. Quod ergo tunicam lati claui cingeret Cæsar, cul- tu notabilis fuit cum reliqui laticlauii non cingerentur. Et hoc est, vt docti obseruant, quod Horatius dixit. Latum de- misit pectore clauum, hoc est, fluente tunicâ, & nullâ Zonâ constrictâ: cuius rei ignoratio viros harum literarum Iuris- que Antistites eo adegit, vt scriberent, clauum fuisse plagu- lam, quæ in pectus demitteretur collo appensam, vt numismata, at- que apud veteres puerorum bullæ erant ceruicibus suspensæ. Quæ opinio iam doctis explosa Nosque de lato clauo infra pauca quædam afferemus. Expenduntur scriptores, qui togam cingi solitam docere videntur. Cinctus Gabinus. Cap. XIV. Eterum togam cingi solitam Sigonius ex Valerio Maxi- mo confirmari posse credidit lib. III. cap. I. Aemilius Lepidus puer etiam tum progressus in aciem hostem interemit, ciuem seruanit: cuius tam memorabilis operis index est in Capitolio statua bullata, & incincta prætexta, S. C. posita. Prætextam autem, to- gam fuisse, nemo ignorat. Verum, vt etiam Manutio ob- seruatum est, cinctus ille non communis fuit, aut ciuilis, sed militaris, quem Gabinum dixêre, cuius origo è militia, & vsus initio tantum in militia fuit. Frontinus etiam cinctus togæ meminit lib. IV. Piso Titium Præfectum cohortis, quod loco fugituius cesserat cincto togæ præciso, soluta tunica, nudis pedibus in principijs quotidie stare iussit. Sed hoc etiam de cinctu Gabino intelligendum est; Nam cum antiquissimi Romani etiam in prælio togis vterentur, idque fusum, ac laxum vestimentum esset, non aliter quam ritu Gabino succincti pugnarunt. Plutarchus in Coriolano tra- dit, F 2

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 43 retur; The broad purple stripe, therefore, both in Suetonius and in Quintilian is the tunic of the broad stripe, which Quintilian wants to be lower than the girded garments, that is, than the tunics of the aëmii , and those which were girded: but not by a girdle, unless one understands the girdle as the girded tunic. As the rhetor says a little below, he wants the later part of the toga to fall higher by the girdle, that is, by the length of the tunic, about which in its place. Therefore, when Caesar girded the tunic of the broad stripe, he was remarkable in dress, whereas the others of the broad stripe did not wear girdles. And this is, as learned men observe, what Horace said: “He lowered the broad stripe from his breast,” that is, with a tunic flowing loose and with no belt constricting it. Ignorance of this matter has driven the authorities among men of letters and law to the point that they wrote that the stripe was a small tablet, hanging down on the breast by a cord around the neck, like medals, and that among the ancients boys’ bullae were suspended from the neck. This opinion has now been rejected by scholars, and we shall set forth below a few things about the broad stripe. Writers who seem to teach that the toga was customarily girded are examined. The Gabine cincture. Chapter XIV. Moreover, Sigonius believed that the custom of girding the toga could be confirmed from Valerius Maximus, book III, chapter I: “Aemilius Lepidus, while still a boy, advanced into the battle line and killed an enemy, saving a citizen; a statue, wearing the bulla and girded with the praetexta, set up by decree of the Senate in the Capitol, is the marker of that most memorable deed.” Everyone knows that the praetexta was a toga. But, as Manutius also noted, that girding was not ordinary or civic, but military, which they called the Gabine cincture, the origin of which was from military service, and whose use at first existed only in the army. Frontinus also mentions the girding of the toga in book IV: “Piso ordered Titus the prefect of a cohort, because he had yielded his position to a runaway, to stand every day in the camp at headquarters, with his toga girded in the cut fashion, tunic loose, and bare feet.” But this too must be understood of the Gabine cincture; for since the most ancient Romans even used togas in battle, and since that was a flowing and loose garment, they fought only when drawn up and belted in the Gabine manner. Plutarch in the Coriolanus relates, F 2

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Octauij Ferrarij dit, primis temporibus morem fuisse Romanis in acie constitutis, antequam clypeos sumerent, togamque præcingerent, testamenta in procinctu facere, tribusque, aut quatuor audientibus hæredem nuncupare, , inquit, . De eodem cinctu capiendus idem Plutarchus, loquens de Romulo opima loui ferente, quamuis vestem solum incinctam dicat, . Igitur apud Frontinum de Titio cohortis præfecto, quem quod locum fugitiuis cesserat cincto togæ præciso Piso stare iussit in principijs. Nihil aliud est quam lacinia togæ præcisa quæ subducta, & retroacta reductaque ad pectus in nodum cogebatur. Val. Max. eandem rem narrans lib. 1. 1. cap. VII. His Præfectum ignominiae generibus affecit, iussit eum toga lacinijs abscissis amictum discinctaque tunica nudis pedibus adesse. Id est toga ita decurtata vt cingi more militari non posset. Hinc etiam quoties rixa in Vrbe orie batur & ad manus ventum erat toga succingebatur. Idem Plutarchus de seditione Gracchana; . Quod vt circumstantibus aperuit Tiberius præcingunt hi confestim togas, mox subdit, frangentesque apparitorum hastilia, quibus cætum submouent arripiunt fragmenta, vt ijs repellant vim inferentes. Duces etiam & Imperatores hoc modo accincti spolia cremabant. Appianus in Punicis de Scipione post deuictum Annibalem spolia cremante. Ipse inquit, vt Romanorum ducum mos est , id est accinctus spolia cremauit, siue incincta toga, quod verbum infra repetit cum diruta Carthagini ab altero Scipione præda cremata est. Et in Mithridaticis idem a Silla factitatum prodit cum esset more Romano . Quod autem toga prius subduceretur, tum cingeretur idem demonstrat lib. 1. 1. ciuilium. Loquens de Antonio in Cæsaris funere satagente. His

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Octauij Ferrarij says that in the earliest times it was the custom among the Romans, when drawn up in battle, before they took up their shields and girded on their toga, to make wills in the battle line, and to declare an heir in the hearing of three or four witnesses, he says. On the same girding one should understand Plutarch as well, when he speaks of Romulus carrying the spoils to Jupiter, although he says only that the garment was girded on. So, in Frontinus, concerning Titius, prefect of a cohort, whom Piso, because he had yielded his place to fugitives, ordered to stand in the principia with his toga cut and girt up. It is nothing else than the cut edge of the toga, which, being drawn up, brought back and gathered around the breast, was tied in a knot. Val. Max., narrating the same matter in book 1, chapter VII, says: he punished the prefect with marks of disgrace; he ordered him to appear in a toga with the edges cut away, with his tunic ungirt, and barefoot. That is, the toga was so shortened that it could not be girded in the military manner. Hence also, whenever a brawl arose in the city and it came to blows, the toga was tucked up. The same Plutarch, on the sedition of the Gracchi; and when he had explained this to those standing by, Tiberius ordered them to gird themselves; they at once tucked up their togas, then, breaking the staffs of the attendants, with which they were keeping the crowd back, they seized the fragments so as to ward off those using force against them. Leaders and commanders as well, girded in this way, burned the spoils. Appian, in the Punic War, on Scipio burning the spoils after Hannibal had been defeated. He says, as is the custom of Roman commanders, that is, girded up, he burned the spoils, or with the toga tucked up, a word he repeats below when, after Carthage had been destroyed by the other Scipio, the spoils were burned. And in the Mithridatic Wars he reports the same thing was done by Sulla, when it was done in the Roman manner. But that the toga was first tucked up and then girded, he shows in book 1 of the Civil Wars, speaking of Antony busied about at Caesar’s funeral. His

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 45 His dictis inquit quali fanaticus ἐσ ἐνεσύρατο παί περιζωσί. μενος vt esset expeditior, subductam togam accingens. Atqui hic Cinctus Gabinus fuit. Seruius ad illud. Ipse Quirinali trabea cinctuque Gabino Insignis referat stridentia limina Consul. Gabinus, inquit, cinctus ex toga sic in tergum reiecta vt vna (lege ima) eius lacinia a tergo reiecta hominem cingat. Hoc autem ve- stimenti genere addit vti solitum Consulem bella inducituru[m], quòd cum Gabij Campaniæ ciuitas sacris operaretur, bel- lum subito venit, tum ciues accinctos togis suis ab agris (le- gearis) ad bella profectos, & adeptos esse victoriam, vnde cum morem emanasse. Idem ad illud lib. v. Vrbem designat aratro. Quem Cato Originalibus dicit morem fuisse. Condituri enim ciuitates taurum indextra, vaccam in sinistra iungebant: & cincti ritu sabi- no (1. Gabino) idest togæ parte capitis (1. capita, vel capite) ve- lati, parte succincti tenebant stiuam obliquam vt glebæ omnes in- trinsecus caderent. Togæ parte siue lacinia superiore caput velabant, inferiore lacinia se accingebant. Liuius etiam lib. IIX. de Decio se deuouente. Pontifex eum togam prætextam sumere iussit, & velato capite manu subter togam ad mentum exerta super telum subiectum pedibus stantem dicere. Mox. Ipse incinctus cinctu Gabino armatus in equum insiluit, & se in medios hostes im- misit. Ex his manifestum sit, cinctum Gabinum non aliud fuisse, quam cum togæ lacinia læuo brachio subducta in tergum reijciebatur, ac retrahebatur ad pectus, atq[ue] ita in nodum colligabatur, vt togam contraheret, & breuiorem, ac stri- ctiorem redderet. Hoc intellexit Isidorus cum ait. Cinctus Gabinus est, cum ita imponitur toga, vt togæ lacinia quæ post secus reijcitur, attrahitur ad pectus, ita vt ex vtroque ex humeris picturæ pendeant, vt sacerdotes gentilium faciebant, aut cingebantur præ- tores. Locus corruptus. Quid enim picturæ ex vtroque ex hu- meris? Puto legendum Cinctus Gabinus dicitur, cum ita impo- nebatur toga vt togæ lacinia, quæ post reijcitur attraheretur ad pectus, ita vt ex vtroque latere penderet, nempe togæ lacinia. Quod ad pictu-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 45 Having said these things, he says, as if frantic, he girded himself, having drawn up the toga, so that he might be more agile. Yet this was the Cinctus Gabinus. Servius on that passage: He himself, distinguished with the Quirinal trabea and the Gabine girding, let the consul cross the creaking threshold. “Gabinus,” he says, is a girding from the toga thus thrown back over the shoulders, so that one fold of it (read the upper fold) thrown behind girds the man. But he adds that this manner of dress was customarily used by the consul when he was to lead out wars, because when the city of Gabii in Campania was busy with sacred rites, war suddenly came; then the citizens, having girded their togas, set out from the fields to war and obtained victory, from which the custom is said to have spread. The same writer on that passage in book V: He marks out the city with the plough. Cato says that this was the custom in the Origines. For when they were founding cities, they yoked a bull on the right and a cow on the left; and, girded in the Sabine rite (or Gabine), that is, with part of the toga over the head (or with the head, or on the head) covered, and part tucked up, they held the crooked plough so that all the clods should fall inward. With the upper part or fold of the toga they covered the head; with the lower fold they girded themselves. Livy also in book VIII, on Decius devoting himself: the pontiff ordered him to take the praetexta toga, and with his head veiled, with his hand thrust under the toga to the chin, to stand over the spear placed beneath his feet and speak. Then: He himself, girt with the Gabine girding and armed, leaped onto a horse and threw himself into the midst of the enemy. From these things it is clear that the Cinctus Gabinus was nothing other than this: when the fold of the toga was drawn up with the left arm and thrown back over the shoulders, it was pulled back to the chest and thus tied in a knot, so that it gathered the toga up and made it shorter and tighter. Isidore understood this when he said: “The Cinctus Gabinus is when the toga is arranged in such a way that the fold of the toga which is thrown back behind is drawn to the chest, so that from both shoulders picturæ hang down, as the priests of the gentiles did, or as the praetors were girded.” The passage is corrupt. For what are “picturae” from both shoulders? I think it should be read: “The Cinctus Gabinus is said to be when the toga is arranged in such a way that the fold of the toga which is thrown back is drawn to the chest, so that it hangs from both sides, namely the fold of the toga.” As for pictu-

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Octauij Ferrarij 46 picturas attinet, ab Persij interprete decipi potuit omnia conuerrens Isidorus cuius verba sunt Toga est purum pallium forma rotunda, & fusiore atque inundante sinu, & sub dextro veniens super humerum sinistrum ponitur: cuius similitudinem in operi- mentis simulachrorum, vel picturarum aspicimus, easque statuas to- gatas vocamus. Porrò idem Interpres Persij paulo post muri- lus est cum ait ad illud succinctis laribus; Quia Gabino habi- tu cinctuque Dij Penates formabantur obuoluti toga super humerum sinistrum dextro nudo. Non enim toga sinistrum humerum in- uoluens cinctus Gabinus erat. Nam communis hic gestan- di togam modus. Idem paulo ante adductus. Toga est purum pallium forma rotunda & fusiore, atque inundante sinu & sub dex- tro veniens super humerum sinistrum ponitur. Non erat inquam Cinctus Gabinus toga sinistrum humerum inuoluere, sed quem supra posuimus, & infra etiam explicabimus. Cinctus ergo Gabini origo hæc fuit; Cum toga, vt dixi- mus, longum, ac redundans vestimentum esset, & ideo pu- gnæ incongruum, repentina, vt notat Seruius, apud Gabios hostium incursione cum non esset tempus deponendi togas, ac sumendi chlamydes, subductam, & retrò reiectam togæ laciniam hinc inde reuocantes ad pectus se ea incinxerunt, siue succinxerunt, qui cinctus inde Gabinns seruatus in sa- cris, & cum Consul Ianum referaret, aut Imperator in bello prætextam sumeret, quæ hoc ritu incingebatur, aut Prætor mappam Circensibus mitteret; atque hoc habitu statua Le- pido posita est, & de hoc cincto togæ præciso intelligendus Frontinus. Hoc etiam sensu capienda Afranij verba apud Nonium. Equidem prandere stantem nobiscum incinctam togam, id est lacinia sua retracta ad pectus constrictam, & colliga- tam. Nisi quis credat a meretrice in conuiuio togam more tunicæ zona cinctam, quod aliter fieri non potuit quam si v- trumque brachium exereretur, atque ita superior pars ab hu- meris deflueret. Mihi sufficiat ostendisse togam communi vsu non fuisse cingi solitam, imò nec potuisse. Docti

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Octauij Ferrarij 46 As for paintings, he could have been deceived by Persius’ commentator, who, conflating everything, is in error where Isidore’s words are: “A toga is a plain cloak, round in shape, with a fuller and flowing fold, and coming from under the right arm is placed over the left shoulder; in the likeness of this we see in the coverings of images, or of paintings, and we call those statues togatae .” Moreover, the same commentator on Persius, a little later, is even more mistaken when he says concerning the words “with the girded household gods”: “Because the Penates were fashioned in the Gabinian style, wrapped in a toga over the left shoulder with the right side bare.” For the cinctus Gabinus was not a toga wrapping the left shoulder. Rather, it was the ordinary way of wearing the toga. The same point was made a little earlier. “A toga is a plain cloak, round in shape and fuller, with a flowing fold, and coming from under the right arm is placed over the left shoulder.” I say that the cinctus Gabinus was not the toga wrapping the left shoulder, but the manner we set out above, and shall also explain below. The origin of the Gabinian girding was this: since the toga, as we said, was a long and cumbersome garment, and therefore unsuitable for fighting, at Gabii, when there was a sudden enemy attack and there was no time to lay aside the togas and take up cloaks, they drew up the skirt of the toga and threw it back, and thus, bringing the folds in front from either side to the chest, they girded or fastened themselves with it; and this manner of girding was thereafter preserved in sacred rites, and when the consul was about to summon Janus, or when the general in war took up the praetexta, which was girded in this fashion, or when the praetor sent the signal cloth to the games of the Circus. And it was in this dress that the statue of Lepidus was set up, and Frontinus must be understood in reference to this cut or shortened toga. Afranius’ words in Nonius are to be taken in this same sense: “Indeed, eating lunch standing with the toga girded on with us,” that is, with its skirt drawn back and bound at the chest and fastened. Unless someone believes that at a banquet a prostitute wore the toga girded with a belt like a tunic, which could not have been done otherwise than if both arms were exposed and thus the upper part flowed down from the shoulders. Let it be enough for me to have shown that the toga was not usually worn girded, indeed could not have been. Docti

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 47 Docti viri opinio refutata de cinctu Gabino Catonis cum ius diceret. Tertullianus de pallio explicatus. Cap. XV. Tertullianus de pallio cap. III. ait, Catonem, qui Græcos pellendos Vrbe censuerat, Præturæ tempore Græcis in habitu fauisse humero exerto. Verba eius sunt. Atque adeo ipse qui Græcos pellendos Vrbe censebat (literas eorum vocemq; senex iam eruditus) idem Cato iuridicinæ suæ in tempore humerum exertus non minus palliato habitu Græcis fauit. Hic locus reiq; vestiariæ imperitia mira vaticinari coegit interpretes. Sunt qui togatos humero exerto esse non posse dicant, sed palliatos, & ideo palliatum Catonem in prætura fuisse, non toga- rum. Alij Catonem quod Orator esset, & fori habitator habitu Oratorum fuisse in Prætura contendunt, quòd Rheto- res, & Causidici in gestu faciundo humerum exertum toga haberent. Hos omnes iure refutat vir magnus in suis ad Ter- tullianum notis neque tamen ipse meliorem sententiam affert. Vult enim credia Tertulliano designari tempus quo Magistratum gessit Cato; Quòd nempe in Magistratu tantum, Prætura scilicet, vel Consulatu, & reliquis, Romani hume- rum exertum haberent, atque hunc habitum fuisse, quem cinctum Gabinum vocarent. Sic toga incinctos fuisse Con- sules, vel Prætores, cum in aliquo solemnia actu versarentur: cum rem diuinam facerent: Ianum recluderent: item cum Prætor in ludis mappam mitteret. Cum ergo Cato Prætor humerum exertus, siue nudus esset, hoc cinctu Gabino a Tertulliano dici, Græcis Iuridicinæ suæ tempore fauisse. Sed demonstrandum fuerat viro doctissimo, etiam Præto- res cum Ius dicerent Cinctu Gabino incinctos fuisse, quod illi difficillimum fore puto. Vt autem hoc ei demus omnes Prætores in Gabino cinctu fuisse cum ius redderent, cur Ter- tullianus felum Catonem nominuit, cum vtique validius futurum fuisse argumentum si dixisset, Prætores omnes Iuri- dicinæ tempore humerum exerti habitu palliato Græcis fauerunt, im- mo

Transcription: Translated (English)

On The Dress, Book I. 47 The opinion of an erudite man refuted concerning Cato’s Gabinian girding when he was giving judgment. Tertullian on the pallium explained. Chapter XV. In chapter III of De Pallio , Tertullian says that Cato, who had voted that the Greeks should be expelled from the City, in the time of his praetorship favored the Greeks in their dress, with his shoulder exposed. His words are these: “And indeed that same Cato, who had advised that the Greeks be driven from the City (an old man already learned in their letters and speech), in the time of his magistracy, with his shoulder exposed, no less favored the Greeks in a pallium-like dress.” This passage, through ignorance of the history of dress, has compelled interpreters to make wonderful conjectures. There are some who say that men in a toga cannot have the shoulder exposed, but only those in a pallium, and therefore that Cato was in praetorship in the pallium, not in the toga. Others maintain that Cato, since he was an orator and a frequenter of the Forum, was in praetorship in the dress of orators, because rhetoricians and advocates, in making gestures, wore the toga with the shoulder exposed. A great man in his notes on Tertullian rightly refutes all these men, though he himself does not propose a better interpretation. For he wishes us to believe that Tertullian meant the time when Cato held magistracy; namely, that only in office, that is, in the praetorship or consulship and the like, did the Romans have the shoulder exposed, and that this was the dress which they called the Gabinian girding. Thus consuls or praetors were said to have their togas tucked up when they were engaged in some solemn act: when they performed sacrifice, when they opened Janus, and likewise when the praetor threw down the napkin at the games. Therefore, when Cato, as praetor, had his shoulder exposed, or was bare, this, Tertullian is said to call the Gabinian girding, and to have favored the Greeks at the time of his judicial office. But it should have been shown by the very learned man that praetors too, when they were giving judgment, were girded in the Gabinian manner, which I think would have been most difficult for him. But even if we grant him that all praetors wore the Gabinian girding when they were rendering justice, why did Tertullian mention Cato alone, when surely the argument would have been much stronger if he had said that all praetors, at the time of their judicial office, with shoulder exposed in a pallium-like dress, favored the Greeks, indeed...

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48 Octauij Ferrarij mò quotquot Magistratus publica munia obibant. Hæc nullo pa- cto possunt consistere. Quid ergo? Nomine Græcorum hic philosophos designari nemo dubitare potest, qui meminerit vetus illud maledictum in Philosophos distingi solitum [n]o[n] [γραπτος ουπητης]; Et Græci quos pellendos Vrbe Cato censuerat Philosophi, siue sophistæ fuerunt. Quanquam non Ca- tonem, qui exitu suo Vticam nobilitauit, sed seniorem, Phi- losophos Vrbe pellendos censuisse, & ideo memoria lapsum Tertullianum, & ratio ipsa, & Gasparis Sciopij V. C. autori- tas suadet. Confirmat hoc Plinius lib. VII. cap. xxx. Cato Censorius in illa nobili trium sapientiæ procerum ab Athenis lega- tione, audito Carneade, quamprimum legatos eos censuit dimit- tendos, quoniam illo viro argumentante, quid veri esset haud fa- cile discerni posset. Quanta morum commutatio! Ille semper alio- quin vniuersos ex Italia pellendos censuit Græcos: at pronepos eius Vticensis Cato vnum ex Tribunatu militum Philosophum, alterum ex Cypria legatione deportauit. Eandemque linguam ex duobus Ca- tonibus illum abiecisse, hunc importasse memorabile est. Ita enim locus ille legendus. Cùm igitur hic Tertullianus tradit Ca- tonem habitu palliato fauisse Græcis, de pallio Philosopho- rum haud dubiè intellexit quod ita præcipuè a Cynicis gesta- batur, vt dextro brachio subiectum in læuum humerum reij- ceretur, exerto humero dextro, & plerumque nudo, ma- xime in Cynicis, qui sine tunicis, aut saltem strictis tunicu- lis humerum non velantibus indutierant. Vetus Interpres Iuuenalis ad illud Sat. XIII. nec Stoica dogmata legit, A Cyni- cistunica distantia, hæc notat. Dicit Cynicorum, & Stoicorum dog- ma conuenire, tantum veste distare; Nam Cynica mater hæresis Stoi- cæ: Cynici absque pallio exerto brachio; Sed vel nugatur solens Glossator ille, vel pro palliotunica legendum est, totusque ille locus corrigendus; Nam Cynica hæresis (secta) mater Stoi- cæ: Cynici absque tunica, ex pallio exerto brachio. In Antholo- gia lib. I I. de philosophis. [Kai 5όλιον, μάλιον, άωνγεώνιον, ὑμιον ἐξω.] Et bacillus, villosa vestis, barbula, humerus exertus. Quare S. Cyprianus Cynicorum vocat exerti, ac seminudi pectoris inuere- cundam

Transcription: Translated (English)

48 Octauij Ferrarii moreover, as many as were performing public duties as magistrates. These things can in no way be made to stand. What then? No one can doubt that here philosophers are meant by the name of the Greeks, if he remembers that old curse on philosophers commonly distinguished by [n]o[n] [γραπτος ουπητης]; and the Greeks whom Cato judged should be driven from the City were philosophers, or rather sophists. Yet it was not Cato, who made Utica famous by his death, but the elder Cato, who is said to have judged that philosophers should be driven from the City; and for that reason Tertullian, who had slipped in memory, is corrected both by reason itself and by the authority of the learned Gaspar Scioppius. This is confirmed by Pliny, book VII, chapter 30: Cato the Censor, in that famous embassy of the three leaders of wisdom from Athens, after hearing Carneades, judged that those envoys should be dismissed as quickly as possible, because, with that man arguing, what was true could not easily be distinguished. What a change in morals! He had always otherwise judged that the Greeks should all be driven out of Italy; but his great-grandson Cato of Utica expelled one philosopher from the military tribunate and another from the embassy to Cyprus. And it is worth remembering that the same language was cast out by one of the two Catos and brought in by the other. For thus that passage should be read. Since, then, this Tertullian states that Cato favored the Greeks in the pallium-clad dress, he undoubtedly understood by the pallium the garment of philosophers, which was especially worn by the Cynics, so that it was thrown from the right arm over the left shoulder, with the right shoulder exposed and, for the most part, bare, especially among the Cynics, who wore no tunics, or at least only tight little tunics not covering the shoulder. The old interpreter of Juvenal on that line in Satire 13, “nor does he read Stoic doctrines, differing from the Cynic tunic,” notes the following: he says that the doctrines of the Cynics and Stoics agree, differing only in dress; for the Cynic is the mother of the Stoic heresy: the Cynics without the pallium, with the arm exposed. But either that glossator is usually joking, or palliotunica must be read, and the whole passage corrected; for: Cynic heresy (sect) mother of the Stoic: Cynics without a tunic, with the arm exposed from the pallium. In the Anthology, book II, on philosophers: [Kai 5όλιον, μάλιον, άωνγεώνιον, ὑμιον ἐξω.] and a little staff, a shaggy garment, a little beard, the shoulder exposed. Wherefore St. Cyprian calls the shamelessness of the Cynics, with exposed and half-naked chest,

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 49 cundam iactantiam. His nempe Græcis philosophis, quos Vrbe pellendos censuerat, Iuridicinæ tempore fauit Cato exerto & ipse, nudoque humero, non ex Gabino cinctu, sed quia sine tunica erat, idque præter morem ceterorum, & ideo ipsum peculiariter nominat Tertullianus. Id nisi apertè docebimus nulla causa est quin nihil nobis in posterum credatur. Val. Maximus lib. III. cap. vi. M. autem Cato Prætor M. Scauri, cæterorumque iudicia nulla indutus tunica sed tantummodo prætexta amicus egit. Asconius Pædianus in Orationem pro Scauro Cato inquit, Prætor iudicium, quia æstate agebatur, sine tunica exercuit, campestri sub toga cinctus; In forum quoque sic descenderat, iusque dicebat, idque repererat ex vetere consuetudine, secundum quam & Romuli statuæ in Capitolio, & in Rostris Camilli fuerunt, togatæ sine tunicis. Sed quod ait Pædianus, id egisse Catonem, quia tempus æstiuum erat, præter tolerantiam est magni illius viri, ac Romanorum vltimi. Vera ergo causa a Plutarcho affertur, hoc illum egisse, non quòd gloriam ex hac nouitate aucuparetur, sed quo assuesceret ob solam turpitudinem erubescere, reliqua indecora contemnere. πολλάνις δὲ, inquit ἀννπόδητος, καὶ ἀχίτων ἐἰς τὸ δημόσιον όροίηει μετ' ἀρισον. Crebro sine calceis, & tunica procedebat a prandio in publicum. Ob causam quam attulimus. Sed quod magis ad rem nostram pertinet, idem tradit, Catonem prætorem factum creditum esse non tantum maiestatis & fastigij recte administrando adiecisse magistratui, quantum detraxisse, ac deformasse; Verba eius sunt ἀννπόδητος, καὶ ἀχίτων πολλάνις ὑπὶ τὸ Βήμα όροσερχόμενος, καὶ ἔανατιμὰς δίνας ἐπιφανῶν ἀνδρῶν ὑμπτω ἑραβλήν. Quod frequenter sine calceis & tunica (vetus Interpres perperam habet, sine toga) ad tribunal accederet, & de capite illustrium virorum sententiam ferret. Tertiò eiusdem rei meminit Plutarchus, quod cum Consulatus repulsam tulisset, eaque res non solum ipsis candidatis, sed etiam eorum amicis solita esset per multos dies cum aliquo rubore tristitiam, ac mærorem afferre, adeò eum casum lentè tulerit Cato, vt vnctus pila lulerit, & a prandio ruriùs in forum more suo sine calceis, & G absque

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 49 a certain boasting. For those Greek philosophers whom he had judged should be expelled from the City, Cato favored the jurisdictional proceeding, himself also with bare arm and naked shoulder, not from a Gabinian girding, but because he was without a tunic; and this contrary to the custom of the rest, and therefore Tertullian especially names him. Unless we make this clear, there is no reason why nothing should be believed of us hereafter. Val. Maximus, book III, chapter vi. M. Cato, however, when praetor to M. Scaurus and the others, conducted their trials wearing no tunic at all, but only a praetexta and cloak. Asconius Pedianus, in the Oration for Scaurus: Cato, he says, when praetor, because the trial was being held in summer, conducted it without a tunic, girded with the campestris under his toga; he had also descended thus into the Forum, and was giving judgments, and he had found this from ancient custom, according to which both the statues of Romulus on the Capitol and Camillus in the Rostra were toga-clad without tunics. But what Pedianus says, that Cato did this because it was the summer season, is beneath the endurance of that great man and of the last of the Romans. The true cause is therefore given by Plutarch: he did this, not because he was seeking glory from this novelty, but so that by the mere ugliness of it he might become accustomed to blushing and despise other forms of indecency. πολλάνις δὲ, inquit ἀννπόδητος, καὶ ἀχίτων εἰς τὸ δημόσιον ὁροίηει μετ' ἀρίστον. Frequently he would go out into public after dinner without shoes and without a tunic. For the reason we have given. But what more concerns our subject is that he likewise reports that Cato, when made praetor, was thought not so much to have properly added dignity and grandeur to the magistracy by administering it well, as to have taken from it and disfigured it; his words are ἀννπόδητος, καὶ ἀχίτων πολλάνις ὑπὶ τὸ Βήμα ὁροσερχόμενος, καὶ ἔανατιμὰς δίνς ἐπιφανῶν ἀνδρῶν ὑμπτω ἑραβλήν. That he frequently came to the tribunal without shoes and tunic (the old translator wrongly has, without a toga), and gave judgment on the heads of distinguished men. Thirdly, Plutarch makes mention of the same matter, that when he had suffered defeat for the consulship, and that event was accustomed not only to the candidates themselves but even to their friends, for many days, to bring sorrow and grief with some blush of shame; Cato bore that misfortune so calmly that, anointed, he played ball, and from dinner returned again to the Forum in his usual manner without shoes, and without

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50 Octauij Ferrarij absque tunica descendens cum familiaribus deambularit. Ac ne quis dicat, præter tunicam superiorem etiam interiorem gestasse Romanos, & propterea nudum humerum habere non potuisse Catonem, non semper hoc verum fuit, & inte- riores istæ tunicæ, siue subculæ strictæ erant, & humerum excludebant. Gellius lib. VII. cap. XI. I. Viri Romani primo quidem sine tunicis toga sola amicti fuerunt (hoc voluit imitari Cato) postea substrictas, & breues tunicas citra humerum desinen- te habebant; Quales etiam fuisse Cynicorum subuculas, si ta- men omnes ijs vtebantur existimamus. Tam Cato igitur in Prætura, sed solus, quàm Græci phi- losophi exerto, nudoque humero fuerunt, & ideo Catonem in Prætura humero exerto non minus quam palliati solerent, Græcis Tertullianus fauisse dixit. Recte igitur Baronium in exercitationibus Casaubonus reprehendit, qui Catonem pal- liatum ius dixisse prodidit, sed nec ipse Tertulliani sensum as- secutus est. Eandem inquit & Tertullianus significare voluit, cum dixit illum ius dixisse humero exerto, quod non solum de pal- liatis dicitur, verum etiam de togatis, qui togæ laciniam humero detractam sub brachium conijciebant. Atqui omnes ætate Cato- nis exerto hoc modo brachio erant. Ita de nudo intelligen- dum, quia sine tunica. Quare frustra etiam a viris doctissi- mistres modi afferuntur togæ gerendæ apud Romanos; an- tiquissimus, cum toga vtrumque humerum tegeret: recen- tior, quo toga ab humero dextro retracta, & sub brachium missa in leuum deinde brachium congesta dextreram liberam relinquebat: Tertius, cinctus Gabinus; Nam diligenter ve- teres statuas togatas inspectanti, nummosque quorum bea- tissimum thesaurum suppeditat mihi Paulus Caotorta Veneti Senatus lumen longè clarissimum, non alius quàm duplex modus occurrit, antiquissimus, quo brachium toga cohibe- batur exerta dextra: & recentior, quo cum brachio humerus exerebatur; nec alio distinguebatur ab hoc cinctus Gabinus (vtrobique enim exertus humerus) quàm, quòd hîc toga cin- gebatur, nequaquam ibi. Et de his hactenus. Nul-

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50. Octavius Ferrari, descending without a tunic, walked about with his attendants. And lest anyone should say that the Romans wore, besides the outer tunic, also an inner one, and therefore that Cato could not have had a bare shoulder, this was not always true, and those inner tunics, or subuculae, were tight and left the shoulder exposed. Gellius, book VII, chap. XI. 1. At first Roman men, indeed, were clothed only in the toga without tunics (this is what Cato wished to imitate); later they had close-fitting, short tunics ending above the shoulder. Such also, if we may think that the Cynics all used them, were their undergarments. So both Cato in the praetorship, though alone, and the Greek philosophers were with the shoulder exposed and bare; and therefore Tertullian said that Cato in the praetorship, with shoulder exposed, was no less in favor with the Greeks than when palliated. Casaubon therefore rightly reproached Baronius in the Exercitationes, who reported that Cato gave judgment palliated; but neither did he himself grasp the meaning of Tertullian. Tertullian, he says, wished to signify the same thing when he said that he gave judgment with the shoulder exposed, which is said not only of those in the pallium, but also of those in the toga, who used to draw the fold of the toga from the shoulder and throw it under the arm. Yet all in Cato's age had the arm exposed in this manner. Thus it is to be understood of being bare, because without a tunic. Wherefore, also, the three ways of wearing the toga among the Romans are vainly set forth by very learned men: the most ancient, when the toga covered both shoulders; the later, when the toga was drawn back from the right shoulder and passed under the arm, then gathered over the left arm, leaving the right free; the third, the Gabine cincture. For, on carefully inspecting ancient togated statues, and coins, whose richest treasury is supplied to me by Paulus Caotorta, a most brilliant light of the Venetian Senate, no other than a twofold mode presents itself: the most ancient, in which the arm was restrained by the toga with the right arm exposed; and the later, in which the shoulder was exposed together with the arm; nor was the Gabine cincture distinguished from this by anything else (for in both cases the shoulder was exposed) except that here the toga was girded, whereas there it was by no means so. And enough about these matters. Nul-

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Nullum in toga fibulæ vsum fuisse. Panciroli non vnus error in re vestiaria perstringitur. Cap. XVI. VT toga communi vsu non cingebatur, ita neque fibula nectebatur, nullusque in ea fibulæ vsus esse potuit, contra quàm censuit Pancirolus in libro rerum deperditarum. Nam cum vestimenta tantum aperta, vt pallia, & chlamydes, sagaque fibulâ in humero, vel ad ceruices iungerentur, ne scilicet defluerent: toga, quæ erat circumclusa, & humero sinistro inhærebat, vt læuo brachio sustineretur, nullo modo cadere aut defluere poterat, nisi spontè deijceretur, ita nullus in ea fibulę vsus; nec quis quâ veterum, quod sciam, fibulæ in toga communi mentionem fecit. Quare quam in veteri sepulchro auream repertam tradit ille, non togæ debuit esse, sed chlamydis, aut pallij si tamen pallium habuit: vt ante aliquot annos cum doctissimo Io. Rhodio disputaui. Nam togæ vsum non planè intellexit Pancitolus; Si enim clausum fuisse vestimentum non ignorasset non fuisse opus fibula intellexisset, quæ duas vestium apertatum partes iungebat. Verum non ita in re vestiaria versatum fuisse senem grauioribus studijs implicitum non est mirum, alioqui non tories duobus illis capitibus lapsus esset. Vt cum ait Aliculam chlamydem fuisse pallium, quod pueri vsque ad XIII. annum gerebant, idque ex Vlpiano colligi, post quod tempus prætextam sumptam: vtrumque falsò. Neque Vlpianus hoc dixit; Lege enim Vestis XXIII. D. de auro arg. hæc tantum habentur. Puerilia vestimenta sunt, quæ ad nullum alium vsum pertinent, nisi puerilem veluti togæ prætextæ, aliculæ chlamydes, pallia, quæ filijs nostris comparamus. Vnde nescio quid I C. noster de pallio puerili vsque ad XII I. annum sit expiscatus. Cum notum præterea sit a pueris prætextam gestatam vsque ad tempus togæ virilis. Hinc veluti in tenebris micat; Ait togam communem fuisse coeruleam, vt Crinitus manicatam: togam candidam tantum Senatorum fuisse: item tunicam eorundem totam pur- G 2 purcam,

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No use of a clasp in the toga. One of Pancirolus’s errors in matters of dress is pointed out. Chapter XVI. Just as the toga was not fastened around the waist in common use, so neither was it secured with a clasp, nor could there have been any use of a clasp in it, contrary to what Pancirolus judged in the book On Lost Things. For since only open garments, such as cloaks and chlamydes, and military cloaks, were joined together with a clasp at the shoulder or at the neck, lest they slip down, the toga, which was enclosed and adhered to the left shoulder so as to be supported by the left arm, could in no way fall or slip down unless it were deliberately thrown off; thus there was no use of a clasp in it. Nor, so far as I know, did anyone among the ancients make mention of a clasp in the common toga. Therefore that golden clasp which he says was found in an ancient tomb ought not to have belonged to a toga, but to a chlamys, or to a cloak, if indeed it had a cloak. I discussed this some years ago with the most learned Io. Rhodius. For Pancirolus did not fully understand the use of the toga. If he had not been unaware that it was a closed garment, he would have understood that there was no need of a clasp, which joined the two open parts of a garment. But that the old man, absorbed in weightier studies, was not much versed in matters of dress is not surprising; otherwise he would not have stumbled over those two points. For when he says that the alicula was a chlamys, that it was a cloak which boys wore up to their thirteenth year, and that this is gathered from Ulpian, after which time the praetexta was taken up, both statements are false. Nor did Ulpian say this; for in Law 23, D. de auro arg., only this is found: “Children’s garments are those which serve no other purpose except a child’s, such as the toga praetexta, aliculae, chlamydes, and cloaks, which we provide for our sons.” Whence our jurist has somehow fished out the notion of a boy’s cloak up to the thirteenth year, I do not know. Moreover, it is well known that boys wore the praetexta up to the time of the toga virilis. From here he seems, as it were, to flicker in darkness; he says that the common toga was blue, as Crinitus says it was sleeved; that the white toga belonged only to senators; likewise that the tunic of the same men was wholly purple,

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32 Octauij Ferrarij puream, cuius latera globulis aureis connexa, qui lati claui dicti sint: Lacernas sub toga gestatas, quæ pudet recensere, nedum refellere. Ceterum Dionysius Halicarn: lib. 11. vsum fibulæ in toga videtur nouisse. Nam cum Saliorum cultum describit ait. χιπῶνας ποικίλονς χαλκίας μήθαιν παλεζασμύοι, παὶ τηβεννας ἐπι- περωτωμύοι περιπορφύροντ[ur] φοινικοπαρύφον[us], ἀς παλῶσι ἔαβεας. Vbi trabeas, quæ togæ erant, fibulatas Salijs assignat. Sed vt solus Dionysius fibulæ in toga meminit, ita solus veterum togam Salijs ad scribit. Apud me potior est Liuij auctoritas, qui solas tunicas pictas in Salijs agnoscit. Ait enim. Salios item duodecim Marti Gradiuo legit, tunicæque pictæ insigne dedit, & super tunicam æneum pectori tegumen, cælestiaque arma, quæ Ancylia nominantur ferre, ac per vrbem ire canentes carmina cum tripudijs, solemnique saltatu iussit. Nec aliud quam puniceas tunicas agnoscit Plutarchus in Numa. Φοινινοῦς, inquit, ενδεδυ- μύοι χιπονίσμον[us]. Puniceas tuniculas induti. Cruserius enim non rectè Dionysium magis secutus quam sensum verborum, trabeati vertit. Trabea enim non nisi toga fuit, Plutarchus tuniculas appellat. Præter tantorum virorum auctoritatem ratio ipsa vincere videtur, sine toga Salios fuisse, nihil enim magis incommodum saltanti, quam vestimentum fusum, ac talare, nihilque tam ineptum, quam vt ait ille, togam saltanti personæ inducere. Sed etiam si auctoritas Dionysij valeat, & habuerint Salij togas, simul & fibulas; non licet tamen arguere inde in comuni toga fibulæ vsum. Nam fibulas illas in trabeis Saliorum non est credendum eundem vsum præstitisse, quem in vestimentis apertis ad partes diuisas connectandas, (nam clausam togam ostendimus) sed potius adhibitas ad ipsam togam contrahendam, atque attollendam, ne scilicet ad pedes fluens saltantes impediret; quales fibulę fluentia mulierum pepla coercebant. Vel quod verius mihi videtur, apud Dionysium ἐπιπορωμύσι τὰς τηβεννας non tam est infibulati togas, quàm succincti ritu scilicet Gabino, de quo supra, quo etiam ritu easdem trabeas succinctas ab equitibus in transuactione gesta-

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32 Octauij Ferrarij a cloak, the sides of which were joined with gold studs, which are called broad nails: mantles worn under the toga, which it is shameful to mention, much less to refute. Moreover, Dionysius Halicarnassensis, book 11, seems to have known the use of the fibula in the toga. For when he describes the dress of the Salii, he says: χιπῶνας ποικίλονς χαλκίας μήθαιν παλεζασμύοι, παὶ τηβεννας ἐπι- περωτωμύοι περιπορφύροντ[ur] φοινικοπαρύφον[us], ἀς παλῶσι ἔαβεας. There he assigns to the Salii trabeae, which were togas, fastened with fibulae. But although Dionysius alone mentions the fibula in the toga, he alone also ascribes the toga of the ancients to the Salii. For my part, the authority of Livy is stronger, since he recognizes only painted tunics in the Salii. For he says: he likewise chose twelve Salii for Mars Gradivus, and gave them the distinctive mark of the painted tunic, and over the tunic he ordered them to bear an bronze breast-covering, and the heavenly arms called the Ancilia, and to go through the city singing songs with tripudiums and with the solemn dance. Plutarch in Numa acknowledges nothing other than purple tunics. Φοινινοῦς, he says, ενδεδυ- μύοι χιπονίσμον[us]. They were clothed in purple little tunics. For Cruserius, having followed Dionysius rather than the sense of the words, translated trabeati. For the trabea was nothing other than a toga; Plutarch calls them tuniculae. Beyond the authority of such great men, reason itself seems to prevail: the Salii were without the toga, for nothing is more inconvenient for one dancing than a garment that is full and trailing, and nothing is so unsuitable as, as that man says, to put a toga on a dancing figure. But even if the authority of Dionysius stands, and the Salii had togas and also fibulae, still it is not permissible to infer from this the use of the fibula in the common toga. For those fibulae in the trabeae of the Salii must not be thought to have served the same purpose as in open garments, to join separate parts (for we have shown that the toga was closed), but rather to have been used to gather up and raise the toga itself, so that it would not, flowing down to the feet, hinder the dancers; such as the fibulae used to restrain the flowing peploi of women. Or, what seems to me more likely, in Dionysius ἐπιπορωμύσι τὰς τηβεννας does not so much mean fastened togas, as girded in the Gabinian manner, of which above; in which same manner those trabeae were also worn girded by horsemen in the transvection carried on ...

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 53 gestatas non est dubitandum. De Togæ materia. Lanarum varia genera. Toga pexa, & detrita. Cap. XVII. Togas, tunicas, lacernas, & reliqua Quiritium vestimenta ex lana confecta tuisse apparet, quòd nusquam vettes nisi a pretio lanæ, aut a colore scriptoribus commendantur. Plinius lib. IX. cap. XLVII. Magna, inquit, & pecori gratia, vel in placamentis Deum, vel in vsu vellerum. Vt bonos vietum hominibus excolunt, corporum tutela pecori debetur. Deinde lanarum genera exequitur, omnemque Romanorum cultum inde confectum ostendit. Addit ex Varrone, lanam cum colo, & fuso Tanaquilis in templo Sangi durasse, factamque ab ea togam Regiam vndulatam, qua Seruius Tullus fuerat vsus. Atque inde factum, vt nubentes Virgines comitaretur colus compta, & fusus cum stamine. Etiam Martialis sæpè ab lana Tarentina vestimentis commendationem petit, præcipuè lib. II. ep. XLIII. Te Lacedæmonio velat toga lota Galeso. Vt Plinius Apulam, siue Tarentinam ceteris præfert. Siue Galesi fluuij propè Tarentum aqua pota ouibus pretiosum vellus daret, siue lana ipsa eodem fluuo lota, quod de alijs fluminibus veteres crediderunt, summam nobilitatem acciperet. Martial. lib. IV. XXVIII. Et lotam tepido togam Galeso. Alia etiam lanarum genera memorat idem poëta, Parmensem, Bæticam, Altinatem. Eodem epigrammate. Vel quam seposito de grege Parma tulit. Et lib. VIII. ep. XXVIII. de Partheniana toga. Dic toga facundi gratum mihi munus amici Esse velis cuius fama decusque gregis? Apula Ledæi tibi floruit herba Phalanti Qua saturat Calabris culta Galesus aquis? An Tartessiacus stabuli nutritor Iberi Bætis in Hesperia te quoque lanit aqua? An

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De Re Vestiaria Book I. 53 there is no doubt that they were worn. On the material of the toga. Various kinds of wool. The carded and worn toga. Chapter XVII. It appears that togas, tunics, cloaks, and the rest of the clothing of the Quirites were made from wool, since writers nowhere commend garments except by reference to the price of the wool, or its color. Pliny, book IX, chapter XLVII: “Great, he says, is the gratitude due to sheep, whether in the propitiations of the gods or in the use of fleeces. As they provide man with good clothing, so protection for the body is owed to the flock.” Then he goes through the kinds of wool and shows that all Roman dress was made from it. He adds from Varro that wool with distaff and spindle had survived in the temple of Sancus from the time of Tanaquil, and that by her was made the royal wavy toga worn by Servius Tullius. And from this came the custom that the distaff, adorned, and the spindle with its thread, should accompany maidens on their marriage. Martial too often seeks commendation for garments from Tarentine wool, especially in book II, epigram XLIII: “Galesus, washed by Sparta’s toga, clothes you.” So Pliny gives preference to Apulian, or Tarentine wool, over others. Whether the water of the river Galesus near Tarentum, drunk by sheep, gave a precious fleece, or whether the wool itself, washed in that same river—as the ancients believed of other rivers—acquired the highest distinction, Martial, book IV, XXVIII: “And the toga washed in the warm Galesus.” The same poet also mentions other kinds of wool, Parmese, Baetic, Altinate. In the same epigram: “Or what Parma has brought forth from a secluded flock.” And in book VIII, epigram XXVIII, on the Parthenian toga: “Tell me, toga, whether you wish to be the pleasing gift of a learned friend, of whose flock is the fame and glory? Has the Apulian grass flourished for you, O son of Leda, Phalantus, where the Galesus, cultivated with Calabrian waters, feeds him full? Or does the Baetis, nourisher of the Tartessian Spanish stallion, with its Hesperian waters clothe you too in wool? Or”

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54 Octauij Ferrarij Antua multifidum numerauit lana Timauum Quem prius astrifero Cyllarus ore bibit? Porro de Bætica lana. Idem lib. ix. ep. xxii. In Tartessiacis domus est notissima terris Qua diues placidum Corduba Betin a mat. Vellera nativo pallent vbi flaua metallo Et linit Hesperium bractea viua pecus. Scilicet ob rutilum, siue aureum lanæ colorem natium. Hinc natui lanarum colores in vestibus seruati, & celebrati. Quorum plura genera fuisse idem Plinius ostendit, vt etiam aliquibus nomina desint. Hispania, inquit, nigri velleris præcipuas habet: Pollentia iuxta Alpes, Cani: Asiarutili, quas Erythreas vocant: Canusium fului: & Tarentum suæ pulliginis. Hinc tot in lacernis præcipuè, alijs què vestibus, (si togam, ac tunica in demas, quæ albæ gestabantur) colores fluxêre, ab varietate scilicet lanarum earum què nativo colore, aliquando etiam ab infectu. Notat præterea Plinius. Istriæ, ac Liburniæ lanam pilo propiorem, quam lanæ, & ideo pexis vestibus alienam, & quam solarscutulato textu commendat in Lusitania. Pexas vestes fuisse, in quibus ob villorum densitatem nec stamen, nec trama appareret, alijs animaduersum scio. Tales omnes recentes vestes fuere. Martialis. Pexatus pulchrèrides mea Zoile trita. Idem lib 11. epigr. xliv. Emi seu puerum, togamue pexam. Et lib. 111. ep. xxxvi. tritam pexæ opponit. Hoc merui Fabiane toga, tritaque, meaque. Vnde in tela aranearum pexitatem a Plinio dici villosam quandam in ea, & lanuginosam filorum naturam quæ in rara earum textura non perinde appareat vt in densa notauit Turnebus lib. v. cap. xiv. Nam vestes obsoletæ, ac detritæ his contrariæ, in quibus scilicet vellere attrito, & defloccato, filorum textura apparebat; Idem lib. iv. ep. xxxiv. Sordida cum tibi sit verum tamen Attale dicit, Quisquis te niveam dicit habere togam, Vbi

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54 Octauius Ferrarius. Antua counted the multifidous wool of Timauus, Whom Cyllarus first drank with his starry mouth? Moreover, concerning Baetican wool. The same, book ix, ep. xxii. In the Tartessian lands there is a very famous house, where rich Corduba bears the peaceful Betis. Where the fleeces, pale with native metal, and the living bronze overlays the Spanish flock. Clearly on account of the bright red, or golden, color of the wool, of native origin. Hence the native colors of wools have been preserved in garments and celebrated. Pliny shows that there were several kinds of these, so that even for some the names are lacking. Spain, he says, has the chief black fleeces; Pollentia near the Alps, white ones; Asia, reddish ones, which they call Erythraean; Canusium golden; and Tarentum, those of its own dark hue. Hence so many colors flowed especially into cloaks, and into other garments too, if you except the toga and tunic, which were worn white, from the variety of wools, namely from their native color, and sometimes even from dyeing. Pliny notes, moreover, that the wool of Istria and Liburnia is closer in hairiness to hair than to wool, and therefore unsuitable for fulled garments, and that in Lusitania he commends that which is woven with a lozenge pattern. That fulled garments existed, in which, because of the density of the nap, neither warp nor weft appeared, I know has been observed by others. All such garments were recent garments. Martial: “You, Zoilus, wear a fulled garment more elegantly than my worn one.” The same, book ii, epigram xliv. “I bought either a boy, or a fulled toga.” And in book iii, ep. xxxvi, he opposes the worn to the fulled: “Thus, Fabianus, I have earned a worn toga, and my own.” Whence Turnebus, book v, chap. xiv, notes that Pliny calls pexitas in a spider’s web a certain woolly, downy nature of the threads there, which in their loose texture does not appear so much as in a dense one. For worn and threadbare garments were the opposite of these, in which, namely, because the fleece had been rubbed and the fluff worn off, the texture of the threads appeared; the same, book iv, ep. xxxiv. “Though your robe is shabby, Attalus nevertheless says truly, whoever says that you have a snow-white toga,” where

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 55 Vbi niuea tenuis est, & detrita. lib. ix. ep. 1. de toga Partheniana. Nuncanus, & tremulo vix accipienda tribuli; Quam possis niueam dicere iure tuo. Tales togas decutes, siue decotes Festo dici censet Lipsius in Electis. Quia igitur lana illa Istrica, & Liburnica sine villis fuit, & pilo propior, iure alienam pexis vestibus dixit Plinius atquè ex ea scutulatam vestem confici in Lusitania; Nam cum scutulæ in vestibus quadraturæ essent ad instat plagarum quibus retia distinguuntur, contextæ, ex lana villosa haud quaquam texi poterant huiusmodi scutulæ quod villoru[m] densitate textura, & artificium operiebatur, secus in lana minime villosa, & pilo propiore, vt in Liburnica, vbi scutulatus textus non impedientibus villis apparebat. Similem Istricæ, ac Lyburnicæ lanam circa Piscenas prouinciæ Narbonensis, in Aegypto prouenire subijcit Plinius, ex qua vestis detrita vsu tingitur, rursusquè æuo durat. Vbi frustra tegitur, vel pingitur, inferciunt correctores: Nam tingitur rectumest. Vestimenta communi lana confecta vsu attrita desloccantur, villosque cum colore amittunt, nec renouari possunt etiam si denuo fingantur, nam delapsis villis cum stamine subtemen apparet. At vestes lana Istrica, vel Aegytia contextæ, quæ pilo propior est postquam vsu obsoleuêre, colore quidé amittunt, quem si tingantur, recipiunt denuo, & interpolantur, nouæque videntur, nihil enim præter colorem amittunt, quia cum villis careant, & veteres, & recentes filorum texturam ostentant: secus in reliquis pexis vbi detrita semel fila reparari non possunt. Hic est sensus verborum Plinij. Quare non semper vesti pexæ trita oponitur, id est vetus, ac detrita, sed recens sine villis, quales ex lana de qua diximus contexebatur, eaque, rasa appellabatur, qualisque vt plurimum serica, quæ sine villis, & minime pexa: eaque scutulatæ texturæ aptior, vt ait Plinius; Hinc què existimo luuenalem vtrumquè coniunxisse Sat. I I. Coerulea indutus scutulata, aut galbana rasa. Rasæ etiam toge meminit Martial. lib. II. ep. lxxxv. quâ æestati aptiorem fuisse indicat. Vimine

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De Re Vestiaria, Book I. 55 Where it is snow-white and thin, and worn down. Book IX, ep. 1, on the toga Partheniana. “Now it can scarcely be received, trembling like a tribulus; You may rightly call it snow-white.” Lipsius thinks that such togas were called decutes or decotes by Festus in the Electa . Since, therefore, that wool of Istria and Liburnia was without pile and closer to hair, Pliny was right to say that it was unlike combed garments, and that from it a spotted cloth was made in Lusitania. For since the little scales in garments were woven in the manner of meshes, like the squares by which nets are distinguished, they could by no means be woven from shaggy wool, because the thickness of the pile covered both the texture and the workmanship; but the case was different in wool that was scarcely shaggy and closer to hair, as in Liburnian wool, where the spotted weave showed itself, the pile not obstructing it. Pliny adds that a wool similar to Istrian and Liburnian wool was produced in Egypt, and in the province of Narbonensis around Piscenae, from which a garment, worn down by use, is dyed again and lasts through age. Where it is uselessly written tegitur or pingitur , the correctors insert: for tingitur is the right reading. Garments made of ordinary wool, when worn down by use, become faded, and lose both their pile and their colour, nor can they be renewed even if they are dyed again; for once the pile has fallen away, the warp and weft become visible. But garments woven of Istrian or Egyptian wool, which is closer to hair, when worn and faded with use, lose indeed their colour; if dyed again, they regain it and are restored, seeming new again, since they lose nothing except colour. For because they lack pile, they display the texture of the threads, both when new and when old: otherwise, in the remaining combed fabrics, once worn down the threads cannot be repaired. This is the meaning of Pliny’s words. Therefore worn-down cloth is not always opposed to combed cloth, that is, to something old and worn, but rather to something new and without pile, such as was woven from the wool we have mentioned; and this was called rasa , just as silk usually is, being without pile and scarcely combed: and it is more suitable for a spotted texture, as Pliny says. Hence I think Juvenal joined both in Satire II: “Clothed in blue spotted garments, or in pale-yellow rasa .” Martial also mentions the rasa toga in Book II, epigram 85, by which he indicates that it was more suitable for summer. Vimine

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58 Octauij Ferrarij non retinere nimis delicatum visum est, & præter disciplinam militarem. Ne longum faciam. Verbum illud gausape ad sequentia spectat, quæ sic concinnanda sunt. Gausapæ patris mei memoria cepere, amphimalla nostra, sicut etiam villosa ventralia. Ignorare se dicit Plinius, quando lanæ in visum tomenti venerint, quod apud antiquos e stramento torus esset. Atqui memoria patris sui factum, vt gausapæ in vsu esse ceperint, sicut ætate sua, & amphimalla, & ventralia villosa in visum venerint. Gausapæ vestes villosæ ad instar tapetium. Amphimalla autem, siue αμφιμάλλοι χιτιόνες vestes vtrinque villosæ; Ventralia demum vestimenta contegendo ventri, quæ fortasse eadem cum semicinctijs. Plinius M.S in Bibliotheca Ambrosiana eandem prorsus interpunctionem præfert, licet in verbo gausape corruptus sit, quod etiam ab altero M.S. deest. Sic enim ibi legitur. Qualiter iam nunc in castris. Causa patris mei memoria cepere, amphimalia nostra. Nihil igitur gausape adtorum stramentitium, nihil ad tomentum. Ad Plinium intelligendum non parum facit Martialis, qui quid sit tomentum explicat lib. xiv. Tomentum Lingonicum. Oppressæ nimium vicina est fascia plumæ Vellera Lingonicis accipe rasa sagis. Quo loco intelligimus, quare Plinius putarit inuentum tomenti Gallorum esse, & Gallico vocabulo discerni. Nam aliud erat tomentum Lingonicum, idque propriè tomentum, quod ex lana Gallicis sagis derasa cogebatur; Aliud minus propriè, quod Circense dicebatur, idque ex arundine concisa, iuncoque palustri inferciebatur, cuius vsus in Circensi- bus fuit. Idem titulo Tomentum Circense. Tomentum concisa palus Circense vocatur Hæc pro Lingonico stramina pauper omit. Vbi Lingonicum simpliciter pro tomento vsurpat. Qualis autem fuerit torus ille Plinij stramentitius ex eodem discas, titulo. Fanum. Fraudata tumeat facilis tibi culcita plumæ Non venit ad duros pallida cura toros Iuriscon-

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58 Octavius Ferrarii not to retain is considered too delicate, and contrary to military discipline. Not to make a long story of it. That word gausape refers to the following things, which must be arranged thus. Gausapæ at the time of my father’s memory began, our amphimalla , as also woolly undergarments. Pliny says that he does not know, when wool for stuffing had come into view, since among the ancients the couch was of straw. And yet from the memory of his father it happened that gausapæ began to be in use, just as in his own age both amphimalla and woolly undergarments came into view. Gausapæ are woolly garments like carpets. Amphimalla , or, in Greek, αμφιμάλλοι χιτιόνες, are garments woolly on both sides; ventralia are finally garments for covering the belly, which perhaps are the same as semicinctia . A manuscript of Pliny in the Ambrosian Library presents exactly the same punctuation, although in the word gausape it is corrupted, which is also absent from another manuscript. Thus it is read there. “As now in camp. The cause: at my father’s memory they began, our amphimalia . Therefore nothing about gausape of old straw, nothing about stuffing.” Martial is of no small help for understanding Pliny, for he explains what tomentum is in book XIV, Tomentum Lingonicum . “The band of feathers pressed too near is Accept the shorn fleeces in your Lingonic cloaks.” From this passage we understand why Pliny thought that the invention of tomentum belonged to the Gauls, and that it was distinguished by a Gallic word. For one thing was tomentum Lingonicum , and that was properly tomentum , which was made from wool shorn from Gallic cloaks; another, less properly, was what was called Circense , and this was stuffed with chopped reed and marsh rush, whose use was in the Circenses. The same under the title Tomentum Circense . “Circense tomentum is called chopped marsh vegetation; let him dismiss these straws, Lingonic, as poor stuff.” Here he uses Lingonicum simply for tomentum . What sort of straw-filled couch that of Pliny may have been, learn from the same author under the title Fanum . “Let the light pillow swell, robbed of feathers for you; pale care does not come to hard couches” Juriscon-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 59 Iurisconsultus lib. I I I. de legatis. Tomentum cognominabatur Circense ex arundinibus concisis factum, idque stramentum habebatur plebeiorum. Seneca de vita beata. Nihilo miserior ero, si lassa ceruix mea in manipulo fæni acquiescat: si super Circense tomentum, per sarcinas veteris lintei effluens incubabo. Non eadem tamen ratio conficiendi tomenti Plinio, & Martiali. Ille ex purgamento lanarum coctarum coactum vult: hic ex lana Lingonicis sagis derasa. Eriam ex pilis hircorum confecta tomenta notat Philargyrius ad illud Georg. I I I. Nec minus interea barbas incanaque menta Cinyphij tendent hirci, setasque comantes Vsum in castrorum. In vsum castrorum, inquit, quod inde tomenta fiant, itemque cilicia. Vt vt sit, non est præter rem quod adijcit Plinius, cum hæc scriberet, tunicam laticlauiam in gausapæ modum texi primum ceptam. Reliquas tunicas ante Plinium in gausapæ modu[m] textas id est villosas, & pilis hirtas crediderim, demum etia[m] laticlauiam, in qua fortasse maius artificium fuit, ne scilicet claui purpurei villorum densitate tegerentur. Sed quid Ventralia esse dicemus apud Plinium? Gausapæ patris mei memoria cæpere amphimalla nostra, sicut villosa etiam ventralia. Glossæ Ventrale κοιλιόδεσμος, φολωδα. Iurisconsultis Zona, crumena, quam, & fundum & profundum vocauerunt, vt Cuiacius cap. xxvi I. lib. x. Obseru. Ita Alciatus lib. I. Pareg. cap. xl. illud Callistrati. Pannicularia bona damnatorum esse, quæ damnatus habet, & modici sunt pretij, promiscuique vsus qualis est vestis qua fuerit indutus, aut nummuli inueterales quos victus sui causa in promptu habuerit. Nec debent, inquit, Præsides pati, vt commentarienses ea pecunia abutantur, sed debet seruari ad ea quæ iure Præsidum solent erogari, vt puta carciaticum (carceraticum) quibusdam officialibus inde subscribere. Illud inquam inueterales recte corrigit in uentrali, intelligitque de his pecunijs quas in sacciperio habent, quod insitum inest in semicinctij plagula, quam ante ventrem gerunt. Itaque horum sententia ventrale nihil aliud fuit, quam crumena, siue zona inqua[m] H 2 nummi

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 59 The jurist, Book III, On Legacies. Tomentum was the name given to Circense, made from chopped reeds; and this was regarded as the bedding of the common people. Seneca, On a Happy Life: “I shall be no less unhappy if my weary neck rests on a bundle of hay; if, lying on Circense tomentum, I am stretched out over old linen bags.” Pliny and Martial, however, do not describe the making of tomentum in the same way. The former says it is made from the cleaned refuse of boiled wool; the latter, from wool shaved off Lingonic cloaks. Philargyrius also notes tomenta made from goat hair on that passage of the Georgics III: “Meanwhile no less will the bearded chin and gray jaw of the Cinyphian goat stretch out, and their bristling hairs for use in camp.” “For use in camp,” he says, because from that tomenta are made, and likewise cilicia. Be that as it may, it is not beside the point that Pliny adds that in his day the laticlave tunic had first begun to be woven in the manner of a gausapa. I would think that the other tunics before Pliny were woven in the manner of a gausapa, that is, shaggy and rough with hair; and that afterward even the laticlave tunic was so made, in which perhaps greater skill was required, lest the purple stripes be concealed by the thickness of the shag. But what shall we say that ventralia were in Pliny? In my father’s memory gausapae began to be called amphimalla among us, as also villosa ventralia. The glosses: Ventrale, κοιλιόδεσμος, φολωδα. Among the jurists: zona, crumena, which they also called fundum and profundum, as Cuiacius in ch. xxvi.1, book x of the Observations. Likewise Alciatus, book I of the Pareg., ch. xl., explains that passage of Callistratus: “Pannicularia goods of the condemned are those things which the condemned man has, and which are of slight value, and of common use, such as the garment in which he has been clothed, or the little coins which he has kept at hand for his sustenance. Nor ought the provincial governors, he says, allow the office clerks to misuse that money, but it should be preserved for those expenses which by law are usually paid out by governors, such as the carceraticum, to be assigned to certain officials from it.” That word inueterales, I say, he rightly corrects to ventralia, understanding it of those monies which they keep in a pouch, which is fastened in the little apron worn before the belly. Thus, in their view, ventrale was nothing other than a crumena, or a zone, in which H 2 coins

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60 Octauij Ferrarij nummi condebantur. Sed quid opus erat ea villosa facere? Quare existimauerim fuisse potius vestimentum breue, quod ad instar thoracis muniendo ventri tunicę subijceretur, quod frigoris causa ætate Plinij etiam villosum fieri ceperit; In eo sicut in zona pecuniam circumlatam. Vestis serica. Bombyx Coa, & Assyria. Plinius de- fensus. Cap. XIX. T Ardè admodum, & non nisi sub Imperatoribus serica vestis Romanis cognita. Eam a Seribus Indiæ popu- lis vnde aduehebatur, appellatam conuenit. Ouidius Amo- rum I. eleg. XIV. Quid quoderant tenues, & quos ornare timeres Vela colorati qualia Seres habent? De qua tamen duplex veterum opinio fuit. Alij enim, inter quos Virgilius, ac Plinius, Marcellinus, nec pauci præterea existimarunt, ex arborum lanugine aqua mollitâ canitiem ab Indis depecti solitam, vnde Sericum conficeretur. Plinius. Seres canitio siluarum nobiles perfusam aqua depectentes frondium canitiem. Reliqua scriptorum loca obuia sunt. Alij opus id bombycum esse tradiderunt, qui folijs inuolut i fila deduce- rent sericumque conficerent. Priores secutus Lipsius ad Ta- citum hoc distinxit bombycinum a serico, quod bombycinu[m] vermiculorum opus esset, quos bombyces dicimus: sericum autem ex illa Indica lanugine confectum. Nec pauci Lipsium sequuntur. Verior tamen Salmasij opinio videtur, qui ad Tertulliani pallium ex Seruio, & alijs ostendit, etiam sericum bombycum opus fuisse, & ideo non alia re, quam loco, seri- cum a bombycino diuersum, quod nempe bombycinum ab Indis aduectum præstantissimum n[ost]r[um] &c[eter]a sericum dice- retur: bombycinum autem appellatum, quod in Insula Coo conficeretur. Duplex autem bombycinum statuere videtur Plinius Co- um, & Assyrium, & hoc quidem pretiosius: ait enim cap. XXIII. loquens de Coa bombyce. Nec puduit has vestes vsur- pare etiam viros leuitatem propter æstuiam. In tantum a lorica ge- renda

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60. The coins of Octavius Ferrarius were being deposited. But what need was there to make them woolly? For this reason I should think it was rather a short garment, which, in the manner of a breastplate, was placed under the tunic to protect the belly, and which, because of the cold, in Pliny’s time even began to be made woolly; in it, as in a belt, money was carried around. Silken garment. Coan and Assyrian bombyx. Pliny defended. Chapter XIX. Very late indeed, and not until under the Emperors, was silk clothing known to the Romans. It is fitting that it was called from the Seres, the people of India from whom it was brought. Ovid, Amores I, elegy XIV: What then were those thin veils, and what such colored coverings as the Seres have, which you would fear to adorn? Yet there was a twofold opinion among the ancients on this matter. Some, among whom were Virgil, Pliny, Marcellinus, and many besides, thought that it was the down of trees softened with water, which the Indians were accustomed to comb from the whiteness of the leaves, from which silk was made. Pliny: the Seres, noble for the whiteness of their woods, combing out the whiteness of foliage, steeped in water. The remaining passages of writers are plain enough. Others reported that this was the work of silkworms, who, wrapped in leaves, drew out threads and produced silk. Lipsius, following the earlier writers, distinguished bombycinum from sericum in his commentary on Tacitus, saying that bombycinum was the work of little worms, which we call bombyces; but that silk was made from that Indian down. Not a few follow Lipsius. Yet the opinion of Salmasius seems the truer one, who, from Servius and others, shows in Tertullian’s Pallium that silk was also the work of bombyces, and therefore differed from bombycinum only by place: namely, that sericum was called the most excellent silk brought from India and so forth; whereas bombycinum was so called because it was made on the island of Cos. Pliny seems, however, to establish a twofold bombycinum, Coan and Assyrian, and indeed this latter the more precious; for he says, in chapter XXIII, speaking of Coan bombyx: “Nor was it shameful even for men to wear these garments because of their lightness for summer heat. So much so as to wear a cuirass.”

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 61 venda discessere mores, vt oneri sit etiam vestis. Assyria tamen bom- byce adhuc foeminis cedimus. Hic in Plinium inclementiùs mea quidem sententia viri doctissimi inuecti sunt. Quasi vestes Coas ex Assyria bombyce confectas crediderit: item ab ea- dem bombyce Assyria quæ ceram facit bombycinum texi. Quicunque enim caput illud xxI I. perlegerit, inueniet non a bombycibus, qui ceram faciunt, bombycinum texi, sed ab alio bombycum genere, de quo Plinius Aristotelem secutus ait; Et alia horum origo e grandiore vermiculo gemina sui generis protendente cornua eruca fit, deinde, quod vocatur bombylis, ex eo necydalus, ex hoc in sex mensibus bombyx. Duplex ergo Assyrio- rum bombycum species statuitur Plinio, altera quæ maior ve- spis, crabronibus, & fucis, nidos e luto, cerasque facit, al- tera de qua dictum est; Atque hi bombyces, non illi, qui ce- ras faciunt, telas aranearum more texunt, ad vestem luxum- que fæminarum, quæ bombycina dicebatur. Huius vestis bombycinæ generatim sumptæ occasione adijcit Plinius pri- mam, quæ bombycinum texuerit, fuisse Pamphilem in Insula Coo, non tamen quod ex Assyria bombyce, quî enim id fieri potuit, sed ex Coa, licet diuersa Coæ bombycis generatio quam sequenti capite tradit. Quod si credidisset Plinius, Pamphilem ex bombyce Assy- ria texuisse, nullu[m] discrimen fuisset inter Assyriam, & Coam: nam eadem vestis fuisset Assyria, quia ex Assyria bombyce, & Coa, quia in Insula Coo, a Coa muliere pertexta. Prima Pamphile bombycum telas redordiri, rursuque texere inuenit. Ita veteres codices habere docuit Gelenius non retorquere; Ipse Plinius vbi de Seribus loquitur, idem verbum redordiendi vsurpat. Seres canitio siluarum nobiles perfusam aqua depectentes frondium canitiem, vnde geminus fæminis nostris labor redordiendi fila, rursuomque texendi: quod eleganter positum; bombyces dum telam suam conficiunt ordiuntur fila id est stamina de- ducunt, texuntque tramam licijs nectentes, fæminę ad te- xendam vestem iterum ordiuntur fila, iterumque texunt. Ceterum tam serici, quam vtriusque bombycinę vestis, hoc proprium fuit, vt quod dixerunt veteres, corpora denua- rent.

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 61 Moral customs have departed so far that even clothing has become a burden. Yet in the case of Assyrian silk we still yield to women. Here, in my opinion, these very learned men have attacked Pliny rather harshly. As though he had believed that Coan garments were made from Assyrian silk; likewise, that from the same Assyrian silk, which makes wax, silk cloth was woven. For whoever reads that twenty-second chapter carefully will find that silk cloth is not woven from the silk-producing insects that make wax, but from another kind of silk insect, concerning which Pliny, following Aristotle, says: “And another origin of these beings is that from a larger worm, stretching out two horns of its own kind, the caterpillar becomes, then from it the bombylis, from this the necydalus, and in six months the bombyx.” Thus Pliny distinguishes a twofold species of Assyrian silk insects: one, which makes nests of mud and wax like wasps, hornets, and drones; the other, of which he has spoken. And these bombyces, not those which make wax, weave their webs in the manner of spiders, for women’s dress and luxury, and this was called bombycina. Pliny adds, in discussing this silk garment taken in a general sense, that the first woman to weave silk cloth was Pamphile on the island of Cos—not, however, from Assyrian silk, how indeed could that have happened?—but from Coan silk, although he gives a different account of the generation of the Coan silk worm in the following chapter. But if Pliny had believed that Pamphile wove from Assyrian silk, there would have been no distinction between Assyrian and Coan garments: for the same garment would have been Assyrian, because made from Assyrian silk, and Coan, because woven on the island of Cos by a Coan woman. Pamphile first discovered how to unwind the webs of silkworms and weave them again. Gelenius has shown that the old manuscripts have redordiri, not retorquere. Pliny himself, when speaking of the Seres, uses the same verb redordiri. “The Seres, famous for the whiteness of their forests, combing away with water the whiteness of leaves, from which there is a double labor for our women, of unwinding threads and weaving them again”: this is elegantly said. While silkworms are making their web, they unwind the threads, that is, they draw out the warp, and weave the woof by interlacing it with the threads; women, for weaving a garment, again unwind the threads and again weave them. However, both silk cloth and the garment of either kind of silk had this peculiarity: as the ancients said, they stripped the body naked.

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Octauij Ferrarij 62 rent. De serico Plinius; Tam multiplici opere, tam longinquo orbe petitur, vt in publico matrona transluceat. Et Seneca: Video sericas vestes, si vestes vocandæ sunt, in quibus nihil est, quo defendi corpus, aut denique pudor possit: quibus sumptis mulier parum liquidò nudam se non esse iurabit. Hæc ingenti summa ab ignotis etiam ad commercium gentibus accersuntur vt matronæ ne adulteris quidem plus sui in cubiculo quam in publico ostendat. Simile est illud apud Senecæ patrem in controuersijs lib. 11. Infelices ancillarum greges laborant, vt adultera tenui veste perspicua sit: eo nihil in corpore vxoris suæ, plus maritus, quam quilibet, alienus, peregrinusque agnouerit. De Coa, quæ etiam a viris gestabatur, Horatius. Cois tibi penè videre est Vt nudam. Mulo magis de Assyria, quam nondum ausos viros sua ætate gestare tradit Plinius. A pretio igitur, aut a ratione texendi diuersitas petenda fuit. Porro aliquod discrimen inter Assyriam bombycem, & sericum Indicum fuisse apparet, licet vtrumque translucens fæminas denudaret, quod si res eadem fuisset, dixisset Plinius, serico adhuc fæminis cedimus, quod ab alieno orbe petitum vult, vt femina in publico transluceret. Atqui Plinium pro Assyria bombyce intellexisse sericum contendunt, immeritò; Nam Plinius sericum non fieri ex bombyce credidit, sed ex pexa arborum lanugine. Præterea ætate Plinij viri Assyria bombyce abstinebant, & tamen ante eius tempora serica vestis a viris gestata. Tacitus de Tiberij temporibus. Promiscuas viris, & fæminis vestes. Et tamen ante decretum fuerat. Ne vestis serica viros fædaret. Ex quo apparet, præstantiorem bombycinam vestem Assyriam fuisse, siue maioris luxus, vt pote quam gestare viros puderet, quibus serica vsurpata. Quare non est tam absurdum, bombyces etiam in Assyria prouenisse, vt in Insula Coo, licet non constet vnde hoc Plinius acceperit. Nec ea cum serica, vt dicebam, confundenda est. Certe Assyria eodem tempore & serica Rome in vsu erat, & de vtraque distinctè meminit Plinius. Quod si ex

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Octauij Ferrarij 62 rent. On silk, Pliny; a work of such complexity, fetched from so distant a region, that a matron may shine through it in public. And Seneca: I see silk garments—if indeed they are to be called garments—in which there is nothing by which the body, or indeed modesty, can be defended; when these are put on, a woman will scarcely swear that she is not naked. These fabrics, at great cost, are brought even from peoples unknown and alien to commerce, so that matrons may show to adulterers in the bedroom no more of themselves than they do in public. A similar passage is that in Seneca the Elder, in the Controversies, book 11: “Unhappy bands of maidservants labor so that the adulteress may be visible through a thin, sheer garment; by this means her husband recognizes nothing in the body of his wife that a stranger, a foreigner, would not recognize even more.” Concerning the Coan garment, which was also worn by men, Horace: Coan garments make you seem almost as if naked. Much more so of the Assyrian garment, which Pliny says men of his age had not yet dared to wear. So the difference must be sought either in price or in the manner of weaving. Moreover, it is apparent that there was some distinction between Assyrian bombyx and Indian silk, although both, being translucent, exposed women, because if it had been the same thing, Pliny would have said, “We still yield to women in silk, which, fetched from a foreign land, makes a woman shine through in public.” Yet people contend that Pliny understood silk as Assyrian bombyx, but this is unjustified; for Pliny believed silk was not made from bombyx, but from the downy fluff of trees. Besides, in Pliny’s age men abstained from Assyrian bombyx, and yet before his time silk garments were worn by men. Tacitus, speaking of the times of Tiberius: Garments common to men and women. And yet a decree had already been issued: Let no silk garment disgrace men. From this it is clear that the Assyrian bombyx garment was more excellent, or at least more luxurious, since it was shameful for men to wear it, whereas silk was in use. Therefore it is not so absurd that bombyx also came forth in Assyria, as in the island of Cos, although it is not certain from where Pliny received this. Nor is it to be confused with silk, as I was saying. Certainly at the same time Assyrian and silk garments were in use at Rome, and Pliny mentions both distinctly. But if from

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 63 ex India aduecta fuisset, non eam bombycem appellasset, qui nullum bombycum opus in serico texendo credidit, sed solam lanuginem. Vestes bombycinæ: sericæ: subsericæ: mulititia. Cap. XX. B Ombycinæ vestis mentio frequentior, quam sericæ apud auctores occurrit, quod rarus sericæ vsus, atque ex alie- no orbe petitus, comodius bombycina subueheretur. Quam- quam si verum est, quod de Cæsare tradit Dio lib. XLII. lu- dis theatrum velis sericis contexisse, non tanta debuit tunc esse serici penuria. Scio de subserico Dionem, Tacitum, & reliquos, qui serici meminerint, capiendos doctis viri ani- maduersum quod apud Spartanum dicatur Heliogabalus primus Romanorum sericam vestem induisse, id est holosericam, cum ante subserica in vsu esset, in qua stamen ex lino, subtemen sericum erat. De holoserica. Vopiscus in Aureliano Vestem holosericam neque ipse in vestiario habuit, neque alteri vtendam de- dit. Et cum ab eo vxor sua peteret, vt vnico pallio blatteo serico vteretur, ille respondit Absit vt auro fila pensentur. Libra enim auri, tunc libra serici fuit. Distinguit tamen sericum a subse- rico Lampridius in Alexandro. Vestes sericas ipse varas habuit, holosericas numquam induit, subsericam numquam donauit. Nisi eandem vestem modo sericam, modo subsericam appellat, vt eam raro adhibuerit Alexander, alijs numquam donauerit: sed fuisse eam vestem inusu promiscuo sub Heliogabalo no- tauerat: quidquid sit magna serici huius, siue subserici copia debuit esse, quæ Theatro contegendo satis esset. Sed id ve- rum sericum, siue holosericum, fuisse videtur indicare Dio. τητο [μὴ], inquit, ὑφασμα χλιδής ἀρβατον ὑδιν ἐργον, ἀιτι ἐκεί- νον, ἀιτι ὑπος ἐμαίς ἐν ἐυθελω τῶν ὑπον ἐυκαινῶν περιπτεω ἐκεφοιτημεν. Sericum quo Theatrum Cæsar velauit, fuit textura barbaricæ luxu- riæ ad supernacuum luxum Romanarum mulierum aduecta. Idem lib. LIX. de Caligula. ἀιτι ἐπι ἀυτῶν ἀλαμύδα σημήν ἀλαργη ἐπένεσθε. Chlamydem sericam purpurei coloris induit, & pau- lo

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaria, Book I. 63 if it had been brought from India, he would not have called it bombyx, for he believed that no work of the silkworm was woven into silk, but only the down. Garments: bombycine, silk, half-silk, mulititia. Chapter XX. The mention of bombycina garments occurs more frequently than that of silk among the authors, because the use of silk was rare and, since it came from a foreign world, it was more conveniently imported as bombycine. Although if what Dio relates of Caesar in book XLII is true, namely that for the games he had the theater hung with silk curtains, there could not then have been such a shortage of silk. I know that learned men have observed that Dion, Tacitus, and the rest, when they mention silk, must be understood as referring to subseric; and that in Spartanus it is said that Heliogabalus was the first of the Romans to wear a silk garment, that is, a wholly silk garment, whereas previously subseric garments were in use, in which the warp was of linen and the weft of silk. On holoseric garments. Vopiscus, in Aurelian, says: “He neither had a holoseric garment in his wardrobe himself, nor gave one to another to wear.” And when his wife asked him that he should make use of a single purple silk mantle, he replied, “Far be it that threads should be weighed against gold.” For a pound of gold was then a pound of silk. Yet Lampridius, in Alexander, distinguishes silk from subseric: “He himself had various silk garments; he never wore holoseric ones, nor ever gave away a subseric one.” Unless he calls the same garment now silk, now subseric, as one that Alexander rarely used and never gave to others; but he had noted that under Heliogabalus this garment was in common use: whatever the case, there must have been a great quantity of this silk, or of subseric, enough to cover the theater. But Dio seems to indicate that it was true silk, or holoseric. “This woven fabric,” he says, “a work of luxury brought in from beyond, for the excessive luxury of Roman women.” The same author, book LIX, on Caligula: he put on a purple silk chlamys, and a little later...

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38 Octauij Ferrarij Io infra. "Alli[us] [n]o[n] [con]i[n]evre T[ame]n [con]sp[eci]p[er]iu[n]t, na[n]i[n]evt[em] [con]svit[er]ip[er]ia [con]sv[er]bu[n]t[em] [con]sv[er]p[er]i- d[em] [con]sv[er]siv[er]o[n]s[er]eb[us]. Vt plurimum in serico vestitu, aut triumphali ornatu in publico versabatur. Sed tam subsericæ, quam sericæ vestis, id proprium fuit, quod, & bombycinæ, vt transluceret, hominelque nudaret. Iuuenal. Sat. II. Acer, & indomitus libertatisque magister, Cretice pelluces. Lipsius de Coa, siue serica toga intelligi vult. Alij de Coa tantum, nec de serica capi posse Iuuenalem, quæ tantum a f[em]minis tunc gestata, cum Coa etiam viris in vsu, vt ait Plinius. Ego deserica, & quidem muliebri locutum poëtam censeo. Nam si ætate Plini[us], id est, aliquot annis ante Iuuenalem Coa vestis viris promiscuè gestata, labentibus, in deterius moribus, non erat quod poëta Cælum terræ miseret, si Creticus veste Coa incessisset. Hoc enim tolerabile iam fecerat vsus. Atqui hoc tamquam insanum, ac foedissimum exagitat. — Sed Iulius ardet, Aestuo: nudus agas, minus est insania turpis. Mox. Fædius hoc aliquid quandoque audebis amictu. Præterea ait Satiricus futurum fuisse, vt meretrices talem togam recusarent, si damnatæ essent. — Est macha Fabulla Damnetur sivis etiam Carfinia, talem Non sumet damnata togam. Non ergo vestis illa Coa fuit, quæ multis ante annis meretricibus familiaris. Horatius. Cois tibi pænè videre est Vt nudam. Quare non togam Coam, siue bombycinam damnauit Aquinas poeta, quæ multo ante gestabatur a viris, sed sericam, & muliebrem. Et ideo infrà eam vestem, multitia, appellat, quæ ab eodem fæminis adscribuntur. Humida suspectis referens multitiarugis. Quam-

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38 Octauius Ferrarii I say below. "Others do not agree, yet they perceive by consensus, nor indeed do they customarily agree, and by repeated use they become accustomed to be in agreement. In general he was seen in public in silk dress, or in triumphal attire. But both the subserica and the silk garment had this peculiarity: that, like bombycine cloth, it was transparent and exposed the body. Juvenal, Sat. II. Acer, and untamed, teacher of liberty, you shine through, Creticus. Lipsius thinks that the Coan, or silk toga, is meant. Others hold that Juvenal can be taken to mean only the Coan garment, and not silk, which was then worn only by women, although the Coan garment was also in use among men, as Pliny says. I think the poet is speaking of a silk garment, and indeed one belonging to women. For if, in Pliny's time, that is, some years before Juvenal, the Coan garment was worn indiscriminately by men, then, as morals declined, there was no reason for the poet to grieve for Caelum if Creticus had gone about in a Coan garment. For custom had already made this tolerable. Yet he attacks this as though it were mad and utterly foul. — But Julius is burning, I am in heat: go naked, it is less shameful madness. Soon after. You will dare at last to wear something uglier than this as a garment. Moreover the Satirist says that it would have happened that prostitutes would have refused such a toga, if they had been condemned. — There is the whore Fabulla; let Carfinia also be condemned if you wish; once condemned, she will not take up such a toga. Therefore that was not the Coan garment, which had long before been familiar to prostitutes. Horace. You can almost see the Coan women as if naked. Therefore the Aquinian poet did not condemn the Coan toga, or the bombycine one, which had long been worn by men, but the silk garment, and the feminine one. And therefore below he calls that garment multitia, which is likewise attributed by the same author to women. Refers the damp multitia folds of the suspect garment. What-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 65 Quamquam non ignorem, multitarum virilium mentio- nem a Vopisco fieri; sed quod additur, virilium, denotat propriè multitia muliebria vestimenta fuisse, & secutis tem- poribus a viris vsurpata, vt & vestes holosericæ. Eius vocis originem me fateor ignorare. Nam quod alij quasi multilicia dicunt, & polymita intelligunt, præter ver- bi nouitatem, apud Iuuenalem sermo est de toga, quam al- bam fuisse constat, non silorum varietate intextam. Qui au- tem multicia a multum iciendo deducunt, quasi vestimenta multum icta, & percussa, præter idem vitium nouitatis, po- tius rei ipsi contrarium adducere videntur; Nam vestes multum ictæ, & bene textoris pectine percussæ, densiores sunt, minusquè pellucent; quo magis enim trama stamini connectitur, fila spissantur densius, minusque per ea corpo- ra apparent. In illo quoq[ue] hærere me non ab nuerim, an de bombycinis togis capiendus Cicero sit, cum de Carlinæ socijs loquitur; manicatis, ac talaribus tunicis, velis amictos, non togis. Imò an Varro apud Nonium easdem intellexerit, cum ait. Istorum vi- treæ togæ ostentant tunicæ clauos. Nam bombycinas non multo ante Plinium a viris vsurpatas vidimus: Silaneæ, vt omnia tunc vestimenta, nescio an tales pellucidæ vestes, & vt ait Varro, vitrea, ex lana confici potuerint: nisi sericas fuisse dicamus, & de subsericis intelligamus, qualia Cæsariani Theatri vela fuisse supra tetigimus. Nequè illud omittendum, quomodo hæ vitrea togæ tuni- cæ clauos ostentarint, quasi vero communi toga claui purpu- rei tegerentur, neque apparerent per densum vestimentum: cum tamen certum sit, clauis hisce Curiam ab reliquis ordi- nibus distinctam, quod fieri non potuisset, si latuissent. For- tasse igitur, cum plures in tunica claui essent, & in toga com- muni duo tantum, aut tres apparerent, quà ad pectus toga pa- tebat, & brachium dextrum exeri solitum diximus, togis vitreis, ac pellucidis pectus denuantibus omnes apparue- re, & in oculos incurrerunt. I Toge

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On Dress, Book I. 65 Although I am not unaware that mention is made by Vopiscus of “multitia” garments for men; yet the addition “virilium” shows that multitia were properly women’s garments, and were in later times worn by men, as also silk garments. I confess that I do not know the origin of this word. For those who say it is as though multilicia, and understand by it polymita, apart from the novelty of the word, in Juvenal the subject is the toga, which is known to have been white, not woven with a diversity of threads. And those who derive multitia from multum iciendo, as though garments much beaten and struck, besides the same fault of novelty, seem rather to bring forward something contrary to the thing itself; for garments much beaten and well struck with the weaver’s comb are denser and less transparent; for the more the weft is joined to the warp, the more closely the threads are compacted, and the less the body appears through them. Nor would I deny that I am also perplexed there as to whether Cicero is to be understood as speaking of silk togas when he speaks of the associates of Catiline, clothed in sleeved and long tunics, wrapped in veils, not togas. Indeed, whether Varro in Nonius understood the same when he says: “Their glass-like togas display the studs of the tunic.” For we have seen that silken garments were used by men not long before Pliny: whether those Silanean garments, like all garments of that time, were such transparent clothes, and whether, as Varro says, “glass-like,” could have been made of wool—I know not—unless we say that they were silk, and understand them as subserica, such as, as noted above, were the awnings of Caesar’s Theatre. Nor should this be omitted: how these “glass-like togas” displayed the studs of the tunic, as though indeed in the ordinary toga the purple studs were covered, and did not appear through the thick garment; whereas it is certain that by these studs the Senate-house was distinguished from the other orders, which could not have happened if they had been concealed. Perhaps, then, since there were several studs in the tunic, and in the ordinary toga only two or three appeared where the toga opened at the breast, and the right arm was accustomed to be exposed, as I have said, with glass-like and transparent togas laying bare the breast, they all became visible and caught the eye. I. Togas

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Octauij Ferrarij Togæ color. Candidati. Cap. XXI. T Oge communis colorem album fuisse, satis doctissimus Manutius ostendit, & eum secutus magni nominis Cri- ticus, qui ne Manutium quidem nominat, cui omnia ferè in hac disputatione debet. Neque hic ego congerendo scri- ptorum loca, quibus id probetur, lectoris otio abutar, cum vel mediocriter eruditi id ignorare non possint, & facile sit ipsum Manutium consulere. Duo tamen sunt, quæ huic sententiæ refragari videntur; Alterum, si omnes vulgo albâ togâ Romani vsi, cur qui hono- res petebant, candidati dicti? Alterum, quod diebus Fe- stis, & lętitiæ causa albati Romani incedebant. Nuperus Milonianæ enarrator ait, Magistratum petentes nihil habuisse in vestimentis præter album, & ideo candidatos vocatos: quia nempe sine tunicis essent, in quibus claui purpurei, vel quod tunicæ ipsæ totæ purpureæ essent. Ita petitores, vel deposuisse tunicas purpureas, vel saltem clauos, & ideo candidatos dictos. Quæ ratio nihil est. Nam tunicas non fuisse purpureas, infra vincam: & clauos purpu- reos in petitione depositos, falsum est: & si verum esset, id modò in Senatu, & Equite locum habuisset, quid ij, quibus nullum claui ius fuit? Quid plura? Depositas tunicas in peti- tione consentiunt auctores non quod purpureæ, aut purpu- ra illuminatæ, sed vt aperto pectore, honesta vulnera petito- rem commendarent. Alij ne pecunia occultaretur emendis flagitiosè suffragijs factum putant, quod refutat Plutarchus in Coriolano. Melius ergo Lipsius, qui inter albam, & candidam togam distinguit, quod alba natiuo lanæ colore esset: candida ad- dita creta fieret. Idquè ex Liuio, & Isidoro. Ille lib. 1 v. Pla- cet, tollendæ ambitionis causa Tribunos legem promulgare, ne cui al- bum in vestimentum addere petitionis causa liceret, Isidorus, Fit toga addito quodam creta genere candidior. Etiam Manutius aliud fuisse candidum, aliud album co- cuerat: esse autem in colore candido splendorem quendam, qui

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Octauij Ferrarij The color of the toga. The candidati. Chap. XXI. The common toga was of a white color, as the most learned Manutius has shown, and following him, a critic of great repute, who does not even name Manutius, to whom he owes almost everything in this discussion. Nor will I here burden the reader’s leisure by gathering together the passages of writers by which this may be proved, since even those moderately learned cannot be ignorant of it, and it is easy to consult Manutius himself. Yet there are two things which seem to oppose this opinion; the first, if all Romans commonly wore a white toga, why were those seeking honors called candidati? The second, that on festival days, and for the sake of rejoicing, the Romans went about dressed in white. A recent commentator on Milonian says that those seeking office had nothing in their clothing except white, and were therefore called candidates: namely because they were without tunics, in which the purple stripes were, or because the tunics themselves were entirely purple. Thus the aspirants either laid aside their purple tunics, or at least the stripes, and were therefore called candidati. This reason amounts to nothing. For that the tunics were not purple, I shall prove below: and that purple stripes were laid aside in seeking office is false; and if it were true, it would only have applied to Senators and Equites: what of those who had no right to stripes at all? What more need be said? The authors agree that in seeking office the tunics were laid aside, not because they were purple, or dyed purple, but so that with the chest exposed, honorable scars might commend the candidate. Others think it was done so that money might not be concealed when votes were bought shamefully; this Plutarch refutes in Coriolanus. Lipsius therefore is better, who distinguishes between alba and candida toga, saying that the alba was white by the natural color of the wool, while the candida was made so by the addition of chalk. And this from Livy and Isidore. The former, book 1, v. 56: “It pleased them, in order to remove ambition, that the tribunes should propose a law that no one should be allowed to add whiteness to his garment for the purpose of canvassing.” Isidore: “The toga becomes more brilliant by the addition of a certain kind of chalk.” Even Manutius had thought that candida was one thing, alba another: and that in the color candida there was a certain brightness, which

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 67 qui non est in albo: itaque candidam niuem propriè dici, pal- lorem autem album, non candidum, licet aliquando con- fundantur: vt cum Gellius lib. I I I. tradit. Scipionem die di- cta, neque barbam desisse radere, neque non candida veste vti. vbi candidum, pro albo vsurpatur, Et Liu. Dec. v. lib. v. Le- gati Rhodiorum, cum primo in veste candida visi essent, quod & gratulantes decebat. Huic mox opponit sordidam. Et si sor- didam vestem habuissent, lugentium Persei casum præbere speciem poterant. Infra. Extemplo veste sordida sumpta, domos principum cum precibus, ac lachrimis circumibant. Vt & apud Martialem. Cum plebs, ac minor ordo, maximusque Sancto cum duce candidus sederet. Addita ergo creta, vt ait Isidorus, candidior toga fiebat. Il- lud tamen difficultate non caret, quod in omni togarum lotione adhibebatur creta, nec ars fullonia sine creta fuit. Titinnius apud Nonium. Terra hæc est, non aqua, Vbi tu solitus argutarier pedibus, Cretam dum compescis, vestimentaque laucas. Et Plinius lib. xxxv. cap. xv I I. vbi de generibus Cretæ loquitur. Ergo ordo hic est: primum abluitur vestis sarda, dein sulphure suffitur; mox desquamatur Cimolia, quæ est coloris veri. Hæc autem & sarda creta species fuere. Ex his apparet, omni togæ adhibitam cretam fuisse. Fortasse ergo commu- ni togæ abluendæ creta adhibebatur: at togæ petitorum iam lotæ, creta superinducebatur, vt candeseret magis, ac poliretur. Certè Plinius Cimoliam cretam abluendis vesti- bus in vsu fuisse scribit: Vmbricam autem, quæ, & saxum vo- cabatur, nonnisi poliendis vestibus, assumi solitam. Illud etiam addere possumus, togas petitorum, vt candidæ fie- rent, postquam Vmbrica expolitæ essent, prælo subiectas fuisse, vt nitescerent, splendoremque illum acquirerent, quem coloris candidi proprium esse diximus: & ideo togam candidam, λαμώραν Polybio dici, cum nempè a prælo, & a creta splendesceret. Talis toga splendens dicitur Senecæ, epist. v. Non splendeat toga, ne sordeat quidem. Quod Lipsius I 2 expli-

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De Re Vestiaria Book I. 67 who is not in the album: therefore white snow is properly said to be white, but paleness is white, not shining white, though they are sometimes confused: as when Gellius, Book III, reports that Scipio, on the day appointed, neither ceased shaving his beard, nor did he not use white clothing. where candidum is used for album. And Livy, Decade V, Book V: the envoys of the Rhodians, when they first appeared in white clothing, which also suited men offering congratulations. Soon after, he opposes to this sordidam. And if they had had dirty clothing, they could have given the appearance of mourners over Perseus’ misfortune. Below: at once, having put on dirty clothing, they went round the houses of the leading men with prayers and tears. As also in Martial: When the plebs and the lesser order, and the greatest of all, Sat in white with the holy leader. Therefore, with chalk added, as Isidore says, the toga became whiter. Yet this point is not without difficulty, because chalk was used in every washing of togas, nor was the fullers’ craft without chalk. Titinnius apud Nonius: This is earth, not water, where you are accustomed to tread so cleverly with your feet, while you press down the chalk and wash the garments. And Pliny, Book XXXV, chapter XVII, where he speaks of the kinds of chalk. Therefore the order is this: first the dirty garment is washed, then it is fumigated with sulphur; then the Cimolian earth is applied, which is of the true color. But these, sarda and creta, were kinds of chalk. From this it is clear that chalk was applied to every toga. Perhaps, then, ordinary chalk for washing the toga was used: but for the toga of candidates, after it had already been washed, chalk was spread over it, so that it might become whiter and be polished. Certainly Pliny writes that Cimolian chalk was used for cleaning garments; but Umbrian chalk, which was also called saxum, was used only for polishing garments. We may also add that the togas of candidates, in order to become white, after having been polished with Umbrian chalk, were placed under the press, so that they might gleam and acquire that brilliance which we said was proper to the color white: and therefore the white toga is called λαμώραν by Polybius, because indeed it shone from the press and from chalk. Such a shining toga is mentioned by Seneca, Epistle V: Let the toga not shine, nor even be dirty. Which Lipsius I 2 expli-

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68 Octauij Ferrarij explicat, nitidam, recenter lotam, & pexam. Sed tales e- rant quæ minime sorderent, nitidæ scilicet, & recenter lotæ. Atqui Seneca non vult splendentem, & sine sordibus optat. Ergo splendens est a præli pressura. Vt alibi Lipsius recte il- lud eiusdem Senecę de tranquillitate cap.1. Non ex arcula pro- lata vestis, non mille ponderibus, aut tormentis splendere cogen- tibus pressa. Pondera scilicet, ac præla vestem splendere co- gebant. Huc spectat locus Martialis, quem Lipsius adduxit. Sic tua suppositis pellucent præla lacernis, Et micat innumeris arcula synthesibus. Et Ammianus lib. xxv i i i. Solutis pressorijs, vestes luce nitentes arbitra diligenter explorant. Quod verò Lipsius subijcit, ideo suppositas prælis vestes, non solum vt niterent, sed etiam vt pexæ essent, credibile non est. Nam vestium pexitas non à prælo, sed à lana recenti, aut ab artificio erat, cum erinacei cute polirentur. De quo iam multa viri docti disputarunt. Ceterum quod ait Lipsius, communes togas natiuo tan- tum lanæ colore albas fuisse, falsum esse ex Plinio ostendi mus, qui artis fulloniæ creatam præcipuam facit. Quod nec ipse negare potest, nam explicans illud Plauti in Aulularia. Qui vestitu, & creta se occultant, & sedent quasi sint frugi; homines designari ait tenuiores, quibus cum copia mutandę togę non esset, tamen, vt nitidi apparerent, sub dies ludorum togulam suam incretabant; vel seruos, qui vt liberos menti- rentur, fortasse cretam addebant in vestem, vt in cauea fal- lerent. Si ergo sola creta candida vestis fieba t, & isti can- didati fuere extra honorum petitionem. Quare vt diximus, vestis petitorum candida fuit; Cimoliâ primum, vt reliquæ vestes abluta, deinde Vmbricâ, siue saxo expolita, tum prælo splendere iussa. Ceterum Marcilius ad illud Persij, Quem ducit hiantem. Cretata ambitio. Notat, ideo cretam togis adhibitam, vt rigidæ essent, ta- bularum, siue tiliarum capaces, quòd esse non potest; diffi- cilius enim plicæ, ac rugæ in veste durata, quam in molli, &

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68 Octauius Ferrarius explains it as bright, newly washed, and combed. But such were those things that did not become dirty at all, that is, bright and recently washed. Yet Seneca does not want something shining, but prefers it without dirt. Therefore, “shining” is from the pressure of the press. As elsewhere Lipsius rightly explains that passage of the same Seneca from the De Tranquillitate , ch. 1: “Not a garment brought forth from a chest, not pressed by a thousand weights or torments compelling it to shine.” That is to say, weights and presses made the garment shine. To this point belongs the passage of Martial, which Lipsius cited: “Thus your cloaks gleam under the presses applied, And the chest sparkles with countless suits.” And Ammianus, book xxviii: “With the presses loosened, the judges carefully examine the garments shining with light.” But what Lipsius adds, namely that garments placed under presses were not only to shine, but also to be combed, is not credible. For the combing of garments came not from the press, but from fresh wool, or from workmanship, when they were smoothed with an hedgehog’s skin. Learned men have already discussed much about this. Moreover, what Lipsius says, that ordinary togas were white only by the natural color of wool, is shown by us to be false from Pliny, who makes this a chief product of the fuller’s art. Nor can he himself deny it, for in explaining that passage of Plautus in the Aulularia : “Who hide themselves in dress and chalk, and sit as though they were frugal,” he says that lowly men are meant, who, since they had no means of changing their toga, nevertheless, in order to appear neat, chalked their little toga on the days before games; or slaves, who, in order to pretend to be freeborn, perhaps added chalk to their garment so as to deceive in the crowd. If therefore white clothing were made by chalk alone, then those “candida ti” were outside the pursuit of honors. Wherefore, as we said, the candidate’s garment was white: first washed with Cimolian earth, as were the other garments, then polished with Umbrian earth, or with stone, and then ordered to be made bright by the press. Moreover, Marcilius, on that line of Persius, “Whom he leads gaping,” “Chalked ambition,” notes that chalk was applied to togas in order that they might be stiff, capable of tablets, or of tiliae, which cannot be; for folds and wrinkles are more difficult in a hardened garment than in a soft one, and

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 69 & flexibili finguntur. Deinde cum omnes togæ plicas, ru- gasque haberent, si ad hoc cretabantur, togæ omnes candi- dæ fuissent. Idem perperam locum Tertulliani accipit. Rugas ab exordio formet, & inde deducat in tilias, totumque contracti vmbonis figmentum custodibus forcipibus assignet, legit, porpicibus πορπηζι, fibulis, quasi vllus, ibi fibulæ vsus esse potuerit. Sed de hoc alias. Albus color lætitiæ causa adhibitus. Albati. Cap. XXII. Alterum, quo communes togas non fuisse albo colore, ostendi poterat, illud erat, quod Romani diebus fe- stis, ac solemnibus albati incedebant, præcipue die natali; idque non scriptoribus notatum esset, si reliquo tempore in alba veste fuissent. Horat. Ille repotia, natales aliosque dierum Festos albatus celebret. Ouidius Trist. lib. III. eleg. XIII. Scilicet expectas solitum tibi moris honorem Pendeat ex humeris vestis vt alba meis? Et lib. v. El. v. de Natali vxoris. Quæque semel toto vestis mihi sumitur anno: Sumatur fatis discolor alba meis. Et Persius. — Quamuis te albata rogarit. Vbi vetus Interpres, Albata autem festiua, aut certe alba- ta pura, & vitijs carens. Idem ad illud: Et natalitia tandem cum sardonyche albus. Ad hoc recitatu- rus, inquit, ornatus, & festiuis incedebat; Albus, aut festiua veste indutus, aut recitandi pauore confectus. Etiam Dio in ad- uentu Teridatis Romæ impletum fuisse tradit forum: me- diam eius partem a plebe albata, & laureata: alteram a mi- litibus armorum nitore fulgentibus. Lipsius hoc pacto nodum soluit, quod Romani diebus fe- stis, lętisque recentes togas sumerent, & vsu nondum sor- didas, atque obsoletas. Sed quî fieri potuit, vt cum sæpè festi

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 69 and they are made flexible. Then, since all togas had folds and wrinkles, if they had been whitened for this purpose, all togas would have been white. He likewise misapplies the passage of Tertullian. “Let him form the wrinkles from the beginning, and from there draw them into little tails, and assign the whole device of the contracted umbo to the guardians of the tongs”; he reads porpicibus, πορπηζι, with brooches, as if there could have been any use of brooches there. But of this elsewhere. White color used as a cause of joy. Albati. Chapter XXII. Another point by which it could be shown that ordinary togas were not of white color was this: that the Romans on feast days and solemn occasions walked about albati, especially on their birthday; and this would not have been noted by writers if at other times they had been in white clothing. Horace: Let him in white celebrate repotia, birthdays, and other festive days. Ovid, Tristia, book III, elegy XIII: Surely you expect that the usual honor of custom for you should depend on the shoulders of my white garment? And book V, Elegy V, on his wife’s birthday: And that garment which once a year is put on by me throughout: let a differently colored white garment be put on for my fates. And Persius: — Though she have asked you, dressed in white. There the old interpreter says, “Albata” means festive, or at least white, pure, and free from faults. The same interpreter on the passage: “And at last, white with a sardonyx.” “About to recite this,” he says, “he was adorned, and walked about in festive dress; white, that is, either clothed in festive attire, or worn out by the fear of reciting.” Also Dio reports that on the arrival of Tiridates in Rome the forum was filled: one half by the populace dressed in white and crowned with laurel; the other by soldiers shining with the brilliance of their armor. Lipsius solves the knot in this way: that the Romans on feast days and joyous occasions took up fresh togas, not yet made dirty and worn by use. But how could it have happened that, when often festive

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70 Octauij Ferrarij festi dies, & publica lætitia occurreret, pauperes, & tenuuiores, quibus vix vna togula erat, recentes togas sumerent, ac mutarent, vt in aduentu Teridatis alba plebs in cessit? Fuit cum existimarem, quòd loca, quæ a Lipsio afferuntur, sint Scriptorum Augustæi aeui, quo scilicet iam togæ in deluetudinem abierant, & in locum lacernæ successerant, pulli, aut rufi coloris: diebus festis, ac solemnibus sumptas esse ab omnibus togas, quæ albæ, & ideo albatos dictos, casque ferè recentes, quod rarò admodum ferrentur. Firmabam coniecturam meam argumento, quo Manutius togas communes albi coloris fuisse ostendit. Arguit Cicero Vatinium, quod in publico epulo Q. Arrij accubuerit cum toga pulla, cum tot hominum millia accumberent, ipse epuli Dominus Q. Arrius albatus esset. Cum ergo ad epulum publicum funebre, non propinqui tantum, aut amici inuitarentur, sed populus vniuersus, in quo propemodum ait Manutius inumerabiles erant sic a re domestica imparati, vt vestitum epuli gratia mutare non possent, verisimile non est, albam togam eos pro tempore sumplisse, vt mox epulo finito aliam induerent. Ita credibile non est, vniuersum populum potuisse ad quodlibet epulum, festasquè dapes, recentes togas afferre, quas finito epulo alijs mutarent. Quod si quis contendat, ætate Ciceronis togas in vsu promiscuo fuille, & hac ratione omnes albatos: facile erit reponere, Arrium licet in toga communi, albatum, ad distinctionem Vatinij, qui pullatus. Hæc olim, nec me huius sententiæ penitet. Simplicius tamen fuerit si dixerimus, diebus festis, ac publica lætitia, togas non nouas, aut recentes sumptas (quî enim hoc fieri ab omnibus potuit?) sed lotas, & a fullone recentes. Id enim facile fuit etiam tenuioribus togulæ sordes demere, opeque fullonis eandem interpolare, pristinoque candori reddere. Id nunc etiam vulgus vsurpat, vt festis diebus interiores lineas recenter lotas induant. Nec indecorum modò fuit togas sic sæpè lotas diebus festis adhibere, vt etiam inter munera clientibus mitterentur.

Transcription: Translated (English)

70 On the feast days of Octauius Ferrarius, and when public rejoicing occurred, the poor and the less well-off, who had barely a single little toga, would take up recent togas and change them, as at the arrival of Teridates the white-clad populace entered? I once thought that the passages cited by Lipsius were from writers of the Augustan age, when, of course, togas had already fallen into disuse and in their place cloaks had taken over, of a dark or reddish color: on feast days and solemn occasions, togas were worn by everyone, and these were white, and therefore those so dressed were called albati , and they were almost always recent, because they were worn very rarely indeed. I supported my conjecture with an argument by which Manutius shows that ordinary togas were of white color. Cicero reproaches Vatinius because, at the public banquet of Q. Arrius, he reclined in a dark toga, when so many thousands of men were reclining, while the host of the banquet, Q. Arrius, was himself dressed in white. Since, then, at a public funeral banquet not only relatives or friends were invited, but the whole people, among whom, as Manutius says, there were almost countless persons so unprepared in domestic matters that they could not change their clothing for the sake of the banquet, it is not likely that they would have taken up a white toga for the occasion, only to put on another as soon as the banquet was over. In this way it is not credible that the whole people could, for any banquet or festive feast, bring recent togas, which they would change for others when the banquet was finished. But if anyone should maintain that, in Cicero’s time, togas were in common use, and that on this account everyone was albati , it will be easy to reply that Arrius, though in an ordinary toga, was dressed in white, by way of distinction from Vatinius, who was in dark clothing. This was my view formerly, nor do I regret it. Yet it would be simpler if we said that on feast days and at times of public rejoicing, not new or recent togas were worn (for how could this have been done by everyone?), but washed ones, and fresh from the fuller. For even the poorer classes could easily remove the dirt from a little toga, and with the fuller’s help renew it and restore it to its former brightness. The common people even now use this practice, putting on freshly washed inner linen garments on feast days. Nor was it merely becoming to use togas thus often washed on feast days; they were even sent as gifts to clients among other presents.

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Transcription: ATR-1

De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 71 tur. Martial. lib. x. xi. Donaui tamen, inquis, amico millia quinque, Et lotam, vt multum, terque quaterque togam. Id est candidam, & pænè nouam. Et hæc de albatis, & candidatis. Pullus color in luctu. Atrati. An idem a matronis vsurpatus. Cap. XXIII. R Omanos in luctu atratos fuisse, hoc est nigra, siue pul- la veste indutos certum est. Veterum testimonijs pa- ginas infercire putidum. Togæ pullæ meminit Cicero in Pi- soniana, Pullatorum procerum, Iuuenalis. Tacitus in funere Germanici atratam plebem, inducit. Propert. lib. IV. el. VII. Denique quis nostro curuum te funere vidit, Atram quis lachrimis incaluisse togam? Etiam Artemidorus lib. I I. cap. III. ait, homini aegrotan- ti alba vestimenta in somnis visa, mortem portendere: quod mortui in albis efferrentur. Nigrum autem pallium salutem significare, quod non mortui, sed qui lugent mortuos, tali vestimento vtantur. De mulieribus ambigitur, cum alij Scriptores, eas deposi- ta purpura, & auro, in veste lugubri fuisse dicant: Halicar- nasseus, & eum secutus Suidas, vestem nigram adscribat, & magna pars veteru[m] Varro apud Noniu[m] de vita pop. Rom. Val. Maximus lib. I. cap. I. Appian. lib. III. ciuil. Atqui Herodianus, Statius, & Plutarchus albam vestem a foeminis in luctu vsurpatam tradunt, quorum verba iam a Lipsio ad Tacitum allata sunt. Et Lucanus lib. II. de Martia a func- re Hortensij Catonem priorem maritum repetente. Obsita funerea celatur purpura lana. Id est pulla. Lipsius ita veteres in concordiam adduci posse credit, si dicatur, nigras vestes luctus proprias fuisse, itante Rep. , albas sub Imperatoribus: quod vt non reiecerim, (quamquam fuscæ vestis in luctu matronali meminerit Apulcius) illud nullo pacto admiserim, hanc causam muta- tionis

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaria, Book I. 71 tur. Martial. lib. x. xi. “Yet I gave, you say, to a friend five thousand, And his toga, washed as much as possible, three and four times.” That is, white, and almost new. And this about bleached and whitened garments. Black color in mourning. Atrati. Whether the same was used by matrons. Chapter XXIII. R It is certain that the Romans in mourning wore black, that is, were clad in black, or dark, dress. To stuff pages with the testimonies of the ancients would be offensive. Cicero mentions black togas in the speech against Piso, Juvenal speaks of black-cloaked nobles. Tacitus, in the funeral of Germanicus, presents the people clothed in black. Propertius, Book IV, elegy VII: “Finally, who saw you bent over at our funeral, Who saw your toga grow dark with tears?” Artemidorus too, Book II, chapter III, says that to a sick man, garments seen in dreams of white portend death: because the dead were carried out in white. But a black cloak signifies health, because not the dead, but those who mourn the dead, use such a garment. As to women, the matter is disputed, since some writers say that, having laid aside purple and gold, they were in mourning dress: Halicarnassensis, and Suidas following him, assign them black dress, and a great part of the ancients, Varro apud Nonius on the life of the Roman people, Valerius Maximus, Book I, chapter I, Appian, Book III, Civil Wars. Yet Herodian, Statius, and Plutarch relate that white dress was used by women in mourning, whose words Lipsius has already cited to Tacitus. And Lucan, Book II, about Marcia, after the death of Hortensius, recalling Cato her former husband: “Covered over, the funeral purple is concealed by wool.” That is, black. Lipsius thinks the ancients can thus be brought into agreement, if it be said that black garments were proper to mourning under the Republic, white ones under the emperors: which, although I would not reject it, especially since Apuleius mentions a dark-colored garment in female mourning, I could by no means admit this cause of the change

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Transcription: ATR-1

72 Octauij Ferrarij tionis videri, quòd cum veteres matronæ in alba, aut nigra veste præcipue incederent, postquam crescente luxu, Galbanæ, Cerulæ, & Coloriæ inuectæ sunt, albam vestem spre- tam, vt vilem, & luctui tantum reseruatam. Hoc falsum est: nam, vt Valerius tradit lib. I I. matronæ in veteri Rep. & auro abundanti, & multâ purpurâ vsæ sunt: contra sub Imperatoribus, aut interdicta purpura matronis, aut cer- tis tantum personis permissa. Corruit igitur tota coniectura. Me eius mutationis causa hactenus latuit. Ceterum mirum est, verba Herodiani de matronis in veste alba funus Seueri celebrantibus, λιλας ἰεδύτας λιλας ἀμφιενύμων, Po- litianum vertisse, Vestibus albis exilibus indutæ. Quid enim fuere hæ vestes exiles? cum vestes illæ vulgares, ac com- munes essent, siue viliores. Eadem ratione Dio lib. IVI. de Tiberij, & Drusi eius filij cultu lugubri in funere Augusti. Tiberius, filiusque eius Drusus, Φαιαν τὸν αγοραίον Ἐόπον ὑπο- μεθύλεν, εἰχον. pullam togam vulgari siue communi more pa- ratam (non forensi more, vt hic interpres,) habebant. Toga mensura. Toga talares. Quintilianus expli- catus. Cap. XXIV. Vim toga vestimentum laxum esset, ac fusum, pro opi- bus tamen cuiusque laxiorem fuisse, aut angustiorem Horatij Interpretes notarunt, ad illud. --- Tibi paruula res est. Arêta decet sanum comitem toga. Quare ille opum contemptor Cato, cum arêta toga ab eo- dem inducitur. Quid, si quis vultu toruo ferus, ὃ pede nudo, Exiqueque toga simulet textore Catonem? Pro opibus inquam, & arbitrio cuiusque, ne quis Oratio- num Ciceronis enarratori credat, qui M. Antonium quòd prætextatus decoxisset, arctiorem ceteris togam sumere de- buisse scribit, quasi id lex iuberet, & non potius necessitas cogeret. Has togas arêtas, togulas scriptores vocarunt, qua- les

Transcription: Translated (English)

72 Octauij Ferrarij tionis would seem to be seen, because although the women of old used to go chiefly in white or black dress, after, as luxury increased, garments of Galbanus, Cerulean, and other colors were introduced, white dress was despised as mean and reserved only for mourning. This is false: for, as Valerius reports in book II, married women in the old Republic made use of both gold in abundance and much purple; whereas under the Emperors, purple was either forbidden to married women, or allowed only to certain persons. The whole conjecture therefore falls. The reason for this change has thus far escaped me. Moreover, it is strange that the words of Herodian about the married women celebrating Severus’ funeral in white dress, λιλας ἰεδύτας λιλας ἀμφιενύμων, Politian rendered, “vestibus albis exilibus indutæ” [clothed in thin white garments]. For what were these “thin” garments? since those garments were common and ordinary ones, or rather cheaper ones. In the same way Dio, book IVI, on the mournful attire of Tiberius and his son Drusus at the funeral of Augustus: Tiberius and his son Drusus, Φαιαν τὸν αγοραίον Ἐόπον ὑπομεθύλεν, εἰχον, had a black toga prepared in the common or ordinary fashion (not in the market-place fashion, as this interpreter says). Toga, measurement. Togae talares. Quintilian explained. Chapter XXIV. Since the toga was a loose and flowing garment, the commentators on Horace have noted, with regard to the line --- Tibi paruula res est. Arêta decet sanum comitem toga. For which reason Cato, contemptor of wealth though he was, is represented by him in a narrow toga. Quid, si quis vultu toruo ferus, ὃ pede nudo, Exiqueque toga simulet textore Catonem? I say, in proportion to wealth and to each man’s judgment, so that no one should believe the commentator on Cicero’s speeches, who writes that M. Antonius, because he had squandered his patrimony while still wearing the prætexta, ought to have worn a tighter toga than the others, as though the law commanded this, and not rather necessity compelled it. Writers called these narrow togas togulæ, such as

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Transcription: ATR-1

De Re Vestiaria. Lib. I. 73 les patronorum auaritia clientibus donabat, quarum Cicero, & Martialis meminerunt. Iustam autem togæ mensuram sex vlnarum fuisse ijsdem Horatij Interpretes obseruant, vbi poëta Menam libertum carpit, quod toga sex vlnarum sacram viam metiretur. Mihi tamen verisimilius est, quòd si sex vlnarum togæ mensura fuisset, non id tamquam nouum aut insolens Horatius notauisset. Nisi id in libero non ferendum, quod ingenuos deceret. Vt vt ea res se habeat, antiquitus quidem toga ad calceos vsque demittebatur, vt Græcorum pallium teste Quintiliano: idque vt fieret Plo- tium, Nigidiumq; præcipere, qui circa illa tempora de Ora- toris gestu scripserunt. Quo circa Plinium refutat idem Quintilianus, qui scripserit solitum tantùm Ciceronem id facere velandarum varicum gratia, cum tamen hoc genus amictus in statuis eorum quoq; qui post Ciceronem fuerunt, appareret. Id tamen etiam impudentis maledicentiæ, & exhausti pudoris vir Fusius Calenus apud Dionem semper magnis viris iniquum obiectauit Ciceroni, quod nempe de- missitijs vestibus ad cruru[m] vitia velanda vteretur. lib. xxxxv. , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , 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Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaria. Book I. 73 The avarice of patrons bestowed gifts on their clients, of which Cicero and Martial made mention. But the interpreters of Horace observe that the proper measure of the toga was six ells, where the poet censures Mena, a freedman, because in a toga of six ells he was traversing the Sacred Way. Yet it seems more likely to me that, if the measure of the toga had been six ells, Horace would not have noted it as something new or unusual. Unless that should not be tolerated in a freedman which would be fitting for a freeborn man. However the matter may stand, in ancient times indeed the toga was let down to the shoes, like the Greek pallium, according to Quintilian; and Plotius and Nigidus, who wrote around those times on the gesture of an orator, are said to have prescribed that it should be so worn. On this point Quintilian also refutes Pliny, who wrote that Cicero alone was accustomed to do this for the sake of concealing his legs, although this kind of dress appears also in the statues of those who lived after Cicero. Yet even this, in the words of Fusius Calenus in Dio, that man of shameless slander and exhausted modesty, he always wickedly threw in Cicero’s face among the great men—that, namely, he used lowered garments to conceal the defects of his legs. Book XXXV.

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Octauij Ferrarij 74 runt. Quomodo enim togæ pars posterior altior quam cinctura esse potuit? Fuit cum existimarem de parte ea loqui Quintilianum, quæ brachio subducta in humerum sinistrum reijciebatur, & sic ipsa cinctura altior esset, siue de illa, quæ excluso dextro brachio ab humero pariter dextro desluebat, & tamen superior cinctura erat; Sed cum Quintilianus dicat, eadem portione, ac priorem, non aliter explicari potest, quam vt medijs cruribus, quemadmodum prior terminetur, & ita quomodo cincturâ altior erit? Fortasse Quintil: ibi pro cincturâ tunicam cinctam intellexit: quod nempè tunicæ Zonæ arbitrio, altiùs, sub missius suspenderentur, & proprerea vult togæ partem priorem, & posteriorem ita medijs cruribus terminari, vt tamen tunicæ cinctæ imâ ora paulo altiores essent. Iuuant coniecturam nostram eiusdem Quintiliani verba paulo supra, vbi tunicæ laticlaiæ longitudinem tradit. Latum inquit habentium clauum modus est, vt sit paulum cinctis submissior, id est paulo longior tunicis, quæ cingebantur. Nam vt ostendam cum illuc ventum fuerit, & aliquid supra tetigimus, tunica lati claui non cingebatur. Siergo ibi cinctis ponit, pro habentibus tunicas cinctas, cur non & hîc cincturam, pro tunicâ cinctâ intelligamus? Si quis tamen priorem interpretationem malit, non repugnem. Vtramque trepidè, & hæsitanter posui, donec alius meliora promat. Togam antiquis temporibus commune vestimentum fuisse tam virum, quam fæminarum. Recinium. Festus emendatus. Toga meretricum gestamen. Ouidius, & Varro explicati. Plebs infima quandoque togata. Gladiatores in toga producti. Cap. XXV. P Rrimis Vrbis temporibus tam viros, quam mulieres in toga incessisse, totamque Romanam gentem vere togatam fuisse veteres critici adnotarunt. Varro apud No- num de Vita Pop. Rom. Prætereo quod in lecto togas ante habebant; ante enim olim fuit commune vestimentum, & diurnum & no-

Transcription: Translated (English)

Octauij Ferrarij 74 are not. For how could the rear part of a toga have been higher than the girdle? There was a time when I thought Quintilian was speaking of that part which, drawn away from the arm, was thrown back over the left shoulder, and thus itself would be higher than the girdle; or of that which, the right arm being excluded, flowed down from the right shoulder, and yet the girdle was higher. But since Quintilian says, with the same measure as the first, it can be explained in no other way than that it is bounded at the middle of the legs, just as the first is, and how then will it be higher than the girdle? Perhaps Quintilian there understood by cinctura the girded tunic: namely, that by the arrangement of the belt the tunics were hung a little higher or a little lower; and therefore he wants the front and back part of the toga to be bounded in such a way at the middle of the legs that nevertheless the lower edge of the girded tunics should be a little higher. Our conjecture is supported by the words of the same Quintilian a little above, where he gives the length of the tunica laticlavia. “The measure,” he says, “of those having the broad stripe is such that it is a little lower than the girded ones,” that is, a little longer than the tunics which were girded. For, as I shall show when the place is reached, and as we have already touched on something above, the tunic with the broad stripe was not girded. If therefore there he uses cinctis for those having girded tunics, why should we not here also understand cinctura for the girded tunic? Yet if anyone prefers the first interpretation, I shall not object. I have put forward both anxiously and hesitantly, until someone else produces something better. The toga was in ancient times a common garment for both men and women. Recinium. Festus corrected. The toga as the dress of courtesans. Ovid and Varro explained. The lowest classes sometimes in toga. Gladiators brought out in the toga. Chapter XXV. In the earliest times of the City, both men and women went about in the toga, and the whole Roman people was truly togated, as the ancient critics have noted. Varro apud Nonius, On the Life of the Roman People: I pass over the fact that they used to have togas in bed before; for in earlier times it was a common garment, and both for day and for night.

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 75 & nocturnum, & muliebre, & virile. Ex eo autem quod to- gas in lectis haberent antiquitus vt ait Varro perseverasse in nuptijs eum morem creiderim vt lectus toga sternere- tur. Quod indicat Annobius. lib. II. Cum in matrimonia con- uenitis toga sternitis lectulos, & maritorum genios advocatis. Seruius 1. Aeneidos ad illud Gentemque togatam. Bene inquit gentem, quia & sexus omnis, & conditio toga vtebatur: togas an- tem etiam fæminas habuisse Cycladum, & Recini vsus ostendit. Recinus autem dicitur, quòd post tergum reijcitur, quod vulgo Mauorte dicunt. Recinum, siue vt Festus Recinium, com- mune mulierum pallium fuisse, ex his Seruij verbis colle- gishe viros doctissimos, miror; Nam non fuisse commune mulierum pallium, docere eos poterat Nonius, eius verba ipsi attulerunt. Is Ricinium modo palliolum breue appellat, modò pallium, quo mulieres in aduersis rebus, & luctibus in- duebantur. Ricinium quod nunc Mafurtium dicitur palliolum fæ- mineum breue; Varro . Nihilo magis dicere mulie- bre, quam de muliebri ricinio palliolum simplex. Idem de Vita Pop. Rom. lib. I. Ex quo mulieres in aduersis rebus, ac lucti- bus cum omnem vestitum delicatiorem, ac luxuriosum postea in- stitutum ponunt, ricinia sumunt. Nihil igitur opus distinctio- ne, aut correctione, nam si palliolum, in pallium mutetur perit sententia Nonij qui ricinium palliolum esse dicit, id- que Varronis auctoritate confirmat. Non ergo commune pallium Ricinium fuit. Imò ætate Festi quid ea vox significaret, non plane constabat, ait enim Ricinium omne vestimentum quadratum ij qui duodecim inter- pretati sunt, esse dixerunt; Alij virilem togam, qua mulieres vte- bantur prætextam clauo purpureo. In V.C. est Vir toga; Vn de Virilem togam quidam fecêre, malè, nec rectiùs qui vel to- gam reposuerunt; Hoc enim modo idem esset pallium & to- ga, quadratum, & rotundum. Neque attinet dicere, ideo quadratum, quia apertum: togam autem, quia vt toga reij- ceretur, alioqui omnia pallia quæ reijci in humerum pote- rant, togæ etiam dici potuissent. Sed non constabat quid esset proprie Recinium, & pro- pterea K 2

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 75 and nocturnal, and feminine, and masculine. But from the fact that, as Varro says, they formerly had togas in their beds, I believe that the custom remained in marriages that the bed should be spread with a toga. This is indicated by Arnobius, lib. II: “When you come together in marriage, you spread the little beds with a toga, and you invoke the spirits of husbands.” Servius on Aeneid 1, on the words “and the toga-clad nation”: “Well,” he says, “nation,” because every sex and every condition used the toga; but that women also had togas is shown by the use of the Cycladic and the recinus. The recinus, moreover, is so called because it is thrown back behind the shoulders, what in common speech they call a maforte. I wonder that from these words of Servius, learned men have concluded that the recinus, or as Festus says recinium, was a common cloak of women; for that it was not a common women’s cloak could have been taught them by Nonius, whose words they themselves quoted. He calls the ricinium sometimes a short little mantle, sometimes a cloak with which women were dressed in adverse circumstances and in mourning. “The ricinium, which is now called mafurtium, is a short feminine little mantle”; Varro. “No more can one say feminine than, of the feminine ricinium, a simple little mantle.” The same writer, De Vita Populi Romani, book I: “From this women, in adverse circumstances and in mourning, when they lay aside all the more delicate and luxurious dress that had later been introduced, take up the ricinia.” There is therefore no need for distinction or correction; for if palliolum is changed into pallium, the sense of Nonius is lost, who says that the ricinium is a little mantle, and confirms this with Varro’s authority. So the ricinium was not a common cloak. Indeed, even in the age of Festus it was not entirely clear what that word meant; for he says that some of those who interpreted it in twelve ways said that ricinium means every square garment; others, a man’s toga, with which women used to wear the praetexta bordered with a purple stripe. In the manuscript there is “vir toga”; hence some have wrongly made it “virilem togam,” and no more correctly those who even put back “toga.” For in this way the same thing would be both pallium and toga, square and round. Nor is it relevant to say that it is called square because it was open; or to call it a toga because it was thrown back like a toga, since otherwise all cloaks that could be thrown back over the shoulder could also have been called togae. But what the recinium properly was was not clear, and therefore K 2

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76 Octauij Ferrarij pterea alij quadratum vestimentum fuisse dixêre, alij rotundum: qui duodecim interpretati sunt pallium quadratum explicarunt: contra alij togam muliebrem; Quare legendum Alij togam qua mulieres vtebantur. Nec displicet Lipsij coniectura qui Ver: legit id est. Verrius Flaccus togam esse vult. In hac opinone fuit Seruius, Recinium, fuisse togam, vel togæ simile, nam ex eo, & ex clyadum, quæ rotundæ erant, vsu a mulieribus togas olim gestatas contendit. Quòd si Recinium commune pallium fuisset, frustra ex vsu pallij togæ vsum demonstrasset. Fuerit sane Rica eadem cum palliolo, & capitis integumento, dummodo Recinium commune mulierum pallium non fuerit, quod nem- pè stolæ injciebatur; Sed vt vnde Recinij causa digressi sumus, redeamus (nam de Mauortio, siue Mauorte egregie ijsdem viri doctissimi disputarunt) Toga antiquis temporibus commune viris, ac mulieribus vestimentum fuit. Hoc etiam Asconius Pædianus testatus est pro Scauro. Toga inquit communis habitus fuit, & marium, & fæminarum: sed prætexta honestorum, toga viliorum, quod etiam circa fæminas seruabatur. Verum non satis mirari possum, aut intelligere, quomodo prætexta esset honestiorum, toga viliorum. Nam præter magistratus, & Sacerdotes, puerilemque ætatem nulli ius prætextę fuisse constat, & reliqui etiam honestiores in toga purâ incessêre. Asconium quidem ȝtate Tiberij vixisse certum est, & ideo vsum prætextę non ignorasse. Forte igitur hoc ex glossemate est, a quo deceptus Nonius qui Prætexta, inquit, insigne Romanum, quod supra tunicas hono- rati quique sumunt. Hoc quidem in mulieribus verum esse potuisse credo, vt nempe quo tempore toga communis vtrique sexui erat, honestiores matronę in toga prætexta incederent. Festus Togam, qua mulieres vtebantur prætextam clauo aureo. Sed de viris tota vetustas negat. Postquam togam deposuêre matronae, ea solis viris remansit, sed temporum mutatione etiam foeminis probrosis quæque quæstum corpore tolera- rent.

Transcription: Translated (English)

76 Octauius Ferrarius therefore some have said that it was a square garment, others a round one; those who have interpreted the twelve, have explained it as a square cloak; on the other hand, others as a woman’s toga. Therefore it should be read: others, the toga used by women. Nor does Lipsius’s conjecture displease, who reads Ver., that is, Verrius Flaccus wants it to be a toga. In this opinion was Servius: a recinium, he says, was a toga, or something like a toga; for from this, and from the clyades, which were round, he argues that women in former times wore togas. But if the recinium had been a common cloak, he would have argued in vain from the use of the cloak the use of the toga. Let it indeed have been the same as the rica, with the little mantle and covering for the head, provided only that the recinium was not a common women’s cloak, which was indeed thrown over the stola; But, since we have digressed from the matter of the recinium, let us return to it (for as to the Mauortius, or Mauortes, those most learned men have argued admirably on the same points). The toga in ancient times was a garment common to men and women. This Asconius Pedianus also testified in his speech for Scaurus: “The toga,” he says, “was a common dress, both of men and of women; but the toga praetexta belonged to the respectable, the common toga to those of lower rank,” which was also observed in the case of women. Yet I cannot sufficiently wonder, or understand, how the praetexta could belong to the more honorable, and the toga to those of lower rank. For apart from magistrates and priests, and boys’ age, it is certain that no one had the right to the praetexta, and even the other more honorable persons went about in the plain toga. It is certain that Asconius lived in the age of Tiberius, and therefore was not unaware of the use of the praetexta. Perhaps, then, this comes from some gloss, and Nonius was deceived by it when he says: “The praetexta is a Roman badge, which those of rank wear over their tunics.” I believe that this could indeed be true in the case of women, namely, that at the time when the toga was common to both sexes, respectable matrons went about in the toga praetexta. Festus says that the toga used by women was praetexta with a golden border. But all antiquity denies this of men. After matrons laid aside the toga, it remained for men alone, but with the change of times also for shameless women who supported themselves by the sale of their bodies.

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78 Octauij Ferrarij liam demereat, & munusculis colat. Sed tamen & seruo, leuis est impensa roganti Porrige fortunæ munera parna suæ. Porrige & ancillæ, quæ pænas luce pependit Lusa maritali Gallica veste manus. Interpretu[m] sententias afferre odiosum esset. Qui tamen n[ost]u[m] quam expedient cur ancilla pænas pependerit, & quid Gallica manus sit, ac quomodo cum ceteris cohæreat. Sed mutata voce quæ in qua loci sententia liquidò apparebit. Ait enim donandu[m] aliquid ancillę ea die, quæ erat festa ancillis. Scilicet Nonis Iulij, siue caprotinis. Dona igitur inquit ea Luce, id est ea die, qua Gallica manus, exercitus Gallorum, decepta veste maritali habitu matronarum pependit pænas barbara[m] libidinis. Nihil iam clarius. Sicut ergo viris die natali, matronis Kalendis Martijs munera missitabantur, ita ancillis Nonis caprotinis. Et ideo Varro ait ijs ius togæ prætextæ fuisse, quia ancillæ & stola matronali, & puellari prætexta Gallos deceperant. Macrobi. lib. 1. Sat. c. II. Ancilla nomine Tutela siue Philotis pollicita est se cum ceteris ancillis sub nomine dominarum ad hostes ituram: habituque matrum familias & Virginum sumpto hostibus ingesta sunt. Quam porro lectionem reposuimus extare in tribus M SS. monuit qui varias lectiones operi adiecit: eamque retentam in nupera editione vidimus. Ceterum virorum omnis códitio togata. Primores, plebs, etiam populi vilissima pars, quæ in emenda toga sumptum facere posset. Tertullianus de pallio cap. IV. Vespillo, leno, lanista, tecum vestiuntur. Et in fine operis. Verum, & Cerdones, & omnis gladiatorum ignominia togata producitur. Quo loco docti immeritò Cerdones protrubant, ignotasq; voces Latio inferciunt. Nam licet Cerdones, & reliquus popellus ob inopiam fermè tunicatus incederet, aut penulatus, præcipuè ea tempestate, qua togæ in desuetudinem abierant: nihil tamen præter paupertatem impediebat, quin extremæ sortis homines dummodo ingenui togam gestarent præsertim in officijs, aut collegiorum sacris, festisque diebus. Cur

Transcription: Translated (English)

78 Octauii Ferrarii to win favor and honor him with little gifts. But even for a slave, the expense is slight for one who asks: hand over the gifts of her own fortune. Hand them also to the maidservant, who paid the penalty on the day of light, her hand deceived by the Gallic dress of marriage. It would be tiresome to present the interpretations of the sentence. Yet our readers will easily understand why the maidservant paid the penalty, and what the Gallic hand is, and how it fits together with the rest. But by changing the wording the meaning of the passage will appear clearly. For he says that something was to be given to the maidservant on that day, which was a feast day for maidservants. Namely, on the Nones of July, or the Caprotinae. Therefore he says, on that day, that is, on that day when the Gallic hand, the army of the Gauls, deceived by marriage dress in the guise of matrons, paid the penalty for barbarous lust. Nothing is now clearer. Just as therefore gifts were sent to men on their birthday, to matrons on the Kalends of March, so to maidservants on the Caprotine Nones. And for this reason Varro says that they had the right to the praetexta toga, because maidservants, by the matronly stola and the girls’ praetexta, had deceived the Gauls. Macrobius, book 1 of the Saturnalia, ch. II. A maidservant named Tutela, or Philotis, promised that together with the other maidservants she would go against the enemies under the name of their mistresses; and, having taken on the attire of mothers of families and virgins, they were sent against the enemy. That reading, moreover, which we have restored, was noted as still existing in three manuscripts by the one who added the various readings to the work: and we saw it retained in a more recent edition. Besides, the condition of all men is clothed in the toga. The leaders, the common people, even the lowest part of the populace, who could afford to spend money on buying a toga. Tertullian, On the Pallium, chapter IV. The undertaker, the pimp, the gladiator trainer, are clothed along with you. And at the end of the work: Yet also cobblers, and every disgrace of the gladiators, is brought forth clothed in the toga. In this passage learned men wrongly thrust out cobblers, and stuff unfamiliar words into Latin. For although cobblers and the rest of the rabble, because of poverty, went about almost always tunic-clad, or wearing the penula, especially at that time when togas had fallen into disuse: still, apart from poverty, there was nothing to prevent men of the lowest rank, provided they were freeborn, from wearing the toga, especially in official duties, or at the rites and festivals of associations. Why

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 79 Cur igitur licet raro, ex societate Cerdonum aliquis post ductam dentibus pellem toga non enitesceret? Num quid vespillo, Leno, Lanista cerdone ditiores aut honestiores? Quod ad gladiatores attinet, falso Lipsius existimat eos to- gatos depugnasse: ex Suetonio in Claudio. Induxit vnum ex nomenclatoribus suis sicut erat togatum. Nam hoc tamquam no- uum notauit, quòd gladiator togatus induceretur. Capi- tolinus autem in Pertinace inter vestimenta Commodi re- censet togam, armaquè gladiatoria gemmis, auroque composita. Et Tertullianus hîc togatos producit gladiatores. Sed non alij vsui fuisse togam credendum est, quam cum gladiatores in pompa ante pugnam incedebant, & spectaculum de se pre- bebant, siue vt Tertullianus loquitur producebantur, & de hoc Suetonius, & Capitolinus capiendi sunt. Quis enim credat togam fusum, ac prolixum vestimentum pugnæ ad hibitum? Imperatores togati. Cap. XXVI. P Opulus Romanus Quiritium omnis ius togæ habuit, diuque etiam plebs ipsa togata incessit. Immo subla- ta libertate ipsos Imperatores toga vsos certum est. Nam præter Cæsarem qui in toga confossus est: tradit Suetonius Caligulam, cum die muneris essedario Porro ob prosperam pugnam seruum suum manumittenti studiosius plausum es- set, ita se proripuisse e spectaculis, vt calcata lacinia togæ præceps per gradus iret. Martialis quoque Domitianum Martem togatum appellat. Et alibi Palmatæque ducem, sed cito reddetogæ. Spartianus de Adriano. Ipse cum in Italia esset semper to- gatus processit. Capitolinus etiam notat Antoninum Philoso- phum per Brundusium in Italian venientem togam sumplis- se; & milites togatos esse iussisse. Sic Pertinacem cum pe- teretur ad necem toga caput operuisse. Lamprid. in Ale- xandro. In vrbe semper togatus fuit, & in Italæ Vrbibus. Idem. Veste, vt & pingitur alba vsus est, nec aurata, penulis, togisque communibus. Non

Transcription: Translated (English)

On Dress, Book I. 79 Why then was it that, though rarely, some member of the guild of cobblers did not shine in a toga after putting on the hide drawn over the teeth? Was a vespillo, a pimp, or a trainer of gladiators richer or more honorable than a cobbler? As for gladiators, Lipsius wrongly thinks that they fought in togas: from Suetonius in Claudius. He brought in one of his nomenclators, as he was, in a toga. For he noted this as something new, that a gladiator should be brought in wearing a toga. Capitolinus, however, in Pertinax, among Commodus’ garments, lists a toga, and gladiatorial arms fashioned with jewels and gold. And Tertullian here brings forth gladiators in togas. But it is to be believed that the toga was not used for any other purpose than when gladiators marched in procession before the fight and offered a spectacle of themselves, or, as Tertullian says, were led forth; and Suetonius and Capitolinus are to be understood in this sense. For who would believe that the toga, a loose and flowing garment, was used for battle? Emperors in togas. Chap. XXVI. The Roman people of the Quirites had the right of the toga, and for a long time even the common people themselves went about in togas. Indeed, once liberty had been removed, it is certain that the emperors themselves used the toga. For apart from Caesar, who was stabbed while wearing a toga, Suetonius relates that Caligula, when on the day of a public show the charioteer Porro, in the course of a successful contest, had applauded more enthusiastically while manumitting his slave, rushed from the theater so abruptly that, after his toga’s hem had been trampled, he went headlong down the steps. Martial too calls Domitian “Mars in a toga.” And elsewhere: The leader in a palm-braided robe, but soon will return in a toga. Spartianus says of Hadrian: while he was in Italy he always appeared in a toga. Capitolinus also notes that Antoninus the Philosopher, coming into Italy through Brundusium, put on the toga and ordered the soldiers to be clothed in togas. Thus Pertinax, when he was sought for death, covered his head with a toga. Lampridius, in Alexander: in the city he was always in a toga, and in the cities of Italy. The same author says that he used clothing as he is also depicted in white, and not garments embroidered with gold, nor padded cloaks, nor common togas. Not

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80 Octauij Ferrarij Non tamen toga pura, & communi semper vsos, sed alì- quando toga purpurea & triumphali inde apparet, quòd inter reliquos honores hunc Cæsaria Senatu tributum te- statur Dio lib. xliiv. Τὰ μὲν ἡ αρῶτα Φερεὰῖα τε αῦτὸν αἰ, καὶ ὑν αῦτὴ ἡν ὑσόλει τὴν ὑσολὴν τὴν ὑστινιστὸν ὑνδεδυνότα. Primum ei da- tum est vt semper etiam in ipsa Vrbe toga triumphali indutus in- cederet. Hanc autem fuisse purpuream, & pictam suo loco ostendemus. Malè qui, vt veste triumphali cinctus versare- tur, verterunt. Nihil enim de cinctura apud Dionem extat. Eo tamen honore non semper vsum Cæsarem credere par est, quod Dio eodem libro tradit eum ex S. C. vestem trium- phalem omnibus ludis gestasse. Et lib. lliii. post deuictos Astu- res datam Augusto potestatem Kalendis Ianuarij singulis coronæ, & vestis triumphalis gestandæ. Sane reliqui Im- peratores in ciuili habitu vulgarique. Quare Tacit. lib. xiii. Inter honores, quos sueta adulatione Senatus Neroni ob pulsos Armenia Parthos decreuerat eum precipue recenset, supplicationes, & diebus supplicationum vestem principi trium- phalem. Capitolinus etiam in M. Antonino notauit ipsum, & Verum fratrem Ludos ob triumphum decretos spectasse habitu triumphali. Non igitur is in vsu communi. Lampridius tradit, Alexandrum adeo ciuili ingenio fuis- se, vt licet Imperator prætextam, & togam pictam num- qvam sumeret, nisi cum esset Consul. & infra de eodem. Hostia cruenta effugit, & vt se ciuiliter gerebat, ac permixtus po- pulo erat, albam eius vestem cum qua constiterat, cruentauit. Quare Commodum perstringit Herodianus lib. I. Quod pro Romanorum Principum cultu leonis pellem indueret, purpu- reasque, & auro intextas vestes gestaret. ἀμφιεννύλο τε ἀληργεῖς καὶ ἐγνοσοῦεῖς ἔσ ἔντιας. Alibi de eodem. ἀυτὶ ἐγνης ὑπαρύφη καὶ ἔασιλιπὴς πορφύρας pro eleganti vestitu purpuraq; Impe- ratoria arma gladiatoria sumere solitum. Non nisi igitur mali, superbiq; principes inuidiosum eum habitum vsurparunt. Dio Neronem in aduentu Terida- tis triumphali veste vsum tradit lib. lxiij. Sueton. de Caligula cap. lxxii. Vestitu calceatique, & cætero habi- tu

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80. Octauius Ferrarii Yet it does not appear that they always wore the pure toga and the common dress, but sometimes the purple and triumphal toga; for Dio, book xliv, testifies that among the other honors this was granted to Caesar: Τὰ μὲν ἡ αρῶτα Φερεὰῖα τε αῦτὸν αἰ, καὶ ὑν αῦτὴ ἡν ὑσόλει τὴν ὑσολὴν τὴν ὑστινιστὸν ὑνδεδυνότα. “First it was granted him that he should always, even in the city itself, go about clothed in the triumphal toga.” But we shall show in its proper place that this was purple and embroidered. Those who render it “girt with the triumphal robe, he moved about” are mistaken, for there is nothing in Dio about a girding. Yet it is reasonable to believe that Caesar did not always use that honor, since Dio in the same book relates that by a decree of the Senate he wore the triumphal dress at all the games. And in book liii, after the Astures had been conquered, Augustus was given the power on the Kalends of January to wear a crown and the triumphal dress on particular days. Certainly the other emperors were in civil and ordinary dress. Thus Tacitus, book xiii, among the honors which the Senate, in its accustomed flattery, decreed to Nero for the expulsion of the Parthians from Armenia, especially mentions supplications and, on the days of supplication, the triumphal garment for the prince. Capitolinus also notes in Marcus Antoninus that he and his brother Verus watched the games decreed for their triumph in triumphal dress. Therefore this was not in ordinary use. Lampridius relates that Alexander was of such a civil disposition that, although emperor, he never took up the praetexta and the embroidered toga except when he was consul. And below, of the same man: “He escaped the bloody victim, and, as he was behaving civilly and mingling with the crowd, he stained his white garment, in which he had stood, with blood.” For this reason Herodian, book I, reproaches Commodus because, in the manner of Roman princes, he wore a lion’s skin and used purple and garments woven with gold: ἀμφιεννύλο τε ἀληργεῖς καὶ ἐγνοσοῦεῖς ἔσ ἔντιας. Elsewhere, of the same man: ἀυτὶ ἐγνης ὑπαρύφη καὶ ἔασιλιπὴς πορφύρας, for elegant dress and purple; and he was accustomed to take up imperial arms for gladiatorial display. Therefore only bad and arrogant princes adopted this envied attire. Dio says that Nero, on the arrival of Tiridates, used triumphal dress, book lxiii. Suetonius, of Caligula, chapter lxxii: “In dress and footwear, and in the rest of his appearance...”

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 81 tu, neque patrio, neque ciuili, ac ne virili quidem, ac denique hu[m] mano semper vsus est. Sæpe depictas, gemmatasque indutus pænulas, manuleatus, & armillatus in publicum processit: aliquando sericatus, ac cycladatus, ac modo in crepidis, vel cothurnis, modo in speculatoria caliga, nonnumquam socco muliebri. Triumphalem quidem ornatum etiam ante expeditionem assidue gestauit. Quod etiam Dio tradit lib. LIX. Eodem triumphali ornatu vsum Domitianum tradit Idem lib. LXVI I. sed tantum cum in Senatum veniret. Quod egisse Marium Romanorum primum legimus in epitome Liuiana LXVI I. Ita Heliogabali habitum, purpura auroq[ue] intextum, cultumque barbaricum Herodianus, & reliqui scriptores perstrinxerunt. Et Trebellius de Gallieno. Cum cblamyde purpurea gemmatisque fibulis, & aureis Romæ visus est, vbi semper togati Principes videbantur: purpuream tunicam, aureatamque virilem, eandemque manicatam habuit. Tandem Vopiscus de Tacito. Togis, & tunicis ijsdem est vsus, quibus priuatus. Togas in luctu, & calamitate publica depositas. Quæ vestis earum loco sumpta. Cap. XXVII. V Estes sæpè in luctu publico, ac calamitate mutatas, togasque depositas Dion Cassius testis est non vno in loco. lib. XXXIX. Cum eadem denno euenissent, decreuerunt, vt vestes mutarentur. Mox. Non tamen aut vestem lugubrem posuerunt, aut ad solemnes cætus prodierunt. Quæ esset ista vestis mutatio declarat idem lib. XL. Coss. Senatoriam vestem deponentes, & in veste equestri Senatum tamquam in magno luctu convocantes. Rursus lib. LVI. Sequenti die Senatus habitus, & ad eum, Reliqui quidem investe equestri convenerunt, magistratus vero in Senatoria, demptis prætextis. Cicero in Orat. post reditum. Consul, cum vos vestem mutandam censuissetis, cunctique mutassetis, inguentis oblitus, cum toga prætexta, quam omnes prætores, ædilesque tum abiecerant, L squa-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 81 you never wore clothing either of your country, or civil, or even truly manly, and finally always human. He often appeared in public wearing painted, jeweled cloaks, with gloves and bracelets; sometimes clad in silk, and in a cyclas, and now in slippers, or cothurni, now in a military boot, sometimes in a woman’s sock. He even constantly wore triumphal dress before his expedition. This too Dio relates, book LIX. The same relates that Domitian used triumphal dress, book LXVII, but only when he came into the Senate. That Marius, the first of the Romans, did this we read in the epitome of Livy LXVI I. Thus Herodian, and the other writers, have briefly described Heliogabalus’s attire, embroidered with purple and gold, and his barbaric dress. And Trebellius on Gallienus: “He was seen at Rome in a purple cloak, with jeweled clasps and golden ornaments, where rulers were always seen in the toga: he wore a purple tunic, a man’s tunic ornamented with gold, and one that had sleeves.” Finally Vopiscus on Tacitus: “He used the same togas and tunics as a private citizen.” Togas laid aside in mourning and public calamity. What garment was taken in their place. Chap. XXVII. These garments were often changed in public mourning and calamity, and that togas were laid aside Dion Cassius testifies in more than one place. book XXXIX. When the same things happened again, they decreed that the garments should be changed. Soon after. Yet they did not lay aside the mourning dress, nor come forth to the customary assemblies. What this change of clothing was the same author explains, book XL. Consuls... Laying aside the senatorial garb, and summoning the Senate in equestrian dress, as though in great mourning. Again book LVI. On the following day the Senate was held, and to it the rest indeed came in equestrian dress, but the magistrates in senatorial dress, with their praetextae removed. Cicero in the Oration after his return: “The consul, when you had thought that the clothing should be changed, and all had changed it, forgetting his office, with the praetexta toga, which all the praetors and aediles had then laid aside, L squa-

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82 Octauij Ferrarij squalorem vestrum. Ex quêis perspicuum est, quod etiam notauit Faber in Semestribus, Senatores in luctu latum clauum deposuisse, & in veste equestri, id est angusti clauia incessisse: Magistratus deposita prætexta in lato clauo tantum, Equites fine clauo. Nollem tamen vir ille doctissimus adiecisset lib. I I. cap. x. Equites angusto clauo, & annulis aureis abiectis trabeatos ne, an penulatos, an tunicatos, ac forsit an etiam atratos prodysse in publicum. Nam clauum, & annulos aureos deposuisse certum est, ceterum neque trabeati in luctu, (in funere Germanici id eius honori datum, vt eadem veste qua transuehebantur vterentur, id est trabea) & extra luctum etiam penulati, & tunicati, numquam atrati, nam luctus insignia erat annulorum, & claui depositio. Sed in plebe, cui nullum purpurei claui ius fuit, quænam vestis mutatio esset, docti quæsiuerunt. Sanè omnes aliquando ciues vestem mutasse, vel Cicero docere potest in Sextiana. Quid enim, inquit, quisquam potest ex omni memoria sumere illustrius, quàm pro uno ciue, & bonos omnes priuato consensu, & vniuersum Senatum publico consilio mutasse vestem? Sunt, qui existiment togam pullam pro alba sumptam, vt etiam in priuato luctu. Sed dubitare non fuit eiusdem Tullij auctoritas, mutationem vestis factam, politis togis sumendo saga militaria. Phil. xiv. Brutum egressum iam Mutina cognouissem, propter cuius periculum ad saga issemus. Et alibi. Consulares togati (id est sine prætexta) esse solent cum ciuitas est in sagis. Ipse etiam Dio lib. xlvi. Igitur neutra conditio approbata est, sed bellum potius iterum Antonio indictum, militesque iussi eum deserere, aliaque dies constituta: saga autem omnes Romani etiam ij, qui non proficiscebantur in bellum sumpserunt. Vbi fortasse Dio ad distinctionem lacernarum, quæ in Vrbe gestabantur appellat τὰς χλαμύδας ἑρατιωτικὰς. Nam chlamydes, siue lacernæ etiam extra luctum vsurpatæ, immo tunc fortasse in locum togarum inductæ. Libera ergo Rep. numquam lacernæ sine togis, nisi in calamitate, & periculo, postquam togæ cum libertate excessêre hæc vestis mutatio minime seruata, nec vllus scriptor eius meminit post ea tempora. An ve- ro

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82 Octavius Ferrarius your foulness. From which it is clear, as Faber also noted in the Semestria, that the Senators in mourning laid aside the broad purple stripe and went in equestrian dress, that is, in the narrow stripe; the magistrates, having laid aside the praetexta, wore only the broad stripe, the Equites none. I should not wish, however, that that most learned man had added, in book II, chapter x, that the Equites, after casting off their gold rings, went out in public whether in trabea, or in penula, or in tunic, and perhaps even in black attire. For it is certain that they laid aside the stripe and the gold rings; otherwise, neither the trabeati in mourning—on the funeral of Germanicus that honor was granted to him, that they should use the same dress in which they were conveyed, that is, the trabea—and, outside mourning, even the men in penula and the men in tunic were ever black-clad; for the insignia of mourning was the laying aside of rings and of the stripe. But among the common people, who had no right to the purple stripe, what change of dress there was, the learned have inquired. Certainly Cicero can show that all citizens at some time changed their dress in the Pro Sextiana: “For what,” he says, “can anyone recall from the whole memory of history more illustrious than that, on behalf of one citizen, by the unanimous consent of all good men, and by public decree, the whole Senate changed its dress?” There are those who think that a black toga was taken in place of a white one, as also in private mourning. But there is no need to doubt Tullius’ authority, that a change of dress was made by taking military cloaks in place of polished togas. In the Philippics xiv: “I would already have known that Brutus had departed from Mutina, on account of whose danger we had gone into military cloaks.” And elsewhere: “The consulars are accustomed to be in toga (that is, without the praetexta) when the state is in military cloaks.” Dio himself also, book xlvii. Therefore neither condition was approved, but rather war was again declared against Antony, and the soldiers were ordered to abandon him, and another day was fixed; meanwhile all Romans, even those who were not setting out for war, took up the military cloak. Perhaps here Dio, to distinguish them from the cloaks that were worn in the City, calls them τὰς χλαμύδας ἑρατιωτικὰς, “military cloaks.” For chlamydes, or cloaks, were also used outside mourning, and perhaps then even put in the place of togas. Therefore in the free Republic there were never cloaks without togas, except in calamity and danger; after the toga had passed away with liberty, this change of dress was by no means preserved, nor does any writer mention it after those times. Or per-

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84 Octauij Ferrarij semper togam, & calceos habuit ad subitos casus, vt si egrediendum esset non nisi cum toga conspiceretur. Idem Caligula cap. XVI I. Posteriore epulo Forensia insuper viris, ac pueris, ac fæminis fascias purpuræ, ac conchylij distribuit. Græci etiam togam stolam Forensem dixerunt. Dio lib. LXI. vbi Neronis insaniam in equos Circenses percenset tradit ab eo insignes equos victores, & iam senio confectos , stola Forensi id est toga non secus, ac homines ornatos fuisse. Lampridius in Alexandro. Vestes Forenses binas, domesticas singulas. Quæ nam igitur vestis domestica si toga tantum Forensis? Manutius fuisse lacernam suspicatur; loca tamen scriptorum, quibus id confirmat, nihil aliud ostendunt, quàm loco togæ sumptas fuisse lacernas, & sic eas quoque vestimentum Forense fuisse. Ego crediderim, domi tantum tunicatos fuisse, ita tamen, vt hyeme pluribus tunicis vterentur quod de Augusto tradit Suetonius; si quis tamen lacernas, etiam domi pellendo frigori adhibitas contendat, non multum repugnauerim: licet, quòd sciam, nullus veterum hoc tradiderit. Togæ in conuiuijs adhibita. Toga submissa. Cap. XXIX. L I cet toga vestimentum Forense fuerit, conuiuijs tamen adhibitam maxime publicis, ac solemnibus acepimus. Cicero Vatinium reprehendit, quòd in epulo Q. Arrij cum toga pulla accubuerit, cùm tot hominum millia accumberent, cum ipse epuli dominus albatus esset, id est in toga alba. Sallustius etiam apud MacrobiuM Metelli luxum in Hispania carpens inter cetera ait, togam pictam plerumque amiculo fuisse accumbenti. Postremo apud Spartanum, Adrianus ad coniuium venientes senatores stans excepit, semperque, aut pallio tectus discubuit, aut toga submissa. Togam submissam viri doctissimi, quæ sub brachium missa esset, interpretati sunt; Quòd cum in conuiuio exerto brachio opus esset, consueuisse discumbentes togam, quæ in publico vtrumque humerum operie-

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84 Octauius Ferrarius always had a toga and shoes ready for sudden occurrences, so that if he had to go out, he would not be seen except in a toga. Caligula likewise, ch. XVI. In a later banquet he also distributed to men, boys, and women the stripes of purple and conchylian dye for everyday wear. The Greeks likewise called the toga stola Forensis. Dio, book LXI, where he recounts Nero’s madness concerning circus horses, says that he had the distinguished victorious horses, now worn out by age, adorned with the stola Forensis, that is, with the toga, no differently than men. Lampridius, in Alexander. Two outer garments for public use, one inner garment each. What then was the domestic garment, if the toga alone was the public one? Manutius suspects it was the lacerna; yet the passages of the authors by which he supports this show nothing else than that lacernae were used in place of the toga, and thus were also a public garment. I would believe that at home they wore only tunics, though in such a way that in winter they used several tunics, as Suetonius reports of Augustus; if anyone should nevertheless maintain that lacernae were also used at home to ward off cold, I would not greatly object: although, so far as I know, no ancient writer has reported this. Togas used at banquets. The toga worn lowered. Chapter XXIX. Although the toga was a garment for public use, nevertheless we learn that it was also used at banquets, especially public and ceremonial ones. Cicero rebukes Vatinius because at the banquet of Quintus Arrius he had reclined in a dark toga, when so many thousands of men were reclining, while the master of the feast himself was clothed in white, that is, in a white toga. Sallust too, apud Macrobius, criticizing Metellus’ luxury in Spain, says among other things that a painted toga was usually like a mantle for the person reclining. Finally, in Spartianus, Hadrian received the senators who came to dinner while standing, and always either reclined covered with a cloak, or with the toga lowered. Most learned men have interpreted the lowered toga as one passed under the arm; because at a banquet it was necessary to have the arm exposed, those reclining were accustomed to draw back the toga, which in public covered both shoulders-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 85 operiebat, ab dextro deijcere, & sub dextro item brachio in læuum humerum congerere: hancque fuisse togam submissam. Hoc rectè se haberet, si verum esset, in publico vtrumque humerum togâ obuolutum fuisse: quod vt de antiquissimis temporibus non negarim, ita posteriori æuo fuisse in vsu negant statuæ ferè omnes togatæ, quas videre potui, negant veteres nummi, qui dextrum cum humero brachium exer- tum ostendunt. Negat Quintilianus lib. xi. Sinus qui sub hu- mero dextro ad sinistrum obliquè ducitur velut baltens, nec stran- gulet, nec fluat. Non magis ergo in conuiuijs, quàm in pu- blico, submissa toga fuiset, vtrobique enim sub dextrum brachium missa, & in læuum humerum recurrens. Quare togam submissam nihil aliud, quam demissam fuis- se crediderim. Nam cùm, vt diximus antè ita toga gesta- retur, vt exerto dextro brachio, sinistro verò togæ subiecto lacinia eiusdem subduceretur, & contraheretur in rugas: sinistrum brachium hoc modo togæ congestu oneratum nul- li vsui in conuiuio esse poterat; Quare qui togati accumbe- bant, submittebant togam, hoc est partem sinistro brachio contractam defluere ad pedes patiebantur, tum ipsum bra- chium quod sinui, ac rugis sustentandis occupabatur per su- periorem togæ oram, vt & dextrum exerebant, ita vt toga vtrique brachio subiecta, & demissa, & submissa dici posset. Cùm igitur mos esset in conuiuo togas cænatorijs muta- re, notat Spartanus Hadrianum, vel palliatum, vel toga- tum accubuisse. Et pallium quidem cum esset apertum, vtru[m] que brachium excludebat: at togâ clausâ, cum dextrum tan- tum exereretur, sinistrum contrahendo sinui impeditum es- set, vt vtrumque expediri posset, debuit sinistrum extrahi, & sic toga vtrique brachio submitti, quæ inde submissa di- cta est. Quod verò adjiciunt, palliatos omnes brachium exertos fuisse, palliumque, & togam submissam inuicem re- spondere, aliàs videbimus: & aliquid diximus cum de Ca- tone Iuridicinæ tempore Græcis fauente disputauimus. Ceterum Imperatoriæ cænæ nemini licuisse acumbere, nisi togato,

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 85 to throw it off from the right, and under the right arm likewise to gather it onto the left shoulder: and that this was a toga submissa . This would be correct, if it were true that in public both shoulders were wrapped in the toga: which, although I would not deny for the most ancient times, I deny to have been the custom in the later age; nearly all the toga statues I have been able to see deny it; the ancient coins deny it, which show the right arm extended with the shoulder. Quintilian denies it, book xi. “The fold which is drawn obliquely from under the right shoulder to the left, like a band, neither chokes nor hangs loose.” Therefore it would have been no more the case at banquets than in public that the toga was worn submissa ; for in both cases it was passed under the right arm and returned to the left shoulder. Wherefore I would believe that a toga submissa was nothing other than a lowered toga. For since, as we said before, the toga was worn in such a way that, with the right arm exposed and the left being brought under the toga, the hem of the garment was drawn away and gathered into folds: the left arm, burdened in this way by the gathering of the toga, could be of no use at a banquet; therefore those reclining at table in the toga let the toga down, that is, they allowed the part gathered about the left arm to flow down to the feet, while they also exposed the arm itself, which was occupied in supporting the fold and wrinkles by the upper edge of the toga; thus the toga, being placed under both arms, and lowered and let down, could be said to be both demissa and submissa . Since, then, it was the custom at a banquet to change into dining togas, Spartianus notes that Hadrian reclined either in the pallium or in the toga. Now the pallium, since it was open, excluded both arms; but the toga, being closed, with only the right arm exposed, would have hindered the left by drawing it into the fold; so that both might be made free, the left had to be drawn out, and thus the toga let down under both arms, and from this it was called submissa . But what they add, that all who wore the pallium had the arm exposed, and that the pallium and the toga submissa correspond to one another, we shall see elsewhere: and we have said something on this when discussing Cato, at the time of the Juridicina, favoring the Greeks. As for imperial banquets, no one was allowed to recline unless toga-clad,

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86 Octauij Ferrarij togato, ex Spartiano obseruatum est in Seuero. Habuit etiam aliud omen Imperij, cum rogatus ad cænam Imperatoriam palliatus venisset, qui togatus venire debuerat togam præsidiariam ipsius Imperatoris accepit. Togam præsidiariam dictam volunt Interpretes, quam Præsidens gestaret, quam vocis notationem, vt feramus, nescio tamen cur potius Præses, vel Præsidens nouo nomine, quam Cæsar aut Imperator dicatur, & sic abeo toga potius Cæsaria, & Imperatoria, quàm præsidaria. Vestis conuiualis. Cænatoria. Synthesis. Cap. XXX. H Aec quidem in epulis publicis, & Imperatorijs: domi autem priuatis conuiuijs togas cænatorijs mutabant, quas, & Syntheses dixerunt. Haru[m] mentio frequens in antiquis scriptoribus, precipuè apud Martialem, eaque omnibus obuia. Lipsius in Saturnalibus synthesim fuisse tantum ditiorum, & lautiorum existimat, & eum secutus commentariorum Martialjs consarcinator. Sed quî id probet, non video; Martialem adducit. Vndecies vna surrexit Zoile cæna, Et mutata tibi est synthesis vndecies. Deinde quod Suetonius tradit, Neronem plerumque synthesinatum prodijsse in publicum sine cinctu, & discalceatum. Sed ex neutro fuisse tantum lautiorum intelligas. Zoilum quide[m] diuitem fuisse, & fastosum, quòd magnum synthesium numerum haberet, quas subinde ad ostentationem inconuiuio mutaret: non tamen syntheses tantum a diuitibus gestatas: sibi etiam eodem epigrammate, licet nec diuiti, nec lauto fuisse synthesim dicit Martialis, sed vnam tantum, Quare ego non sudo qui tecum Zoile cæno? Frigus enim magnum synthesis vna facit. Nec quod Nero synthesinatus processerit, ideo vestis pretiosa. Nam, & Imperatores togati, & tunicati, ergo vtraque vestis tantum lautiorum fuit. Idem Nero discinctus, & discalceatus, ille igitur habitus ditiorum modò fuit. Reprehendit

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86 It has been observed in Spartian, in the case of Severus, with a toga. He also had another omen of empire, when, having been invited to an imperial dinner, he came wearing a pallium, although he ought to have come in a toga, and he received the toga præsidiaria of the Emperor himself. The interpreters wish the toga præsidiaria to be called that which the præses wore; as to that explanation of the word, I leave it as it is, though I do not know why he should rather be called Præses, or Præsidens, by a new name, than Cæsar or Imperator, and thus I prefer a toga rather Caesarian and Imperial than præsidary. Convivial dress. Dinner dress. Synthesis. Chap. XXX. These things indeed were done at public and imperial banquets; but at home, in private dinners, they changed into dinner togas, which they also called Syntheses. Mention of these is frequent in the ancient writers, especially in Martial, and they are familiar to everyone. Lipsius, in the Saturnalia, thinks that the synthesis belonged only to the richer and more luxurious, and the compiler of Martial’s commentaries, following him, says the same. But how he proves this, I do not see; he cites Martial: Zoilus rose up eleven times from one dinner, And your synthesis was changed eleven times. Then too what Suetonius relates, that Nero commonly went out into public in a synthesis, without a girdle and barefoot. But from neither passage do you understand that it belonged only to the luxurious. Zoilus was indeed rich and ostentatious, because he had a great number of syntheses, which he would keep changing in the course of the same dinner to make a display; yet syntheses were not worn only by the rich: Martial says in the same epigram that he himself, though neither rich nor luxurious, had a synthesis too, but only one: Why should I not sweat when I dine with you, Zoilus? For one synthesis produces great cold. Nor because Nero went out in a synthesis does it follow that it was a costly garment. For emperors were also seen in togas and in tunics; therefore both garments belonged only to the more luxurious. Nero likewise went out ungirt and barefoot; thus that habit was only that of the richer sort. He rebukes

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 87 hendit cum Suetonius, quod synthesi, id est veste conuiuali fine calceis, & cinctura visus fit, quod posteà, & alij Princi- pes monstrosi imitati sunt. Certè cum circa habitum fuisse pudendum idem subijcit. Mulo minus scholialtæ ratio valet, qui ex alijs Martialis verbis id confirmat. Synthesibus dum gaudet eques, dominusquè Senatus. Fuisse ergo gestamen equestris ordinis, & Senatorij. Fal- sò, Nam poëta ad indicandam saturnalium licentiam ait, non solum vulgus, sed vtrumque ordinem posita toga cum syn- thesibus, siue coenatorijs incessisse. Idem lib. XIV. Synthesis Dum toga per quinas gaudet requiescere luces, Hos poteris cultus sumere iure tuo. Non hic Senatum, aut equites alloquitur, sed Romanos omnes, qui saturnalibus synthesinati, siue in Coenatorijs, quasi eo tempore esset perpetuum conuiuium. Quare meri- to Carisianum reprehendit Martialis, quod saturnalibus to- gatus incederet. lib. VI. XXIV. Nil lasciuius est Carisiano Saturnalibus ambulat togatus. Seneca ep. XVIII. December est mensis cum maxime ciuitas desudat (Saturnalibus). Si te hic haberem libenter tecum con- ferrem, quid existimares esse faciendum, vtrum nihil ex quotidia- na consuetudine mouendum: an ne dissidere videremur cum publi- cis moribus, & hilarius canandum, & exuendam togam. Nam quod fieri nisi in tumultu, & tristi tempore ciuitatis non solebat (cum scilicet ad saga traniretur) voluptatis causa, ac festorum dierum vestem mutauimus. Fuit ergo synthesis communis conuiuantium vestis etiam viliorum: cuius vsus etiam in municipijs. Idem poëta Hispanus. lib. IV. Duxit, & æstates Synthesis vna decem. Quod tamen poeticè dictum. Potuere quidem esse pretiosiores diuitum, & lautorum, ceterum commune discumbentium vestimentum fuisse ap- paret. Quale

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 87 he says, along with Suetonius, that he was seen in a synthesis, that is, in a banquet garment without shoes and girdle; and that afterwards other monstrous Princes imitated this. Certainly he adds that there was shame concerning dress. The reasoning of the scholiast is much less valid, who confirms this from other words of Martial. Synthesibus dum gaudet eques, dominusque Senatus. Therefore it was the attire of the Equestrian and Senatorial orders. False; for the poet, in order to indicate the license of the Saturnalia, says that not only the common people, but both orders, with the toga laid aside, went about in syntheses, or dinner garments. In the same book XIV: Synthesis Dum toga per quinas gaudet requiescere luces, Hos poteris cultus sumere iure tuo. He is not addressing the Senate or the equites here, but all Romans, who during the Saturnalia were in syntheses, or in dinner-garb, as though there were at that time a perpetual banquet. Wherefore Martial rightly censures Carisianus for walking about in a toga during the Saturnalia, book VI. XXIV: Nil lascivius est Carisiano Saturnalibus ambulat togatus. Seneca, ep. XVIII: December is the month in which the city to the greatest degree exerts itself (during the Saturnalia). If I had you here, I should gladly discuss with you what you think ought to be done: whether nothing should be changed from daily custom; or, lest we seem to differ from public manners, whether we should sing more gaily, and lay aside the toga. For what was wont to be done only in a disturbance and in the sad time of the city (when, of course, one passed over to the saga), we have changed our clothing for the sake of pleasure and of festive days. Therefore the synthesis was the common garment of guests at table, even of the lower classes; its use is also found in the municipia. The same Spanish poet, book IV: Duxit, et æstates Synthesis una decem. That, however, is said poetically. It may indeed have been more costly among the rich and luxurious; nevertheless it is apparent that it was the common garment of those dining at table. Quale

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Transcription: ATR-1

Octauij Ferrarij Quale Vestimentum fuerit Synthesis. Lipsij sententia examinatur. Cap. XXXI. Synthesim ad instar pallij fuisse Lipsius existimat, ex Martiale. Ad mensam venio, sed sic diuisa recumbes, Vt non tangantur pallia nostra tuis. Et Ouid. de arte. Hæc tamen aspiciam: sed quæ benè pallia celant, Illa mihi cæci causa timoris erunt. Mox. Hoc tu non facies: sed ne fecisse puteris, Conscia de tergo pallia deme tuo. Catullus. Pertundo tunicamque, palliumque. Sed in eo fallitur vir doctissimus quod pallium illud, quo apud Petronium Trimalcio, adrasum incluserat caput, Synthesim fuisse existimat: nam illud palliolum fuit, quo mulieres, viri etiam languentes, & delicati caput obnubebant, de quo infra. Vestimenta cubitoria appellat Synthesim idem Petronius. Vestimenta mea cubitoria perdidit, quæ mihi natali meo donauerat cliens quidam, Tyria sine dubio, sed iam semel lota. Vbi frustra idem vir doctissimus, Sed semel lota, corrigit, quem satis alij refutarunt. Vltimo loco censet, Synthesim fuisse lænam quod etiam non omnino verum est; Nam licet lænam aliquando conuiuijs adhibitam sciamus, non tamen semper, vt infra ostendam, neque eadem cum Synthesi fuit. Sed quæ Synthesis forma esset, diuinandum est. Ad instar pallij fuisse, vt diximus, censet Lipsius. Atqui Xiphilinus tunicam fuisse ostendere videtur; Nam narrans illud, quod de Nerone Suetonius tradit, circa cultum, habitumque adeo pudendum fuisse, Vt plerumque Synthesim indutus ligato circa collum sudario prodierit in publicum sine cinctu, & discalceatus, ait Xiphilinus lib. LXIII. ἧπιτωντον τι ἐνδεδυνως ανδρῶν, καὶ συνδόντον άνερι τὸν αυχενα ἐχων. Vbi Synthesim tu- nicu-

Transcription: Translated (English)

Octauij Ferrarii What Kind of Garment the Synthesis Was. The opinion of Lipsius is examined. Chap. XXXI. Lipsius thinks that the synthesis was like a cloak, from Martial: Ad mensam venio, sed sic diuisa recumbes, Vt non tangantur pallia nostra tuis. And Ovid, On the Art [of Love]: Hæc tamen aspiciam: sed quæ benè pallia celant, Illa mihi cæci causa timoris erunt. Next: Hoc tu non facies: sed ne fecisse puteris, Conscia de tergo pallia deme tuo. Catullus: Pertundo tunicamque, palliumque. But in this the most learned man is mistaken, for that cloak with which, in Petronius, Trimalchio had covered his shaven head, he thinks was a synthesis: for it was a little cloak, with which women, and also sick and delicate men, covered their heads, of which below. Petronius calls the synthesis “bed clothes.” “My bed clothes,” he says, “which a certain client had given me on my birthday, Tyrian no doubt, but already washed once.” Here the same most learned man vainly corrects, “but washed once,” which others have sufficiently refuted. Lastly he thinks that the synthesis was a læna, which is also not altogether true; for although we know that the læna was sometimes used at banquets, it was not always so, as I shall show below, nor was it the same as the synthesis. But what form the synthesis had must be divined. Lipsius judges that it was like a cloak, as we said. Yet Xiphilinus seems to show that it was a tunic; for, when narrating that which Suetonius relates about Nero, concerning his style of dress, and indeed his shameful habit, that he went out in public most often wearing a synthesis, with a napkin tied around his neck, without a girdle, and barefoot, Xiphilinus says, book LXIII: ἧπιτωντον τι ἐνδεδυνως ανδρῶν, καὶ συνδόντον άνερι τὸν αυχενα ἐχων. Where the synthesis tu-

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Transcription: ATR-1

De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 91 niculam appellat. Sed fortasse innuit, Neronem aliquando cum Synthesi, hîc sola tunicula indutum processisse in publicum. Synthesim enim a tunica distinctam fuisse certum est, alioqui Romani in conuiuijs, & Saturnalibus tantum tunicati fuissent. Idem lib. lxviii. de Cornelio Frontone causarum patrono qui cum aliquando alta nocte a cena domum rediret, ac intellexisset a quodam cui patrocinium promiserat, Hadrianum ius reddere vterat in cenatorio amictu ad tribunal accessit. Non aliud igitur dicere possumus, quam fuisse adinstar pallij, vt vult Lipsius, vel linteam sindonem, qua inuoluebantur in conuiuio reliquis, vt plurimum, depositis vestimentis: licet Martialis, & Ouidius pallia appellant communi voce, quæ de omnibus vestimentis accipitur. Sane in antiquis Tricliniorum figuris homines seminudi cubant, solo linteo, quod fortasse Synthesis, semiamicti. Atque ita sindonem, qua indutus super nudo adolescens ille erat, qui Christum D. à Iudeis captum sequebatur, quaque relicta nudus aufugit Synthesim fuisse crediderim, vel certè vestem conuiualem, nam ille recens a Cena Dominica, in qua discubuisse Christum D. certum est, & fortasse vestimenta de more gentis cænatorijs mutasse. Quas tamen vestes non fuisse pretiosas (vt volebat satis futili coniectura Baronius) ostendit Casaubonus exercit. xvi. Fuere & cænatoriæ muliebres. Pomponius de auro argento legato. 2. Mutius ait, scire se quendam Senatorem muliebribus cænatoris vti solitum. Quæ fortasse colore a virilibus distincte. Martial. lib. x. xxix. Quam mihi mittebas Saturni tempore lancem Misisti dominæ Sextiliane tuæ. Et quam donabas dictis a Marte Calendis De nostra Prasina est synthesis empta toga. Pretio, quo emeresolebas togam quam mihi natali meo mitteres, emisti viridem cænatoriam amicæ. Fortasse Synthesis est, quâ indutum videmus senem discubiturum in monumento, quod publicauit Vrsinus ad Ciacconij Triclinium. Tabula. VIII. M An

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 91 he calls it a little tunic. But perhaps he hints that Nero, at times, went out into public here wearing only a Synthesim. For it is certain that a Synthesis was distinct from a tunic; otherwise the Romans would have been tunic-clad only at banquets and the Saturnalia. The same author, in book lxviii, speaks of Cornelius Fronto, advocate of causes, who, when one day late at night he was returning home from dinner and had learned from someone for whom he had promised advocacy, that Hadrian was administering justice, came to the tribunal dressed in his dining-cloak. We can therefore say nothing else than that it was like a pallium, as Lipsius thinks, or a linen sindon, with which they wrapped themselves at a banquet, the rest of their garments having usually been laid aside: although Martial and Ovid call them pallia in the common sense, a word used for all kinds of garments. Indeed, in ancient depictions of tricliniums, men recline half-naked, covered only with a linen cloth, perhaps a Synthesis, half-clothed. And so I should believe that the sindon with which that young man was clothed over his naked body, who followed Christ the Lord when he was seized by the Jews, and which he left behind when he fled naked, was a Synthesis, or certainly a banquet garment, for he had recently come from the Lord’s Supper, at which it is certain that Christ the Lord reclined, and perhaps had changed his clothes, as was customary among his people, into dinner dress. Yet those garments were not precious ones, as Baronius wanted with a rather frivolous conjecture, as Casaubon shows in Exercit. xvi. There were also women’s dinner garments. Pomponius, on gold and silver bequests, 2. Mutius says that he knows of a certain senator who was accustomed to use women’s dining garments. Perhaps they were distinguished from men’s by color. Martial, book x, xxix. The dish that you used to send me at Saturn’s time you sent to your mistress, Sextilianus. And what you were giving on the Kalends called after Mars was a Synthesis bought from our Prasina toga. With the price for which you used to buy the toga you would send me on my birthday, you bought a green dinner garment for your girl-friend. Perhaps it is a Synthesis in which we see an old man dressed as he is about to recline, in the monument which Ursinus published to Ciacconius’s Triclinium. Plate VIII. M An

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Octauij Ferrarij

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Octauij Ferrarij

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Transcription: ATR-1

De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 93 An extra Vrbem toga vsus fuerit. Toga etiam in militia. Cap. XXXII. N On Romæ modò, sed quacumque Romanum patuit Imperium in pace Quirites togati fuêre Eodem ha- bitu vsi quicumque Romanis legibus gaudebant. Coloniæ item, & municipia. Tacitus Histor. lib. I I. Ornatum ipsius municipia, & Coloniæ in superbiam trahebant: quòd versicolore sa- gulo, brachas tegmen barbarum indutus togatos alloqueretur. Ma- nutius negat socios Pop. Romani toga vsos esse, & tamen honoris causâ mortuos togâ elatos. Verum non socios mo- do, sed Italos penè omnes toga vsos illud argumento est, quod abijs Romani togas acceperint. Immo Arcades siue Argiuos, Lydos quoque togâ vsos Tertullianus, & Arte- midorus docent. Gentes etiam deuictæ simul cum seruitu- te togam accipiebant. Tacitus in Agricola. Iam vero prin- cipum filios liberalibus artibus erudire, & ingenia Brittanorum studijs Gallorum ante ferre, vt qui modo linguam Romanam ab- nuebant, eloquentiam concupiscerent. Inde etiam habitus nostri ho- nos, & frequens toga. Dio lib. XLVI. de Gallia togata. Voca- batur autem altera quidem Gallia togata, quod reliquis videretur esse pacatior, quodque [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n] [con]du[n]tio [con]du[n]tio [n]o[n]

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 93 That the toga was worn outside the city. The toga also in military service. Chapter XXXII. Not only at Rome, but wherever Roman rule extended, the Quirites wore the toga in time of peace. The same dress was used by all who enjoyed Roman laws. The colonies also, and the municipia. Tacitus, Histories, book I I. “The very ornament of the municipia and colonies he turned to pride: because, dressed in a variegated sagulum and brachae, a barbarian garment, he addressed the togati.” Ma- nutius denies that the allies of the Roman people used the toga, and yet that the dead were carried out in a toga as a mark of honour. But not only the allies, but almost all the Italians used the toga; the proof is that the Romans received togas from them. Indeed Arcadians, or Argives, and also Lydians, used the toga, as Tertullian and Arte- midorus teach. Conquered nations also, together with ser- vitude, received the toga. Tacitus in the Agricola: “Even now to train the sons of chieftains in liberal arts, and to set the talents of the Britons before the pursuits of the Gauls, so that those who had recently refused the Roman language might covet eloquence. Hence also our dress is held in honour, and the toga is frequent.” Dio, book XLVI, of Gallia togata. One part of Gaul was called Gaul togata, because it seemed to the others to be more peaceful, and because [corrupt text]

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34 Octauij Ferrarij trantibus fines Romanis non demigratum ex propinquis itineris locis: non cultus agrorum intermissos: patentibus portis Vrbis togati obuiam frequentes Imperatoribus processere. Et lib. xxiv. de Pinario Arcis Ennensis Præfecto. Cum toga signum dedero, tum mihi vndique clamore sublato turbam inuadite. Etiam lib. xxiii. de Perolla Campano cum mirabundus pater quid nam id esset consilij quæreret, toga reiecta ab humero latus succinctum gladio nudat. Illud tamen eueniebat, vt raro admodum tanquam rure essent, togam induerent, sed sola tunica vterentur. Iuuenalis. Clari velamen honoris. Sufficiunt tunicæ summis AEdilibus albæ Vbi etiam ipsi magistratus sine toga. Senatus ipse in tunicis. Idem. — ipsa dierum Festorum, herboso colitur si quando theatro Maiestas: Aequales habitus illic, similemque videbis Orchestra, & populum. Martial. de vita municipali O soles! o tunicata quies. Cic. in Rullum de Capuanis. Iam verò qui metus erat tunicatorum illorum? Aliquando tamen, sed raro togæ adhibitæ, vt in sacrificijs, & officijs solemnibus. Martialis lib. iv. Egisti vitam semper Line municipalem, Qua nihil omnino dulcius esse potest: Idibus, & raris togula est excussa Kalendis. Vbi raras appellat non quod rarò Linus in Vrbem ventitaret, sed quod Kalendæ, & Idus, quibus municipes ad sacra togati conueniebant, raræ sunt, semel enim tantum in mense veniunt. Ideo etiam in toga elati: vt Romæ, etiam vilissimi homines. Martial. lib. ix. Nec pallens toga mortui tribulis. Quærit etiam Manutius, an togæ vsus in exercitu fuerit. Et Linius quidem sæpe togarum militarium mentionem facit. Vt

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34 Octavius Ferrarii Passing through Roman territory, they did not move away from nearby places along the route; the cultivation of the fields was not interrupted; with the city gates open, citizens in togas came forth in great numbers to meet the Emperors. And in book xxiv, concerning Pinarius, Prefect of the Citadel of Enna: “When I have given the signal with my toga, then, with a shout raised on every side, fall upon the crowd.” Likewise in book xxiii, concerning Perolla the Campanian, when his father, amazed, was asking what that plan might be, he cast the toga back from his shoulder and, girding up his side, draws his sword bare. Yet it happened that, as though they were in the country, they very seldom put on the toga, and used only the tunic. Juvenal: “The clear veil of honor.” The white tunics are enough for the highest aediles. Where even the magistrates themselves are without toga. The Senate itself in tunics. The same: — even on festival days, if at times majesty is honored in the grassy theater: There the attire is uniform, and you will see the orchestra and the people alike. Martial, on municipal life: “O suns! O tunic-clad peace.” Cicero, against Rullus, concerning the men of Capua: “What fear was there at last of those tunic-clad men?” Yet sometimes, though rarely, togas were used, as in sacrifices and solemn duties. Martial, book iv: “You spent your life always in municipal linen, than which nothing at all can be sweeter; on the Ides, and on the rare Kalends, the little toga was laid aside.” Where he calls them “rare” not because Linus came to the City rarely, but because the Kalends and Ides, on which the municipals gathered in togas for religious rites, are rare, since they come only once in the month. For that reason also they were carried out in toga: as in Rome, even the very humblest men. Martial, book ix: “Nor the pale toga of the dead man among the tribuli.” Manutius also asks whether the use of the toga existed in the army. And Livy indeed often mentions military togas. As

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De Re Vestiaria. Lib. I. 95 Vt lib. xxIX. stipendium eius anni duplex, & frumentum sex mensium imperatum, sagaque & togæ exercitui. Et fine eiul- dem libri. Vestimenta exercitui deerant; id mandatum Octavio, vt cum prætore ageret. Mille ducentæ togæ breui spatio, & XII. millia tunicarum missa. Idem Dec. v. lib. IV. C. Sulpicius Pr. sex millia togarum xxx. tunicarum, & equos deportan- da in Macedoniam præbendaque arbitratu Consulis legauit. Et tamen alibi togas in exercitu visas pro re inusitata po- nit. Vel ergo, quod idem existimat, non omnibus mili- tibus togæ, sed tantùm honestioribus tributæ sunt. Vel fortasse dùm statiuis in Vrbibus, ac municipijs attinentur, toga vsl milites sunt, nequaquam in castris. Vel de antiquis- simis temporibus Liuius capiendus est, quibus etiam togæ in acie, & prælio vt diximus, & inde ritus præcingendi, & in procinctu, cinctusque Gabinus dimanauit. Milites etiam Prætoriani, quia in Vrbe, remoto terrore chlamydem fortasse togati; Saltem cohors quæ more mili- tiæ excubabat, vt vult Lipsius ex Tacito lib. I. Hist. Nec vna cohors togata defendit nunc Galbam, sed detinet. In reliquis nullus togæ vsus pacemque toga, bellum sago notari quis nescit? Quando toga in desuetudinem abierit. Aue togatorum. Pa- troni togati. Cap. XXXIII. E Xutam simul a Romanis cum libertate togam, indicat Suetonius, qui cap. XL. de Augusto loquens ait. Etiam habitum, vestitumque pristinum reducere statuit: ac visa quondam pro concione pullatorum turba indignabundus clamitans, En, ait Romanos rerum dominos, gentemque togatam Negotium Aedilibus dedit, ne quem posthac paterentur in foro, circoue, nisi positis lacernis togatum consistere. Quæ satis decla- rant, sub Augusto penè desuetam togam, si officia clientum excipias, & in earum locum lacernas successisse. Quo tempore ait Lipsius, quique eum sequuntur, togam penes paucos, & quidem honestiores remansisse. Hoc ve- rum

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On Dress, Book I. 95 As in book XXIX, his pay for that year was doubled, and six months’ grain was ordered, along with cloaks and tunics for the army. And at the end of that same book: the army lacked clothing; this was ordered to Octavius, that he should deal with the praetor. Twelve hundred togas and twelve thousand tunics were sent in a short time. Likewise, in Dec. v, book IV, C. Sulpicius, the praetor, bequeathed six thousand togas, thirty tunics, and horses to be transported to Macedonia and provided according to the consul’s discretion. And yet elsewhere he states that togas were seen in the army as something unusual. Either, therefore, as he himself thinks, togas were not assigned to all soldiers, but only to the more distinguished; or perhaps, since they were kept in the cities and municipalities while on garrison duty, the soldiers were in toga only, not in camp. Or Livy must be understood of the most ancient times, when, as we have said, even togas were worn in the line of battle and in combat, and from this the custom of girding oneself, and the cingulum in the war array, and the Gabine cincture, derived its origin. Even the Praetorian soldiers, because they were in the city and danger was removed, perhaps wore the toga under a cloak; at least the cohort which kept watch in military fashion, as Lipsius wishes from Tacitus, Hist. book I. “Not one togate cohort now defends Galba, but merely keeps him in custody.” In other respects there was no use for the toga; and who does not know that peace is marked by the toga, war by the cloak? When the toga fell into disuse. Hail, you of the toga. To gate patrons. Chapter XXXIII. That the toga, once cast off by the Romans along with liberty, Suetonius indicates, who, speaking of Augustus in chapter XL, says: “He also resolved to restore the former dress and manner of clothing; and once, when he saw a crowd of dark-clad men in a public assembly, he exclaimed indignantly, ‘Behold the Romans, masters of the world, a togate people!’” He gave orders to the aediles that henceforth they should allow no one in the forum or the circus to stand there unless, with the cloak laid aside, he were wearing the toga. These words sufficiently show that under Augustus the toga had almost fallen out of use, if you except the duties of clients, and that cloaks had taken its place. At that time, says Lipsius, and those who follow him, the toga remained only among a few, and indeed the more honorable. This is true

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96 Octauij Ferrarij rum est, si loquantur de communi, & continuo togæ vsu; Nam si officia respiciamus, quibus clientes Aue matutinum patronis, ac magnis amicis portabant, eosque in forum deducebant, ac reducebant, tunc etiam a vulgo, & vilissimis hominibus toga gestabatur. Quod togati illud officium peragerent, nimis notum est, Martial. Si matutinos facile est tibi rumpere somnos, Atrita veniet sportula sæpè toga. Iuuenal. Niueos ad fræna Quirites. Et alibi sæpissimè. Vbi Vetus Interpres. In candidis togis officium facientes. Et Togati ante pedes. Hinc Martialis togas pro clientibus togatis vsurpat. Lx. ep. VII. Nec vocat ad cænam Marius, nec munera mittit Nec spondet, nec vult credere: sed nec habet. Turba tamen non deest sterilem quæ curet amicum E beu quam fatuæ sunt tibi Roma togæ! Seneca epist. IV. Vt famen sitimque pellas non est necesse superbis adsidere liminibus, nec supercilium graue, & contumeliosam etiam humanitatem pati. Non est necesse maria tentare, nec sequi castra. Parabile est quod natura desiderat, & expositum: ad superuacua sudatur. Illa sunt quæ togam conterunt, quæ nos sene-scere sub tentorio cogunt. Idem de Vita beata cap. xxiv. Quis enim liberalitatem tantum ad togatos vocat? Vbi togati non sunt liberi, vt censet Lipsius, licet sequatur, serui liberi ne sint. Nam ætate Senecæ cum toga fere penes solos clien- tes remansisset nullum inter seruos, & ingenuos in habitu discrimen. Sed togati sunt clientes, vt rectius censet Mu- retus, qui limina potentiorum obseruabant vt deducerent, & reducerent. Quod officium diutissimè Romæ durauit etiam postquam Imperium Bizantium translatum. Nam circa vr- bis Præfectos togati officium præstabant. Marcellinus lib. xv. de Leontio Vrbis Præf. qui ad concitatem multitudinem inui-

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96 Octauij Ferrarii it is said, if they are speaking of the common use, and of the continual use of the toga; for if we regard the duties, by which clients carried the morning greeting to their patrons and great friends, and escorted them to the forum, and brought them back, then even by the crowd and the lowest sort of men the toga was worn. That those who wore the toga performed that duty is too well known, Martial. If it is easy for you to break off your morning sleep, the worn sportula will often come in a toga. Juvenal. The white-clad Quirites to the reins. And elsewhere very often. Where the Old Interpreter says: “In white togas, performing their duty.” And “Wearing togas at the feet.” Hence Martial uses togas for clients in togas. Lx. ep. VII. Neither does Marius invite to dinner, nor send gifts Nor promise, nor want to trust: but neither does he have. Yet there is no lack of a crowd who take care of a barren friend Oh, how foolish your toga-clad Romans are! Seneca, epist. IV. In order to drive away hunger and thirst, it is not necessary to attend proud thresholds, nor to endure a severe brow and even insulting civility. It is not necessary to brave the seas, nor to follow the camps. What nature desires is easy to obtain and at hand: it is for superfluities that we sweat. These are the things that wear out the toga, that make us grow old under the tent. The same, On a Happy Life, ch. xxiv. For who calls liberality only to those in togas? Where there are no toga-wearers, as Lipsius judges, though he goes on to say that slaves are not toga-wearers. For in Seneca’s age, when the toga had remained almost only among clients, there was no distinction in dress between slaves and freeborn men. But the toga-wearers are the clients, as Muretus more rightly judges, who kept watch at the doorways of the powerful in order to escort them out and back. That duty lasted at Rome for a very long time, even after the Empire was transferred to Byzantium. For around the Urban Prefects the toga-wearers performed that duty. Marcellinus, book xv. on Leontius, Urban Prefect, who to the concourse of the crowd in-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 97 inuitis amicis pergebat. Illuc de industria per gens Præfectus ab omni toga, apparitioneque rogabatur enixius, ne in multitudinem se arrogantem immiteret, & minacem. Quod etiam tenuuio res, atq[ue] obscuriores in toga officium illud obirent, vt sportulam lucrarentur, clare idem Iuuenalis. — nunc sportula primo Limine parua sedet turbæ rapienda togatæ, Mox. Iubet à præcone vocari Ipsos Troiugenas, nam vexant limen & ipsi. Ergo præter Troiugenas etiam viliores; Hinempè quos idem indicat. Quid facient comites quibus hinc toga, calceus, hinc est Et panis fumisque domi? Nec multo post — caules miseris, atque ignis emendus. Alia ad hoc confirmandum attulit Kercoetius in Mastigophoro tertio. Et quoniam magna pars populi Romani in his officijs occupata erat, non in totum togæ vsus abolitus est. Mane togati salutatores, ijsdem ante ambulones Regis, deductio, ac reductio togata, vt tota ferè dies vsque ad balnearum coenæque horam a togatis transigeretur. Atque hinc tam frequens apud Martialem & reliquos eius æui scriptores togæ mentio. Sed an eodem tempore Oratores, & causarum patroni cum agerent, togati essent, non ita certum est. Quintilianus quidem Oratori suo togam dat, eamque morose vsque ad rugas disponit. Togati etiam Augustorum, & Togati Præsectorum in antiquis Inscriptionibus, quos aduocatos qui apud Augustum, vel apud Præfectos causas agebant, rectè docti intellexerunt. Huc spectat etiam Taciti locus si tamen sanus est lib. XI. vbi aduocati legem Cinciam deprecantur, quæ pro orando mercedem capere vetabat. Se modicos Senatores, qui a Rep. nulla nisi pacis emolumenta peterent: cogitare plebem, qua toga enitesceret. Sic postrema verba corrigit Lipsius, & interpretatur, etiam quemuis e plebe oc- cupa-

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De Re Vestiaria Book I. 97 against the wishes of his friends, he was going on. There, on purpose, the Prefect was earnestly asked by all to refrain from the toga and the attendants, lest he should thrust himself among the crowd in an arrogant and threatening manner. That even humbler and more obscure persons performed that office in the toga, in order to earn a sportula, Juvenal clearly says likewise. — now the sportula at the very first threshold sits, small, to be seized by the togatæ crowd, Soon after. He orders the Troiugenae themselves to be called by the crier, for they too crowd the threshold. Therefore, besides the Troiugenae, even the baser sort; hence those whom the same author indicates: What shall the clients do, for whom here there is toga and shoes, and there at home bread and smoke? And not long after — cabbages for the poor, and fire to be bought. Kercoetius brought forward other evidence for confirming this in the third book of the Mastigophorus. And since a large part of the Roman people was occupied with these offices, the use of the toga was not entirely abolished. In the morning, those in toga were the saluters, and the same before the king’s attendants; the escorting and bringing back was done in toga, so that almost the whole day up to the hour of the baths and supper was spent by men in togas. And hence in Martial and the rest of the writers of that age there is so frequent mention of the toga. But whether at the same time orators and advocates in conducting cases were in the toga, is not so certain. Quintilian indeed gives a toga to his Orator, and carefully arranges it down to the wrinkles. “Togati” also appears in the ancient inscriptions of the Augusti and of the Prefects, by which learned men rightly understood those advocates who pleaded cases before Augustus or before the Prefects. To this also refers the passage of Tacitus, if indeed it is sound, in Book XI, where the advocates beg to be spared the lex Cincia, which forbade taking payment for speaking. They say that they are modest senators, who from the state ask no benefits except those of peace; they are thinking of the common people, in whom the toga would shine forth. Thus Lipsius corrects the final words and interprets them, even any man from the common people, oc-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 99 vteretur. Sed cum eum iure coctum, siue madentem appel- lat, in causis, toroque versatum indicat, & tam officijs quam agendis causis exercitum. Idem Quintilianum gloriam Ro- manæ togæ appellat. Eleganter Ouidius de remedio lib. I. fo- rum Iudiciale appellat castra ciuilis togæ. Desidiam puer ille sequi solet: odit agentes Da vacuæ menti quo teneatur opus. Sunt fora, sunt leges, & quos tuearis amici Vade per urbanæ splendida castra togæ. Id etiam indicare Iuuenalis videtur Sat. I IX. --- tamen ima plebe Quiritem Facundum inuenies, solet hic defendere causas Nobilis indocti, veniet de plebe togata, Qui iuris nodos, & legum ænigmata soluat. Et tamen idem Iuuenalis alibi videtur causidico togam, adimere, lacernas dare. Sat. VII. --- purpura vendit Causidicum, vendunt amethystina Hoc est, lacernæ purpureæ, & amethystinæ: nam togæ nulla oratoribus purpurea, sed communis: nisi de lato cla- uo intelligamus, quod fieri non potest, quia non omnes pa- troni laticlauij, deinde nullus amethystini vsus in clauo, vt dicemus. Non nisi ergò de lacernis, aut lænis intelligere possumus, quæ togæ injciebantur. Atqui auctor de causis corruptæ eloquentiæ, qui eorum temporum æqualis fuit, in- dignatur, togas ab Oratoribus deputis, & earum loco pæ- nulas sumptas. Paruum, inquit, & ridiculum fortasse videtur, qu id dicturus sum: dicam tamen, vel ideo vt videatur. Quantum humilitatis putamus el quentiæ attulisse pænulas istas, quibus astri- cti, & veluti inclusi cum Iudicibus fabulamur? Hæc verba vel- lem respexissent, qui eum dialo um Quintiliano adscribunt, qui cum Oratoris habitum describit, solam togam agnoscit, non dissimulaturus illud incommodum, si suo tempore Ora- toriæ maiestati officiisset. Ceterum etiam Au onij aeuo cau- sidicitogati. Parentalibus de Arborio auunculo. Te sibi Palladiæ ametulit toga docta Tolosa N Te

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 99 uses it. But when he indicates that a man is lawfully cooked, or dripping wet, in cases, accustomed to the rostrum, and exercised both in public duties and in managing cases. Quintilian himself he calls the glory of the Roman toga. Ovid elegantly, in De Remedio Book I, calls the judicial forum the camp of the civic toga. That boy is accustomed to follow idleness: he hates those who are active; Give to an idle mind some task to keep it occupied. There are forums, there are laws, and friends whom you must protect; Go through the splendid camp of the urban toga. Juvenal also seems to indicate this, Sat. I. IX. --- yet from the lowest common crowd you will find a Quirite Eloquent; this man is accustomed to defend the causes Of an untaught nobleman; there will come from the toga-clad common people One who will untie the knots of law and the riddles of the laws. And yet the same Juvenal elsewhere seems to take away the toga from the advocate and give him a cloak, Sat. VII. --- purple sells The advocate, amethystine garments are sold. That is, purple and amethyst-colored cloaks; for togas are not purple for orators, but ordinary ones: unless we understand the broad stripe, which cannot be the case, because not all patrons are laticlavi, and besides there is no use of amethyst in the stripe, as we shall say. Therefore we can understand it only of cloaks or mantles, which were thrown over the toga. And yet the author of On the Corruption of Eloquence , who was a contemporary of those times, complains that togas were discarded by orators and capes were taken up in their place. “It may seem small,” he says, “and perhaps ridiculous, what I am about to say: nevertheless I shall say it, if only so that it may be seen. How much abasement do we think those little capes have brought upon eloquence, by which, confined and as it were shut in, we converse with the judges?” I wish these words had been considered by those who ascribe that dialogue to Quintilian; for when he describes the orator’s attire, he recognizes only the toga, and would not conceal that inconvenience if it had offended the majesty of oratory in his own time. Moreover, even in the age of Ausonius the advocates were toga-clad. In the Parentalia , on his uncle Arborius. The learned toga of Pallas brought you to itself, Toulouse N You

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Octauij Ferrarij Te Narbonensis Gallia præposuit. Ornasti cuius Latio sermone tribunal Et fora Hiberorum, quæque Nouem populis. Et Symmachi.epist.xxxIX.lib.v. Epictetus toga forensis ho- nore priuatus est. Paulo ante eum Causidicorum clarissimum appellat. & lib.IX.ep.xxvIII. Ait Cartesium toga amicum esse, id est advocatorum. Ceterum togatos pro Aduocatis a Iurisconsultis inferioris aei accipi doctis ad notatum est, pluraq[ue] loca congeffit ad Symmachum Iuretus. Togas Imperatorum æuo non in totum depositas. Cap.XXXIV. V Eterem habitum reducere tentauir Augustus vt vidi- mus ex Suetonio. Tentasse etiam Domitianum qui- dam ex illo Martialis colligunt. Romanos rerum dominos, gentemque togatam Ille facit, magno qui dedit astra patri. Quod tam Domitianus, quam Augustus parentem suum Cælo adscripserit. Sed non nisi tentasse apparet. Sicut, & Adrianum, qui Senatores, & Equites Romanos semper in publico togatos esse iussit, nisi si a coena reuerterentur; nec secus Antonium, qui etiam milites togatos esse voluit. Ten- tarunt inquam, nam id haud quiaquam obseruatum. Apud Gellium Titus Castricius discipulos quosdam suos Senatores obiurgat, quòd die feriato lacernis, & tunicis, & Gallicis induti fuissent abiecta toga; Adijcit eiusmodi vestitum de multo iam vsu esse ignoscibilem. Non omnino tamen sub Imperatoribus, & ab omnibus de- positam togam præter clientum officium docet Seneca ep. XIX. Si te hic haberem libenter conferrem, quid existimares esse faciendum: vtrum nihil ex quotidiana consuetudine mouendum: an, ne dissidere videremur cum publicis moribus, & hilarius coe- uandum, & exuendum togam. Igitur extra Saturnalia toga in aliquo vsu erat, quam Seneca quærit an exui oporteat Satur- nalibus. Idem ep.cxv. Mirari quidem non debes corrupta exci- pi non tantum a corona sordidiore, sed ab hac turba quoque cul- tiore.

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Octavius Ferrarius assigned him to Narbonese Gaul. You adorned the tribunal and the forums of the Spaniards, and whatever belongs to the nine peoples, with your Latin speech. And Symmachus, epist. xxxix, lib. v.: Epictetus, deprived of the honor of the forum-toga. A little before, he calls him the most illustrious of the advocates. And lib. ix, ep. xxviii, he says that Cartesius is a friend of the toga, that is, of advocates. But that togati are taken for advocates by the jurists of a later age is noted by learned men, and Iuretius gathered more passages to Symmachus. Togas of the emperors were not wholly laid aside in that age. Chapter XXXIV. Augustus tried to bring back the ancient dress, as we see from Suetonius. Some infer from Martial that Domitian also attempted it. He makes the Romans masters of the world, and a toga-wearing people, he who gave the stars to his great father. Since both Domitian and Augustus had assigned their father to heaven. But it appears that they only attempted it. Likewise Hadrian, who ordered the Senators and Roman Knights always to be dressed in togas in public, unless they were returning from dinner; and similarly Antonius, who also wanted soldiers to wear togas. I say they attempted it, for it was by no means observed. In Gellius, Titus Castricius rebukes some of his pupils, Senators, because on a holiday they had been dressed in cloaks, tunics, and Gallic shoes, having cast aside the toga; he adds that such dress had long since become pardonable through long usage. Yet Seneca shows, ep. xix, that under the emperors the toga was not altogether laid aside by everyone, except for the duty of clients. “If I had you here,” he says, “I would gladly ask what you think should be done: whether nothing from daily custom should be changed; or, so that we may not seem to differ from public custom, we should attend somewhat more cheerfully, and put off the toga. Therefore, outside the Saturnalia the toga was in some use, which Seneca asks whether it ought to be taken off during the Saturnalia. The same writer, ep. cxv, says: “You should indeed not wonder that the corrupted are received not only by a dirtier crowd, but also by this more refined throng.”

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. tiore. Togis enim inter se isti, non iudicijs dissident. Iuuenalis item. Veniet de plebe togata, Qui iuris nodos, qui legum ænigmata soluat. Vbi plebs togata non est minuta, & sordidior, vt volunt Interpretes, sed quæ Iudicijs, eloquentiæ & causis agendis operam dabat, & propterea in togâ. Martialis etiam. Cum coleret puros pauper Telesinus amicos Errabat gelida sordidus in togula. Quæ omnia ostendunt, præter officium salutationis etiam penes aliquos togam remansisse. In Ludis etiam togam perseverasse docet Lampridius in Commodo. Et contra consuetudinem penulatos iussit spectatores, non togatos ad munus conuenire, quod funeribus solebat. Quamquam alij ex Dione non spectatores, sed senatores legant. Et Martial. lib. XIII. Delicium paruo donabis Dorcada nato: Iactatis solet hanc mittere turba togis. Cuius distichi sententiam hanc esse suspicatur Turnebus, Dorcadam in arenam mitti dato a Quiritibus signo vestis iactatæ sinu. Sed mera suspicio videtur, ad quid enim Dorcas dato signo iactatis togis in arenam missa est? Ouidius de alia re loquitur III. Amorum eleg. II. Fauimus ignauo, sed eum reuocate Quirites, Et date iactatis vndique signa togis. In Circo enim iactatis togis ignaui agitatores reuocabantur: vt contra sententiam Casauboni, & Bulengeri rectè statuit Franc. Bernardinus Ferrarius V. C. in libro de veterum Acclamationibus. Alij Martialem sic accipiunt, quod Dorcadem in arenam missam turba agitare, & venari soleret iactatis togis. Sed quis credat togam venationi adhibitam, aut quis hic modus venandi iactatis togis? Mihi simplicior sensus videtur, Dorcadem, siue damam animal timidum in arenam missum nullo canum terrore, sed sola togarum iactatione agitatum a spectatoribus: Vel quod magis arridet ludicri causa Dorcadem N 2

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On Dress, Book I. more. For these men differ among themselves by togas, not by lawsuits. Juvenal also says: A man will come from the toga-wearing crowd, Who can untie the knots of law, the riddles of statutes. Where the toga-wearing crowd is not the small and sordid class, as the interpreters wish, but those who devoted themselves to lawsuits, eloquence, and the conduct of causes, and therefore wore the toga. Martial too says: When poor Telesinus kept company with pure friends, he wandered in his little toga, shabby in the cold. All these things show that, besides the duty of paying calls, the toga also remained with some people. Lampridius, in his Life of Commodus, shows that the toga still continued to be worn at the Games. And contrary to custom he ordered the spectators to come to the show in hooded cloaks, not in togas, as was customary at funerals. Although some, following Dio, read not “spectators,” but “senators.” And Martial, Book XIII: You will give a little delight, Dorcas, to my young son: the crowd, when it waves its togas, is accustomed to send her in. Turnebus suspects that the sense of this couplet is that Dorcas was sent into the arena by the Quirites, at the signal of garments flung up by the fold. But this seems to be a mere guess; for why was Dorcas sent into the arena, at the given signal, by the tossing of togas? Ovid speaks of something else, Amores III, elegy II: We favored the sluggish one, but call him back, Quirites, and give signals all around by waving your togas. For in the Circus, the sluggish drivers were recalled by togas being waved: and thus, against the opinion of Casaubon and Bulenger, Franc. Bernardinus Ferrarius, a learned man, rightly established in his book On the Acclamations of the Ancients. Others understand Martial differently, namely, that Dorcas, being sent into the arena, used to be driven about and hunted by the crowd when they waved their togas. But who would believe that the toga was used for hunting, or what kind of hunting this would be by waving togas? To me a simpler meaning seems more likely: that Dorcas, or a doe, a timid animal, when sent into the arena, was driven about by the spectators, not by any terror of dogs, but by the mere waving of togas. Or, what pleases me more for the sake of the amusement, Dorcas N 2

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. per ea tempora lacernarum vsus, quàm pænularum: etsi non ignorem, hoc vestimentum confundi. Vt vt sit, idem po- pulus minutus, & pullatus, & tunicatus dicitur; si autem pullatus a lacernis, vel pænulis dicebatur, quomodo idem tunicatus; nisi eandem rem lacernam, & pænulam cum tuni- ca facere velimus, quod video doctis viris in mentem venis- se. Sed hoc minime ferendum est, & opinio de pænula, quòd eadem cum tunicâ, auctori suo displicuit. Rectius ergo dixerunt, tunicatum dici de vilissima plebis parte, quæ nempe sola tunica in cedebat, sine vlla lacerna, vel penula, vt apud nos etiam vilissimi sine pallio incedunt. Quod vt verum est, ita illud negari non potest, hunc popu- lum tunicatum non potuisse dici pullatum, vt passim à scri- ptoribus appellatur: Nam tunicas fuisse albas non est dubi- tandum; Ergo albatis fuerit popellus in tunicis, non pulla- tus. Et tamen maiorem populi partem sellularios opifices, vilissimæque mercis institores tunicatos incelisse credibile est. Huic difficultati soluendæ duo sunt, quæ nunc succurant. Alterum est, tunicas vilissimorum hominum licet albæ ini- tio fuerint, tamen longo vsu tantum sordium contraxisse, vt pullæ viderentur, & hinc pullatam turbam dictam. Sanè vtrumque con iunxit Plinius lib. VIII. epist. Nonne cum sur- gis ad agendum, tum maxime tibi ipsi diffidis, tum commutata non dico plurima, sed omnia cupis, vtique, si latior scena, & co- rona diffusior. Nam illos quoque sordidos, pullatosque reueremur. Alterum est, quod quemadmodum in locum togarum, quæ albæ, alterius coloris vestes, & maximè pullæ successerunt, ita, & fieri potuisse, vt plebs minuta pro tunicis albis, alium colorem vsurpare ceperit pullum nempè ad instar lacerna- rum, vel pænularum, & ideo pullatam dictam esse.

Transcription: Translated (English)

On Clothing, Book I. for those times there was use of the lacernae rather than of the paenulae ; although I am not unaware that this garment is confused. Be that as it may, the same crowd is said to be minutus , pullatus , and tunicatus ; but if it was called pullatus from the lacernae or paenulae , how is it the same was also called tunicatus , unless we wish to make the lacerna and paenula the same thing as the tunic, which I see has occurred to learned men. But this is by no means to be tolerated, and the opinion about the paenula , that it was the same as the tunic, displeased its own author. So they spoke more correctly who said that tunicatus is said of the lowest class of the common people, who indeed went about in a tunic alone, without any lacerna or paenula , as among us too the very poorest go about without a cloak. As this is true, so that other point cannot be denied, that this tunic-clad people could not be called pullatus , as they are commonly called by writers; for there is no doubt that the tunics were white. Therefore the little people in white tunics were albati , not pullati . And yet it is credible that the greater part of the people, craftsmen of the benches and shopkeepers of the meanest wares, went about in tunics. To resolve this difficulty, there are two points that now come to mind. One is that the tunics of the lowest men, though at first white, had nevertheless by long use contracted so much dirt that they seemed dark, and hence the crowd was called pullata . Indeed Pliny in Book VIII of the Epistles joined both. “Do you not, when you rise to act, distrust yourself most of all; then you want everything changed, I do not say many things, but everything, especially if the stage is wider and the circle more spread out. For we also revere those who are dirty and in dark dress.” The other is that just as, in place of the white togas, garments of another color, and especially dark ones, took their place, so too it could have happened that the lower common people began to use, in place of white tunics, another color, namely dark, after the fashion of lacernae or paenulae , and therefore were said to be pullati .

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Octauij Ferrarij Christi Sacerdotum vestem exteriorem Missarum Sacris adhibitam togam fuisse videri. Pænula: Planeta: Casula. Cap. XXXVI. Explicatis, quæ ad togam communem pertinebant, non abs refuerit inquirere, num aliquid in nostro cultu sit, quod Romanam togam referat. Et diligenter scrutantibus nulla togæ species in communi vestitu apparet. Nam quas Doctorum togas dicimus, item quêis Veneticiues induuntur; non togæ sunt, sed talares tunicæ apertæ, & manicatæ quorum nihil in Romanâ togâ fuit. Aliquod modò in sacro amictu togæ vestigium apparet. Vestis nempe superior sacris operantium, quam rudi vocabulo Planetam, & Casulam appellant, vel toga fuit, vel togæ simillima, eâ nempe forma, quâ olim in vsu erat, nam ætate nostra non parum immutata est. Vetus quippe Planeta totum hominem cooperiebat, atque inuoluebat, ita vt etiam vtrumque brachium cum corpore obuelaret, vt expediri aliter manus non possent, nisi contractâ hinc indem subiectis brachijs, & subductâ ab inferiori parte in rugas, ac plicas planetâ. Quales nunc in antiquis picturis cernuntur, qualesque sunt adhuc Græcorum sacris operantium vestes exteriores, & nos Venetijs vidimus. Paulatim inde a lateribus scindi cepit, credo quia nimis onerosa res esset, donec ad hanc formam ventum est, quâ vtrinque aperta facile brachia excluduntur. Hanc tamen Baronius non togam, sed pænulam fuisse contendit, ad annum LVIII. vbi loquitur de pænula D. Pauli, quam reliquerat Troade apud Carpum. Et primò quidem inclinat animum, vt credat, Pænulam D. Pauli fuisse non vestimentum quale antiquitus itineris, ac præcipuè pluuiæ causa sumebatur, sed potius cum antiquis, vel fuisse thecam, & loculos, queis libri continerentur, vel potius volumen, quòd Grecè φαελοντω habeatur. Rationes quibus id firmare contendit, licet liberum iudicium relinquat, exigui momenti

Transcription: Translated (English)

Octauij Ferrarij The outer vestment of Christian priests used in the sacred rites of the Mass seems to have been a toga. Pænula: Planeta: Casula. Chap. XXXVI. Having explained what pertained to the common toga, it will not be out of place to inquire whether there is anything in our own worship that refers to the Roman toga. And to those who examine it carefully, no kind of toga appears in ordinary dress. For the garments we call doctors’ togas, and likewise those worn by Venetians, are not togas, but long tunics, open and with sleeves, in none of which was there anything of the Roman toga. Only some trace of the toga appears in sacred vestments. The outer garment of those performing sacred rites, which by a rough term they call Planeta and Casula, was either a toga or very similar to a toga, namely in that form in which it was formerly used; for in our age it has been altered not a little. Indeed, the old Planeta covered and enveloped the whole man, so that it also covered both arms with the body, and the hands could not otherwise be freed except by drawing the arms inward and placing them beneath, and by gathering the planet into folds and pleats from the lower part. Such garments are now seen in ancient paintings, and such are still the outer vestments of the Greeks when performing sacred rites, which we saw at Venice. By degrees it began to be cut open at the sides, I believe because it would otherwise be a very burdensome thing, until it came to this form, in which, being open on both sides, the arms are easily left free. Yet Baronius insists that this was not a toga, but a pænula, at the year LVIII, where he speaks of the pænula of St. Paul, which he had left at Troas with Carpus. And at first he is inclined to think that the pænula of St. Paul was not the kind of garment that in ancient times was taken for travel, and especially for rain, but rather, along with the ancients, either a case and pouch in which books were kept, or rather a roll, because the Greek word φαελοντω is found. The reasons by which he tries to prove this, though leaving the judgment free, are of little weight.

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 105 menti sunt. Si enim, inquit, vestis itineri apta fuisset, non eam suscepto itinere Paulus reliquisset; Deinde potuit sibi aliam Romæ comparare. Quæ facilè refutaueris: nam, & aliam tunc pænulam habere potuit Paulus, & sudo tempore, ac minime hyberno iter habere, vt nihil opus pænula esset: & si alia[m] Romæ potuit comparare, potuit etiam quam Troade reliquerat curare cum libris a Timotheo ad se perferendam. Nec obstat, quo in Græco sit, nam , & pro pænula a Græcis vsurpatur, vt docti pridem obser- uarunt. Verum ista parum ad rem nostram faciunt. Quod addit Baronius, pænulam dici vestem sacram a Græcis, eandemque a latinis, Planetam siue Casulam, appellatam, id curatiùs expendendum est. Pænulam quidem fuisse inter sacras vestes, non negauerim, sed eandem fuisse, ac planetam; hoc est quod fateri non possum. Planeta sic dicta est, vt ipse fatetur Baronius a , quod circum errans totum ambiat corpus, quales esse antiquiores ait idem, quæ in Ecclesijs asseruantur, quæ nempe rotundæ, ac per totum clausæ vno circumiectu totum corpus involuebant, & vt diximus etiam vtrumque brachium ita, vt nisi a lateribus vtroque pariter brachio subleuari possent. Quare alij Planetas dictas existimarunt, quod eius extrema ora hinc inde in brachia, scapulasque reiecta errabunda defueret. Et ideo plures eandem vestem Casulam, dixêre elegantiâ, quæ eorum temporum propria fuit. Isidor. lib. xix. cap. xxvii. Casula est cuculla, a casa, quòd totum hominem tegat, quasi minor casa; Vnde, & Cuculla (hoc ridiculum est) quasi minor cella. Adijcit Isidorus Græcè Planetas dictas quia horis errantibus euagantur, vt & stellæ Planetæ; quæ vagæ suo errore, motuque discurrunt. Sed corruptus hic locus est, & pro horis legendum est oris, id est Limbo, & extrema parte, vt scilicet secundum eymon Planeta Græcè dicatur, quia eius oræ errarent, & vagarentur, modo nempè subductæ brachijs, modo defluentes, & numquam stabiles. Sic, & sacri glossographi Planetam vestem laxam interpretantur circa humeros, quæ errantibus oris

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 105 they lie. For, says he, if the garment had been fit for a journey, Paul would not have left it behind when he undertook the journey; furthermore, he could have procured another for himself at Rome. Which you can easily refute: for Paul could then have had another paenula, and in warm weather, and by no means in winter, have taken the journey, so that there would have been no need of a paenula; and if he could have procured another at Rome, he could also have had the one he had left at Troas brought to him together with the books by Timothy. Nor does it matter that in the Greek there is ..., for ... is also used by the Greeks for paenula, as learned men long ago observed. But these things have little bearing on our subject. What Baronius adds, namely that the paenula is called by the Greeks a sacred vestment, and that the same thing was called by the Latins planeta or casula, must be examined more carefully. I would not deny that the paenula was among the sacred vestments, but that it was the same as the planeta, this I cannot admit. The planeta was so called, as Baronius himself admits, because, wandering all around, it encloses the whole body, such as, he says, the older ones are, which are preserved in the churches, namely those which are round and closed all the way around, and, as we said, enveloped the whole body with a single encompassing circuit, and also both arms in such a way that they could not be raised except from the sides by each arm at once. Therefore some have thought that they were called planetae because their outer edge, thrown back here and there over the arms and shoulders, seemed to wander. And for that reason many, with the elegance proper to those times, called the same garment a casula. Isidore, book XIX, chapter XXVII: Casula is a hood, from casa, because it covers the whole man, like a smaller house; hence also cuculla (this is a ridiculous etymology), as if from a smaller cell. Isidore adds that they are called planetae in Greek because they wander in wandering hours, just as the wandering stars, the planetae, which in their erratic course and motion move about. But this passage is corrupt, and instead of horis one must read oris, that is, hem and outer edge, so that, according to the etymology, the garment is called planeta in Greek because its edges wander and move about, now drawn up by the arms, now falling down, and never remaining fixed. Thus also the sacred glossographers interpret the planeta as a loose garment around the shoulders, with wandering edges

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106 Octauij Ferrarij oris euagatur. Gemma Animæ. c. ccvii. Casulam scribit omnibus alijs vestibus circumijci, quæ Planeta dicatur quod errabundus Limbus eius vtrimque in brachia subleuetur. Hæc in pectore, & inter humeros duplicatur, in vtroque brachio triplicatur. Ex his apparet Planetam, siue Casulam, quæ olim in vsu, vestem fuisse laxam, rotundam, circumclusam, quæ totum corpus inuoluebat, & vtrimque a lateribus in scapulas reijciebatur. Quæ omnia ostendunt togam fuisse, non pænulam; Nam pænula, vt, & lacernæ, chlamydes saga, & reliqua pallia aperta erant, & fibula, vel in humeris, vel in ceruice nectebantur: Casula tota clausa, & toga. Pallia a perta fuisse satis alijs probatum. Pænulam autem etiam pallium fuisse docet Pertij Vetus Interpres. Lacerna pallium fimbriatum, quo olim soli milies vtebantur. Pænula palium cum fimbrijs longis. Præterea Planeta vestis laxior, & rotunda; Pænula angusta, & corpori adpressa. Auctor de causis corruptæ eloquentiæ, Quantum humilitatis putamus eloquentiæ attulisse pænulas istas, quibus adstricti, ac velut inclusi cum Iudicibus fabulamur? Et licet inclusi sub pænula essent, non ita tamen, vt brachia exeri non possent, vt in Casula. Modum gestandi Casulam diuersum a togæ gestatu fuisse. Lineus amictus. Cap. XXXVII. T Ogam, & vestem fusiorem fuisse, & circumclusum to- tumque corpus inuoluisse docuimus, idemque antiquorum Planetam præstitisse, vt togam, non pænulam fuisse dicendum sit. Vnum tamen discrimen erat, quod in togâ dextrum brachium, quâ parte patebat ad pectus excrebatur unistrum sub ipsa toga eiusdem reductione extollebatur; Atqui in Planeta vtrumque brachium subiectum, ex inferiori parte ipsam contrahendo expediebatur. Quod factum opinor quia modestior, & magis verecundus hîc habirus fuit, quòdque vt in antiquis picturis apparet, non omnino exerta nudâque manu, sed velte obuelata res sacrae tangebantur. Et

Transcription: Translated (English)

106 Octavius Ferrarius wanders about. Gemma of the Soul, ch. 207. He writes that the chasuble is to be placed over all the other garments, which is called the planeta, because its wandering hem is lifted up on both sides into the arms. This is doubled on the breast and between the shoulders, and tripled on each arm. From these things it appears that the planeta, or chasuble, which was formerly in use, was a loose, round, enclosing garment, which wrapped the whole body, and from both sides was thrown back over the shoulders. All these things show that it was a toga, not a pænula; for the pænula, as also the lacerna, chlamys, sagum, and the rest of the cloaks, were open, and were fastened with a clasp, either on the shoulders or on the neck. The casula was entirely closed, like the toga. That the cloaks were open has been sufficiently proved by others. Moreover, the Old Interpreter of Petius teaches that the pænula was also a kind of cloak. The lacerna is a fringed cloak, which in former times only soldiers used. The pænula is a cloak with long fringes. Furthermore, the planeta is a looser and rounder garment; the pænula narrow and pressed close to the body. The author On the Causes of Corrupted Eloquence says: How much humility do we think these pænulæ brought to eloquence, by which, constrained and as it were shut in, we speak with the judges? And although they were enclosed under the pænula, yet not so that the arms could not be brought out, as in the casula. The manner of wearing the casula was different from the wearing of the toga. Linen garment. Chapter XXXVII. We have shown that the toga, and a fuller garment, and the planeta of the ancients, likewise wrapped the whole body, so that it must be said to have been a toga, not a pænula. There was, however, one difference, namely that in the toga the right arm, on the side where it was open toward the breast, was brought out; the left arm was lifted up under the toga itself by the folding back of the same. But in the planeta both arms, being placed underneath, were set free by drawing it together from the lower part. I think this was done because the manner of dress here was more modest and more bashful, and because, as appears in ancient paintings, sacred things were not touched with a hand entirely exposed and bare, but rather with it covered. And

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 107 Et quoniam non aliter expediri brachia poterant, quam subductâ planetæ orâ, & in humeros reiecta, hinc factum est, vt inter Missarum solemnia, cum Sacro sancta Mysteria eleuanda, & populo ostendenda erant, quòd planeta sic contracta vtrumque brachium deprimeret, ac prægrauaret, vt difficulter attolli posset, Aræ minister posteriorem eius laciniam sublatam sustentaret, quò facilius brachia sacerdos extenderet: quod nunc quoq[ue] seruatur, licet scissâ iam veste, & exclusis brachijs non ita vt olim, opus sit. Præter Planetam aliud Romanæ togæ vestigium Patauij vbi hæc commentabar, obseruaui, Lineum nempe amictum superiorem sacerdotum, & Aræ ministrorum, quem Cot- tam vulgo appellant, de quo infrà. Hæc inquam linea vestis Patauij (nam alibi manicata in vsu est) rotunda est, & clausa, totumque corpus inuoluens, atque vtroque brachio hinc inde subducta in humeros reijcitur, vt in veteri Planeta factum diximus. Hæc olim opinabamur cum nondum pænulæ figuram in antiquis monu- mentis videre contigisset: decepti etiam clarorum virorum auctoritate qui pænulam vestimentum apertum esse docuerunt. Sed postquam non vna pænulæ imago in manus venit mutare opinionem cogimur, vestemq[ue] sacrificantium cum Baronio pænulam fuisse fatemur. Eius imago suo loco red- detur. Hic veteris casulæ sacrificialis effigiem damus, quam Nicolaus Alemannus V.C. ad Procopij Anecdota exhibuit. Tabula. IX. O Plane-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 107 And since the arms could not otherwise be freed, except by drawing up the edge of the chasuble and throwing it back over the shoulders, from this it came about that, during the solemnities of Mass, when the sacred Mysteries were to be elevated and shown to the people, the chasuble, thus gathered up, weighed down and encumbered both arms, so that it could scarcely be raised; and the altar server would support the raised back fold of it, so that the priest could more easily extend his arms: this is still observed now as well, although, with the garment now cut and the arms exposed, there is not so much need for it as formerly. Besides the chasuble, I observed at Padua, where I was making these notes, another vestige of the Roman toga, namely the linen upper garment of priests and altar servers, which they commonly call the cotta, of which below. This linen garment, I say, at Padua (for elsewhere it is in use with sleeves), is round and closed, enfolding the whole body, and gathered up on either side by both arms and thrown back over the shoulders, as we said was done in the ancient chasuble. We once thought this, before we had yet managed to see the shape of the pænula in ancient monuments: we were also deceived by the authority of distinguished men who taught that the pænula was an open garment. But after no single image of the pænula came into our hands, we are compelled to change our opinion, and with Baronius we admit that the sacrificial vestment was a pænula. Its image will be given in its proper place. Here we present the form of the ancient sacrificial chasuble, which Nicolaus Alemannus, a very learned man, displayed in his work on Procopius' Anecdota. Plate IX. O Plane-

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108 Octauij Ferrarij

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108 Octauij Ferrarij

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De Re Vestiaræ Lib. I. 109 Planetam, & Casulam etiam extra sacra in communi vestitu fuisse. Cap. XXXIX. H Aud inscius sum, non defuturos qui huic opinioni ge- nuinum frangant, grandeque facinus, & morte pia- dum dictitent, quod vestem sacrificalem eandem cum veste communi, ac prophana fecerim. Fateor labente æuo quæ- dam in ornatu, cultuque sacrorum immutata esse, quædam etiam ad Iudæoru[m] ritus exacta; Primis tamen Ecclesiæ tem- poribus in communi veste Liturgiam peractam ausim affir- mare; Tunc enim etiam Sacerdotes, & clerici in communi habitu incedere minus inuidiosum putarunt. Veteres qui- dem Christianos veste cum Ethnicis indiscreta vsos, satis ostendit Baronius Tomo I I. Annalium. Soli Ascetæ, qui- que vitam austeriorem profitebantur, pallium gestabant ve- stem Græcanicam, & Philosophorum propriam, vnde tot conuicijs proscissi sunt. Quod si sacrorum vestes respicia- mus, quæ in veteri Sacerdotio fuerunt non multum eas à vulgari habitu discrepare videbimus. Vulgo enim tunc ho- mines in Orbe Romano tunicis saltem duabus induti inte- riore linea, siue subucula, & exteriore ex lana aliaue mate- ria, quæ propriè tunica dicta, olim quidem sine manicis, quæ Colobium, post manicata, quæ Dalmatica. Tunicæ quidam togam inijciebant, quidam lacernam, aut pænulam. Hæc omnia in sacrificiali vestitu fuêre. Tunica enim linea talaris, quam albam & Camisum, siue Camisam dixêre: Zona cingen- dæ tunicæ: mox Dalmatica, quæ postea penes solos Epi- scopos remansit; Tandem Planeta quam togam, siue togæ si- millimam diximus, quam ideo existimo in sacris lacernæ prælatam, quod toga honestiorum esset, & Romæ etiam cum indesuetudinem abijsset in sacris Deorum retenta. Re- liqua posterioris æui additamenta fuere. De stola B. Iuo Carnotensis de rebus Ecclesiasticis. Vtuntur & stola, quæ alio nomine orarium vocatur: quæ vetus sacerdotium non vtebatur. Albinus de diuinis officijs. Sunt tamen alia quæ apud illos (Lu- O 2 dæos)

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On Vestments, Book I. 109 The planet and even the cope were also outside sacred use in ordinary dress. Chapter XXXIX. I am not unaware that there will be those who will strongly oppose this opinion, and will declare it a great offense, deserving of death, that I should have made the sacrificial vestment the same as the common and profane garment. I confess that, as time passed, certain things in the ornament and ceremonial of worship were changed, and some were even adapted to the rites of the Jews; nevertheless, I dare affirm that in the earliest times of the Church the liturgy was performed in ordinary dress. For then even priests and clerics considered it less objectionable to go about in common attire. That the ancient Christians wore dress indistinguishable from that of the pagans is sufficiently shown by Baronius, vol. II of the Annals. Only the ascetics, and those who professed a more austere life, wore the pallium, a Greek garment proper to philosophers, and for that reason were assailed with so many insults. If we turn to the vestments of the sacred ministry, which were used in the old priesthood, we shall see that they did not differ much from ordinary dress. For in common use at that time men in the Roman world wore at least two tunics: an inner linen one, or subucula, and an outer one of wool or other material, which was properly called the tunic; formerly it was sleeveless, called a colobium, and later with sleeves, called a dalmatic. Some threw a toga over the tunic, others a lacerna or paenula. All these were found in sacrificial dress: the linen tunic reaching to the ankles, which they called the alba and camisum, or camisia; the girdle for belting the tunic; then the dalmatic, which later remained only with bishops; and finally the planeta, which we said is a toga, or very like a toga, and I therefore think it was preferred in sacred use to the lacerna, because the toga was the dress of respectable men, and at Rome, though it had gone out of use, it was retained in the worship of the gods. The remaining features were additions of later times. On the stole, Blessed Ivo of Chartres, On Ecclesiastical Matters: “They also use the stole, which is called by another name the orarium; the ancient priesthood did not use it.” Albinus, On Divine Offices: “There are, however, other things which among them (the Jews)

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110 Octauij Ferrarij dæos) non habebantur, vt stola, sandalia, & sudarium, quod ad tergendum sudorem in manu gestari mos est, quod vstitate nomine Fanonem vocamus. Idem. Mappula (nos manipulum dici- mus) quæ in sinistra parte gestatur, qua pituitam oculorum, & narium detergimus. Eandem inappulam sudarium vocat For- tunatus Amalarius. Scio veteres ad vestitum Pontificium Hebræorum plera- que exegisse, sed præter tunicam lineam, & quem vocant amictum, quem ad instar superhumeralis esse voluerunt, ni- hil admodum simile reperiemus. Vbi enim apud nostros tu- nica hyacinthina, rationale, cydaris, baltheum, lamina in fronte, fæminalia linea, siue braccæ? Hæ postremæ adeo Romanis in- cognitæ, vt inter barbara tegmina recenserentur, quemad- modum infra ostendam. Sed in decorum videtur, ac minime ferendum, ve- stem prophanam sacris castissimis adscribere. Velim mi- hi dicant, quod genus vestimenti Pænulam fuisse credant. Vulgare, ac viatorium. Atquicius vsus inter sacras vestes a Baronio & ab alijs recipitur, & vestis sacerdotalis appella- tur: Cur pænulam admittunt, togam excludunt, quæ ho- nestior, & omnium nobilissima vestis fuit? Tantum autem abest ideo non adhibitam sacris togam, quia prophana erat, vt etiam Planeta, siue Casula sacrorum propria, in promiscuo tamen vsu fuerit. Io: Diaconus in vi- ta S. Gregorij ait, Patris eius indumentum fuit Planeta casta- nei coloris, & sub Planeta Dalmatica. Nec mihi recte facere videntur, qui hinc solum arguunt, patrem S. Gregorij fuis- se in Clero, quod Planetam, & Dalmaticam gestaret. Nam vt de Dalmatica nihil dicamus, quæ tunica fuit, & quidem antiquitus probrosa: si ideo Gregorij Pater in Clero fuisse creditur, quod Planetâ gestabat, illud sequitur etiam extra sacra eam in vsu fuisse. De Casula Bonifatius ep. I I I. cuius locum attulit Cerda in Aduersarijs. Litteras, & parua mu- nuscula transmitto vobis, id est Casulam non holosericam, sed ca- prina lanugine mistam, & villosam ad tergendos pedes dilectionis vestræ. Quam non modo promiscuus sed vilis Casulæ vsus? hanc

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110 Octavius Ferrarii dæos) were not included among them, such as the stola, sandals, and sudarium, which by custom is worn in the hand for wiping away sweat, and which we commonly call by the vulgar name fanon. Idem. Mappula (we call it manipulum) which is worn on the left side, with which we wipe away the phlegm from the eyes and nostrils. Fortunatus Amalarius calls the same thing an inappula sudarium. I know that the ancients derived very many things for the Pontifical dress from the Hebrews; but apart from the linen tunic, and what they call the amictus, which they wished to be like a superhumeral, we shall find scarcely anything similar. For where among our things are the hyacinthine tunic, the rational, the cydaris, the belt, the plate on the forehead, the linen feminalia, or breeches? The latter were so unknown to the Romans that they were numbered among barbarian coverings, as I shall show below. But it seems proper, and by no means tolerable, to assign a profane garment to the most sacred rites. I would like them to tell me what kind of garment they think a paenula was. Common, and for travel. Yet its use among sacred vestments is accepted by Baronius and others, and it is called a priestly garment: why do they admit the paenula and exclude the toga, which was the more honorable and the noblest of all garments? And so far is it from being the case that the toga was not used in sacred rites because it was profane, that even the planeta, or casula, which is proper to sacred rites, was nevertheless in common use. John the Deacon, in the life of St Gregory, says that his father’s garment was a planeta of chestnut color, and under the planeta a dalmatic. Nor do those seem to me to argue correctly who from this alone conclude that the father of St Gregory belonged to the clergy, because he wore a planeta and a dalmatic. For to say nothing of the dalmatic, which was a tunic, and indeed in ancient times a disgraceful one: if Gregory’s father is therefore believed to have been in the clergy because he wore a planeta, it follows that this garment was also used outside sacred functions. As for the casula, Pope Boniface III, whose passage Cerda cited in the Adversaria, wrote: “I send you letters and little gifts, that is, a casula not made of silk, but mixed with goat down and shaggy, for wiping the feet of your affection.” What a use of the casula, not only common but even mean!

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. III hanc tamen a sacrificiali distinctam fuisse apparet. Iuo Car- notensis etiam de rebus Ecclesiasticis. His omnibus indu- mentis superponitur Casula, quæ alio nomine planeta vocatur, quæ quia communis est vestis, charitatem significat. Concilium Ra- tisbonense Anno DECXLII. Presbyteri, vel Diaconi non sagis laicorum more, sed casulis vtantur ritu seruorum Dei. Sed to- tam nostram coniecturam grauissimo testimonio corrobore- mus licet Vualafridi Strabonis, qui ante octingentos ferè annos doctrina, ac sanctitate floruit. Eius verba sunt cap. xxiv. de rebus Ecclesiasticis. Vestes etiam sacerdotes per in- crementa ad eum, qui nunc habetur auctæ sunt ornatum. Nam pri- mis temporibus communi indumento vestiti missas agebant, sicut, & hactenus quidam Orientalium facere perhibentur. Stephanus au- tem XXIV. constituit sacerdotes & leuitas vestibus sacratis in vsu quotidiano non vti, nisi in ecclesia tantum. Mox. Addiderunt in vestibus sacris alij alia, vel ad imitationem earum, quibus veteres vtebantur sacerdotes, vel ad mysticæ significationis expressionem Amalarius Fortunatus lib. I I. ep. XVII. Stephanus natione Romanus ex patre Iobio constituit sacerdotibus, leuitisque vestibus sacratis in vsu quotidiano non vti. Dalmatica. Lacernum byrrhum. Cardinalium Vestitus. Baronij opinio reiecta. Cap. XXXIX. N On Planeta modo, & P[er]enula olim sacri, ac prophani vsus fuit, sed & Dalmatica. Eam in sacris adhibitam constat, eiusdem etiam extra sacra vsus primo quidem pro- miscuus, deinde in Diaconis, mox in Presbyteris, tandem in Iolis Episcopis. Vvalafridus Strabo. cap. laudato. Et Siluester ordinauit, vt Diaconi Dalmaticis in Ecclesia vterentur. Et primò quidem Sacerdotes Dalmaticis ante Casularum vsum in- duebantur: postea vero cum Casulis vti cepissent, Dalmaticas Dia- conibus concesserunt. Addit a Romano Pontifice earum vsum alijs Episcopis permissum, alijs interdictum: sua vero æta- te omnes penè Episcopos, & nonnullos Presbyterorum sub Casulis Dalmaticas gestasse. Ergo

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On Vestments, Book I. III however, it appears to have been distinct from the sacrificial garment. Ivo of Chartres also, in On Ecclesiastical Matters . Over all these garments is placed the casula , which by another name is called the planeta ; because it is a common garment, it signifies charity. The Council of Regensburg in the year 642: Priests, or deacons, are not to use lay cloaks in the manner of laymen, but casulas, according to the custom of the servants of God. But let us confirm our whole conjecture with the gravest testimony, namely that of Walafrid Strabo, who flourished in doctrine and sanctity nearly eight hundred years ago. His words are in chapter xxiv of On Ecclesiastical Matters . The garments of priests also, by stages, have been increased into the attire now in use. For in the earliest times, clothed in ordinary dress, they celebrated Masses, as even to this day some of the Easterners are said to do. But Stephen XXIV decreed that priests and levites should not use sacred vestments in daily use except in church only. Then: Others added other things to the sacred garments, either in imitation of those which the ancient priests used, or for the expression of mystical meaning. Amalarius Fortunatus, book II, epistle XVII. Stephen, a Roman by nation, son of Jobius, decreed that priests and levites should not use sacred vestments in daily use. Dalmatica. Lacernum. Birrus. Vestments of Cardinals. Baronius's opinion rejected. Chapter XXXIX. Not only the planeta and perenula were formerly used both in sacred and profane contexts, but also the dalmatica . It is evident that it was employed in sacred rites; its use outside of sacred rites was at first indiscriminate, then among deacons, then among priests, and finally among bishops alone. Walafrid Strabo, in the chapter cited above: And Sylvester ordained that deacons should use dalmatics in the Church. And at first priests were dressed in dalmatics before the use of the casula; later, however, when they began to use casulas, they conceded dalmatics to the deacons. He adds that by decree of the Roman Pontiff their use was permitted to some bishops and forbidden to others; but in his own time nearly all bishops, and some priests, wore dalmatics under their casulas. Therefore

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. ducitur, ac contrahitur, & ideo Cappa appellatur, vel quod hominem capiat, vel a capite, cum in luctu ea caput inuoluant, vt in veteri toga; Quod autem humeris super injicitur Exomidis species est, siue cuculli, qualis simplicior in Monachorum habitu visitur: Ea autem trunca vestis vulgo dicitur. Sed quid pænulam in sacris fuisse dicemus, cuius mentio in actis Concilij Ephesini, si ea non fuit Planeta? Misimus tunicam candidam, & pænulam castaneam; Vbi in Græco vt notat Baronius est . Ea etiam vestis sacra fuit, quæ licet aperta, & sibula nexa, tamen totum hominem cooperiebat. Hæc vulgi voce Pluuiale dicitur, forte quia vt Pænula olim pluuiæ tempore sumebatur, eiusque vsus in supplicationibus, & vespertinis precibus. Eaq[ue] omnino à Casula, siue Planeta distincta, vt propterea non rectè quidam Casulam interpretati sint, cum Penulam debuissent. Quamquam ex eo quod totum homine inuoluat, licet aperta, etiam Casula impropriè dici possit. Sed de veste sacrificiali, totiusque aræ ornatu alias accuratiùs cum Deo disputabimus. Interim auctarij loco viri doctissimi literas in ea, quæ hactenus disputata sunt ad scribemus. V. Cl. Ioanni Rhodio Ioannes Fredericus Gronouius. S. P. D. Mirifice me exhilararunt literę tuæ, Vir Præstantissime quas tanto iam tempore ignarus vestri, rerumque vestrarum nuper admodum accepi. Atque vtinam Elzeuiriù aliquid in illas oras mittere; nihil mihi fuisset antiquius, quam vt nuperum illum fētum meæ obseraant iæ obsidem ad vos allegarem. Spero tamen postquam uliquandiu vel moratus fuerit in itinere, vel oberrauerit vét urum, quo est destinatus. Certe amico per multa exemplaria commisi in Italiam curanda, quæ ille partim Nuntij Apo-

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On Dress, Book I. is drawn together and contracted, and therefore is called a Cappa, either because it covers the head ( capiat ), or from the head itself, since in mourning they wrap the head in it, as in the old toga. But that which is thrown over the shoulders is a kind of exomis , or of hood, such as is seen more simply in the habit of monks. This garment is commonly called a truncated vestment. But what shall we say of the pænula having been used in sacred rites, of which mention is made in the acts of the Council of Ephesus, if it was not the planeta ? “We sent a white tunic and a chestnut-colored pænula .” Where in Greek, as Baronius notes, it is. That sacred garment also was one which, although open and fastened with a clasp, nevertheless covered the whole person. This in common speech is called a pluviale , perhaps because the pænula was formerly used in rainy weather, and its use in processions and evening prayers. And it is altogether distinct from the casula , or planeta ; therefore some have not interpreted it correctly as the casula , when they ought to have translated pænula . Although, from the fact that it wraps up the whole person, even though open, it may improperly also be called a casula . But concerning the sacrificial vestment, and the whole ornament of the altar, we shall discuss these matters more accurately elsewhere, God willing. Meanwhile, in place of an appendix, the very learned man writes letters on what has so far been discussed. To the distinguished Mr. Johannes Rhodius, Johannes Fredericus Gronovius sends greetings. Your letters, most excellent sir, have wonderfully cheered me, which only very recently I received, long as I have now been ignorant of you and your affairs. And would that I could send something of Elzevir into those regions; nothing would have been dearer to me than to have lately dispatched to you that new pledge of my devotion. I still hope, however, after it has for some time either delayed on the journey or wandered about, it will arrive at its destination. Certainly I entrusted to a friend, through many copies, the care of what was to be sent to Italy, which he partly by the messenger Apo-

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114 Octauij Ferrarij Apostolici, partim Veneti Legati Coloniæ hominibus tradita mihi adfirmauit. Nos vero quando Veslingij lapsa externis opobalsamatruncis, quando Argoli Circenses Panuiniani delectabunt? Rara fortuna est, hæc ad nos peruenire, eique ad scribo vsuram Commentarij Ferrariani: a quo viro quod me amari scribis, id vero mihi gratissimum est. Nimium quantum desidero Electa promissa: eam saliuam mouet de revestiaria scriptio, cuius lectione me plurimum profecisse dicerem, si aliquid in literis profecisse me agnoscere auderem: Toga mihi visa semper vnum ex difficillimis Romanæ antiquitatis capitibus, in quo nec alij satisfaciebant, nec ipse vnquam vt satisfacerem mihi speraui fore. Sed ingentem lucem & mihi, & materiæ attulit doctissimi Ferrarij industria, & sagacitas: cui dum menuper prebui, iterum non ad dies aliquot, sed menses capacissimo amictui ita sum inuolutus, vt si Clytæmnestram domi haberem, Agamemnonis casum timuissem. Aliqua tamen extricare me sum conatus, & deuinxi verbis in chartam coniectis, quæ peius, fateor, perire non poterat, tamen perituræ vtique, quoniam in nostro peculio erat, parcere superuacuum duxi. Excerpsi ex aduersarijs insignia quædam, & ad te mitto (quando hanc libertatem datis) vt cum illo communices, & iudicium ab eo scriptum, si me amatis, impetres. Cupio autem sincere, & seuere tum accipi illa, tum haberi, vt ipse a malignitate sum alienissimus loco sint, non ; Quare & reuinci gratissimum erit mihi, dummodo eruatur veritas & antiquitas. 1. Communis recentior habitus dextrum humerum vna cum brachio exertum habuisse haudquaquam videtur. Ideo Quintilianus. Tum sinus injciendus humero, cuius extremam oram reiecisse non dedecet. Ideo Curius Fortunatianus. Sinus ab humero petest labi. Quod non potest nisi de dextro intelligi: nam ad sinistrum humeru nulla pars sinus pertinet. Iterum Fabius statim post illa verba. Operiri humerum cum toto iugulo non oportet: alioquin amictus fiet angustus. Non totum iu- gulum

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114 Octavius Ferrarius The Apostolic, partly Venetian legate, assured me that it had been handed over to the men of Cologne. But when will the outworn external opobalsamatrunci of Veslingius delight us, when the Circenses Panuiniani of Argoli? It is a rare fortune for these things to come to us, and in return I write to him about the use of Ferrarius’s Commentary: from that man, that you write that I am loved by him, this indeed is most gratifying to me. How greatly I long for the promised Electa: that script on the clothing moves me; in reading it I should say that I have profited greatly, if I dared to acknowledge that I have profited at all in letters. The toga has always seemed to me one of the most difficult subjects of Roman antiquity, in which neither others satisfied me, nor did I ever hope that I myself would be able to satisfy myself. But the diligence and sagacity of the learned Ferrarius brought great light both to me and to the subject: and while I had briefly provided for him, once again, not for a few days but for months, I was so wrapped up in the capacious garment that, if I had Clytemnestra at home, I should have feared the fate of Agamemnon. Yet I have tried to disentangle some things, and I have bound them with words thrown onto paper, which, I confess, could not have perished more badly; nevertheless, since they were destined to perish in any case, because they were in our possession, I judged it needless to spare them. I have excerpted certain remarkable things from my adversaries, and I send them to you (since you grant this freedom), so that you may share them with him, and obtain from him a written judgment, if you love me. But I sincerely desire that they be received and regarded both strictly and severely, so that, since I myself am most alien to malignity, they may not be in the place of it; therefore it will be most gratifying to me if they are refuted, provided that truth and antiquity are brought to light. 1. The common more recent habit does not seem at all to have had the right shoulder exposed together with the arm. Therefore Quintilian says: Then the fold should be thrown over the shoulder, whose outer edge it is not unbecoming to have thrown back. Therefore Curtius Fortunatianus says: The fold can slip from the shoulder. Which can be understood only of the right shoulder: for no part of the fold belongs to the left shoulder. Again Fabius, immediately after those words: The shoulder should not be covered together with the whole neck; otherwise the garment will become too narrow. Not the whole neck

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116 Octauij Ferrarij reat sinum conueniet: læuam a faucibus ac summo pectore ab ducere licet. Ardent enim iam omnia: & vt vox vehementior, ac magis varia est: sic amictus quoque habet actum quendam velut præli antem. Ait, sinus ab humero delabitur, nimirum dextro, ne de sinistro intelligamus, ecce de eo aliud præceptum: conueniet reijcere a sinistro togam: & rursus de dextro, quod si non delabatur sponte linus, si hæreat, tum & conueniet inde deijcere. Aliud est igitur toga in humero sinistro, quam conuenit reijci non deijci: aliud sinus, qui debet velut sponte delabi, & si non delabitur deijci non tantum reyci. Atque ita restituendus ex Quintiliano quem ferè describit Curius. Et deijcere sinum etiam si hæreat conuenit. Nam etia quod vulgo est, non potest referri nisi ad id quod proximè, togam a sinistro itaque sensum facit absurdissimum, quasi ab vtroque humero deijci toga, & ita pectus, ac tergum quasi ad medium vsque nudare delapsa de beret. Tum igitur etiam cum cessat illa prior obseruatio, quia actus est iam quasi præliantis, non opus est vltra, vt angulus cubiti sit normalis, sed licet oblique eleuare læuam manum altius, ferendaque ad summum pectus, & fauces, & vicissim inde abducendo illa quoque gestum facere. Neque enim lænam legendum videtur quasi hiemantem oratorem formet Fabius. 3. De duplici sinu nihil mihi lectum apud veteres, verba autem Quintiliani vnde eum viri docti effingunt, male accepta haud dubito. Nonnis; vns ab illo sinus agnoscitur: alterum illud non dicitur quid sit, sed quod quasi sit, & sic euoluenda oratio: ille velut baltheus, qui sub humero dextro ad sinistrum obliquè ducitur. Quæ enim similitudo est inter balthum, & sinum vt hæc vocabula pro eadem reponantur? aut quomodo sinus potest instar balthei duci? Nec vero ille velut baltheus Fabio aliud est, quam vmbo Persio, Curio Fortunatiano, & Tertulliano: sed hunc vmbonem esse sinum æq; iudico absurdum, quâ rugas, & plicas esse sinum. An ανρον, seu lingua in mare pro currens potest dici etiam πολπος, siue sinus mare intra terram recipiens? An Trinacriam Insulam a tribus sinibus fas est appellatam dicere? Nihilo

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116 Octavius Ferrarius the fold will suit: it is permissible to draw the left hand away from the throat and from the upper chest. For now everything is inflamed; and just as the voice is more vehement and more varied, so too the dress has a certain movement, as it were of one engaging in battle. He says the fold slips down from the shoulder, namely the right shoulder, lest we understand it of the left; see, there is another precept concerning it: it will be proper to throw the toga back from the left side, and again from the right; and if the fold does not slip down of itself, if it hangs fast, then it will also be proper to cast it down from there. Thus the toga is one thing on the left shoulder, which it is proper to throw back, not to cast down; the fold is another thing, which ought, as it were, to slip down of its own accord, and if it does not slip down, then to be cast down, not merely thrown back. And so the passage must be restored from Quintilian, whom Curius almost copies. And it is also proper to cast down the fold even if it sticks. For even what is commonly said can be referred only to what is nearest: “the toga from the left side” therefore makes the most absurd sense, as though the toga were to be cast down from both shoulders, and thus the chest and back ought to be left bare as far as the middle, as it slipped down. Then therefore, even when that earlier rule ceases to apply, because the speaker has already assumed almost the stance of one engaged in battle, there is no need any longer for the angle of the elbow to be right, but it is permissible to raise the left hand obliquely higher, and to carry it up to the upper chest and throat, and in turn, drawing it away from there, to make that gesture too. Nor indeed does it seem that the cloak should be read in such a way that Fabius is fashioning a winter orator. 3. I have found nothing among the ancients about a double fold; but the words of Quintilian, from which learned men shape it, I do not doubt have been wrongly understood. Nonnis; only one fold is recognized by him: that other thing is not said to be what it is, but what it is as it were, and the speech must be unfolded thus: that other is like a baldric, which is drawn obliquely from under the right shoulder toward the left. For what similarity is there between a baldric and a fold, that these words should be substituted for the same thing? Or how can a fold be drawn like a baldric? Nor indeed is that “like a baldric” in Fabius anything other than the umbo in Persius, Curius Fortunatianus, and Tertullian; but I judge it absurd for this umbo to be the fold, since the fold consists of wrinkles and pleats. Can the πρόρρον, or tongue running out into the sea, also be called πόλπος, that is, a fold, the sea receiving within the land? Or may we rightly say that the island of Trinacria was called from its three folds? Nevertheless

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 117 Nihilo probius Vmbonem dicas esse sinum: nam vmbo pro- minens aliquid est, & extans, sinus retractum, & conca- uum. Quid quod clare Tertullianus, ex vmbonis ambitu si- num nasci: ergo sinus est aliquid extra vmbonem: ergo aliud est, nisi idem est extra se, & idem ex se nascitur. 5. Apud Tertullianum rugas deducere in tilias non est melius quam deducere in fagus aut quercus. In MS. in- uenimus intillis. Veritas est in promptu: rugas ab exordio formet, & inde deducat in tabulas: scribunt compendio tablas, vt simil pro simul, & talia. Hæc lectio nec pro cul abit a- uulgate veterum librorum lectionis vestigijs, & sensus non tantum apti, sed & necessarij est. Quomodo enim mox, de ficientibus iam tabulis quas factas, aut fuisse numquam didi- ceramus? Non est idem rugas ab exordio formare, & in tabu- las dilatare, ac deducere. Ab exordio id est vbi primum inci- pit fieri, & corrugari baltheus, nempe statim de sub ala, aut de sub dextero brachio rugæ formantur. Vbi nondum tabulas esse quiuisse, hoc est rugas latas, sed breues, ac tantum rugas satis manifestum est. Primum igitur ab exor- dio balthei formantur rugæ, dein prout ille procedit ad pe- ctus deducuntur in tabulas, fiunt latiores, itaut asserum, siue tabularum nomen mereri possint. 6 Quintilianus. Pars toga quæ postea imponitur sit inferior, nam ita & sedet melius & continetur. Progreditur hoc ordine: primum vult togam rotundam, & aptè cæsam esse: dein do- cet quousq; ante, & post debeat protendi: hinc sinum eius format, mox aliud quiddam a sinu, quod veluti baltheum vo- cat: huic proxime: pars toga quæ postea imponitur. Cui vero? Nempe ei de quostatim locutus est, velut baltheo. Ergo pars illa non potest esse neq; vmbo propriissime sic ductus; (nam hic costruitur in medio balthei ex ipsis baltheirugis, non imponitur) neque ea pars, quæ in sinistro brachio resi- det: neque enim potest imponi baltheo, quin totus sinus percat, & illa cauitas sub imo ventre claudatur: alias- que ob rationes multas. Sed pars illa togæ quæ postea stru- cto nempe baltheo imponitur est pars toge descendens an- te P 2

Transcription: Translated (English)

On Dress, Book I. 117 You would hardly call the umbonem a sinus : for the umbo is something prominent and projecting, but the sinus is drawn back and hollow. What is more, Tertullian clearly says that the sinus arises from the circuit of the umbo ; therefore the sinus is something outside the umbo : therefore it is something different, unless the same thing is outside itself, and the same thing is born from itself. 5. In Tertullian, “to draw the folds into the linden” is no better than to draw them into a beech or an oak. In the manuscript we found intillis . The truth is obvious: let him form the folds from the beginning, and from there draw them into tablets; they write tabulas in abbreviated form, just as simil for simul , and the like. This reading is not far removed from the traces of the reading of the old books, and the sense is not only fitting but also necessary. For how else are we immediately to understand the mention of the tablets already failing—those tablets which we had learned were either made, or never existed at all? It is not the same thing to form folds from the beginning, and then to extend them into tablets, as it is to draw them out. “From the beginning” means where it first begins to be made and to wrinkle, namely at once from beneath the arm, or from under the right arm, the folds are formed. Since there could not yet be tablets, that is, broad folds, but only narrow ones, and folds merely in a small degree, this is sufficiently clear. Therefore, first the folds of the belt are formed from the beginning; then, as it advances toward the chest, they are drawn into tablets, become broader, so that they may deserve the name of boards, or tablets. 6. Quintilian. “The part of the toga which is placed on later should be lower, for thus it sits better and is held more securely.” He proceeds in this order: first he wants the toga to be round and properly cut; then he teaches how far it ought to extend in front and behind; then he forms its sinus ; next something else from the sinus , which he calls, as it were, a belt; next to this: the part of the toga which is placed on later. But to what part? Namely, to that one of which he has just spoken, as though of a belt. Therefore that part cannot properly be either the umbo as such; for here it is constructed in the middle of the belt from the very folds of the belt, not placed on; nor can it be that part which rests on the left arm: for it could not be placed on the belt without the whole sinus being lost and the hollow beneath the lower belly being closed up; and there are many other reasons as well. But that part of the toga which is placed on later, namely onto the constructed belt, is the part of the toga descending before P 2

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118 Octauij Ferrarij te pectus ab humero sinistro: ea enim suffulta baltheo sub sinistrum brachium procurrente, circa sinistrum pectus eidem imponitur, & propendendo modicum sinum efficit: quod tamen sinum nemo dixit, ne ambiguum redderet vtru[m] illum sinum, quem in toga agnoscunt veteres. Atque hoc recte intellexit & notauit etiam Rubenius num.3.in sua statua togata. 7. Quid igitur tandem sinus? quid baltheus? Censemus sinum prorie esse medium illud inter baltheum, siue vmbonem, & laciniam maximam earum sub dextro ventre gestantis. Ab dextro humero descendebat ad ventrem vsque flexo quodam canali: eius vt sic dicam canalis labrum exterius protenditur vsq; ad illas rugas que laciniam separant a sinu, & a quibus colligitur in dextro versus sinistrum ad genua, aut paulo superius ipse sinus: interius labrum statim sub vmbone siue baltheo in ambitu eius interit: nam & sinus sub pectore nascitur ex ambitu balthei, quem supra se habet infra vero circumscribitur, & finitur rugis quæ distinguunt ab eo infimam laciniam siue oram togæ. Baltheus auté est collectio rugarum circa pectus, sub dextro brachio incipiens, in medio latioribus, & exstantioribus rugis, vt speciem simul tabularum sibi inuicem superstructaru[m] simul vmbonis referrent in latum infra desinens in sinum, in longum porrecta vsque sub sinistrum brachium, ibique velut nodo contracta, sic tamen vt nullum post tergum emineat. Ab illa autem vmbilici specie & tubere, quod in medio apparebat, & totus baltheus dicebatur vmbo, quod pate t ex collatis verbis Fabij, & Curij. Fabius enim. Ille qui sub numero dextro ad sinistrum obliq; ducitur velut baltheus, nec strangulet, nec fluat. Curius autem. Quid in vmbone? nec fluxe, nec ad strictè. Quis ausit negare de eadem re eos loqui? Neque sane quidquam aliud Tertulliano est vmbo, quam Quintiliano ille velut baltheus. Porro ab eadem causa pleniori Synecdoche, candidus vmbo pro toga pura apud Per- sium. 8. Sed age vestiamus togam, & tum ea que dicta sunt, cum plu-

Transcription: Translated (English)

118 Octavius Ferrarius from the left shoulder to the chest: for, being supported by the belt running under the left arm, it is placed around the left chest, and by hanging down it makes a slight hollow: yet no one has called this a hollow, lest it make ambiguous which hollow is meant, namely that hollow which the ancients recognize in the toga. And this Rubenius, no. 3 in his toga-clad statue, correctly understood and noted. 7. What then, finally, is the sinus? what is the baltheus? We think that the sinus is properly that middle part between the baltheus, or umbo, and the largest fold of those who wear it under the right side of the belly. From the right shoulder it descended to the belly by a certain bent channel: the outer lip of this channel, so to speak, extends as far as those folds which separate the hanging fold from the sinus, and from which the sinus itself is gathered on the right toward the left, to the knees or a little above; the inner lip immediately under the umbo or belt disappears in its circuit: for the sinus is born beneath the chest from the circuit of the belt, which it has above itself, but below it is bounded and ended by the folds which distinguish from it the lower fold or hem of the toga. But the baltheus is the gathering of folds around the chest, beginning under the right arm, in the middle with broader and more prominent folds, so that they seemed to present at once the appearance of planks laid one over another and, as it were, of an umbo, ending below in a broad sinus, and extended lengthwise as far as under the left arm, and there contracted as if at a knot, yet in such a way that nothing projects behind the back. From that navel-like form and swelling, which appeared in the middle, the entire baltheus was also called the umbo, as is shown by comparing the words of Fabius and Curius. For Fabius says: “That which is drawn obliquely from the right side to the left like a baltheus neither strangles nor flows.” And Curius: “What about the umbo? neither loose nor too tight.” Who would dare deny that they are speaking of the same thing? Nor indeed is the umbo for Tertullian anything other than that, for Quintilian, the thing like a baltheus. Moreover, by the same cause, through a fuller synecdoche, the white umbo stands for the pure toga in Persius. 8. But come, let us clothe the toga, and then what has been said, when the plu-

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De Re Vestiar[um] Lib. I. 119 pluscula alia parum apud memoratos scriptores intellecta explanabuntur. Illud iam inter doctos consentitur, togam fuisse vestimentam rotundum, & vndique clausum, quod immisum supra caput vno iniectu totum corpus operiret, laxe patentibus in summo faucibus, vt non caput modo, sed & brachium, humerusque dexter, cum luberet, commode posset exeri. Ea sic vestiebatur ex mente Quintiliani, Curij, ac Tertulliani. In sinistro quidem humero per summam oram proprie sustinebatur, post tergum ad poplites vsque dependens, & quia nullas habebat manicas, ima eius lacinia sinistro cubito suspensa, ac suffulta, collectaque in rugas manum habebat exsertam. Summa autem illa ora quæ humero sinistro sustentabatur procurebat ad dextrum vsq; humerum, cumque quæuis exserto dextero brachio velans illic sinui, & baltheo siue vmboni originem dabat. Sinus ab humero dextro descendebat inflexim ad ima ventris. Nam in communi vsu Fabiani æui non fuisse nudatum dextrum humerum, & ex statuis nummisque apparet, & ex verbis auctorum citatis. Sed & antea Quintilianus. Illud non ferendum, quod quidam reiecta in humerum toga, cum dextra sinum vsque ad lumbos reduxerunt, sinistra gestum facientes spatiantur, & fabulantur. Vides sinum reductum ad lumbos, quominus mirere deduci ab dextro humero: quamquam clare in humero sinum locet Fabius, atque eundem retrahi a scapulis Tertullianus tradit. Ergo etiam brachio non tecto, siue exserto sinus summa pars in hærebat humero, & poterat reijci paululum, poterat attrahi ad pectus. Incipiebat igitur sinus ab dextro humero, & ad latus paulatim delabens fiebat laxior magisque cauus, donec ad ipsum ventrem plus in dextrum, quam in sinistrum vergeret, fieret laxissimus, & quasi alueum acciperet. Ab eadem superiore parte, quæ in humero dextro sedebat, interius, & statim sub brachio exoriebatur, & descendebat ille veluti baltheus, cuius collecti circa pectus, & multa contabulatione rugarum, plicarumque constricti vt contineretur, aliquæ extimæ rugæ & plicæ, a quibus nempe incipiebat ambitus in sinum exiens, præ-

Transcription: Translated (English)

On the Matter of Clothing, Book I. 119 A few other points, little understood by the writers mentioned above, will be explained. It is now agreed among the learned that the toga was a round garment, closed on all sides, which, when thrown over the head in one cast, covered the whole body, with the openings at the top left loosely wide, so that not only the head, but also the arm and right shoulder, when one wished, could be conveniently exposed. It was worn in this manner, according to Quintilian, Curtius, and Tertullian. Indeed, on the left shoulder it was properly supported by the upper edge, hanging down behind as far as the hams; and because it had no sleeves, its lower fold, supported and held up by the left elbow, gathered into folds, left the hand exposed. The upper edge, however, which was supported by the left shoulder, extended as far as the right shoulder; and, while covering the right arm when it was exposed, it gave rise there to the fold and to the belt or bosom of the toga. The fold descended from the right shoulder in a bend to the lower part of the belly. For in the common use of the age of Fabius the right shoulder was not uncovered, as appears both from statues and coins and from the words of the authors cited. Quintilian says as much earlier too: “That is not to be endured, when some, throwing the toga back over the shoulder, draw the fold down by the right hand to the loins, and, making a gesture with the left, walk about and talk.” You see the fold drawn back to the loins, so there is no reason to wonder that it is brought down from the right shoulder; although Fabius clearly places the fold on the shoulder, and Tertullian says that it is drawn back from the shoulder-blades. Therefore, even with the arm uncovered, or exposed, the upper part of the fold rested on the shoulder, and could be thrown back a little or drawn in toward the chest. Thus the fold began from the right shoulder, and, gradually slipping down along the side, became looser and more hollow, until by the very belly it inclined more to the right than to the left, became very loose, and, so to speak, formed a cavity. From the same upper part, which rested on the right shoulder, there arose inwardly and immediately under the arm that part like a belt, gathered around the chest and compressed by many superimposed layers of folds so that it might be held together; some outer folds and pleats, from which, of course, the circuit began as it went out into the fold, pre-

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122 Octauij Ferrarij qui togatus venire debuerat, togam præsidiariam ipsius Imperatoris accepit. Casaubonus optimè: quam præsidens gestaret. Sed obscure, quando enim præsidere dicitur Imperatorem? Docet Sueton. in Claudio. Gladiatorio munere quod simul cum fratre memoriæ matris edebat, palliolatus novo more præsedit. Et Domitiano. Certamini præsedit crepidatus. Toga igitur præsidiaria quam gestabant præsidentes muneribus, & ludis: nempe quia communi ad quotidiana ipse vtebatur imperator, & requirentibus aliam ista prima obuenit, & in promptu fuit. 15. Altera causa laxandi balthei mollities erat. Vnde Tibullus 1. eleg. 6. effluit effuso cui toga laxa sinu. Hoc est non stricta ad pectus sinu persuperioris balthei contractas rugas coercito. Et is habitus monstratur in prima figura p. 5. & 45. vbi nullus plane baltheus, vt alias pectus stringit, nec apparet illa pars quæ baltheo imponitur; illud autem vnde formatur baltheus laxo quodam volumine pendet, ac fluit sub dextro latere infra balthei locum. Atque vt omnia fluxa sint, ac soluta vt pote in personis , & amantium ne dextra quidem humerus tectus apparet, sed negligenter omnino hæret toga. 16. Hac mollitie siquis incederet, cum laciniam togæ traxisse non miror ego, immo pene necessarium est. Atque id cum noster Macrobius siue errore memoriæ, quod in tunica notauerunt alij, at siue suos secutus auctores in toga Cæsaris reprehensum narrat; quod ita toga præcingeatur vt torabendo laciniam velut mollis incederet. Hoc est vt male colligeret baltheum, siue vmbonem togæ, quam vt stragulare non debere, ita nec fluere præcipiunt Quintilianus, & Curius. 17. Illud quoque dignum consideratione, quod ait Fabius. Pars eius prior medijs cruribus optime terminatur, posterior eadem portione altius quam cinctura. Vult autem Rhetor, togam ante tunica demissiorem, post eadem, qua ima tunicæ ora altitudine esse. Scribendum est; posterior eadem portione altius qua cinctura. Hoc enim iubent verba tacita,

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122 Octauius Ferrarius who ought to have come in the toga, received the toga praetexta of the Emperor himself. Casaubon very well: which the presiding official wore. But obscurely, for when is the Emperor said to preside? Suetonius teaches in Claudius: at a gladiatorial show which he gave together with his brother in memory of their mother, he presided in a pallium, in a new fashion. And in Domitian: he presided at the contest in sandals. Therefore the toga praesidiaria, which those presiding at spectacles and games wore, was so called because the Emperor himself used it for ordinary daily wear, and when another was sought this first one came up, and was at hand. 15. Another cause for loosening the belt was softness. Hence Tibullus, 1st elegy, 6: effluit effuso cui toga laxa sinu. That is, not tight against the chest, with the folds of the upper belt drawn in and restrained. And that dress is shown in the first figure, p. 5 and 45, where there is plainly no belt, as otherwise constricts the chest, nor does that part appear which is placed upon the belt; but that from which the belt is formed hangs in a loose fold, and flows under the right side below the place of the belt. And as everything is to be loose and slack, as in actors and lovers, not even the right shoulder appears covered, but the toga clings in a wholly negligent way. 16. If anyone walked in this softness, I do not wonder that he dragged the hem of the toga, indeed it is almost necessary. And when our Macrobius says this, whether through an error of memory, which others noted in the tunic, or whether following his own authors, he says that it was blamed in Caesar’s toga; because the toga was so girded that, by dragging, it would move with the hem as though with a soft gait. That is, that he should fasten the belt, or umbo of the toga, badly, since Quintilian and Curtius prescribe that it should not be too tightly drawn, and that it must not flow. 17. That also is worthy of consideration, which Fabius says. Its front part is best ended at the middle of the legs, the back part by the same measure higher than the girdle. The rhetorician means that the toga before should be lower than the tunic, and behind at the same height as the lower edge of the tunic. It should be written: the back part, by the same measure, higher than the girdle. For this is what the silent words command,

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 123 ta, & intelligenda medijs cruribus optime terminatur. Posterior pars eade portione altius medijs cruribus optime terminatur, qua portione altius medijs cruribus terminatur cinctura. Dixerat autem prius ita cingatur vt tunicæ prioribus oris infra genua paululum: posterioribus ad medios poplites, vsque perueniant: nam infra mulierum est, supra centurionum. Ergo & ad medios poplites toga, non inferius nec superius, post tergum prouenire debet, nam hactenus altius medijs cruribus optime cinctura terminatur. Federico Gronouio V. C. Octavius Ferrarius. S. P. D. M Vltum tibi debeo Vir Doctissime, quod non modo ad nugas meas oculos flexeris, sed etiam dignas putaris, in quibus ingenium exerceres, in his, quas ad Doctissimum Rodium pridem dedisti. Quibus ego tarde imò penè iam sero longa hac pertinaci valetudine corpus, animum, que fractus aliquid leui brachio reponam. Non quod mea tanti faciam, vt mordicus tueri velim, sed si aut breuior aut obscurior fui, quam par erat emendem, & expleam. Communi Quiritium habitu dextrum cum brachio humerum exertum non fuisse credis. Sed id nummi veteres quorum non exigua apud me copia, tum statuæ omnes quas Venetijs vidi, quasque Boissardus dedit id manifeste cuincunt. In nummis præcipuè Adlocationes omnes, Congaria, Restitutiones prouinciarum, quæ plurimæ in Adriani numismatis hunc habitum repræsentant. Illud quidem verum est, non omnes ita exertum humerum ostendere, vt tota etiam dextera scapula vsque ad lumbos renudetur, quod in magna tum nummorum, tum statuarum parte vide- re est. Nulla tamen adhuc visa mihi, quæ totum opertum dextrum humerum habeat, nisi inqua etiam brachium toga contineatur, cuius causam in Commentario attuli. In tota nummaria suppellectile argenteos duos obseruaui, alteru[m] Augusti,

Transcription: Translated (English)

ta, and it is to be understood as ending best at the middle of the legs. The back part is likewise terminated higher, at the middle of the legs, by that portion at which the waistband is likewise terminated higher at the middle of the legs. But he had previously said that it should be girded in such a way that the front edges of the tunic reach a little below the knees, and the back edges as far as the middle of the calves: for this is the rule for women, above this for centurions. Therefore the toga also ought to come down behind as far as the middle of the calves, neither lower nor higher; for up to that point the waistband is best terminated higher at the middle of the legs. Federico Gronovius, a man of distinction, from Octavius Ferrarius. Greetings. I owe you many thanks, most learned sir, because you have not only turned your eyes to my trifles, but also thought them worthy of your exercising your talent on them, in the same matters that you long ago addressed to the most learned Rodius. By these I, though late indeed and now almost too late, because of this long and stubborn illness, with body and mind broken, shall perhaps make good something with a light hand. Not because I value my own work so highly as to wish to defend it stubbornly, but if I have been either too brief or too obscure, as was fitting, I shall correct and complete it. You believe that in the common costume of the Quirites the right shoulder was not exposed together with the arm. But the old coins, of which I have not a small number, and all the statues which I saw in Venice, and which Boissard published, plainly refute that. In the coins especially, all the Adlocations, Congaria, and Restitutiones provinciarum, which on the coins of Hadrian very often represent this dress. It is indeed true that not all show the shoulder exposed in such a way that even the whole right scapula is laid bare down to the loins, as can be seen in a large part both of the coins and of the statues. Yet I have seen none that has the whole right shoulder covered, unless in one the toga also encloses the arm, the reason for which I gave in the Commentary. In the whole silver coinage I observed two, one of Augustus,

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124 Octauij Ferrarij Augusti, in cuius auersa parte C. & L. Cæsares eius nepotes cum clypeis & hastis puris ab equestri ordine donati, quorum alter brachium toga cohibet, alterum exerit, quod me dubium reddit cur ita factum sit: nam si tyrocinij causa vterque eodem cultu esse debuisset. Quidquid sit alter argentcus est M. Antonij inquo ipse vt Augur velato brachio lituum gestans, quam dedi pag. xix. Cæterum quotquot vidi vel superiorem tantum humeri partem e intactam habent, idque paucissimi, reliquæ omnes figuræ totum cum brachio humerum, & bonam scapularum partem exertam ostendunt. Negas id Quintiliani ætate factum. Atqui ipse tradit veteres more Græcorum veste brachium continuisse, ergo ipsius æuo exerebatur. Quomodo autem exeri velato humero commode potuerit, non video, etiam si nullæ statuæ aut nummi id ostenderent. Immononnisi exerto humero, ac brachio sinus in toga efficiebatur. Nam veteribus inquit Rhetor, nulli sinus: per quam breues post illos fuerunt. Itaque etiam gestu necesse est illos in principijs vsos esse alio, quorum brachium sicut Græcorum veste continebatur. Sed nos de præsentiibus loquimur. Cur nulli, aut per breues veteribus sinus? quod brachium more Græcorum veste cohibebant: siue non exerebant. Exerto humero, ac brachio quod tunc fiebat, pars togæ, quæ olim brachium, & humerum velabat delapsa, & brachio subiecta, cadensque in pectus sinum efficiebat. Quid clarius ijs verbis? Ille qui sub humero dextro ad sinistrum oblique ducitur velut baltheus. Paulo ante dixerat sinus decentissimus, si aliquanto supra imam togam fuerit, numquam certe sit inferior. Subijcit. Ille (id est sinus) qui sub humero dextro ad sinistrum oblique ducitur. An potest pars togæ esse sub dextro humero, & humerum velare? Nullus cohibito brachio sinus, qui exerto fiebat. Cum ergo addit humero sinum injciendum de dextro accipi non potest. Vt quid enim injceretur, si tectus humerus erat? deinde quis credat partem togæ posteriorem ad scapulas sinum appellari? Nec aliter injci po- terat,

Transcription: Translated (English)

124 Octavius Ferrarius Of Augustus, on the reverse side of which the two Caesars, his grandsons, with shields and smooth spears, were presented by the equestrian order, one of whom covers his arm with the toga, the other bares it; this makes me wonder why it was done so: for if it was for the sake of their training, both ought to have been in the same dress. Be that as it may, the other is a silver coin of M. Antonius, on which he himself, as Augur, is shown with his arm veiled, carrying the lituus; I gave it on page xix. Otherwise, of all the ones I have seen, only the upper part of the shoulder left untouched is found, and that in very few; all the rest of the figures show the whole shoulder with the arm, and a good part of the shoulder-blades exposed. You deny that this was done in Quintilian's age. Yet he himself relates that the ancients, after the Greek fashion, kept the arm covered by the garment; therefore in his own time it was exposed. But how it could have been exposed while the shoulder was veiled, I do not see, even if no statues or coins showed it. Indeed, only with the shoulder and arm exposed was the fold in the toga made. For, says the rhetorician, among the ancients there was no fold at all; afterward there were very short ones. And so in gesture also it must be necessary that in their beginnings they used another practice, in which the arm was kept covered like in the Greek garment. But we are speaking of the present case. Why were there no folds, or only very short ones, among the ancients? because they kept the arm covered in the Greek manner: that is, they did not expose it. With the shoulder and arm exposed, as was then done, that part of the toga which once covered the arm and shoulder slipped down and, being placed under the arm and falling onto the chest, produced the fold. What could be clearer than these words? “That which is drawn obliquely from under the right shoulder to the left like a baldric.” Shortly before he had said: “The fold is most becoming if it be somewhat above the lower edge of the toga; certainly it should never be lower.” He adds: “That which is drawn obliquely from under the right shoulder to the left.” Can a part of the toga be under the right shoulder and cover the shoulder? There is no fold when the arm is held in, only when it is exposed. Therefore, when he adds that the fold must be thrown upon the shoulder, it cannot be understood of the right side. For to what purpose would it be thrown, if the shoulder was covered? Next, who would believe that the rear part of the toga, near the shoulder-blades, is called the fold? Nor could it be thrown in any other way,

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 125 rerat, quam reducto intra togam brachio, quod sinum penitus destruxisset. Sinus ergo hoc est pars togæ, quæ instrum humerum, brachiumque velabat, cum sæpe delaberetur, & humerum renudaret erat humero ini[n]cienda, & sedis suæ reddenda. At si inquit Rhetor, incipientibus, aut paulum progressis decidat toga non reponere eam prorsus negligentis aut pigri, aut quomodo debeat amiciri nescientis est. Quod ait Curius. Sinus ab humero potest labi. Quare & illa, operiri iugulum cum toto humero non oportet, alioqui amictus fiet, angustior, de sinistro pariter capienda. Vult enim partem togæ quæ humero labebatur reduci in humerum, eumque velari sed non cum eo etiam iugulum, ne angustior fieret amictus, & strangularet magis ita coniecta, quam operiret. Quod puto innuisse Tertullianum cum ait, a scapulis retractum vmbonis ambitum: nam dilapsa in brachium sinistra togæ parte, & renudatis scapulis, retrahendum posterioris vmbonis ambitum, vt sinister humerus iterum operiretur. Vel si aliud intellexit parum ad rem nostram, qui vulgares habitus ex equimur, & non quos ille Rhetorice de suo commentus est. Quare non modo pars sinus ad sinistrum humerum pertinebat, sed nihil aliud sinus superior fuit quam pars togæ quæ dextro brachio subiecta ad sinistrum humerum recurrebat, extrema eius parte ad pectus cadente, quam sinum vult esse decentissimum. Quintilianus, si aliquando supra imam togam fuerit, id est non vltra togæ oram inferiorem protrudatur, quod aliquando eueniebat in togis laxis, ac fusis, quarum sinus longiùs fluebat, contra in angustis breuior etiam cadebat. Rubenij librum videre non contigit, etsi magna cura coquisitum, quem si isthinc, aut aliunde opera tua impetrem beneficium agnoscerem, eiusque mentionem in secunda editione non inuiderem. Porro licet vox sinus in verbis illis Quintiliani non extet, ille qui sub humero dextro ad sinistrum obliquè ducitur velut ibalthens, certe intelligitur ex precedentibus: sinus decentissimus si aliquando supra imam togam fuerit. Quid enim illud est per fidem tuam quod veluti bal- theus? Q 2

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 125 he said, rather, than with the arm drawn back inside the toga, which would have entirely ruined the sinus. The sinus, therefore, is that part of the toga which covered the breast and the arm; when it often slipped down and laid the shoulder bare, it had to be thrown back upon the shoulder and restored to its place. But if, says the rhetor, at the beginning, or after one has gone a little way, the toga falls off, not to put it back is the mark of someone wholly careless or lazy, or of someone who does not know how he ought to be clothed. What Curtius says is this: the sinus can slip from the shoulder. Therefore that part too must not cover the throat together with the whole shoulder; otherwise the dress will be made narrower. It must be taken up from the left side as well. For he wants the part of the toga which was slipping off the shoulder to be drawn back onto the shoulder, and that shoulder to be covered, but not the throat along with it, lest the garment become narrower and, being thrown in this way, strangle more than it covered. I think Tertullian meant this when he said, “the sweep of the bosom drawn back from the shoulders”: for when the left part of the toga has slipped down onto the arm, and the shoulders are laid bare, the sweep of the rear portion must be drawn back so that the left shoulder may again be covered. Or if he meant something else, it matters little to our purpose, since we are following the ordinary styles of dress, and not those which that rhetor invented of his own accord. Therefore not only did the part of the sinus belong to the left shoulder, but the upper sinus was nothing other than that part of the toga which, passing beneath the right arm, ran back to the left shoulder, with its farthest part falling upon the chest, which he wants to be the most graceful sinus. Quintilian says that, if it has ever been above the lower border of the toga, that is, if it does not protrude beyond the lower hem of the toga; this sometimes happened in loose and flowing togas, whose sinus streamed out longer, whereas in narrow togas it fell shorter as well. I have not been able to see Rubenius’s book, although I have sought it with great care; if by your efforts I should obtain it from there, or from elsewhere, I would acknowledge the favor, and I would not neglect to mention it in the second edition. Moreover, although the word sinus does not appear in those words of Quintilian, the thing that is drawn obliquely from under the right shoulder to the left, like a balteus, is certainly understood from what precedes: “the sinus is most graceful if at any time it is above the lower toga.” For what, by your good faith, is that which is as it were a balteus? Q 2

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126 Octauij Ferrarij theus? non aliud quam sinus. Superioris sinus duplex pars, altera quæ subiecta humero brachioque dextro oblique re- currebat ad sinistrum humerum hominemque cingebat vt baltheus, altera quæ ab ipso baltheo cadebat in pectus, & infra, qui de centissimus sinus erat, si tamen non esset ima to- ge ora inferior. Hæc omnia exertum cum brachio humerum fateri cogunt. De angulo normali satis in commentario dictum, neque explicationis adhuc poenitet. Normalé illum angulum non brachij situs ac motus, sed duplex togæ ora brachio subdu- cta efficiebat, vt videre est in ipsa figura. Verba illa sinus ab humero delabitur de sinistro accipienda diximus. Quî enim in dextro esse poterat, si nihil aliud erat quam toge pars de- xtro humero subiecta, quæ si reduceretur in humerum, brachiumque retractum operiret, destruebatur sinus, ergo sinus qui procedente actu delabebatur humero sinistro inijciendus. Cum vero ad argumenta, & locos ventum erit, reij- cere a sinistro togam, deijcere etiam si hæreat sinum conueniet. Quod ita interpretor: sinistro brachio reducere togam a pectore; Quoniam autem pars illa sinus superioris, quæ vt diximus a baltheo cadebat in pectus aliquando a parte to- gæ inferiori, quæ brachio subducebatur, impediebatur, quominus recte caderit, & ideo hærebat, si hæreret deijce- re conueniebat, hoc est reiecta in sinistrum parte togæ quæ contrahebatur sinistro brachio, sinui locus faciendus, vt in pectus descenderet. Non ausim autem contra omnium librorum fidem læuo consilio lenam mutare in lenam. Quasi dum inciperet Ora- tor, & procedente actu sinistram summo pectori, & fau- cibus ad presserit, gestu per absurdo, quique totam ami- ctus rationem perturbasset; Nec nisi cum arderent omnia licuerit læuam inde abducere. Lenam igitur, cum eius vsum anni tempestas daret, & a faucibus, & a summo pectore ab ducere licebat de qua veste nô pauca diximus, & plura for- tasse alias dicemus. Duplicem togæ sinum cum Quintiliano agnosco, nec alius

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126 Octauij Ferrarij theus? nothing other than a fold. The double part of the upper fold, one part which, lying beneath the right shoulder and arm, ran obliquely back to the left shoulder and encircled the man like a belt, the other part which fell from that very belt onto the chest and below, was the hundredth fold, if indeed it was not the lower edge of the hem of the toga. All these things force one to admit a shoulder with the arm extended. Enough has already been said in the commentary about the right angle, and I still do not regret the explanation. That angle was produced not by the position and movement of the arm, but by the double edge of the toga drawn under the arm, as can be seen in the figure itself. We said that the words "the fold slips down from the shoulder" are to be taken of the left shoulder. For how could it be on the right, if it was nothing other than a part of the toga placed under the right shoulder, which, if it were brought back onto the shoulder and covered the arm when drawn back, would destroy the fold? Therefore the fold which, as the action proceeded, slipped down from the left shoulder must be understood. But when we come to the arguments and passages, it will be fitting to throw the toga back from the left side, and also, if the fold clings, to let it fall. I interpret this as follows: with the left arm, draw the toga away from the chest. But since that upper part of the fold, which, as I said, fell from the belt onto the chest, was sometimes prevented from falling properly by the lower part of the toga, which was drawn under the arm, and therefore stuck, if it stuck it was fitting to let it fall; that is, after the part of the toga that was being drawn in by the left arm had been thrown back to the left, room had to be made for the fold so that it might descend onto the chest. I would not dare, however, against the authority of all the books, to change lenam into lenam by a forced conjecture. As though, when the Orator was beginning and, as the action proceeded, pressed his left hand against the upper chest and throat, by an absurd gesture that would have disturbed the whole manner of the dress; nor would he have been allowed to draw the left hand away from there except when all things were already in full blaze. Therefore lenam, since the season of the year gave occasion for its use, he could draw away both from the throat and from the upper chest, about which garment we have said not a few things, and perhaps will say more elsewhere. I recognize with Quintilian the double fold of the toga, and no other

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 127 alius vnquam aliter eius verba accipiet iam toties adducta? Sinus decentissimus, si aliquanto supra imam togam fuerit, numquam certe sit inferior. Ille qui sub humero dextro ad sinistrum oblique ducitur veluti baltheus, nec strangulet nec fluat. Quomodocumque Oratio euoluatur aliquid reperiendum erit, quod baltho simile sit quodque veluti baltheus ducatur. Quid autem nisi sinus? Nam quemadmodum baltheus militaris cingebat pectus, sic sinus ille brachio subiectus ad istar circuli hominem circumdabat, non quidem recte, vt baltheus, sed obliquo ductu, quia ad sinistrum altior, demissior in dextro erat. Immo Quintilianus duplicem sinum superiorem videtur statuere: alterum, qui cadebat in pectus, pars scilicet togæ quæ subiecta humero dextro e baltho euoluebatur, & reflectebatur, ac descendebat ad inferiora, qui decentissimus tamen si superior ima togæ ora fuisset: alterum, balthum ipsum, rugas scilicet consti- ctas, & coactas, quæ de sub sinistro brachio ad sinistrum humerum recurrebant; Non tamen vt duplex sinus fuerit, sed duas partes habuerit; de sinu inferiori mox dicam. Quod ad balthum pertinet esto balthus Quintiliani fuerit quod Tertulliano, & Macrobio vmbo dicitur; Si vmbonem in togis communibus intelligamus sinum rugis, ac plicis fortuitis protuberantem, conuenimus. Sin vero nodum illum, & artificem contabulationem quam Oratorie, ne dicam poetice confinxit Africanus ille, in communitoga nec fuit, nec erit vnquam. Alioquin Quintilianus alias in cultu ordinando morosus non præterijsset, & veterum aliquis tetigis- set, aut nominasset saltem. Nam Rhetor fortasse magis proprie vmbonem dixisset, quam balthum. Solus Persius poetice vmbonem dixit, tumentes sinus rugas. Non ergo a sinu distinctum fuisse in vulgari toga contendo, nec aliud fuisse, quam rugas, & plicas vtriusque sinus, tam illas quæ de faucibus ad sinistrum brachium cadebant, quam quæ de inferiori toga eodem brachio subducta cogebantur. Quod ex Persio manifestum est. Is enim candidum vmbonem appellat togæ puræ deposita prætexta. In

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 127 Would anyone ever otherwise understand his words, so often cited? The most fitting sinus, if it is somewhat above the lowest edge of the toga, should certainly never be lower. That which is drawn obliquely from under the right shoulder to the left, like a balteus, must neither strangle nor hang loose. However Oratio may be unfolded, something will have to be found that is similar to a balteus and is carried, as it were, like a balteus. But what else than the sinus? For just as the military balteus girded the chest, so that sinus, placed under the arm, surrounded the man around his circumference, not indeed straight, as a balteus, but in an oblique line, because it was higher on the left and lower on the right. Indeed Quintilian seems to establish a double upper sinus: one, which fell upon the chest, that is, the part of the toga which, placed under the right shoulder and loosened from the balteus, was turned back and descended to the lower part, which was nevertheless the most fitting if it had been the upper border of the lowest part of the toga; the other, the balteus itself, namely the gathered and compressed folds which ran back from beneath the left arm to the left shoulder. Yet I do not say that there were two sinūs, but that it had two parts; I shall speak presently of the lower sinus. As for the balteus, let it be that Quintilian’s balteus was what is called by Tertullian and Macrobius the umbo; if by umbo in ordinary togas we understand a sinus swelling out with accidental wrinkles and folds, we agree. But if it means that knot and artful structure which that African devised, rhetorically, not to say poetically, then it was neither in the common toga, nor ever will be. Otherwise Quintilian, so scrupulous in arranging dress, would not have passed it over, and some of the ancients would have touched on it, or at least named it. For a rhetorician would perhaps have said umbo more properly than balteus. Only Persius poetically called the swelling umbo the wrinkles of the sinūs. Therefore I maintain that it was not distinct from the sinus in the ordinary toga, nor was it anything other than the wrinkles and folds of each sinus, both those that fell from the neck opening to the left arm and those that, drawn up from the lower part of the toga by the same arm, were gathered together. This is clear from Persius. For he calls the white umbo of the pure toga the striped border laid aside. In

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128 Octauij Ferrarij In prætexta candidus esse non poterat, sed purpureus, siue purpura distinctus. Ergo extrema togæ ora, quæ sola purpurâ prætexebatur pars vmbonis erat, ea scilicet, quæ brachio sinistro ad pectus subducebatur; Nulla in sinu superiore purpura, aut alibi quam in ima ora. Quare si prætextatus quis sinistro brachio togam demisisset purpureus vmbo non fuisset. Quæ clare euincunt vmbonem etiam ex rugis inferioris sinus fuisse confectum. In vniuersum ergo brachio intra togam cohibito nulli sinus fuere, nullę rugæ, quales antiquissimorum togæ: brachio dextro, atque humero exerto togæ pars superior, quæ dextrum humerum, dextramque pectoris partem velasset si brachium non exereretur a faucibus, deiecta cadebat in pectus, nec cadere poterat nisi complicata in rugas, hic sinus superior fuit, ad has rugas aliæ accedebant, quas nempe togæ ima ora brachio subducta reddebat, qui sinus inferior, vtrarumque rugarum aggestio, ac conglobatio protuberans clypei vmboni similis erat vnde vmbo Persio dictus est. Tertullianus cum Macrobio lasciuit, & vaticinatur. Neque tamen hinc sequitur, promontorium, atque excurrentem in mare linguam sinum esse. Quis sanus id dixerit? Veteres sinum dixere quod inter brachia ad summum pectus intercipitur, vnde, & recessus litorum, in quos se mare insinuat sinus appellarunt: ita & sinum vestium dixere quodcumque partem illam corporis tegeret, tunicæ, togæ, chlamydis; Quemadmodum ergo multa in sinum condebantur, quibus licet ille turgesceret, & inflaretur, non tamen sinus esse desinebat: ita & togæ sinus, quamuis in rugas, & plicas conuolutas turgesceret in vmbonem sinus remanebat, & inde etiam vmbo dici poterat. Nisi vero apud Horatium Ferre nuces sinu laxo, ille sinus non fuit quod nucibus distentus esset, apud Senecam in Tragedijs onerato sinu aliquid ferre, male sinus dicitur, quod intumesceret, aut minus proprie veloru[m] tumentiu[m] sinus appellatur. Quid verbis opus est? quis vnqua[m] in togis vulgaribus sinum, rugas, vmbonem distinxit? Quomodo autem Tertullianus togam

Transcription: Translated (English)

128 Octavius Ferrarius In a praetexta it could not be white, but purple, or marked with purple. Therefore the extreme border of the toga, which alone was the part edged with purple, was the umbo , namely that part which was drawn up over the chest by the left arm; there was no purple in the upper fold, nor anywhere else than on the lower edge. Hence if anyone wearing the praetexta lowered the toga with his left arm, the umbo would not have been purple. These things clearly prove that the umbo was also formed from the folds of the lower fold of the garment. In general, therefore, with the arm held inside the toga, there were no folds, no wrinkles, such as those of the most ancient toga; with the right arm and shoulder exposed, the upper part of the toga, which would have covered the right shoulder and the right part of the chest if the arm were not exposed from the collar, fell down over the chest, and could not fall without being gathered into folds. This was the upper fold; to these folds others were added, namely those which the lower edge of the toga, drawn up by the arm, produced: this was the lower fold; the massing together and swelling up of both sets of folds, forming a protruding lump like a shield, was similar to the umbo , whence the word umbo was used by Persius. Tertullian plays the wit and prophesies with Macrobius. Nor, however, does it follow from this that a promontory, or a tongue projecting into the sea, is a sinus . Who sane would say that? The ancients called a sinus that which is enclosed between the arms at the upper chest, and from this they also called the inlets of shores, into which the sea pushes itself, sinus : thus they also called the fold of garments whatever covered that part of the body, whether a tunic, toga, or cloak. Therefore, just as many things were stored in the fold, and although it swelled and was puffed out it nevertheless did not cease to be a fold, so too the folds of the toga, although it swelled into wrinkles and plaits into an umbo , remained a fold, and from this could also be called umbo . Unless indeed, in Horace, “to carry nuts in a loose fold,” that fold was not a fold because it was distended with nuts; in Seneca’s tragedies, to carry something in a loaded fold, the expression is badly used as sinus , because it would be swelling up; or the folds of billowing sails are called sinus less properly. What need is there for words? Who ever in ordinary togas distinguished between sinus , folds, and umbo ? But how Tertullian the toga

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 129 togam, eiusque vmbonem in tilias, vel taleas, vel tabulas distinxerit, atque operose concinnauerit intelligere, atq[ue] explicare non fuit nostri instituti, qui communes togas exequebamur, & vtnam in eo viri doctissimi feliciter ad laborarint. Veniamus ad sinum inferiorem, quam licet veteres non nominauerint, eum tamen Suetonius agnoscit tam clare, vt ne dubitationi quidem locus relinquatur. Eius verba sunt de Iulij Cæsaris nece cap. lxxxii. Vtque animaduertit vndique se strictis pugionibus peti toga caput obduxit, simul sinistra manu sinum ad ima crura deduxit. Partem nempe sinistro brachio subductam ad pedes deiecit. Nam quomodo superior sinus deduci, & velare crura potuit? ergo sinus alius præter superiorem. Liuium etiam de inferiori togæ sinu capiendum existimo l. xxi. Tum Romanus sinue toga, facto Hic inquit vobis bellum & pacem portamus: vtrum placet sumite. Sub hanc vocem haud minus ferociter; Daret vtrum vellet succlamatum est; & cum is iterum sinu effuso bellum dare dixisset, accipere se omnes responderunt. Non aliter sinum facere legatus potuit, quam subducta iam sinistro brachio togæ parte, dextra manu dextram togæ partem ad pedes fluentem eleuare. Restant illa expendenda. Pars togæ quæ postea imponitur sit inferior. Nempe togæ pars sinistro brachio subducta ita aptanda fuit vt sinum superiorem non obtegeret, aut obrueret, & ideo infra eum aptabatur, sicque hærebat melius. Nam si protuberante sinui imposita fuisset, facile defluxisset. Postremo. Illud non ferendum, quod quidam reiecta in humerum toga, cum dextra sinum vsque ad lumbos reduxere sinistra gestum facientes spatiantur. Sinistrum brachium sustinenda toga occupabatur, & ita minus commode ad gestum adhiberi poterat. Quidam ergo vt eo expedito vterentur in actione, primo togæ partem inferiorem in humerum reijciebant, deinde ne sinus superior impedire posset eum dextra ad lumbos vsque reducebant, & sic libero, atque expedito brachio sinistro gestum faciebant, quod improbat Rhetor. Illa quæ sequuntur. Itaque vt lauam involuere to- ga,

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 129 the toga, and who has distinguished its umbo into tails, or strips, or panels, and has carefully arranged it, to understand and explain this was not our purpose, since we were treating the common togas; and would that very learned men had successfully labored in that matter. Let us come to the lower sinus, which although the ancients did not name it, Suetonius nevertheless recognizes so clearly that there is not even room for doubt. His words are from the death of Julius Caesar, chap. lxxxii: And when he noticed that attacks were being made on him from every side with drawn daggers, he pulled the toga over his head, while at the same time with his left hand he drew the sinus down to the lower legs. That is, the part drawn up under the left arm he let fall down to his feet. For how could the upper sinus have been drawn down and covered the legs? therefore there is another sinus besides the upper one. I think Livy must also be understood of the lower sinus of the toga, book xxi. Then the Roman with the sinus of his toga made: Here, he says, we bring you war and peace: whichever pleases you, take. At this cry no less fiercely; Let him give whichever he wishes, was shouted back; and when he again said, with the sinus let loose, that he was giving war, they all replied that they accepted it. The legate could not make the sinus otherwise than by having already drawn up the part of the toga under the left arm, and then with the right hand lifting the right part of the toga, which was flowing down to the feet. The remaining points must be examined. The part of the toga which is placed afterward is the lower one. Certainly the part of the toga drawn up under the left arm had to be so arranged that it did not cover or bury the upper sinus, and therefore it was fitted below it, and thus held more securely. For if it had been placed on a protruding sinus, it would easily have slipped down. Finally, this must not be tolerated: that some, after throwing the toga back over the shoulder, draw the sinus back with the right hand as far as the loins and walk about making the gesture with the left hand. The left arm was occupied in supporting the toga, and thus could be used less conveniently for the gesture. So some, in order to use that arm freely in speaking, first threw the lower part of the toga over the shoulder, then, lest the upper sinus might hinder them, they drew it back with the right hand as far as the loins, and thus with the left arm free and unencumbered made the gesture, which the Rhetorician disapproves. What follows. Thus they wrap the left hand in the to- ga,

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Octauij Ferrarij 130 ga, & incingi penè furiosum est: sinum vero indextrum humerum ab imo reijcere solutum, ac delicatum, fiunt adhuc peius aliqua: ita cur laxiorem sinum sinistro brachio non subijciamus? Nam toga læuam in voluere gestum fuisse se ad prælium componentis, vt & reducto ad tergum sinu eodem se cingere, quod antiquissimi fecerunt, qui inde præcincti, cinctusque Gabinus, alias notauimus, quare vtrumq; agere furiosi esse Quintilianus dixit. Cur autem sinum indextrum humerum ab imo reijcere mollis fuerit, ac delicati non satis percipio, illud tamen indicat non fuisse opertum humerum dextrum sinu, in quem eundem sinum reijcere soluti, ac delicati esset. Subijcit non esse indecorum laxiorem sinum subijcere brachio sinistro, quod hic Orator esset expeditior. Habet enim inquit acre quiddam, atque expeditum, & calori, concitationique non in habile. Cum vero magna pars est ex hausta Orationis vtique afflante fortuna penè omnia decent, sudor ipse, & fatigatio, & negligentior amictus, & soluta, ac velut labens vndique toga. Ceterum leuam manum comprehendendis extremis vmbonis plicis fuisse occupatam cuiquam obseruatum non memini, neque id nummi a me vulgati indicant, in quibus vt in statuis videre est rotundum quid læua gestatum, siue illud volumen, siue aliud fuerit. Quod ad tabulatum in terga deuotum vt loquitur Tertullianus, attinet, licet antea præfatus sim nihil illa ad priuatum habitum pertinere, cum tamen etiam posterior togæ pars ab humero ad lumbos cadens in rugas, & plicas conuolueretur non ita absurdum videtur etiam illam partem vmbonem posterganeum ab audaci declamatore dici, sicq; summum virum ab eius mente non longe abijsse. De toga submissa non est dubitandum, quin pars sinistro brachio subducta in conuiuio deiecta sit, & sic sinistrum quoque brachium exertum: nullo periculo ne toga discumbentis ad pedes laberetur. Primo quia si submittere est demittere toga demittebatur: nam quis credat togatos vno tantum brachio in conuiuio vsos sinistro toge congerie onerat? quomodo autem baltheus delabi in conuiuio posset, & re-

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Octauij Ferrarij 130 to put it on, and to gird oneself with it almost furiously: but to cast the right fold from the lower part of the right shoulder, loose and carelessly, has still some worse implications; so why should we not place the looser fold under the left arm? For to wear the toga gathered up in the left-hand manner, as one preparing for battle, and likewise, with the fold drawn back to the rear, to gird oneself with the same, as the most ancient did, who were thus girt and wrapped in the Gabine cincture, we have noted elsewhere; for which reason Quintilian said that to do both things is the act of madmen. But why it should be unseemly for the right fold to be thrown from the lower part of the right shoulder, I do not sufficiently understand; yet this indicates that the right shoulder was not covered by the fold, since to cast that same fold over it would be the part of the unrestrained and delicate. He adds that it is not unbecoming for the looser fold to be placed under the left arm, because the speaker would be more agile in this way. For, he says, it has something sharp and nimble about it, and is not unsuitable for heat and excitement. But since a large part of Oratory, when fortune breathes upon it, has almost everything becoming to it, sweat itself, and fatigue, and a more negligent manner of dress, and a toga loosened, and as it were slipping from every side. However, I do not remember having observed anyone occupied with grasping the outermost folds of the hem in the left hand, nor do the coins published by me indicate this; on them, as on statues, one sees something round carried in the left hand, whether it was that scroll or something else. As for what Tertullian calls the part devoted to the back, although I have said before that it has nothing to do with private dress, yet since the rear part of the toga also, falling from the shoulder to the loins, was rolled into folds and pleats, it does not seem so absurd that even that part should be called the posterior umbo by an audacious declaimer, and thus that the great man did not depart far from his meaning. There is no doubt that, in the case of the toga worn down, the part drawn up under the left arm was lowered at a banquet, and thus the left arm itself was also exposed, so that there was no danger of the toga of the reclining man slipping down to his feet. First, because if to submit means to let down, the toga was let down: for who would believe that men wearing the toga at a banquet used only one arm, the left, and loaded the toga with a heap? But how could the belt slip down at a banquet, and re-

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fore, si quidem paucas horas tuis studij decerpi paterere? Cui desiderio meo quòd indulisti gratias tibi pro eo ac debeo ago maximas; quod ad ipsam rem pertinet, hic tuus est campus in quo exultanti tibi plaudere quam certare paratiores sumus. Ergo & posteriorem partem operis tui mirifice expectamus, nec minus Electorum libros, non dubij, quin multa præclara & scitu dignissima tibi simus debituri. Vides quam pauci hodie serio literaru[m] negotium agant, & eo iudicio, quo oportet in scriptoribus antiquis, & explanandis, & restituendis versentur. Et tamen verum erat, quando ex illa præstantissimorum ingeniorum, & monumentorum vbertate tam parum nobis reliqui fecit superiorum etatum incultus, ac fatalis barbaries, nos operam dare, vt quod tamen super est, quam fieri potest, purum, & liquidum haberemus. Quum præsertim frustra aliquid elegantiæ gratiæque in nostris qualibuscumque scriptis fore speremus, nisi veterum res, mores, sensus, & linguam cognouerimus, neque hæc ipsa, nisi ex probis, & castigatis libris hauriantur, tuto imitari, ac reddere possimus. Quare mihi semper optime sunt visi de com[m]unibus studijs mereri, qui scrutari, & tradere antiquitatem, eiusque auctores faciliores, & saniores reddere conarentur. Atqui etsi persæpe in lubrico consistant, persæpe, & titubent, & cadant, neque quisquam adeo fuerit , vt non aut temeritate interdum, aut incuria peccarit: tamen interim & plurima tutis illis, nihilque audentibus inuisa eruunt, & plerumq[ue] subnascitur alius, qui peccata priora animaduertat. Sic altera parte plurimum boni præstant ipsi, altera sequentibus præstandi ansam præbent. Sed hæc tu domini sti, neque ego alia de causa ingero, quam vt me consilium tuum magnopere probare, teque ad pergendum hortari agnoscas. In quo et si nimis leuis mea, fateor, est auctoritas: tamen & summis plerumque viris popularis plausus, vt non quæritur, ita nec spernitur, & gratus accedit. Quid autem (ne nunc quoque non aliquid misceam solemnium nugarum) videtur tibi de loco auctoris ad Herennium lib. IV.

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...if indeed you would allow a few hours to be taken from your studies? For this desire of mine, since you have indulged it, I give you the greatest thanks, as I ought; as for the matter itself, this is your field, in which we are more prepared to applaud you in your triumph than to compete with you. And so we look forward eagerly to the second part of your work, and no less to the books of the Elect, doubting not that we shall owe you many splendid and most worth-knowing things. You see how few today seriously pursue the business of letters, and with what judgment they engage, as one should, in dealing with ancient writers and in explaining and restoring them. And yet it was true that, when the uncultivated and fatal barbarism of earlier ages has left us so little out of that abundance of the most outstanding talents and monuments, we must do our part so that what remains may be kept as pure and as clear as possible. Especially since we may vainly hope for any elegance and grace in writings such as ours unless we have come to know the works, customs, thought, and language of the ancients; nor can we safely imitate and reproduce even these unless they are drawn from sound and carefully corrected books. For this reason, those have always seemed to me to deserve very well of our common studies who would try to investigate and hand down antiquity and to make its authors easier and sounder. And indeed, although they very often stand on slippery ground, very often stumble and fall, and no one has been so careful as never to have erred at times either through rashness or through negligence, still in the meantime they both bring to light many things hidden from those who do not venture anything, and usually there comes after them someone else who notices the earlier faults. Thus on the one hand they render very great service themselves; on the other, they provide an opportunity for those who follow to do likewise. But I mention these things to you, my lord, for no other reason than that you may recognize how greatly I approve your plan and urge you to continue. And although, I confess, my authority is perhaps too slight in such matters, yet even the popular applause of great men is usually not sought, and yet not despised, and it is welcome when it comes. But what do you think—so that I may not even now fail to mix in something of the customary trifles—of the passage by the author of Rhetorica ad Herennium , Book IV?

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. I. 133 IV. C. III. Quod si quis ad Olympiacum venerit cursum, & steterit, vt mittatur, impudentesque illos dicat esse, qui currere cæperint, ipse intra carcerem stet, & narret alijs quomodo Ladas, aut Boius cum Sicyonijs cursitarint. Turnebus enim infectum, & nugatorium hic exprimi sensum ait: neque enim cum populis cursitatum, sed cum certatoribus: rescribit autem, aut Boiscus Sicyonius. Et habet qui eum sequatur Lamoinum, & Gruterum. Quid quæris? tantos viros non vidisse, non Sicyonios hic populos, sed sicyonia v intelligi: de quibus Lucretius: pulchra impedibus sicyonia rident. Et Cicero in 1. de Orat. calceos sicyonios. Genus autem loquendi est quale Ciceronis in Antoniana: Cum Gallicis, & Lacerna cucurristi. Et huius Cornificij hoc libro propius finem: venit iste cum sago gladio sucinctus. Sane Boius non videtur Græcum nomen, & forsan melius sit Bæus, quod Fuluio Vrsino placuit, aut Bolis quod vt nosti est nomen viri Cretensis apud Polybium. De quo vt & de hoc toto arbitrium tuum esto. Vale vir Clarissime, & me ama. Dauentriæ prid. Kal. Maias MDCXLVI. Finis Libri Primi. R ß OCTA-

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On Dress, Book I. 133 IV. C. III. But if anyone should have come to the Olympic race and stopped, so that he might be sent for, and were to say that those men are shameless who had begun to run, let him stand inside the starting-place and tell others how Ladas, or Boius, ran with the Sicyonians. For Turnebus says that here a perverted and frivolous sense is expressed; for the running was not with peoples, but with competitors: he would, however, amend it to “or Boiscus the Sicyonian.” And he has one who follows him, Lamoinus, and Gruter. What more do you ask? those great men did not see that here one must understand not the Sicyonian peoples, but Sicyonian shoes: about which Lucretius says, “the fair Sicyonian shoes smile through their fastenings.” And Cicero in book 1 of De Oratore: “Sicyonian shoes.” But the manner of speaking is like that of Cicero in the Philippic against Antony: “You ran with Gallic dress and the lacerna.” And in this book of Cornificius, near the end: “That man came with a cloak, girded with a sword.” Certainly Boius does not seem to be a Greek name, and perhaps Bæus is better, which pleased Fulvio Orsino, or Bolis, which, as you know, is the name of a Cretan man in Polybius. About this, and about the whole of it, let your judgment be. Farewell, most distinguished man, and love me. Deventer, the day before the Kalends of May, 1646. End of Book One. R ß OCTA-

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OCTAVII FERRARII DE RE VESTIARIA LIBER SECUNDVS. De Prætexta. Cap. I. OGAM prætextam Etruscæ, vt Plinius censet originis, ita appellatam satis constat, quod in extrema ora limboq[ue] purpuram prætextam siue circumtextam haberet. Greci περιπορρυρον dixere. Eam puerilis ætatis, sacerdotum, magistratuum, eorum item qui magistri Collegiorum, ac vicorum essent, peculiarem fuisse, viri doctissimi ostenderunt, quos non transcribo. Quintilianus Declamat. cccxl. Allego vobis etiam ipsum illud sacrum prætextarum, quo sacerdotes velantur, quo magistratus, quo infirmitatem pueritiæ sacram facimus, ac venerabilem. Eandem tam a pueris, qua a puellis gestatam constat, & ab his quidem die nuptiarum depositam, a pueris die Tirocini, quo scilicet deducti in forum transcribebantur in viros, & pro prætexta, togam puram, id est, sine vlla purpura sumebant. Id decimi quinti anni initio fiebat. Nam quòd alij decimo sexto aut seriùs factum scribunt, falli eos, ostendit Interpres vetus Iuuenalis nondum editus Bibiliothecæ Ambrosianæ, cuius verba sunt. Prætexta genus erat togæ, quavtebantur pueri adhuc sub disciplina vsque ad XV. annum: deinde togam virilem accipiebant, vnde in Vita Sancti Germani legitur Cessit prætexta togæ. Ea vita scripta versibus est ab Erico qui sub Carolo Caluo floruit. Cedebat prætexta togæ. Scio Augustum, Ciceronis item filium, & alios seriùs id egisse, sed vt rectè monet Manutius, hoc magis ab alia causa, quam a lege, aut more. Porro deposita prætexta sumptam esse togam, quæ & virilis & pura, & libera dicebatur vix quisquam ignorat. Viri-

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OCTAVIUS FERRARIUS ON DRESS BOOK THE SECOND. On the Praetexta. Chapter I. It is sufficiently established that the toga praetexta, as Pliny judges, was of Etruscan origin, and that it was so called because it had purple set on or woven around its extreme edge, with a border. The Greeks called it περιπορρυρον. Learned men have shown that it was peculiar to boys, priests, magistrates, and also to those who were heads of guilds and of districts, whom I do not reproduce here. Quintilian, Declam. cccxl., says: “I also appeal to you in that very sacred praetexta in which priests are veiled, in which magistrates are veiled, in which we make the weakness of childhood sacred and venerable.” It is known to have been worn both by boys and by girls, and by girls indeed discarded on the day of marriage; by boys on the day of the tirocinium, when, that is, they were led down to the forum and enrolled among men, and in place of the praetexta they took up the pura toga, that is, one without any purple. This was done at the beginning of the fifteenth year. For although others write that it was done in the sixteenth year or later, an old interpreter of Juvenal, unpublished in the Ambrosian Library, shows that they are mistaken; his words are these: “The praetexta was a kind of toga, which boys used while still under discipline up to the fifteenth year; then they received the manly toga,” whence in the Life of Saint Germanus it is read, “The praetexta gave way to the toga.” That life was written in verse by Ericus, who flourished under Charles the Bald. “The praetexta yielded to the toga.” I know that Augustus, Cicero’s son, and others did this later, but as Manutius rightly notes, this was rather from some other cause than from law or custom. Moreover, once the praetexta had been laid aside, the toga was taken up, which was called both virile and pure and free, scarcely anyone being ignorant of this. Viri-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 135 Virilis quod qui eam sumerent ex ephebis transcriberentur in viros. Pura quod tota alba esset nihil purpuræ ad mixtum habens. Libera quia ephebitum primum e magisterio exce- debant, & vt loquitur Persius purpuræ custodiam exibant. Quo tempore bullam auream laribus appensam nihil attinet dicere. Ab hac toga prætextata ætas pro puerili, ita prætextati, ac prætextata, pro pueris, ac puellis. Sed falsò hinc quidam prætextata verba deduxere, quæ erant obscæna, atque im- pudica, quæ procul ab prætextata ætate esse par erat: nec rectiùs Turnebus a prætextatis Comædijs, quæ lasciux, ac liberæ; nam veteres Gramatici prætextas Tragoedias, vel ad instar Tragoediarum dixerunt, quas haud verisimile est tur- piloquio obsitas fuisse. Illud ergo rectius, quod cum nu- pturæ puellæ prætextam deponerent, ad demulcendum pudorem nuptiali licentia Fescennina cantarentur. Festus Prætextata verba, quod nubentibus depositis prætextis a multitu- dine puerorum obsæna clamarentur. De Prætexta Sacerdotum? Cap. II. Etiam prætextas purpura togas sacris adhibitas indicat Plinius, cum ait, Purpuram Dijs placandis advocari. Ger- manicus apud Tacitum, Vidit se operatum, & sanguine sacro respersa prætexta pulchriorem aliam manibus auriæ Augustæ acce- pisse. Vbi tamen Germanicus prætextatus non tantum quia augur, sed vt exercitus Imperator, & Proconsulari pote- state. Quare non rectè vir doctissimus notat, prætextæ vsum in sacris fuisse, ita tamen, vt fuerit tantùm sacerdotum. Nam Consules, Prætores, alij magistratus, cum sacra face- rent, erant in prætexta, licet non essent sacerdotes. Ver- ba Lampridij in Alexandro nihil Lipsium iuuant. Accepit prætextam etiam cum sacra faceret, sed loco Pontificis Maximi, non Imperatoris. Nam cum supra scripsisset Lampridius, Alexan- drum adeo ciuili ingenio fuisse, vt licet Imperator prætex- tam, & pictam togam numquam sumeret, nisi cum esset Con-

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On De Re Vestiaria Book II. 135 Masculine, because those who put it on were transferred from the ephebi into men. Pure, because it was entirely white, having no mixture of purple. Free, because the ephebi first left off their office of instruction, and, as Persius says, laid aside the guardianship of purple. At what time the golden bulla hung up to the household gods it is not necessary to say. From this toga praetextata comes the age regarded as boyish; thus praetextati and praetextatae stand for boys and girls. But some have wrongly derived from this the phrase praetextata verba , which were obscene and shameless, and ought to be far removed from praetextata age: nor was Turnebus more correct in deriving it from praetexted comedies, which were wanton and free; for the ancient grammarians called them praetexted tragedies, or tragedies in the manner of tragedies, which it is hardly likely were stained with foul language. That then is the more correct view: when maiden brides laid aside the praetexta, to soften their modesty with bridal license, Fescennine songs were sung. Festus: Praetextata verba , because after the praetextae had been laid aside by brides, obscene things were shouted by a crowd of boys. On the praetexta of priests? Chapter II. Pliny also indicates that purple togas were used in sacred rites, when he says, “Purple is summoned for appeasing the gods.” Germanicus in Tacitus: “He saw himself at work, and his praetexta, sprinkled with sacred blood, had received from the hands of the golden Augusta a more splendid one.” Yet there Germanicus was in the praetexta not only because he was an augur, but as commander of the army and with consular power. Therefore the very learned man is not correct in noting that the praetexta was used in sacred rites, but in such a way that it belonged only to priests. For consuls, praetors, and other magistrates, when they performed sacred rites, were in the praetexta, although they were not priests. The words of Lampridius in Alexander are of no help to Lipsius. “He also took the praetexta when he was performing sacred rites, but in the place of the Supreme Pontiff, not of the Emperor.” For when Lampridius had written above that Alexander was of such a civil disposition that although he was Emperor he never took the praetexta and the embroidered toga, unless he was Con-

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Consul, subdit, adhibitam quidem ab eo prætextam in sa- cris cum non esset Consul, sed tunc non tamquam Impera- torem, sed vt Pontificem maximum prætextatum fuisse. Quod si idem cum esset Consul sacrificasset, iure magistra- tus prætextatus fuisset, etiam citra Pontificatum maximum. Augures etiam prætexta vsos notum est. Cicero pro Sex- tio Lentuli Spintheris filium augurem creatum indicans, Cui superior, inquit annus idem, & virilem patris, & prætextam populi iudicio dedit. Idem ep. IX. lib. I I. ad Atticum, Vati- nij strumam sacerdotij δίβαύφω vestiant. Prætexta Magistratum. Varij Interpretum errores in voce περιποφυρος explicanda castigantur. Cap. III. M agistratus omnes tam Romæ, quam in Coloniijs, & Municipijs prætexta vsos, immò & Collegiorum, ac Vicorum magistros docuit Manutius, & res omnibus obuia. Liuius lib. XXXIV. Purpura viri vtemur: prætextati in magistra- tibus, in Sacerdotijs: liberi nostri prætextis purpura togis vtentur: Magistratibus in colonijs, municipijsque: hic Romæ infimo gene- re magistris vicorum togæ prætextæ habendæ ius permittemus, nec id vt viui solum habeant tantum insigne, sed etiam, vt eo cremen- tur. Catulus etiam apud Dionem ait, an eo magistratus creantur ἰνα ἐν τοῖς ὑεριπορφύροις ἰματίοις ὑερωοδῶσων; Vt in præ- textis obambulent? Martialis de Troiugenis in magistratu di- uitum limina ob sportulam vexantibus. Quid faciet pauper cui non licet esse clienti? Dimisit nostras purpura vestra togas: id est vos clientes prætextati nos tenuiores togatos ab officio di- milistis. Perperàm in vulgatis esse, diuisit, animaduertit Turnebus lib. XXX. Prætextàs etiam intellexit Plutarchus in Galba, cum cædem in foro factam memorans ait: ἐτιτῶν νεκρῶν ἀμεφάλων ἐν ταίς ἐπιτιμαις ἐδησων ἐρριμένων ὑπι τὴς αγορᾶς. Cum vero corpora truncata in vestibus consularibus iacerent in fo- ro. Rectius, in prætextis, non enim tantùm Consulum fue- re, sed, & reliquorum Magistratuum. Appianus lib. I. Ci- uil.

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Consul, subject, since indeed the toga praetexta adopted by him in sacred matters, when he was not Consul, but then had been worn not as Emperor, but as Pontifex Maximus. If the same man, when Consul, had sacrificed, he would rightly have worn the praetexta as magistrate, even without the Pontificate Maximus. It is also well known that augurs used the praetexta. Cicero, in the speech for Sextius, indicating that the son of Lentulus Spinther had been made an augur, says: “The same year, he says, gave him both the manly toga of his father and the praetexta by the judgment of the people.” The same, ep. IX, lib. II ad Atticum: “Let them clothe Vatinius’ abscess in the sacerdotal δίβαυφος.” The praetexta of magistrates. Various errors of interpreters in explaining the word περιπόφυρος are corrected. Chapter III. Magistrates everywhere, both at Rome and in the colonies and municipalities, used the praetexta, and indeed the officials of collegia and vici as well, Manutius has shown, and the fact is obvious to everyone. Livy, book XXXIV: “We shall use the purple garment of men: the praetextati in magistracies, in priesthoods; our children shall use purple-bordered togas: magistrates in the colonies and municipalities; here at Rome we shall permit magistrates of the lowest rank, the ward officials, to have praetextae togas, and not only to wear this insignia while alive, but also to be cremated in it.” Catulus also says in Dio: “Are magistrates created for this, ἵνα ἐν τοῖς ὑεριπορφύροις ἱματίοις ἱεροδῶσωσιν; so that they may walk about in praetexta?” Martial speaks of the men of Troy, when in office, troubling the doors of the rich for their tip. “What is the poor man to do, for whom it is not permitted to be a client? Your purple has dismissed our togas”: that is, you clients in praetexta have dismissed us, the more humble togati, from service. Turnebus rightly noticed that in the printed editions it is corruptly “divisit.” Plutarch also understood praetextae in Galba, when, recounting a killing that took place in the forum, he says: “When the corpses, with their heads cut off, were lying in the praetextae garments scattered by the market-place.” But when the mutilated bodies lay in consular dress in the forum, it is better to read “in praetextae,” for they were not only those of Consuls, but also of the other magistrates. Appian, book I of the Civil Wars.

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138 Octauij Ferrarij cis explicatione deceptum. In Iuliano. [Ad quod verbum,] inquit, repente a sede sua prosiluit Pro Cos. [na[m] t[ame]n περιπορφυνον ανασειων εδυτα, τὴνεννον ἀντλω Ρωμαῖοι παλλων. Purpureamque togam, Romani Trabeam vocant, excutiens. Duplex error. Nam & toga illa non erat tota purpurea, sed περιπορφυρος id est tantum prætexta, vestis nempe Pro Consularis, Neque eam veste Romani trabea[m] appellant: nec τὴν ζεννος est Trabea, sed simpliciter toga. Ad verbum ergo. Pro Consul a sede sua prosiluit, vestemq[ue] prætextam excutiens, quam Romani togam appellant. Nullus hic trabeæ locus. Nullus etia[m] infra in Proæresio, vbi Præfectura Prætorij Eunapio dicitur ἀρχη Βασιλεία ἀπορφυρος, id est Imperatoria dignitas sine purpura. Non quod idem vertit, purpuræ, trabeæque vsu mutilata. Purpura enim qua[m] carebat Præfectura Prætorio erat laticlauia de quamox dicemus. Ipse Politianus, quod vix credibile est, vim Græcæ vocis non videtur assecutus. Nam quod Herodianus lib. IV. dum ritum, scenamque Consecrationis describit, inter reliqua post Pyrrhicam circumactos, ait currus, qui ferrent. πημφιεσμένες ταί περὶ πορφυραν ἰεδυτας Currus, inquit ille, circumaguntur insessi purpuratis rectoribus. Sed rectores illi non purpurati erant, sed tantum prætextati; scilicet vt subijcit Herodianus referebant personas corum, qui magistratum domi, vel foris geffissent, qui omnes in Prætexta. Rectius tamen in Herodiano quis περιπορφυρες legeret. Xiphilini Interpres de Traiano, qui antequam adipisceretur Imperium visus est in somnis videre senem grandæum εν ιματικον, na[m] ἐδυτι περιπορφυρω, vt Senatus pingi solebat sibi ad stare. Vertit, in veste purpurea, cum debuisset, in Prætexta, siue ad verbum in toga prætexta, & tunica laticlauia. Quid enim pallium, & vestem Xiphilinus coniungeret? Sed pallium ibi toga est, vestis tunica, quæ & ipsa clauis in pectore prætexta erat. Prætexta igitur Magistratus insigne fuit. De Aedilibus Dio lib. lxxvi. Antequam legeretur Senatorem illum caluum περιπορφυνον ιματιν habuisse. Tunc omnes in Marcellinum oculos con-

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138. Octavius Ferrarius with this explanation was deceived. In Julian. [To this word,] he says, he suddenly sprang up from his seat, as Proconsul, [for he had] περιπορφυρον ανασειων εδυτα, τὴν ἐν νον ἀντλω Ρωμαῖοι παλλων. And shaking his purple toga, which the Romans call the trabea. A double error. For that toga was not entirely purple, but περιπορφυρος, that is, merely bordered in purple, namely the vestment of a proconsul. Nor do the Romans call that garment a trabea; nor is τὴν ζεννος a trabea, but simply a toga. Therefore, word for word: the proconsul sprang from his seat, shaking the bordered robe, which the Romans call a toga. There is no place for trabea here. Nor is there any below in the Proaeresis, where the Prefecture of the Praetorian Guard is said by Eunapius to be ἀρχη Βασιλεία ἀπορφυρος, that is, imperial dignity without purple. Not as he translates it, “mutilated by the use of purple and trabea.” For the purple from which the Praetorian Prefecture was lacking was the laticlave, of which we shall speak presently. Politian himself, which is hardly credible, does not seem to have grasped the force of the Greek word. For when Herodian, book IV, while describing the rite and scene of the Consecration, among other things after the Pyrrhic dance says there were chariots which carried them. πημφιεσμένες ταί περὶ πορφυραν ἰεδυτας. “The chariots,” he says, “were driven around, seated in purple-clad charioteers.” But those charioteers were not purple-clad, but only wearing the praetexta; indeed, as Herodian adds, they represented the persons of those who had held office at home or abroad, and all of them were in the praetexta. Yet it would be better to read περιπορφυρες in Herodian. Xiphilinus’ interpreter, on Trajan, who before he attained the Empire was seen in a dream to behold a very old man εν ιματικον, na[m] ἐδυτι περιπορφυρω, as the Senate used to be represented standing beside him. He translated it, “in a purple robe,” whereas he ought to have said, “in the praetexta,” or, word for word, “in a praetexta toga and laticlave tunic.” For why would Xiphilinus join pallium and vestis? But there pallium means toga, vestis means tunic, which was itself also bordered with the clavus on the breast. Thus the praetexta was the insignia of magistracy. Concerning the Aediles Dio, book lxxvi, says that the bald senator had been seen περιπορφυνον ιματιν to have had. Then everyone fixed their eyes on Marcellinus— con-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 139 coniecimus: is enim tum Aedilis fuerat. Cicero ep. x. lib. II. ad Q. Fratrem de Aedilitate Appij Claudij. Togam sum eius prætextam, quam erat adeptus Cæsare Consule magno risu hominum cauillatus. Quod nolit inquam renouare honores eosdem, quominus togam prætextam interpolet quotannis, decernendum nihil censeo. Quo loco vt doctissimus, ac disertissimus Seb. Corradus ad Ciceronem de Claris Oratoribus obseruat, Appij ambitionem, & auaritiam mordet, quod mallet foris, & in provincia lucrari, quam domi damnum accipere renouandis honoribus, & interpolanda prætexta. Nam qui magistratus inibant, nouas prætextas confici curabant, auari, vt Appius, veterem interpolabant, vt noua videretur, ob magnum purpuræ pretium. Prætores etiam in Prætexta. Appianus l. II. Ciuil. Cinna Prætor affinis Cæsaris præter expectationem progressus in medium, talem te eodem talem spectum illum a pedum. Prætextam exuit, quod melius est, quam Prætoriam purpuram, nam purpura non tantum Prætoris, sed & reliquorum magistratum. Immo & Prefecti Prætorio in prætexta licet ius claui non haberent. Dio dat eam Seiano l. lviii. Quem tamen per pupis iuætiæ ornauerant, ad supplicium duxerunt. Et Iuuenalis sat. x. de eodem Huius qui trahitur prætextam sumere mauis An Fidenarum Gabiorumque esse potestas? Dictatorem etiam prætextatum fuisse non est dubitandum. Suprema enim eius dignitatem, qua cunctos magistratus antistabat, non alijs insignibus, quam securibus ad fasces additis ab alijs distinctam auctores produnt. Ita illud Senecæ de Silla Lib. I. de Clem. c. xii. Descenderit licet Dictatura sua, & se toga reddiderit, non recte Lipsius ita explicat. Dictator ergo in sago, quirei gerendæ causa creatus. Nam intra Vrbem nec Dictatores, nec Coss. nec alij magistratus in alia veste quam in prætexta fuere: extra Vrbem paludati. Quoties ergo Dictatores propter negotia Vrbana creati, ij in prætexta more reliquorum. Silla deposita Dictatura, & eius insignitoga prætexta, togæ communi id est puræ se S

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaria, Book II, 139 we have inferred it; for he was then Aedile. Cicero, ep. x, book II, to Q. His brother on the Aedileship of Appius Claudius. “I take my toga praetexta,” which he had obtained while Caesar was consul, “he joked about to the great laughter of men. Since he does not wish, I say, to renew those same honors, it seems to me that nothing need be decreed so long as he keeps reworking the praetexta every year.” At this point, as the most learned and eloquent Seb. Corradus observes in his note on Cicero’s De Claris Oratoribus, Appius’s ambition and avarice are rebuked, because he preferred to gain profit abroad and in the province rather than to suffer loss at home by renewing his honors and refurbishing the praetexta. For those who entered office took care to have new praetextae made; the greedy, like Appius, refurbished an old one so that it might seem new, because of the great price of purple. Praetors also in the praetexta. Appian, book II, Civil Wars: Cinna the praetor, Caesar’s relative, unexpectedly stepped forward into the middle, such-and-such, in the same way, such-and-such, from the feet. He removed the praetexta, which is better than the praetorian purple, for purple belongs not only to the praetor, but also to the other magistrates. Indeed, even the prefects of the praetorian guard, though they did not have the right of the border-stripe, wore the praetexta. Dio assigns it to Sejanus, book LVIII. Yet they led him to punishment, after having adorned him with it in the circus of youth. And Juvenal, satire X, on the same subject: “Would you rather be one of those dragged off in the praetexta, or have power over Fidenae and Gabii?” It is also beyond doubt that the dictator wore the praetexta. For his supreme dignity, by which he stood above all the magistrates, the authors report as distinguished, not by any other insignia, than by the addition of axes to the fasces. Thus that passage of Seneca, on Sulla, book I, De Clementia, ch. XII: “Though he descended from his Dictatorship and returned himself to the toga,” Lipsius does not explain it correctly. The dictator therefore was in military dress, having been created for the purpose of conducting affairs. For within the City neither dictators nor consuls nor other magistrates were in any dress other than the praetexta; outside the City, they were in military cloak. Whenever, therefore, dictators were created for urban business, they were in the praetexta, like the rest. Sulla, after laying down the dictatorship, and his insignia, the toga praetexta, to the common toga, that is, the plain toga, he

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140 Octauij Ferrarij reddidit, quòd ait de se Cæsar apud Lucanum. Ipse ego priuatæ cupidus me reddere vitæ Plebeiaque toga modicum componere ciuem. An Senatores Prætextati. An Tribuni plebis. Cap. IV. PRętextas etiam Senatoru[m] fuisse, idem Manutius suspicat tur inductus verbis Ciceronis 1 1. Philippica. Nescis heri quartum in Circo diem ludorum Romanorum fuisse, te autem ipsum ad populum tulisse, vt quintus præterea dies Cæsari tribueretur? Cur non sumus prætexati? Cur honorem Cæsaris tua lege datum deseripatimur? Quod enim in Senatu Cicero verba faceret, existimat Manutius, cum dixit, cur prætextati non sumus? loquutum de Senatoribus. Sed non fuisse prætextam Senatorum propriam, illud satis ostendit, quod suprà attulimus ex Dione, in luctu Magistratus depolita prętexta in veste Senatoria mansisse. Quidam ergo existimant, id dixisse Ciceronem, quia Augur erat, cumque etiam Antonius eodem sacerdotio præditus esset, habuisse tunc ius prætexæ; Quod vt verum sit, ita opus esset ostendere, Augures nonnisi ludis ius prętextę habuisse, cum tamen eos perpetuo gestasse prætextam cum reliquis Sacerdotibus credi parsit. Illud propiùs vero, Antonium cùm legem ferret de addendo die quatuor diebus ludorum, tulisse etiam ad populum, vt in maiorem Cæsaris honorem Senatores prætextati spectarent. Vel certe, quod credit Manutius, fortè hoc proprium fuit ludorum Romanorum, vt prætextati Senatores spectarent: nam reliquis ludis non licuisse inde conijcit idem, quod Pompeio Magno ex Mithridatico bello reuertenti honoris causa tributum fuerit, vt scenicis ludis prætexta vteretur. Vnde id acceperit Manutius, nescio. Dio Cassius hoc non habet, sed decretum fuisse, vt in omnibus festis lauream gestaret, nai tui solui, tui mea, a præterei in πασαίς αυταίς, tui de απινικιον εν τοῖς τῶν Ππων ἐνδηνων: in ijςque omnibus pa- luda-

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140 Octavius Ferrari gave the answer, as Caesar says of himself in Lucan: I myself, eager to return to private life, And to settle as a modest citizen in the plebeian toga. Whether Senators wore the praetexta. Whether tribunes of the plebs. Chapter IV. Manutius also suspects that the Senators had praetextae, being led by the words of Cicero in the 1st Philippic: “Do you not know that yesterday was the fourth day of the Roman games in the Circus, and that you yourself brought before the people that a fifth day be added for Caesar? Why are we not praetextati? Why are we accused of neglecting the honor given to Caesar by your law?” For when Cicero spoke in the Senate, Manutius thinks, when he said, “Why are we not praetextati?” he was speaking of the Senators. But that the praetexta was not proper to Senators is sufficiently shown by what we cited above from Dio, that in mourning a magistrate, after laying aside the praetexta, remained in the senatorial dress. Some therefore think that Cicero said this because he was an Augur, and since Antony was also endowed with the same priesthood, he then had the right to the praetexta; but if this is true, it would be necessary to show that the Augurs had the right to the praetexta only at games, whereas it is thought that they always wore the praetexta along with the other priests. What is nearer the truth is this: when Antony introduced the law adding one day to the four days of the games, he also brought before the people that, for the greater honor of Caesar, the Senators should attend in the praetexta. Or at least, as Manutius believes, perhaps this was proper to the Roman games, that Senators should attend in the praetexta; for from the fact that in other games it was not allowed, the same author infers that Pompey the Great, on his return from the Mithridatic war, was granted, as an honor, the right to wear the praetexta at scenic games. Whence Manutius got this, I do not know. Dio Cassius does not have this, but says that it was decreed that at all festivals he should wear a laurel wreath, nai tui solui, tui mea, and furthermore in all of them, in the aponicium among the people; and in all those paluda-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 141 ludamentum ferret, vestem autem triumphalem inequestribus cer- taminibus indueret: 50λω αρχιμλω rectius prætextam verteris, nam cum de habitu urbano loquatur 50λη αρχιμη est toga prætexta. Paterculus lib. II. Absente Gn. Pompeio T. Ampius & T. Labienus Tribuni pleb. legem tulerunt vt is Ludis Circensibus corona aurea, & omni cultu triumphantium vteretur; scenicis au- tem prætexta. Id ille non plusquam semel (& hoc sane nimium fuit) vsurpare sustinuit. Non fuisse autem prætextam Sena- torum, idem Dio indicat lib. II. cum ait, inter reliquos ho- nores Augusto decretos fuisse, vt Senatores Actiacæ victo- riæ socij εν περιφορούσις ιματίον, τω πομπλω αυτης συμπελαι, prætextati cum eo triumpharent. Propertius tamen l. IV. el. I. indicare videtur Senatores prætextatos fuisse. Curia prætexto quæ nunc nitet alta Senatu Pellitos habuit rustica corda Patres. Sed a parte nobiliori totum Senatum prætextum appella- uit, quod in eo magistratus omnes prætextati: siue quod est simplicius Senatores prætextati dici poterant, quorum tu- nica latis clausis purpureis prætexta erat, quamquam pro- priè hæc vox de toga vsurparetur vt supra diximus cum Xi- philinum explicaremus. Ausonius Edil. VIII. de toga in- telligit. Roma illa domusque Quirini Et toga purpurei rutilans prætexta Senatus. Nisi dicere malimus sicut Consul qui alias tantum præ- textatus, in officio solemni annum auspicandi vt dicemus, in toga triumphali erat, ita Senatores eodem die solemni præ- texta sumpsisse. Ibi enim Ausonius solemnia Kalendarum Ianuarij precatur. Fortasse etiam togas totas purpureas sum- ptas innuit nam infra togam pictam purpuream Consulis ap- pellat prætextam. Quintam Romulei prætextam habiturus honoris, Et alibi de Gratiano Dum prætextatus in ostro Et sceptro & solio sibi præfert iura magistri. Vbi Cæsarem in purpura Imperatoria prætextatum ap- pellat S 2

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 141 he wore the latus clavus, but in equestrian contests he would put on the triumphal garment: 50λω αρχιμλω, more correctly you would render praetexta , for when he is speaking of urban dress, 50λη αρχιμη is the toga praetexta . Paterculus lib. II. In the absence of Cn. Pompeius, T. Ampius and T. Labienus, tribunes of the people, proposed a law that at the Circensian Games he should use a golden crown and all the trappings of triumphators; in the stage-games, however, the praetexta . He did not venture to make use of this more than once, and that certainly was too much. But that the praetexta was not for senators, Dio likewise indicates, lib. II, when he says that among the other honors decreed to Augustus it was decided that the senators, allies of the Actian victory, should triumph with him εν περιφορούσις ιματίον, τω πομπλω αυτης συμπελαι , wearing the praetexta . Yet Propertius, l. IV. el. I., seems to indicate that the senators wore the praetexta . The curia, which now gleams high with its senators in the praetexta , had rustic fathers with skin-clad hearts. But from the more noble part he called the whole Senate praetextum , because in it all the magistrates were praetextati ; or, more simply, senators could be called praetextati , whose tunic was bordered with broad purple bands, although this word was properly used of the toga, as we said above when explaining Xiphilinus. Ausonius, Edyl. VIII, understands it of the toga. That Rome, and the house of Quirinus, And the toga, the purple-gleaming praetexta of the Senate. Unless we prefer to say, as the consul who is elsewhere merely called praetextatus —in the solemn office of inaugurating the year, as we shall say—in the triumphal toga, so the senators on that same solemn day took up the praetexta . For there Ausonius is invoking the solemnities of the Kalends of January. Perhaps he also means to suggest that whole purple togas were used, for below he calls the consul’s purple painted toga a praetexta . The fifth honor of Romulus, he will have the praetexta , And elsewhere of Gratian: While, praetextatus in purple, with sceptre and throne he displays for himself the rights of a master. There he calls Caesar, in the imperial purple, praetextatus . S 2

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142 Octauij Ferrarij pellat. Etiam in Professoribus II. videtur Senatoribus togas purpureas dare. Mille foro dedit hæc iuuenes: bis mille Senatus Adiecit numero purpureisque togis. Quo loco fortasse respexit solemnitatem Kalendarum? Nam non est credibile senatores omnes eodem habitu atq[ue] Imperatorem vsos fuisse, id est purpureo, & triumphali. Censoribus prætextam abiudicat Manutius, quod Polybius lib. v. 1. cum ornamenta mortuorum narrat, ait: Vbi præclarus aliquis ex domesticis obijt, instituunt funeris apparatum & circumfusi qui similes magnitudine, ac statura videntur. ἐκτὸ μὴ υποτος, παὶ στατηγὸς ἐγερονῶς, περιπορφήρους λαυβανοῦς ἐκεν δε τιμητὴς πορφυρᾶς. Si Consul, vel Prætor fuerit, prætextas: si Censor, purpureas. Atqui Tribunis idem prætexta[m] adimit, quod Plutarchus vbi Tribunum plebis magistratum esse negat, hoc vtitur argumento, quod prætextam non habuerit. Et tamen Cicero pro Cluentio Tribunitiam prætextam innuisse videtur, cum de Quintio Tribuno pleb. loquens ait. Facite vt non solùm mores eius, & arrogantiam, sed etiam vultum, atque amictum, atque illam vsque ad talos demissam purpuram recordemini. Manutius togam purpuream intelligit, sed quis vnqua[m] Tribunis talem togam adscripsit? Alij de tunica intelligi volunt, quod nempe tunicæ Senatorum fuerint purpureæ, hoc nos falsum esse infra vincemus. Quid opus est verbis? Quintilianus de prætexta omnino capiendum Ciceronem docet. Nam lib. v. Alia, inquit, respondendi patronis ratio, & aliquando tamen eorum non oratio modo, sed vita etiam, vultus, denique incessus, habitus rectè incusari solet; vt aduersus Quintium Cicero, non hæc solum, sed ipsam etiam prætextam demissam ad talos insectatus est. Malumus ergo Romano homini, & antiquiori, Tribunos prætextatos, quàm Græco, & non semel aliquid humani passo, credere. Neque tamen ideo Cicero Quintium reprehendit, quod prætexta talari vteretur, nam omnes ea ætate togas talares fuisse supra ostendimus: sed quod cum alij paulo supra unam togæ oram purpuram cir-

Transcription: Translated (English)

142 Octauij Ferrarij he drove away. He also seems, in the case of the Senators, to give purple togas to the Professors II. He gave this to a thousand young men in the forum: the Senate added two thousand to the number and purple togas. Perhaps in this passage he had in mind the solemnity of the Kalends? For it is not credible that all the senators used the same dress as the Emperor, that is, purple and triumphal dress. Manutius denies the prætexta to the Censors, because Polybius, book v. 1, when recounting the adornments of the dead, says: “When some distinguished person from the household has died, they arrange the funeral procession and the relatives who are present, resembling them in size and stature.” ἐκτὸ μὴ υποτος, παὶ στατηγὸς ἐγερονῶς, περιπορφήρους λαυβανοῦς ἐκεν δε τιμητὴς πορφυρᾶς. If he was a Consul or a Prætor, prætextas ; if a Censor, purple ones. But he takes the same prætexta away from the Tribunes, because Plutarch, when he denies that the Tribune of the plebs is a magistrate, uses this argument, that he did not have the prætexta . And yet Cicero in Pro Cluentio seems to have referred to the Tribunician prætexta , when, speaking of Quintius the Tribune of the plebs, he says: “See to it that you remember not only his character and arrogance, but also his countenance, his dress, and that purple robe hanging down to his ankles.” Manutius understands a purple toga, but who ever assigned such a toga to the Tribunes? Others wish it to be understood of the tunic, namely because the tunics of Senators were purple; this we shall prove below to be false. What need is there of words? Quintilian clearly teaches that Cicero must be understood as referring to the prætexta . For in book v. he says: “There is another manner of responding for advocates, and sometimes not only their speech, but also their life, their countenance, and, in short, their gait and bearing, may rightly be criticized; as in the case of Quintius, Cicero attacked not only these things, but also the prætexta itself, hanging down to the ankles.” We therefore prefer to believe the Roman writer, and the more ancient one, that the Tribunes wore the prætexta , rather than the Greek, and one who more than once suffered some human frailty. Nor for that reason did Cicero rebuke Quintius because he wore a toga reaching the ankles, for we have shown above that in that age all togas were ankle-length: but because, while others wore the purple only a little above one border of the toga, cir-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 143 cum extam gestarent, superbus ille, & latiorem, & talos ipsos perfundentem induerit. Nec dubie Tribunitiam prætextam intellexit Appianus lib. iv. ciuil. cum sacram ve- stem appellat. Vbi Cassius in Oratione ad milites, ait, Tri- bunis a Cæsare sacrum magistratum & & sacram vestem ademptam fuisse. Nam paulo infra vestem Proconsulum id est prætextam appellat sacram purpuram. Vt alibi Cæsaris Pontificis Max. ve- stem sacram appellat quæ fuit prætexta. Ceterum vsum prætextæ puerilis vsque ad extrema Ro- mani Imperij tempora durasse indicat Ausonius in Profes- soribus. XIX. Mox schola & auditor multus prætextaque pubes. Vbi prætextam pro prætextatam dixit sicut Edyl. vii. Roma illa domusque Quirini Et toga purpurei rutilans prætexta Senati. Immo Propertius lib. iv. eleg. I. Curia prætexto quæ nunc nitet alta Senatu Pellitos habuit rustica corda patres. Qua licentia Macrobius lib. 2. Sat. verba prætexta dixit pro prætextata. Ad extremum illud de prætexta non videtur prætereun- dum, eam a Prætore depositam antequam damnationis sen- tentiam pronunciaret. Val. Maximus lib. IX. c. XI I. narrat Licinium Macrum repetundarum reum, cum vidisset Ci- ceronem, qui Iudicium cogebat prætextam ponentem, ne bona hastæ subijcerentur interclusis faucibus vitę suæ finem attulisse: qua cognitare Ciceronem nihil pronunciasse. Seneca tamen non depositam prætextam sed peruersam indutam indicare videtur de Ira lib. I. c. XVI. Et si peruer- sa induenda magistratui vestis. Fortasse ideo deponebatur vt de more peruersa induceretur: Vt placuit Mureto, qui ad Senecâ ait a magistratu laturo sententiam depositam præ- textam, vt eam peruersam indueret, id est partem eius flo- ridiorem, ac nitidiorem introrsus verteret. Quod verius quam quod Lipsius existimat deposita prætexta aliam vilio- rem

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On Dress, Book II. 143 when they wore the exta , that proud man had put on the broader one, and the one reaching down over the ankles themselves. And without doubt Appian understood the tribunitian praetexta , Book IV of the Civil Wars, when he calls it a sacred garment. Where Cassius, in his speech to the soldiers, says that Caesar had taken away from the tribunes the sacred magistracy and the sacred garment. For a little below he calls the garment of proconsuls, that is, the praetexta , the sacred purple. As elsewhere he calls the garment of Caesar, Pontifex Maximus, sacred, which was the praetexta . Moreover, Ausonius in the Professores XIX shows that the use of the boyish praetexta lasted down to the last times of the Roman Empire: Soon the school and the crowd of listeners, and the youth in the praetexta . Where he said praetextam for praetextatam , just as in Elegies VII: That Rome, that home of Quirinus, And the toga of the Senate, gleaming with purple border. Indeed Propertius, book IV, elegy I: The curia, which now shines with the high praetexto Senate, Had rustic fathers with hairy hearts. By this license Macrobius, book 2 of the Saturnalia , used praetexta for praetextata . Finally, that point about the praetexta does not seem to be overlooked: that it was laid aside by the praetor before he pronounced the sentence of condemnation. Valerius Maximus, book IX, chapter XII, tells how Licinius Macer, accused of extortion, when he saw Cicero, who was presiding over the trial, laying aside the praetexta , so that his property might not be exposed to the spear, brought his own life to an end by closing his throat; upon which Cicero took no further action. Seneca, however, seems to indicate not a praetexta laid aside but one put on inside out, On Anger book I, chapter XVI: “And if the garment is to be worn inside out by a magistrate.” Perhaps for that reason it was laid aside so that it might be put on inside out according to custom: as Muretus approved, who says in commenting on Seneca that the magistrate about to give sentence laid aside the praetexta in order to put it on inside out, that is, to turn its more beautiful and more shining part inward. Which is more likely than what Lipsius thinks, that the praetexta laid aside was another, more mean one.

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144 Octauij Ferrarij rem togam sumptam esse, negatque vestem peruersam esse inuersam, sed funestam, indecentem, ac seruilem. Quasi fuer it aliqua toga seruilis, aut peruersa vestis aliud significare possit quam inuersam. Sed Lipsius cum potest libenter Mureto obloquitur. De Trabea. Toga ἦωινοῦἀρυφος. Halicarnasseus explicatus. Cap. V. Prætextæ Trabeam merito subijciemus, quia ad instar prætextæ fuit, non in ima solum ora, sed per totum purpuræ fascijs, virgisque latioribus veluti trabibus transuersis distincta, vnde & trabeæ nomen inuenit; Non quòd ex pluribus purpureis pannis assutis constaret, sed vt Turnebus docuit intextis, vt nempe subtemen purpureum, stamen album vel coccineum esset. Suetonius in libro de genere vestium apud Seruium ad illud. Ipse Quirinali trabea, cinctuque Gabino. Tria trabearum genera statuit; Dijs sacratum, quod erat tantum de purpura: Regium, quod erat purpureum, cui tamen album immixtum: tertium Augurale, de purpura, & cocco. Eas initio Regum fuisse tradit Plinius, mox peculiares equitum Romanorum fuere, cum scilicet Idibus Iulij transueherentur ex Q. Fabij instituto, vt tradit Val. Maximus lib. I I. c. 1. Eam transuectionem Dionysius. lib. VI. describit. Ea pompa inquit quæ post sacrificium procedit ab ijs, qui equi publici ius habent, qui secundum tribus, & centurias distributi ordine equis inuebuntur tanquam e pugna redeuntes, olea coronati, καὶ πορφύρας ὑμπισταρίφεις ἀμωεχόμενοι τηβεννις, τὰς παλονιένας τραβεὰς. Vt vertit Interpres, togis purpureis phæniceo colore intertextis induti, quæ Trabeæ dicuntur. Sed περιπορφύνς in Dionysio legendum est. Nam si illæ togæ totæ purpureæ fuerunt quomodo virgis discoloribus, siue trabibus purpureis distinctæ erant? Et quid est vestem purpuream phæniceo colore intertextam esse? Vel ergo trabeæ non fuerunt totæ purpureæ, vel nominis notatio pereat necesse est. Sa- ne

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144 Octauius Ferrarius denies that the toga was put on; and he says that a garment turned inside out is not in fact inside out, but funereal, indecent, and servile. As if there had ever been a servile toga, or as if a garment turned inside out could mean anything other than inside out. But Lipsius, whenever he can, willingly speaks against Muretus. On the Trabea. Toga ἦωινοῦἀρυφος. Explained by the Halicarnassian. Chapter V. We shall rightly place the Trabea after the praetexta, because it was like the praetexta: not only along the lower border, but throughout, it was distinguished by strips of purple and broader bands, like transverse beams; from this it got the name trabea. Not because it consisted of several pieces of purple cloth sewn together, but, as Turnebus showed, because it was woven in, namely with purple weft and white or scarlet warp. Suetonius, in the book On the kinds of garments, quoted by Servius on the line: Ipse Quirinali trabea, cinctuque Gabino. He sets down three kinds of trabeae: one sacred to the gods, which was wholly of purple; a royal one, which was purple, though with white mixed in; and a third, augural, of purple and scarlet. Pliny says that these were at first used by kings, and later became peculiar to the Roman knights, when, on the Ides of July, they were led past in procession according to the institution of Q. Fabius, as Valerius Maximus relates, book II, chapter 1. Dionysius describes that procession in book VI. He says: that procession, which follows after the sacrifice, is led by those who have the right of public horses, who, distributed by tribes and centuries, are mounted in order on horseback as though returning from battle, crowned with olive, and dressed in purple garments interwoven with Phoenician dye, which are called trabeae. But in Dionysius περιπορφύρος should be read. For if those togas were wholly purple, how were they distinguished by variegated stripes, or purple beams? And what does it mean for a purple garment to be interwoven with Phoenician dye? Either, then, the trabeae were not wholly purple, or the derivation of the name must necessarily fail. Certainly...

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 145 ne Suetonius tradit Deorum trabeas fuisse purpureas, sed & idem Regum trabeis, quæ postea ad equites transierunt, albi aliquid intermixtum fuisse prodit. periporphrous inquam legendum est: Idem enim infra de Salijs ait. In Bervas, em- periporphrous, a[n]i[m]s palouos, trabeas. Prætextis incincti puniceo colore intextis. Nisi malimus palmis intextas , siue quod idem est palmatas: quod Sylburgio placuisse video, quales, & triumphantium togæ fuere; Equites in transuactione veluti post victoriam ouantes, & ideo in toga triumphali palmata; Quare ipsa toga triumphalis etiam traba dicta est, de qua infrà. Scholiastæ Ciceronis error Trabeam cum Paludamento confundentis. Cap. VI. Ex dictis trabeam togam fuisse manifestò apparet; Quò magis miror nuperum Orationum Ciceronis interpretem commentarijs in Pisonianam, quo aliquid audacius, vt ipse loquitur, & extra communem sensum scriberet, prodere ausum, paludamentum cum traba idem vestimentum fuisse. Quod adeo falsum est, vt in eo refellendo verba impendere superuacaneum sit, nisi illud succurreret, posse studiosam iuuentutem ex cuius manibus, qui non sunt sociorum libri excutiuntur eodem errore prolabi. Ratio eius est, quod paludamentum vestis militaris, & purpurea fuerit. Talem autem fuisse trabeam docere Halicarnasseum loco, quem supra laudauimus. Sed quis non videt (vt Dialecticam omittam) aperte ab Halicarnasseo trabeam togam appellari, & patriam Romanorum vestem, id est ciuilem? Nec ideò militaris quia equites ea vsi: non enim in bello, sed in transuactione. Nam quod subijcit idem, tamquam a pugna redeuntes, ad veterem morem alludit, quo antiquissimi in togis pugnabant succincti Gabino ritu. Quare non minus labitur, cum ait Virgilium illis verbis. Ipse Quirinali traba, cinctuque Gabino Insi-

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On De Re Vestiaria, Book II, 145 Suetonius does not report that the trabeae of the gods were purple, but that in the trabeae of kings, which later passed to the equites, something white was intermingled. periporphrous , I say, must be read: for he says the same below about the Salii. In Bervas, em- periporphrous, a[n]i[m]s palouos, trabeas. Invested with praetextae woven with a Punic color. Unless we prefer woven with palms , or because the same thing means palmata: which I see pleased Sylburgius, such as the togæ of triumphers were; the equites in their transvectio, as it were after victory, cheering, and therefore in the toga triumphalis palmata; wherefore the triumphal toga itself was also called a traba, of which below. The error of Cicero’s scholiast, confusing the trabea with the paludamentum. Chapter VI. From what has been said, it plainly appears that the trabea was a toga; for which reason I am the more surprised that a recent interpreter of Cicero’s Orations, in his commentaries on the Pisones, desiring to write something bolder, as he himself says, and outside common sense, ventured to assert that the paludamentum and the trabea were the same garment. This is so false that, in refuting it, it is hardly necessary to spend words, unless it occurred to us that studious youth, from whose hands the books of those who are not companions are taken away, may slip into the same error. His reason is that the paludamentum was a military garment, and purple. And that the trabea was such is shown by Halicarnassus in the passage we cited above. But who does not see (to say nothing of dialectic) that Halicarnassus plainly calls the trabea a toga, and the Roman, that is, civic, national garment? Nor was it therefore military because the equites used it: for not in war, but in the transvectio. For what he adds, as though returning from battle, alludes to the ancient custom, by which the oldest men fought in togas, girded in the Gabinian style. Therefore he no less errs when he says that Virgil in those words. Ipse Quirinali traba, cinctuque Gabino Insi-

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146 Octauij Ferrarij Insignis referat stridentia limina Consul. Trabeam pro paludamento vsurpasse. Quia inquit træ- bea non fuit toga picta, & ideo paludamentum. Id falsum esse infra docebimus. Sed esto, non fuerit toga picta, fuit ta- men purpura intexta; Et licet tunc trabea in vsu non esset, quæ a Romulo inuenta, Virgilius poetica prolepsi vsus est. Fuit toga & quidem magistratuum propria id est Consulis in officio referandi templi Iani. Nec officit, quod trabea cingeretur, toga picta flueret, nam & toga communis mo- do cingebatur cinctu Gabino, modo non, vt supra ostendimus. Quid autem Dionysio, quid Seruio reponet Ciceronia- nus interpres, qui trabeam togam appellant? Satis fuerit ad indicandam rei vestiariæ peritiam eius verba attulisse. Potuit eadem vestis, siue idem paludamentum tunica propter bre- uitatem (erat enim breuior, & succinctior) & toga (propterea quod subculæ, siue interulæ imposita hominem totum togæ instar involue- ret) nominari. Nullum hic discrimen inter tunicam, togam, & paludamentum; Omnis breuior vestis tunica: omnia, quæ interulæ imponebantur etiam pallia, togæ dici possunt. En cor Zenodoti? Idem etiam trabeam lictorum propriam fa- cit, ad quod adducit Appiani verba in Lybicis. Imperatori præeunt lictores φωνινοῦς χιτῶνας ευδεδυνότες; Quasi trabeæ fue- rint tunicæ. Cæterum in funere Germanici atratam in municipijs ple- bem, Equites trabeatos inducit Tacitus, non quod trabea vestis funerum propria fuerit, sed vt aduertit Lipsius quòd ad augendâ funeris pompâ veste solemni Equites vbi sunt. Frustra tamen idem Grammaticorum veterum fidem ele- uat, dum Equitum modò trabeam fuisse contendit; Nam præterea Regiæ, Consularis, & Auguralis scriptores me- minere. Immo toga picta, quæ ab Imperatoribus Consuli- bus dabatur, trabea dicta est, vt mox ostendam. De

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146. Octauius Ferrarius Let the Consul report the strident thresholds as distinguished. That he used the trabea in place of the paludamentum. Because, he says, the trabea was not a toga picta, and therefore a paludamentum. This is false, as we shall prove below. But be that as it may, even if it was not a toga picta, it was nevertheless woven with purple; and although at that time the trabea was not in use, having been invented by Romulus, Virgil used a poetic prolepsis. It was a toga, and indeed one proper to magistrates, that is, to the Consul in the performance of the rite of opening the temple of Janus. Nor does it matter that the trabea was girded, the toga picta flowed free, for even the common toga was sometimes girded with the Gabine cincture, sometimes not, as we have shown above. And what will the Ciceronian interpreter reply to Dionysius, what to Servius, who call the trabea a toga? It will be enough to cite his own words to indicate his knowledge of matters of dress. The same garment, or rather the same paludamentum, could be called a tunic because of its brevity (for it was shorter and more closely fitted), and a toga (because, being placed over the subuculae, or interulae, it would wrap the whole man like a toga). Here there is no distinction between tunic, toga, and paludamentum; every shorter garment is a tunic: all garments placed over the interulae can also be called cloaks, togas. Behold Zenodotus’s heart? He also makes the trabea proper to the lictors, for which he adduces Appian’s words in the Libyca. The lictors go before the emperor, clothed in purple tunics; as though the trabeae were tunics. Moreover, in the funeral of Germanicus, Tacitus introduces the common people of the towns dressed in black, the equites in trabeae, not because the trabea was proper to funerals, but, as Lipsius notes, because in order to increase the pomp of the funeral, the equites appear in their ceremonial dress. Yet he vainly undermines the authority of the ancient grammarians when he argues that the trabea belonged only to the equites; for besides that, writers mention a royal, a consular, and an augural trabea. Indeed, the toga picta, which was given by emperors to consuls, was called trabea, as I shall soon show. Of

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 147 De purpura, & eius generibus. Plinius correctus, & explicatus. Cap. VII. VT ea quæ de prætexta ac trabea dicta sunt, quæ de toga triumphali, & lato clauo dicturi sumus, melius intelligentur, non abs refuerit pauca quædam de purpura leuiter perstrinxisse, nam plenos commentarios alij ante nos dederunt. Eleganter Plinius ad purpuram fasces Roma- nasque secures viam fecisse tradit, eandem fuisse pro maiestate pueritiæ: distinxisse ab equite Curiam: Dijs placandis aduocari so- litam: omnem denique vestem illuminasse, atque in triumphali auro misceri consueuisse. Et purpuræ quidem vsum semper Romæ fuisse idem obseruat, in trabea sub Romulo, in prætexta, & clauo sub Tullo Hostilio. Non idem tamen purpuræ genus in vsu fuisse docet Cornelius Nepos apud eundem, cuius ver- ba sunt. Me iuuene violacea purpura vigebat, cuius libra de- narijs centum venibat id est X. aureis: nec multo post rubra Ta- rentina: huic successit dibapha Tyria, quæ in libras denarijs mille non poterat emi (id est C. aureis) Hac P. Lentulus Spinther Ae- dilis curulis primus in prætexta vsus improbatur, qua purpura quis iam, inquit Nepos, non triclinaria facit? (id est stragula lectorum tricliniarium) Spinther, subijcit Plinius Aedilis fuit Cicerone Consule, dibapha tunc dicebatur, quæ bis tincta es- set, veluti magnifico impendio, qualiter nunc omnes penè commo- diores purpuræ tinguntur. Primis ergo temporibus, Prætextarum, nam illæ ab Regi- bus inuectæ sunt, & clauorum in tunica, purpura violacea fuit, mox rubra Tarentina, sic dicta a loco vbitingebatur, tandem omnium pretiosissima Tyria successit, quæ a dupli- ci tinctura dibapha dicta; Eaque initio ob luxum notata, vt in Spinthere, & in M. Cælio, de quo extant Ciceronis ver- ba pro eodem, Si quem etiam minimorum horum offendit, si pur- puræ genus, si amicorum cateruæ. Purpuræ genus, hoc est Ty- riæ, liue dibaphæ, quæ tunc improbabatur. Hanc vegeti coloris fuisse, florentisque maximè, ac luminosi, contra T vulga-

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On the Art of Dress, Book II. 147 On purple and its kinds. Pliny corrected and explained. Chapter VII. In order that what has been said about the praetexta and trabea, and what we shall say about the triumphal toga and the broad stripe, may be better understood, it will not be out of place to touch briefly on certain matters concerning purple, for others before us have given full commentaries on it. Pliny elegantly relates that the Roman fasces and axes made way for purple, that it was likewise the emblem of the dignity of childhood: that it distinguished the Curia from the equestrian order; that it was used when the gods were to be appeased; and that, in short, it illuminated every garment, and was accustomed to be mixed with gold in triumphal attire. And he notes that the use of purple had always existed at Rome: in the trabea under Romulus, in the praetexta and the stripe under Tullus Hostilius. Yet Cornelius Nepos, cited by the same author, teaches that not the same kind of purple was in use; his words are these: “When I was a young man, the violet purple was in vogue, a pound of which sold for one hundred denarii, that is, ten aurei; and not long afterward the red Tarentine; this was succeeded by dibapha Tyrian purple, which could not be bought for one thousand denarii to the pound, that is, one hundred aurei.” With this purple P. Lentulus Spinther, curule aedile, was the first to be reproached for using it in the praetexta, of which purple, says Nepos, “who now does not make triclinarian coverlets?” that is, coverings for dining couches. “Spinther,” adds Pliny, “was aedile when Cicero was consul; dibapha was then the term used for that which had been dyed twice, as if with magnificent expense, in the way that nearly all more distinguished purples are now dyed.” Therefore, in the earliest times the praetextae, for these were introduced by the kings, and the stripes on the tunic were of violet purple; soon came the red Tarentine, so called from the place where it was dyed; at last the most costly of all, Tyrian purple, followed, called dibapha from its double dyeing. And at first it was condemned because of luxury, as in the case of Spinther and of M. Cælius, concerning whom the words of Cicero survive in the same cause: “If anyone is offended even by these least matters, if by the kind of purple, if by the crowd of friends.” The kind of purple, that is, Tyrian or dibapha, which was then disapproved. This purple was of a lively color, especially flourishing and brilliant, and luminous, contrary to the common...

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148 Octauij Ferrarij vulgarem violaceam obtusioris, ac pæne fusci, docet Plutarchus in Catone, de quo tradit, quòd cum in vniuersum contrariam moribus sui temporis insistendam viam sibi videret qui mali erant, & magnam emendationem desiderarent, ἐπεὶ inquit, πορφύραν ἐύρα των πατανόρος ἐρυδραν, καὶ ὑδεῖν ἀγαπωμέντω ἀυτος ἐφόρει των μελανων; Cum purpuram saturi coloris & acuto rubore splendentem in pretio videret esse, ipse fuscam & obtusam gerebat. Eandem fuscam, & plebeiam appellat Cicero pro Sextio de Pisone. Vestitus asper, nostra hac purpura plebeia, ac pæne fusca. Nostram vocat, quod acuta, & florente delicatiores solitunc vtebantur. Quare Piso qui grauitatem, & austeritatem affectabat, ea purpura vtebatur in prætexta, ac clauo, ne quis somniet, totum Pisonis vestitum fuisse purpureum. Idem Cicero Vatinij prætextam perstrinxit in epistolis ad Atticum. Perinde licet faciant, quos volent Coss. Tribunos plebis etiam, deinde Vatiniij strumam sibæque vestiant. Post Ciceronis consulatum crescente luxu omnes ferè purpuræ commodiores Tyriæ erant, & Laconicæ, hoc est dibaphæ, & bis tinctæ. Ita tamen vt Laconicæ Tyrijs essent deteriores. Ouidius de remedio. Confer Amyclæis medicatum vellus abenis Murice cum Tyrio turpius illud erit. Vos quoque formosis vestras conferte puellas Incipiet dominæ quisque pudere suæ. Tyriam Horatius lib.1.1. Ode xvi. muricem bis Afrum appellat; Idest vt Porphyrio interpretatur dibapham pretiosissimam; Eius color roseus quodam nigrore delibutus, & vt loquitur Plinius nigricantis rosæ colore sublucens. Sed præstat eiusdem verba lib. xx1. c.1. ix. de purpuræ generibus afferre, etiam si ab alijs notata fuerint. Ea sunt vt in vulgatis extant. Et de odoratis coloribus satis dictum, in quibus vnguento vicisse naturam gaudens luxuria vestibus quoque prouocauit eos flores, qui colore commendantur. Hos animaduerto tres esse principales, vnum cocco, qui in rosis micat. Gratius nihil traditur aspectu, & in purpuras Tyrias dibaphasque & Laconicas. Alium in Amethyst,

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148 Octauij Ferrarij Plutarch, in Cato, teaches of the common, darker violet, almost dusky shade, concerning which he relates that, when he saw that those who were bad, and who desired great reform, ought in general to pursue a course contrary to the customs of his own time, he says, ἐπεὶ πορφύραν ἐύρα των πατανόρος ἐρυδραν, καὶ ὑδεῖν ἀγαπωμέντω ἀυτος ἐφόρει των μελανων; when he saw that purple of a deep color and shining with a vivid red was held in esteem, he himself wore a dark and dull one. Cicero likewise calls it dark and plebeian in the speech For Sextius, concerning Piso: “His dress was coarse, our plebeian and almost dark purple.” He calls it “our” because refined persons were then accustomed to use a brighter and more flourishing shade. Therefore Piso, who affected gravity and austerity, used that purple in his praetexta and border, lest anyone imagine that all Piso’s dress was purple. The same Cicero also attacked Vatinius’ praetexta in letters to Atticus. They may do much as they wish: let them, as consuls or tribunes of the plebs, clothe even Vatinius’ hump and coat in purple. After Cicero’s consulship, luxury increasing, nearly all purples that were considered more suitable were Tyrian and Laconian, that is, dibapha and twice-dyed; yet in such a way that the Laconian kinds were inferior to the Tyrian. Ovid, in De Remedio, says: “Compare the fleece dyed in the Amyclaean cauldrons with Tyrian murex: that one will be the more shameful. You too, compare your girls with the beautiful ones; each lover will begin to be ashamed of his mistress.” Horace, in Book 1, Ode 16, calls the Tyrian murex “bis Afrum”; that is, as Porphyrio interprets it, the most precious dibapha. Its color is rosy, tinged with a certain blackness, and, as Pliny says, it gleams with the color of a blackish rose. But it is better to quote Pliny’s own words from Book 21, chapter 1, section 9, on the kinds of purple, even if they have been noted by others. They are as follows, as they stand in the printed editions. And enough has been said about scented colors, in which luxury, rejoicing to have conquered nature with perfume, also challenged in clothing those flowers that are valued for their color. I observe that these are three principal ones: one in scarlet, which sparkles in roses. Nothing is reported more pleasing to the eye, and in Tyrian, dibapha, and Laconian purples. Another in amethyst,

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 149 Amethysto, qui in viola, & ipse in purpureum, quemque ianthinum appellauimus. Tertius est qui proprie conchylij intelligitur, multis modis: vnus in heliotropio, & in aliquo ex his plerumque saturatior: alius in malua ad purpuram inclinans: alius in viola serotina conchyliorum vegetissimus. Verba illa, qui in rosis micat, Gratius nihil traditur aspectu, & in purpuras, vitiosa esse nemo non vidit, & sanare conatus est. Doctissimus Pintianus locum vitiatissimum, & insanabile cacoethes fatetur; Tum in Vetericodice sic legi, quia rosis migrante gratia nihil trahitur suspectu, vnde minus male scribiposse, qui rursus migrante gratia trahitur in species, in purpuras: Baysius. Et in purpura Tyria, dibaphaque & laconica. Neuter satis proficit. Dalechampius in Vet. extare ait Gratius nihil aspectu; Trahitur is in purpuras Tyrias dibaphasque Laconicas. Quæ lection nobis omnium optima videtur. Color enim coccineus, siue roseus aspectu gratissimus trahitur in purpuras Tyrias, dibaphasque Laconicas. Quod si quis cum Salmasio suspectu trahitur legat, non repugnauerim, licet non tantum purpuræ suspectus, sed etiam aspectus gratissimus fuerit. Nam si solo suspectu Tyriæ gratia stetisset iocus Augusti locum haberet de quo Macrobius lib. II. Saturn. Cum de Tyriæ purpuræ quam emi iusserat obscuritate quereretur, dicente venditore. Erigi altius & suspice, his salibus vsus est. Quid? ergo vt me populus Romanus dicat bene cultum in solario ambulaturus sum? fuisse autem Tyrij colorem nigricantem indicat illud: De purpuræ obscuritate quereretur. Sed in viam redeamus. Ex Plinij verbis tria purpure genera eius interpretes recte statuerunt, singula florum colores prouocantia. Primum coccineum, eundemque roseum Tyriarum, ac dibapharum peculiarem, de quo idem Plinius. Laus ei summa color sanguinis concreti nigricans aspectu, idemque suspectu refulgens. Secundum Amethystinum violarum æmulum, coloris nempe violacei saturati. Tertium conchyliatum, cuius colorem in vniuersum ait fuisse Plinius austerum in glauco, & irascentisimilem mari, id est coeruleum: eius tres species in floribus ponit, in heliotropio T 2

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On Dress, Book II. 149 Amethyst, which is in violet, and itself in purple, and which we have called ianthine. The third is that which is properly understood as conchylian, in many ways: one in heliotrope, and in some of these usually more saturated; another in mallow, inclining toward purple; another in late violet, the most vivid of the conchylian shades. Those words, “which gleams in roses,” are transmitted by Gratius. “Nothing is more pleasing to the eye,” and “toward purples,” are corrupt, as everyone has seen, and has tried to correct. The very learned Pintianus admits the passage is most corrupted, and an incurable vice. Then in the old codex it is read thus: because, with grace passing from roses, nothing is drawn by suspicion, whence it can be written less badly, since once again, with grace passing, it is drawn into forms, into purples: Baysius. And in Tyrian purple, double-dyed and Laconian. Neither is satisfactory. Dalechampius says that in the old text there stands: “Nothing more pleasing to the eye”; it is drawn into Tyrian, double-dyed, and Laconian purples. Which reading seems to us the best of all. For the color of scarlet, or rose, most pleasing to the eye, is drawn into Tyrian, double-dyed, and Laconian purples. But if anyone, with Salmasius, were to read “drawn by suspicion,” I would not object, although it was not only the suspicion of purple, but also the most pleasing of aspects. For if Tyrian grace had stood in suspicion alone, Augustus’ joke would have a place, as related by Macrobius, book II of the Saturnalia. When he complained about the darkness of the Tyrian purple he had ordered to be purchased, the vendor saying, “Lift yourself up higher and look up,” he used these words: “What then? So that the Roman people may say that I am well dressed, shall I walk in the upper chamber?” That the Tyrian color was in fact darkish is shown by the following: “He complained about the obscurity of the purple.” But let us return to the subject. From Pliny’s words the interpreters have rightly established three kinds of purple, each corresponding to flower colors. The first is scarlet, and likewise rose-colored, peculiar to Tyrian and double-dyed purples, concerning which the same Pliny says: “Its highest praise is that, the color of congealed blood, dark in appearance, and shining forth by suspicion.” The second is Amethystine, the rival of violets, namely a saturated violet color. The third is conchylian, whose color, in general, Pliny says was austere in a grayish-blue, and resembling the sea when angry, that is, blue; he places its three species among flowers in heliotrope T 2

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150 Octauij Ferrarij pio fermè saturatiorem, in maluæ flore inclinantem ad purpuram, in viola serotina conchyliorum vegetissimum. Sed plenum purpuræ, ac conchyliorum discrimen, eorumque mixturam, ac temperamentum videre est apud Plinium qui omnes hos colores in temperatura mixtos fuisse docet, gemina demonstrata via luxuriæ, vt color alius operiretur alio, suauior ita fieri leniorque dictus. Quare, & Amethystinum Tyrio inebriatum, vt esset ex vtroque nomen improbum, simulque luxuria duplex, & cùm confecere conchylia transire melius in Tyrium putant. Quin, & terrena miscere, coccoque tinctum Tyrio tingere vt fieret hysginum. Hactenus ille. Multa præterea præclare disputauit Salmasius ad Tertullianum, cuius analecta non conuerro. Cæterum coccineum colorem a purpureo distinctum hoc est terrestrem purpuram a marina diuersam illamq; hac deteriorem alijs ad notatum est. Capitolinus in Albino refert epistolam Commodi ad Albinum in qua hæc scripta sunt. Sane vt tibi insigne aliquod Imperialis maiestatis accedat habebis vtendi coccinei pallij facultatem me præsente habiturus & purpuram sed sine auro. Et Lampridius Diadumeniano. Hic vbi primum indumenta coccea, & purpurea, cæteraque castrens; a Imperij insignia accepit. Purpura igitur ex conchis muricibusque: Coccum terrestre granum erat. Plinius lib. IX. cap. XII. Quin & terrena miscere, coccoque tinctum Tyrio tingere vt fieret Hysginum. Coccum Galatiæ rubens granum, vt dicemus in terrestribus aut circa Emeritam Lusitaniæ in maxima laude est. Verum vt simul peragrantur nobilia pigmenta (id est tractatio de purpura marina & terrestri coniungatur) anniculo grano languidus succus: idem a quadrimo euanidus. Ita nec recenti vires neque senescenti. (succus scilicet ex cocco vnius anni expressus languidus erat post quatuor annos euanescens). Eiusdem me minit idem lib. XVI. c. VIII. & lib. XXIV. c. IV. & lib. XXI I. c. II. iam vero inficivestes scimus admirabili succo. Atque vt sileamus Galatiæ Africa, Lusitaniæ coccij granum Imperatorijs paludamentis dicitum, Transalpina Gallia herbis Tyrium atque conchylium tingit, omnesque alios colores? Nec quærit in profundis murices, seseque obijcien-

Transcription: Translated (English)

150 Octavius Ferrari almost satiated with a pious tone, inclining toward purple in the flower of the mallow, most vivid in the late violet of the shellfish dyes. But the full range of purple, and the distinction of the shellfish colors, and their mixture and temperament, may be seen in Pliny, who teaches that all these colors were mixed in tempering, the double path of luxury being shown, so that one color was covered by another, and thus became sweeter and more gentle. For this reason, too, the Amethystine, drunk with Tyrian dye, so that there might be from both an ill name, and at the same time a double luxury; and when they had made the conchylia they thought it better to pass into Tyrian. Moreover, to mix earthy matter, and to dye with coccus after dyeing with Tyrian so that it might become hysginum. So far that writer. Salmasius argued many other things excellently in his notes on Tertullian, which I do not go over here. Besides, the coccineous color is noted as distinct from purple, that is, terrestrial purple different from marine purple, and inferior to it in other respects. Capitolinus, in Albinus, reports a letter of Commodus to Albinus in which these words are written: “Certainly, so that some sign of imperial majesty may be added to you, you will have the opportunity of using a scarlet cloak, which you will have in my presence, and purple, but without gold.” And Lampridius, in Diadumenianus: “Here, as soon as he received the garments of scarlet and purple, and the other camp insignia of empire...” Purple therefore comes from shellfish and murex; coccus was an earthly grain. Pliny, book IX, chapter XII: “Moreover, to mix earthly matter, and to dye with Tyrian after it has been dyed with coccus, so that it may become hysginum.” Coccus, the red grain of Gaul, as we shall say among the terrestrial things, or around Emerita in Lusitania, is held in the highest esteem. But so that the noble pigments may be traversed together (that is, so that the discussion of marine and terrestrial purple may be joined), the juice from the grain of one year is weak; the same, from four years, is faded. Thus it has neither strength when fresh nor when aging. (The juice, namely, pressed from coccus of one year, was weak, and after four years it disappeared.) I am reminded of the same thing in book XVI, ch. VIII, and book XXIV, ch. IV, and book XXI, ch. II. Yet now, indeed, we know of garments dyed by means of this admirable juice. And if we are silent about the grain of coccus in Gaul, Africa, Lusitania, and the imperial cloaks dyed with it, Transalpine Gaul dyes with herbs the Tyrian and conchylium color, and all the other colors? Nor does it seek out murices in the depths, nor does it cast itself against them...

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 151 obijciendo escam, dum præripit, belluis marinis: intacta etiam anchoris scrutatur vada, vt inueniat per quod facilius matronæ adultero placeat, corruptor insidietur nuptæ. Stans & in sicco carpit quod frugi mundos exculpat. His alioqui fulgentibus instrui poterat luxuria, certe innocentius. Locus non semel ab etate & a criticis vitiatus Nam quod in veteribus erat granis coccum, cocci granum fecerunt: cum coccum & granum eadem res sit. Sed hic coccum pro ipso grani succo accipitur, vt alibi cocco tinctum dixit. Recta igitur lectio Lusitaniæ grannis coccum (id est cocceum colorem ex granis) Imperatorijs paludamentis dicatum. Maius monstrum alitur illis verbis, quod frugi mundos exculpat. Vtique postquam criticorum audacia accessit. Inueteri proba lectio est si coniunctio dematur. Quod frugi ac mundus non culpet. Legendum. Quod frugi mundus non culpet. Color coccineus non erat ita inuidiosus, vt purpureus, qui tanto periculo parabatur. Erat munditiæ luxuriosæ, aliæ sobriæ, ac temperantes. Colorem inquit cocceum homo mundus frugi, siue cum frugalitate nequaquam damnet, minori enim impendio parabatur: culpaturus vtique purpuram, quæ de profundo eruebatur. Ita quæ sequuntur correctione non egent. His (coloribus) alioqui fulgentibus (non minus nitidis, ac purpureis) instrui poterat luxuria (non solum frugales munditiæ) certe innocentius (line noxa & periculo vitæ.) Porro illud obijciendo se se quia in Vet. est obijcientes, malim legere obijciens, quamquam & illud tolerari potest. Blatteus etia color pro purpureo apud scriptores inferioris seculi reperitur. Lampridius in Heliogabalo. Parauerat igitur funes blatta, & serico & cocco intortos, quibus si necesse esset laqueo vitam finiret. Vopiscus in Aureliano. Et cum ab eo vxor sua peteret, vt vnico pallio blatteo serico vteretur. Et paulo infra. Idem concessit vt blatteas matronæ tunicas haberent. Eum colorem a blattis & vermiculis, qui e chermes vt Arabes vocant, & e cocco sanguinei coloris erumpunt dictum putant apud Turnebum lib. xix. c. xvi 1. Alij quod blattæ, vel blattæ proprie sint bullæ luti ex itineribus vt ex Festo scribit Paulus ita etiam

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 151 throwing down the net, while she snatches it away, to the sea beasts: even the channels, untouched by anchors, she explores, so that she may find a way by which the matron may please the adulterer more easily, and the corrupter may lie in wait for the bride. Standing, and on dry ground, she picks up what frugal and clean persons might use to scrub their garments. With these things, otherwise shining, luxury could be furnished, certainly more innocently. The passage has been corrupted more than once, both by age and by the critics. For what in the old texts was granis coccum, they made cocci granum: whereas coccum and granum are the same thing. But here coccum is taken for the juice of the grain itself, as elsewhere he said tinctum cocco. Therefore the correct reading is Lusitaniæ / grannis coccum, that is, the scarlet color from the grains, dedicated to imperial cloaks. A greater monstrosity is produced by those words, quod frugi mundos exculpat. Certainly after the boldness of the critics intervened. The old reading is sound if the conjunction is removed. For quod frugi ac mundus non culpet. It should be read: Quod frugi mundus non culpet. The scarlet color was not so odious as purple, which was obtained at such great risk. It was a luxury of cleanliness, while others were sober and temperate. A clean, frugal man, says he, would not at all condemn the scarlet color, or would do so with frugality, since it was prepared at a smaller expense: he would certainly censure purple, which was dredged up from the deep. Thus what follows needs no correction. By these colors, otherwise shining (no less bright than purple), luxury could be furnished, not only frugal cleanliness, certainly more innocently (without harm or danger to life). Moreover, as to that obijciendo se se, since in the old text there is obijcientes, I should prefer to read obijciens, although that too can be tolerated. Even the color blatteus is found in later writers as a term for purple. Lampridius, in Heliogabalus: He had prepared ropes of blattea, interwoven with silk and scarlet, with which, if necessary, he might end his life by hanging. Vopiscus, in Aurelian: And when his wife asked him that she might use a single blatteus silk cloak. And a little below: The same man granted that matronæ might have blatteæ tunics. They think that this color was named from blattae and vermiculis, which, as the Arabs call them chermes, and from scarlet coccum, burst forth in a blood-red color, as Turnebus says, lib. xix, c. xvi. Others think that blattae, or properly blattae, are clods of mud from roads, as Paulus writes from Festus, and likewise

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Octauij Ferrarij etiam bullas sanguinis concreti vocatas, vnde in Glossis blattea θρόμβος αμματος, hinc blatteum hoc est sanguineum pro purpureo. Mihi altera notatio magis arridet vt a blattis siue vermiculis dictus sit, vt proprie fuerit color coccineus. Distinguit tamen coccum a blatta Lampridius loco supra adducto. Sed fortasse per similitudinem purpura dicta est, vt Plinius ait cocci colorem trahi in purpuras Tyrias, & Laconicas. Quod penè effugerat, Si Tyrius color aspectu nigricabat, cur Cato in purpura fuscum colore adamauit qui pretiosissimus? In purpura, quam Cato & seueriores aspernabantur, roseus color vegetus acuto lumine florescebat: contra purpura, qua Cato vtebatur, violacea, siue conchyliata minimum rubei coloris, ac luminosi habebat, sed violacei saturati, & propterea obtusi, peneque fusci. Tyria aspectu tantum nigrescebat, suspectu refulgens: violacea & aspectu, & suspectu fusca erat; Vt nihil aliud fuerit purpura fusca Ca-tonis, quàm minimè luminosa. Toga triumphalis, purpurea, picta, palmata, Capitolina. Cap. VIII. Verrius Flaccus apud Sextum Pompeium docet, togam triumphalem primo purpuream fuisse, deinde acu[m] pictam, Picta inquit, toga quæ nunc dicitur, purpurea antè vocata est, eaque erat sine pictura: eius rei argumento est pictura in æde Vertumni, & Consi, quarum in altera M. Fuluius Flaccus, in altera L. Papyrius Cursor triumphantes ita picti sunt. Antiquitus igitur toga triumphalis tantum purpurea fuit, post picta in vsum venit, de qua Plinius. Pictas vestes iam apud Homerum fuisse vnde triumphales natæ. Nec aliud fuisse pictam togam docti obseruant, quam acu elaboratam figurisque phrygio opere distinctam; Nam subijcit Plinius. Acu facere id Phryges inuenerunt, ideoque, phrygiones appellati sunt. Quare togæ triumphali purpureæ aurum immixtum esse oportuit, quo phrygiones eam varijs figuris ad instar picturæ acu varia- bant.

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Octauij Ferrarij also called blood clots; whence in the Glosses blattea θρόμβος αμματος, hence blatteum, that is, blood-colored, for purple. I prefer another explanation: that it is called from blattae, or little worms, as if it were properly a scarlet color. Lampridius, however, distinguishes coccus from blatta in the passage cited above. But perhaps it was so called by similarity to purple, as Pliny says that the color of coccus is drawn into Tyrian and Laconian purples. What had almost escaped me: if Tyrian color looked blackish, why did Cato, in purple, love a dark color, though it was the most precious? In purple, which Cato and the more severe men despised, a lively rosy color shone with a keen brightness; by contrast, the purple used by Cato, violet, or conch-colored, had very little of the red and luminous element, but was of a saturated violet, and therefore dull and almost dark. Tyrian purple was blackish only in appearance, shining in the look; violet purple was dark both in appearance and in look. So that Cato’s dark purple was nothing other than the least luminous kind. Triumphal toga: purple, embroidered, palm-ornamented, Capitoline. Chap. VIII. Verrius Flaccus, in Sextus Pompeius, teaches that the triumphal toga was first purple, and later embroidered with a needle. “Embroidered,” he says, “is the toga which is now so called; before, it was called purple, and it was without decoration. Proof of this is the painting in the temple of Vertumnus and of Consus, in one of which M. Fulvius Flaccus, in the other L. Papirius Cursor, are thus represented triumphing.” Therefore in antiquity the triumphal toga was only purple; later the embroidered toga came into use, concerning which Pliny speaks. Embroidered garments, he says, were already among Homer, from which triumphal garments were born. Learned men observe that the embroidered toga was nothing other than one worked with the needle and distinguished with figures in the Phrygian manner; for Pliny adds: “The Phrygians invented making this with a needle, and for that reason they were called phrygiones.” Therefore the purple triumphal toga must have had gold interwoven with it, with which the phrygiones varied it with different figures in the manner of painting by the needle.

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 153 bant. Idem Plinius de purpura, In triumphali auro miscetur. αληργίδα χρυσόπασον appellat Dio lib. LXII. Hinc præcipua dona, quibus amicos Reges Senatus Ro- manus colebat, togæ pictæ fuerunt, & tunicæ palmatæ, vt toties Liuius, & alij memorarunt. Tunicam palmatam, vt omnes sciunt, sic dictam Festus ait a clauorum magnitudi- ne, quod nempe lato clauo ad instar palmæ manus distincta esset: deinde a genere picturæ, quod palmas intextas ha- beret, palmatam dictam. Hæc enim verior notatio est, quâ quæ affertura Seruio ad lib. XI. Aeneidos, Palmatam dici tunicam, quam merebantur qui reportassent de hostibus palmam. Togam tamen palmatâ, vt obseruat Manutius pauci dixe- runt, eamque a pictis palmis ita dictam non malè opinatur. Martialis. I comes, & magnos illæsamerere triumphos, Palmatæque ducem sed cito reddetogæ. Suetonius etiam Claudio. Secuti, & triumphalia orna- menta eodem bello adepti, sed ceteri pedibus, & in prætexta: Cras- sus equo phalerato, & in veste palmata. Tandem Valerius lib. IX. cap. I. Quid sibi voluit Metellus Pius cùm palmata veste conuiuia celebrabat? Ex hoc factum est, vt post quam pro- cedente, tempore Consulibus loco prætextæ toga trium- phalis dari cæpit, ea palmata diceretur, vt idem Manutius obseruat. Ausonius in gratiarum actione ad Gratianum pro Consulatu. Dimicaturus palmatæ vestis meæ ornamenta di- sponis: parum est, si qualis ad me trabea mittatur interroges: te coram promi iubes; hæc est picta, vt dicitur vestis, non magis auro suo, quàm tuis verbis. In quibus illud quoque notandum, eandem vestem modo trabeam, modò togam palmatam di- ci, quod etiam Sidonius, & Cassiodorus fecere. Mirum est, in his recensendis nuperos Criticos Manutij nomen elato nimis, aut nimis demisso animo præterijsse. Toga igitur triumphalis, & picta dicebatur, quod acu distincta erat, & palmata a genere picturæ, hoc est palmis, licet, & talis postea diceretur, quamquam alijs figuris di- stincta esset, tandem, & Capitolina quod talis Louis erat in Capi-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 153 ...bant. The same Pliny says of purple, “In triumphali auro miscetur.” Dio, in book LXII, calls it αληργίδα χρυσόπασον. Hence the chief gifts with which the Roman Senate honored friendly kings were painted togas and embroidered tunics, as Livy and others have often mentioned. The tunica palmat a, as everyone knows, is so called, Festus says, from the size of the clavi, because it was marked with a broad stripe like the shape of the palm of the hand; then from the kind of embroidery, because it had woven-in palms, it was called palmat a. For this is the truer explanation, which is also found in Servius on book XI of the Aeneid: the tunic is called palmat a, says he, which was deserved by those who had brought back the palm of victory from the enemy. Yet, as Manutius observes, few have said toga palmata, and he thinks it is not a bad explanation that it was so called from the painted palms. Martial: I come, and preserve the great triumphs unharmed, and a toga of palm will soon restore the leader. Suetonius also, in Claudius. “The rest followed, and those who had gained triumphal ornaments in the same war, but the others on foot and in the praetexta; Crassus on a horse with trappings, and in a palmata vestis.” At last Valerius, book IX, chapter I: “What did Metellus Pius mean when he celebrated banquets in a palmata vestis?” From this it came about that, after the passage of time, when a toga triumphalis began to be given to consuls in place of the praetexta, it was called palmata, as the same Manutius observes. Ausonius, in the thanksgiving address to Gratian for the consulship: “For a fight you arrange the ornaments of my palmata vestis: it is not enough if you ask what kind of trabea is being sent to me; you order it to be brought before you; this is, as they say, a painted garment, no more with its own gold than with your words.” In these passages it should also be noted that the same garment is called sometimes trabea, sometimes toga palmata, which Sidonius and Cassiodorus also did. It is surprising, in listing these examples, that recent critics have passed over Manutius’s name, either with too much or too little reverence. So the toga triumphalis was also called picta, because it was decorated with embroidery, and palmata from the kind of decoration, that is, with palms; and later it was also so called, although it was decorated with other figures, and finally Capitolina, because a garment of this kind was at the Capit-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 155 Et in Gratiarum actione. In procinctu & maxime dimicaturus palmatæ vestis meæ ornamenta disponis. Feliciter, & bono omine. Namque iste habitus vt in pace Consulis est, sic in victoria triumphantis. Paulo post pictam appellat id est Phrygionis opere elaboratam. Hæc plane, hæc est picta vt dicitur vestis non magis auro suo quam tuis verbis. In extrema oratione trabeam vocat. Vt trabeam non magis auro suo, quam munere tuo splendidam. Symmachus etiam pictæ togæ Consularis meminit. lib. I. ep. I. & Trabeæ annalis lib. IX. ep. CXVI. Nec Consulum modo, sed Prætorum toga picta & triumphalis fuit quoties Ludos ederent. Iuuenalis eleganter aulæum appellat. --- pictæ Sarrana ferentem Ex humeris aulæa togæ. Vetus interpres Intunica Iouis Mappam mittentem in Circo Consulem describit poeta. Nam tunicam Iouis togam palmatam dixit, Tyria purpura confectam, hoc est sarrana. Vbinisi corruptus est, male togam cum tunica confundit. Quare videtur addenda coniunctio Et, inter Iouis, & togam. Tunicam palmatam appellat Iouis, quod nempe, vt vidit Lipsius, eadem Iouis simulachrum in Capitolio indutum fuerit. Ita apud Tacitum Tribunis celebraturis Iudos Augustales triumphali veste vti permissum. Huc trahendus Martialis iocus in Proculeiam, quæ marito futuro Prætori repudium dixerat, ne cogeretur suppeditare impensas ad emendam purpuram, qua Megalesia spectacula ederet. Constatura fuit Megalensis purpura centum Millibus, vt nimium munera parca dares. Megalensem purpuram vocat togam triumphalem, qua indutus Prætor Megalesiacæ mappæ spectacula editurus erat. Videntur etiam Prætores non modo in Ludorum editione, sed inter sacrificandum vestem pictam, & triumphalem gestasse. Cuius rei non aliud quod ego sciam vestigium extat quam apud Appianum lib. I. ciuil. de Asellio Prætore feneratorum scelere in medio foro obtruncato. Sic Asellio inquit Prætor sacrificans, ἀἰεραι, ἀἰεῖχρυσον ἔσ ἔυτα ὑσ Θυ- δια V

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De Re Vestiaria, Book II. 155 And in the thanksgiving. In battle array, and when about to fight at the very height of the action, you arrange the ornaments of my palmate garment. Happily, and with good omen. For this dress, as it is in peace the Consul’s, so in victory it is that of the triumphant. A little later he calls it picta, that is, elaborated by the work of the Phrygion. This is plainly, this is the picta garment, as it is called, not more splendid by its own gold than by your words. In the last part of the speech he calls it the trabea. As if the trabea were not made splendid, not so much by its own gold as by your gift. Symmachus also makes mention of the picta toga of the Consul, lib. I. ep. I., and of the trabea annalis, lib. IX. ep. CXVI. Not only Consuls, but also Praetors, wore the picta and triumphal toga whenever they gave games. Juvenal elegantly calls it the aulæum. --- The old translator describes the Consul in the Circus, sending forth the mappa in the tunica of Jupiter. For the poet called the tunic of Jupiter a toga palmata, made of Tyrian purple, that is, Sarrana. Vbinisius is corrupt; he wrongly confuses the toga with the tunic. Wherefore it seems that the conjunction Et should be added between Iouis and togam. He calls the tunic of Jupiter palmate because, as Lipsius saw, the same image of Jupiter in the Capitol had been clothed in it. Thus in Tacitus it is granted to Tribunes celebrating the Augustales games to use triumphal dress. To this may be referred Martial’s jest about Proculeia, who had divorced her future husband, a Praetor, so as not to be forced to provide the expenses for buying the purple in which he was to present the Megalesian spectacles. The Megalesian purple would have cost a hundred thousand, so that you might give gifts too sparingly. He calls the Megalesian purple the triumphal toga, in which the Praetor, about to give the Megalesian shows, was clothed. It also seems that Praetors, not only when giving the games, but even while sacrificing, wore the picta and triumphal vestment. Of this matter no other trace, so far as I know, exists except in Appian, lib. I. civ., concerning Asellio the Praetor, butchered in the middle of the forum for the crime of the moneylenders. Thus Asellio, says he, the Praetor sacrificing, ἀἰεραι, ἀἰεῖχρυσον ἔσ ἔυτα ὑσ Θυ- δια V

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 157 Perseo triumphauit, hoc indultum est: & Pompeio Magno concessum tradit Dio ὑπικινον ἐνδιευω ἐν τοῖς Ἁνιππεν ἀγωσι, id est vestem triumphalem induere in equestribus certaminibus. Eundem honorem Catoni ob Regiam Cypri Gazam sancte Romam transuectam oblatum, & ab eo repudiatum tradit Plutarchus. Idem postea Cæsari delatum, vt omnibus nempe ludis toga triumphali vteretur quemadmodum supra notauimus. Idem Dio lib. XLIV. ἀυτὸς δὲ τελω τε 50λεω τελω ὑπικινον ἐν πᾶσαις πανεγηρειν ὑπὸ δόγμα ἐνεδύετο: Ipse ex S. C. vestem triumphalem omnibus ludis, gestauit. De quo etiam Cicerò Philip. II. Sedebat in Rostris collega tuus amictus toga purpurea, in sella aurea coronatus. Vbi simpliciter purpuream appellat, quæ etiam picta erat, auroq[ue] intertexta, vt omnes triumphales. Nam Plutarchus idem narrans appellat triumphalem: Dio Regiam, quæ profectò eadem fuit. Quamobrem qui hic de purpura Deorum Ciceronem loquutum volunt, non minus risu digni sunt, quam qui olim in purpura sapiens saltauit. Nec in ludis modo sed etia[m] in sacrificijs vt testatur Appianus lib. I I. ciuil. na[m] θύν υπο αυτὸν αἰεὶ θριαμβικῶν με- φιεσμένον. Vt inter sacrificandum triumphali veste vteretur. Reliquos Cæsares, atque Imperatores in ciuili habitu incessisse, id est in toga communi, supra ostendimus; Vt de Alexandro notet Capitolinus, quod nunqua[m] prætextam sumserit, aut pictam togam, nisi Cos. esset. Inferiori æuo, vestem purpuream, id est togam, ac paludamentum, Imperatorum fuisse manifestum est. Id a Gallieno ortum videtur, de quo Trebellius. Cum chlamyde purpurea, gemmatisque fibulis, & aureis Romæ visus est, vbi semper togati principes videbantur. Nisi velimus intelligere, Gallienum notatum, quod chlamyde vteretur, cum alij Principes toga. Ex eo tempore purpura pro principatus symbolo a scriptoribus passim accipitur Hinc sumere purpuram, pro sumere Imperium: & in tumultuarijs Imperatorum creationibus direptam a vexillis purpuram, aut de simulachris Deorum a militibus cum aliunde non suppeteret, vt ea Imperatorem induerent, Historiæ Augustæ Interpretes notarunt. V 2 Inde

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 157 Perseus triumphed; this was granted: and Dio reports that the same was granted to Pompey the Great, ὑπικινον ἐνδιευω ἐν τοῖς Ἁνιππεν ἀγωσι, that is, to wear triumphal dress in the equestrian contests. Plutarch reports that the same honor was offered to Cato on account of the Royal Gaza of Cyprus having been brought solemnly to Rome, and that he refused it. The same honor was later conferred on Caesar, so that at all games, as noted above, he would wear the triumphal toga. Dio likewise, book XLIV, ἀυτὸς δὲ τελω τε 50λεω τελω ὑπικινον ἐν πᾶσαις πανεγηρειν ὑπὸ δόγμα ἐνεδύετο: he himself, by decree of the Senate, wore the triumphal dress at all the games. Of this Cicero also speaks, Philippics II: “Your colleague was sitting in the Rostra, clad in a purple toga, crowned on a golden chair.” There he simply calls it purple, though it was also figured and interwoven with gold, as were all triumphal garments. For Plutarch, recounting the same thing, calls it triumphal; Dio calls it royal, though it was indeed the same garment. Wherefore those who here wish Cicero to be speaking of the purple of the gods are no less deserving of laughter than those who once danced in purple as wise men. Nor was it only at games, but also in sacrifices, as Appian testifies, book II of the Civil Wars, ναν θύν υπο αυτὸν αἰεὶ θριαμβικῶν μεφιεσμένον: so that while sacrificing he wore triumphal dress. We have shown above that the remaining Caesars and emperors went about in civil dress, that is, in the ordinary toga; as Capitolinus notes of Alexander, that he never took the praetexta or the painted toga except when he was consul. In the later age, it is clear that the purple garment, that is, the toga and the paludamentum, belonged to emperors. This seems to have begun with Gallienus, concerning whom Trebellius says: “He was seen at Rome with a purple cloak and jeweled clasps, and with golden ones, whereas the princes had always appeared in the toga.” Unless we prefer to understand that Gallienus was noted because he used a cloak, whereas the other princes used the toga. From that time on, purple is everywhere taken by writers as the symbol of principate. Hence “to take the purple” means “to assume the imperium”; and in hurried proclamations of emperors, the purple torn from the standards, or from images of the gods, by soldiers when nothing else was available, so that they might clothe the emperor in it, has been noted by the interpreters of the Historia Augusta. V 2 Inde

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158 Octauij Ferrarij Inde etiam est, quod inter omnia Imperij semper aliquod purpureum occurrit, vt in eadem historia passim obseruare licet. Denique inde Imperatoria purpura summa dicta est. Lampridius de Alexandro. Vlpianum sæpea militum ira obiectu purpuræ summæ defendit. Malumus enim purpuram summam Imperatoriam interpretari; quàm quòd Casaubonus de purpura, quæ in summa, siue extrema veste fuit prætexta. Quasi solo limbo, ac fascia extrema purpurea defensus fuerit Vlpianus, & non totius vestis purpureæ Imperatoriæ obiectu, quæ propterea summa dicta est. Quod si de prætexta intelligatur, dura locutio est dura interpretatio. Eam vero purpuram principalem, & sacrum muricem, & purpuram veri luminis, & vestem alethinam, hoc est veram, verique coloris idem Vir incomparabilis obseruauit. De Vestibus holoueris. Cap X. M Agnus Turnebus Adu. 1. cap. xii. Existimat, holoberas, siue holoueras vestes fuisse, quæ totæ essent birri, quòd nempe birri honestiorum, & palatinorum erant, totique serici, & toti conchyliati, ex Canone xii. Synodi Gangrensis Si quis amictu pallij vtitur, & eos qui cum reuerentia birris vtuntur despicit anathema sit. Quòdque Zonaras, & Balsamo Bnpo[us] op[er]iosus exposuere vestes sericas. Esse igitur holoueras vestes credit Turnebus birros totos verè sericos, & totos conchyliatos. Sunt, inquit, holoberæ vestes, birri toti verè serici, & verè conchyliati. A quo non abeunt Iuris consulti ad Tit. vii. lib. xi. Cod. de vestibus holoberis; qui nihil aliud esse contendunt, quam togas sericas eadem Zonaræ, & Balsamonis interpretatione inducti. Et in eo quidem, quod hæ vestes totæ purpureæ essent, rectè censuit Turnebus: quod vero totæ sericæ, siue holosericæ, fallam notationem ostendit Salmalius ad Trebel: Pollionem. Valido herculè argumento: Nam si holouera tota ex serico texta vestimenta erant, nullum fuisset discrimen

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158 Octavius Ferrarius Hence also it is that among all imperial things there always appears some purple, as may be observed everywhere in the same history. Finally, from this the imperial purple was called summa . Lampridius, on Alexander: Ulpianus was often defended against the wrath of the soldiers by the objection of the highest purple. We would rather interpret the highest purple as imperial purple, than agree with Casaubon, who takes it of the purple that was bordered on the highest, or outermost garment. As though Ulpian had been defended only by a purple hem and outer border, and not by the objection of the whole imperial purple garment, which for that reason was called summa . But if it is understood of the border, it is a harsh expression and a harsh interpretation. That same purple, however, as the principal one, and the sacred murex, and the purple of true light, and the vestis alethina , that is, true, and of true color, that incomparable man observed. On seamless garments. Chapter X. M. Magnus Turnebus, Adv. 1. cap. xii. thinks that holoberas , or holoueras garments were those which were entirely birri , because indeed birri belonged to persons of rank and to courtiers, and were wholly of silk and wholly purple-dyed, according to Canon xii. of the Council of Gangra: “If anyone uses a cloak in the manner of a pallium, and despises those who use birri with reverence, let him be anathema.” And because Zonaras and Balsamon explain Bnpo[us] as costly garments of silk. Therefore Turnebus believes that holouera garments were whole birri , truly of silk and truly purple-dyed. “Holoberæ garments,” he says, “are whole birri , truly of silk and truly purple-dyed.” The jurists on Title vii, book xi of the Code, de vestibus holoberis , do not differ from this; they contend that they are nothing other than silk togas, having been led by the same interpretation of Zonaras and Balsamon. And in this point indeed, that these garments were entirely purple, Turnebus judged correctly; but that they were entirely silk, or wholly silk, Salmasius, in his note on Trebellius Pollio, shows to be a false notation, by a strong, indeed, argument: for if holouera were garments woven entirely from silk, there would have been no distinction

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160 Octauij Ferrarij Græcam, contractam, mox, & corruptam semper credidi- mus: nec aliud esse, quam ὑλοπόρφυρα, Holoporphyra, indu- cti auctoritate Isidori lib. xix. cap xxii. Orig. Holophora, vel vt alij habent codices Olophera, Holoporphyra, tota ex pur- pura, quæ si non verior, at simplicior notatio videtur. Vo- cem postea de prauatam vulgo, & corruptam argu mento est, quod in scriptis libris Isidori ipse etiam Salmasius rep- perit partim olophora, partim, olophera, & olopheria, ne quis miretur ex oloporphyris, factas esse holofera, holobera, ho- louera. Papias Vetus Grammatius. Holophora vestis tota ex purpura; holon enim Grecè totum. Holoporphyra ergo initio dicta, mox holophyra, holophera, & holobera, siue holo- uera: id est tota purpurea, quia vere talia erant, quorum sci- licet stamen, & trama tota purpurea, hæcque priuatis inter- dicta. Apud Nonium verbo stola, Varro φθορᾶς ποσμον, mulieres alia cerneres cum stola holoserica. Recte docti corigunt holoporphyro, nullus enim tunc holoserici vsus. De birris au- tem, infra commodius disseremus. Togarum diuersa genera enumerata magis, quàm indicata. Auctorum sententiæ expensæ. Varro explicatus, & correctus. Cap. XI. Et hæc quidem de toga communi, ac triumphali suffice- re poterant, nisi alia etiam togarum nomina, ac veluti species apud Plinium occurrerent: & rursus aliqui diuersa vestium genera pro togis imperitè obtruderent. Verba Pli- nij sunt lib. IIX. cap. XLIX. Lanam cum colo, & fuso Tana- quilis in templo Sangi durasse prodente se auctor est M. Varro, factamque ab ea togam Regiam vndulatam in æde Fortunæ, qua Servius Tullus fuerat vsus. Mox subijcit. Vndulata vestis pri- ma e lautissimis fuit, inde sororiculata defluxit. Togas rasas Phry- gianasque D. Augustinouissimis temporibus cæpisse, scribit Fenestel- la. Crebræ papaueratæ antiquiorem habent originem, iam sub Lu- cilio poeta in Torquato notatæ. In hi, explicandis facilius fuerit aliorum opinionem re- tellere,

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160 Octauij Ferrarii I have always believed that the Greek word, contracted, then corrupted, was: and that it is nothing other than ὑλοπόρφυρα, Holoporphyra, following the authority of Isidore, lib. xix. cap. xxii. Orig. Holophora, or as some manuscripts have it, Olophera, Holoporphyra, meaning altogether of purple, which, if not the truer reading, seems at least the simpler one. That the word was later commonly altered and corrupted is shown by the fact that in the written books of Isidore, Salmasius himself found partly olophora, partly olophera, and olopheria, so that no one should be surprised that from oloporphyris were made holofera, holobera, holouera. Papias the old grammarian: Holophora, a garment wholly of purple; for holon in Greek means “whole.” Holoporphyra was therefore first said, then holophyra, holophera, and holobera, or holouera: that is, wholly purple, because such indeed were these garments, namely those whose warp and weft were wholly purple, and these were forbidden to private persons. In Nonius, under the word stola, Varro, φθορᾶς ποσμον, you would see women in another garment than the stola, a holoserica. The learned rightly correct holoporphyro, for then there was no use of holosericum. As for the birri, we shall discuss them more conveniently below. The different kinds of togas are listed rather than described. The opinions of the authors are weighed. Varro explained and corrected. Chap. XI. And these things, indeed, about the common and triumphal toga might have been enough, unless other names of togas, and as it were species, had also occurred in Pliny; and unless again some people were to thrust various kinds of garments upon us as togas, ignorantly. The words of Pliny are in lib. VIII. cap. XLIX. “Varro is authority for the statement that Tanquil’s wool, with distaff and spindle, lasted in the temple of Sancus; and that from it was made the royal toga, striped with undulating lines, in the shrine of Fortune, which Servius Tullius had worn.” He then adds: “The undulated garment was first among the most luxurious; from it the sororiculata descended. Dyed togas and Phrygian togas, Fenestella writes, began in the very latest times. The sprinkled, poppy-speckled ones have a more ancient origin; they are already noted in the poet Lucilius, in the Torquatus.” In explaining these, it will be easier to rebut the opinion of others,

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 161 fellere, quàm nouam interpretationem afferre. Nonius. Vndulatum noue positum, purum. Varro de Vita Pop. Rom. lib. I. Et a quibusdam dicitur esse Virginis Fortunæ ab eo quod duabus vndulatis togis est opertum, proinde vt olim nostri Reges vndulatas & prætextas togas soliti sint habere. Vbi videtur Nonius vndulatam togam opponere prætextæ. Sed maiorum gentium critici ineptiæ Nonium accusant, ipsique existimant, vndulatas vestes dictas, quarum textura vndas imitaretur quæ Plauto cumtilis dicta: quod in lana texenda an fieri possit ipsi viderint: certe nostræ vestes vndulatæ qua ratione fiant, etiam rudes intelligunt. Cum præterea togæ essent albæ, ne quis vndarum speciem colorum, ac liciorum varietate expressam comminiscatur. Et licet tali toga vsus Seruius Rex dicatur, & ideo picta fuisse vndulatim dici possit, tamen communes huiusmodi vestes fuisse verba Plinij indicant, cum ait vestem vndulatam primam fuisse e lautissimis, id est qua, & alij præter Reges lauti homines vterentur, quibus nullum ius pictarum fuit, nisi in triumpho. In veteribus libris pro vndulata legitur vngulata voce non minus, atque illa insolenti. Ita duo manu exarati in Bibliotheca Ambrosiana constanter habent. Etiam in soriculata ijdem Critici vaticinantur. Alij enim soriculatas legunt, & sparto, ac lino condensatas interpretantur nempe a conserendo soriculatas dictas. Alij soriculatas; vt est in veteribus libris; Alij suroreculatas, quæ perpetuis quibusdam suris, & latioribus virgis regulatæ essent, & eo toto texendi genere confectæ, vt sint a sura, vel a rica, vel regula. Sed quid iuuat in tenebris micare? Non exigua Critici laus est, etiam aliqua ignorare. Vel hic succurrant nobis, qui grandia semper minantur. Sanè huiusmodi suras, regulas, & figuras in lana texi non potuisse illud argumento est, quod in lana tantum Istrica & Liburnica, quæ filo prior erat quàm lanæ, scutulæ texi poterant, in reliquis villi obstabant. Plinius eodem capite. Istriæ, Liburniæque lino prior quam lanæ pexis aliena vestibus, & quam sola ars scutulato textu commendat in Lusitania. Hæc igitur lana, quæ minime villosa erat, & li-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 161 to deceive rather than to provide a new interpretation. Nonius. “Undulatum, newly arranged, pure.” Varro, de Vita Pop. Rom. book I. “And by some it is said to be the Virginis Fortunae, from the fact that it is covered with two undulated togas, just as in former times our Kings used to have undulated and praetexta togas.” Here Nonius seems to oppose the undulated toga to the praetexta. But the critics of the greater nations accuse Nonius of absurdity, and themselves think that undulated garments were so called because their texture imitated waves, which Plautus called cumtilis: whether this can be done in weaving wool let them see for themselves; certainly even the unlearned understand in what way our undulated garments are made. Since, moreover, the togas were white, let no one imagine a likeness of waves expressed by a variety of colors and threads. And although King Servius is said to have used such a toga, and therefore it may be said to have been painted in waves, still the words of Pliny show that garments of this kind were common, when he says that the undulated garment was the first among the most elegant, that is, one which also others besides Kings, refined men, used, whereas they had no right to painted garments except in a triumph. In old books, instead of undulata, vngulata is read, no less an unusual form than the other. Thus two manuscripts in the Ambrosian Library consistently have it. Even in soriculata the same critics make conjectures. For some read soriculatas, and interpret them as compacted with spartum and linen, namely, that they are called soriculatas from conserere. Others read soriculatas, as is in the old books; others suroreculatas, which would have been regulated by certain continual rows and broader rods, and made by that whole manner of weaving, so that they would be from sura, or from rica, or regula. But what is the use of flashing in the dark? It is no small praise of a critic even to be ignorant of something. Or let those who are always threatening great things come to our aid here. Certainly the fact that such rows, reguli, and figures could not be woven in wool is shown by this argument, that in wool only the Istrian and Liburnian kinds, which were earlier in thread than in wool, could be woven in scutulae, while in the rest the fibers stood in the way. Pliny in the same chapter: “For the people of Istria and Liburnia, linen, earlier than wool, was combed into garments not their own, and only the art with its checked weave gives commendation in Lusitania.” Thus this wool, which was by no means shaggy, and li-

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& lino similior, apta texendis scutulis erat, reliquæ ineptæ, inqueis villi omnem texturam tegebant. Quod ad Phryxianas & rasas attinet no[n] ita Turnebi sententia displicet, qui ita dictas censet, quod Phryxæi velleris crispos & eminentes villos imitarentur, quasque cum spissis Seneca coniungit lib. I. de Ben. c. I I I. Inueniam alium poetam apud quem præcingantur, & spissis, aut Phryxianis prodeant: Vbi tamen loquitur de tunicis Gratiarum. His oppositæ rasæ fuerunt, id est minime villosæ: quemadmodum spissis rallæ. Magis inquam Turnebi opinio placet quam Popinæ ad Varronem de lin. Latina existimantis Phrygianam togam fuisse vestimenti genus distinctum filis aureis, & varijs meandris retortum quale a Virgilio describatur. Vobis pictacroco & fulgenti murice vestis. Nam Phrygianas, siue Phryxianas fuisse togas communes indicat Plinius cum eas rasis veluti opponit, & in vsu esse cepisse ait temporibus Augusti, cum tot seculis ante togæ pictę & a Phrygione elaboratæ in vsu essent. Sed locus ille Varronis mire deprauatus est. Stamen astando, quod eo stat omne in tela velamentum. Subtegmenquod subit stamini. Trama quod tramat frigus id genus vestimenti. Densum a dentibus pectinis quibus feritur. Hæc est vetus lectio. Turnebus trameat frigus id est transmeat. Vt Varroni trama sit vestimenti genus rarum. Porro Phrygum pro frigus in veteribus legi idem testatur. Sed nec vllum vestimentum trama dictum est, & in quolibet trama locum habuit, quæ eadem cum subtemine, sine quo nullum vestimentum. Si ergo trama quod frigus tramaret siue tramearet, etiam densa spissaq; vestimêta frigus trameasset inqui- bus necessario trama erat. Nemo itaque Scaligero assenserit legenti quod trameat Phrygionis vestimentum. Phrygionia autem esse quæ Italo ricamato appellant. Sed omnia vestimenta, non solum a Phrygione elaborata tramam habebant. Sequitur Scaligerum Popina paucis mutatis. Trameat Phrygium cum fit genus vestimenti. Trama enim id est filum trameat & currit intra stamen & subtemen cum texitur Phrygium genus vestimenti. Nihil ine- ptius

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& a linen similar to this was suitable for weaving little shields, the rest were unsuitable, for the shaggy threads covered the whole texture. As for the Phrygian and shaved kinds, Turnebus’s opinion does not displease me, who thinks that they were so called because they imitated the curly and prominent nap of Phrygian wool, and these Seneca joins with the dense ones in book I, de Beneficiis, ch. III: “I shall find another poet with whom they are girded, and come forth dense, or Phrygian.” Yet there he is speaking of the robes of the Graces. Opposed to these were the shaved ones, that is, the least shaggy; just as the dense were opposed to the rough. I say that Turnebus’s opinion pleases me more than Popina’s on Varro, de Lingua Latina, who held that the Phrygian toga was a kind of garment distinguished by golden threads, and twisted with varied meanders, such as Virgil describes: “Your garment with bright dye and shining purple.” For that the togas called Phrygian, or Phrygian, were common is indicated by Pliny, when he contrasts them with shaved ones, and says that they began to be in use in the time of Augustus, although for so many centuries before that painted togas and those elaborated by the Phrygian were in use. But that passage of Varro has been wonderfully corrupted. “Stamen,” from standing, because every covering stands upon the loom. “Subtegmen,” that which goes under the stamen. “Trama,” because it crosses through the cold; this kind of garment. “Densum,” from the teeth of the comb with which it is beaten. This is the old reading. Turnebus reads “trameat,” that is, “crosses through.” Thus for Varro, trama is a kind of rare garment. Moreover, the ancients, he says, read “Phrygum” for “frigus.” But neither has any garment been called trama, and in every garment trama had a place, since it is the same as subtemen, without which there is no garment. If therefore trama, because it crossed through or passed through the cold, also crossed through dense and thick garments, then it necessarily crossed through the cold in those in which trama was present. No one, therefore, would agree with Scaliger reading “that the garment of the Phrygian crosses through.” And “Phrygionia” are those which in Italian are called ricamato. But all garments, not only those worked by the Phrygian, had trama. Following Scaliger, Popina changes a few things. “The Phrygian crosses through when it becomes a kind of garment. For trama, that is, thread, crosses through and runs within the stamen and subtemen when the Phrygian kind of garment is woven.” Nothing more foolish

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 163 ptius dici potest, trama quæ subtemen erat trameabat intra stamen & subtemen. Nec rectius Ant. Augustinus. Trama quod trameat filum. Et postea. Genus vestimenti densum. Nam & trama filum erat. Deinde sequentia non cohærent. Sed denuo tentare hanc aleam, & cum viris Doctis falli quæ inuidia est? Totus locus ita legendus & interpurgendus videtur. Trama quod trameat. Phrygium genus vestimenti densum a dentibus pectinis quibus feritur. Sicut stamen a stando, subtemen quod sub stamine esset, ita trama recte a trameando quod inter stamen tramearet, & traijceretur. Sequitur Phrygium esse vestimenti genus densum, densum quidem a dentibus pectinis, id est bene percussum pectine. Phrygium autem quasi ferigium quod feriretur dentibus pectinis. Notationis ineptia mira esset in Varrone si esset sola. Paulo post ait tunicam a tuendo dictam, & innumera his similia. Cui hæc coniectura non placet afferat meliorem. At Paueratas grauiter pressas, & calcatas interpretantur pectineque percussas, id est easdem cum spissis, ac pauitentibus. Vt crebræ sint quales Sophocli dicuntur σπαθτα ἔαθύτες quod notauit Scaliger ad Cirin Virgilianam: qui apud Plinium pro papaueeratis Paueratis legit, vt sint bene percussæ, quomodo pauera frumenta multum trita, vt granum deglubatur. Pauera autem a pauiendo. Pauire παρὰ τὸ παίνω. Hæc ille. Quæri postremo posset, quænam esset toga Græcanica apud Suetonium in Domitiano Certamini præsedit crepidatus, purpureaque amictus toga Græcanica, capite gestans coronam auream. Sed facile hoc magnus Casaubonus expediet, qui recte togam Græcanicam αναλόγων Chlamydem interpretatur, quod magis placet quam quod alij pallium: nam idem Suetonius de Nerone in re simili. In veste purpurea distinctaque stellis aureis chlamyde. Certe crepidæ numquam cum toga sumptæ, vt illa vestis Græcanica aut chlamys fuerit, aut pallium Græcum purpureum. Chlamyde hanc Græcanicam diuerlam fuisse a castrensi indicat Capitolinus in Pertinace. Purpureasque chlamydes Græcanicas & Castrenses. Lipsius etiam ad Tacitum lib. XI v. chlamydem X fuisse

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 163 It can be said more appropriately that the trama, which was the subtemen, wove itself within the stamen and subtemen. Nor is Antonius Augustinus more correct. “Trama,” because the thread weaves through. And afterward: “A kind of thick garment.” For trama was also a thread. Then the following statements do not cohere. But why try this venture again, and be mistaken together with learned men—a thing of envy? The whole passage seems to need to be read and cleaned up in this way: “Trama, because it weaves through. Phrygium, a kind of thick garment,” thick indeed from the teeth of the comb with which it is struck. Just as stamen is from standing, and subtemen because it was under the stamen, so trama is rightly from trameando, because it wove between the stamen and was passed across. It follows that Phrygium is a kind of thick garment, thick indeed from the teeth of the comb, that is, well beaten with the comb. Phrygium, however, as if ferigium, because it was struck by the teeth of the comb. The oddness of the notation would be remarkable in Varro if it stood alone. A little later he says that tunica is named from tuendo, and countless similar things. Let whoever does not like this conjecture produce a better one. But they interpret paueratas as heavily pressed and trodden down, and struck with the comb, that is, the same as thick and compact ones. Thus they are to be dense, such as are said by Sophocles to be σπαθτα ἔαθύτες, as Scaliger noted on Virgil’s Ciris: he reads in Pliny papaueeratis for paueratis, so that they are well struck, just as pauera grains are much threshed, so that the kernel is stripped away. But pauera comes from pauiendo. Pauire, from παρὰ τὸ παίνω. So he says. Lastly, one might ask what the toga Græcanica was in Suetonius, in Domitian: “He presided over the contest, wearing crepidæ, and clothed in a purple toga Græcanica, while bearing on his head a golden crown.” But this will easily be explained by the great Casaubon, who rightly interprets the toga Græcanica as a kind of chlamys, which is more pleasing than what others say, namely pallium: for Suetonius says the same of Nero in a similar matter: “In a purple garment and a chlamys distinguished with golden stars.” Certainly crepidæ were never worn with a toga, so that that garment was either a Græcanica robe or a Greek purple pallium. Capitolinus indicates that this Græcanica chlamys was different from the military one in Pertinax: “Purple chlamydes, Græcanic and military.” Lipsius also, in his note on Tacitus, book XI, says that the chlamys was not

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164 Octauij Ferrarij fuisse credit. Constanter tamen omnes M.S. Codices togam Germanicam præferunt. Toga etiam flammata apud Martialem ijs accedat licet, quæ adhuc ignorantur lib. v. epig. xx. Saturnalitiæ ligulam misisse selibræ Flammatæ ve togæ scrupula tota decem Luxuria est. Nam vt demus Domitio Flammatam togam fuisse rubram: Quis vnquam huius togæ vsus fuit præcipuè apud clientes, & pauperiores? Nam purpureæ triumphales erant, atque ingentis pretij. At sermo hic munerum saturnalitiorum, quæ quidem auari patroni largiebantur. Et licet purpureæ lacernæ a sumptuosioribus donarentur, togas purpureas donatas inauditum. Deinde quis vnquam dixit decem scrupula togæ, quasi toga vt ligula argentea ad pondus daretur; & quæ toga niti fortè aranearum decem scrupula penderet? Neq; audiendus nuperus scholiastes qui decem scrupulis auri emptam intelligit. Nam nec locus togæ purpureæ, neque ea decem auri scrupulis parari poterat. Quare corruptum locum suspicamur, sed cui sanando non simus. In M.S. Florentino quem vidit Cl. & Præstantissimus Gerardus Vossius legitur Flammaris vetolæ, vt & in veteri editione, quam lectionem amplexus est Scriuerius. Flammaris ve togæ. Sed quæ nam esset ista toga Flammaris non posuit. Ergo diuinandum est. Abollam non fuisse togam, aut vestem Senatoriam. Quidea fuerit. Cap. XII. NOn erat hic Abollæ dicendæ locus, nisi eam quidam Romani cultus partem imperitè fecissent, atque inuitis Quiritibus ciuitate donassent. Ptolomæum Regem ab Caio Cæsare non aliam ob causam perculsum narrat Tranquillus quàm quòd ingressus spectacula convertisset oculos hominum splendore purpureæ Abollæ. Vbi Beroaldus ex Nonio obseruat, Abollam fuisse vestem militarem. Eum Torrentius, & Mar-

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164 Octauij Ferrarij it is believed to have been. Yet all the M.S. Codices consistently prefer toga Germanica . Even the toga flammata may be placed among those things which Martial still leaves unknown, book v. epig. xx. “Saturnalitiæ ligulam misisse selibræ Flammatæ ve togæ scrupula tota decem” Luxury it is. For even if we grant that Domitius had a toga flammata , it was red: who ever made use of such a toga, especially among clients and poorer men? For triumphal robes were purple, and of great price. But this passage speaks of Saturnalician gifts, which indeed stingy patrons were wont to bestow. And although more lavish men might give purple cloaks, it is unheard of that purple togas were given. Then who ever said “ten scruples of a toga,” as though the toga, like a silver ligula, were given by weight; and what toga, perhaps weighed down by ten scruples of spiders’ web, would hang there? Nor should the more recent scholiast be heard, who understands it as bought for ten scruples of gold. For neither could the place suit a purple toga, nor could that be procured for ten scruples of gold. Wherefore we suspect the passage to be corrupt, but one for whose correction we are not fit. In the Florentine M.S., which the illustrious and most distinguished Gerardus Vossius saw, there is read Flammaris vetolæ , as also in the old edition, which reading Scriuerius embraced. “Flammaris ve togæ.” But what that toga Flammaris might be he did not state. Therefore it must be conjectured. That the abolla was not a toga, nor a senatorial garment. What it may have been. Chap. XII. This was not the place to speak of the abolla , unless some had ignorantly made it a part of Roman dress, and, against the will of the Quirites, had bestowed citizenship upon it. Tranquillus relates that King Ptolemy was struck down by Caius Caesar for no other reason than that, on entering the spectacles, he turned the eyes of the people by the splendor of his purple abolla . Where Beroaldus observes from Nonius that the abolla was a military garment. Torrentius likewise, and Mar-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 165 & Marcellus more suo descripsere. Verba Nonij afferam, quia malè affecta leguntur. Abolla, vestis militaris. Varro περὶ οθορᾶς νόσμον. Toga tracta est, & abolladata est turbam, vbi sera militia munera velli vt præstarem. Quem locum ita legendum pridem docti viderunt. Toga detracta est, & abolla data est ad turbam mihi sera militias munera belli vt præstarem. Belli id est in bello. Quæ rectius se habebunt si ad tubam legamus, & militiæ id est militiæ; Ait enim ille detractam sibi togam vestimentum pacis, & impositam militarem abollam, vt militiæ sera munia fungeretur. Ex quo manifestum sit, quantopere aberrent qui Abollam Togam interpretati sunt, siue vestem Senatoriam. Sabellicus quidem ad Suetonium ait Festo Abollam esse vestem senatoriam, dictam quasi Abullam, quod sit vndique bullata. Neque hoc in Festo extat, quod sciam, & notatio inepta est, ac ridicula. Pappias etiam. Abolla, togæ genus, vestis senatoria amictus duplex. Quod toga, & vestis Senatoria, fallitur, nam Varro illam togæ opponit, vt eidem toge sagum opponebatur. Clarissime Martialis lib. I IX. ep. XLIX. Nescit cui dederit Tyriam Crispinus Abollam, Dum mutat cultus, induiturque togam. Vbi Crispinus deposita abolla induit togam. Hos nifallor in errorem Iuuenalis versus induxit. — rapta properabat Abolla Pegasus attomitæ positus modo villicus Vrbi. Loquitur ibi poeta de Pegaso ab Domitiano in Albanum accito, quæ verba non ostendunt abollam fuisse togam, sed potius pallium, quo extra Vrbem vtebantur. Et fortasse Iurisconsultus ille in pallio Philosophico fuit. Id enim etia[m] Abolla dicebatur. Idem Aquinas. — atqui audi facinus maioris Abollæ. Stoicus occidit Baream delator amicum, Discipulumque senex. Vbi Vet. Interp. Prouerbium quasi maioris togæ id est sceleris potioris. Vel per ironiam dixit quasi sanctioris philosophi. Abolla species est maioris vestis, quasi pallij maioris; Quo loco per pallium X 2

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De Re Vestiaria, Book II. 165 & Marcellus described it in his own way. I shall quote the words of Nonius, because they are badly corrupted when read. Abolla, a military garment. Varro περὶ οθορᾶς νόσμον. “The toga was taken off, and the abolla was put on in the crowd, when it was too late for me to perform the duties of war.” This passage has long since been rightly read by the learned. “The toga was removed, and the abolla given to the crowd, when it was too late for me to perform the duties of war.” “Belli” means “in war.” The passage will make better sense if we read “to the trumpet,” and “militiae” is, that is, of military service; for he says that his toga was stripped from him, the garment of peace, and the military abolla was placed upon him, so that he might discharge the late duties of warfare. From this it is clear how far astray those are who have interpreted Abolla as a toga, or as a senatorial garment. Sabellicus indeed, in his note on Suetonius, says that according to Festus the abolla is a senatorial garment, so called as though from abulla, because it is covered all over with studs. But this, so far as I know, is found nowhere in Festus, and the explanation is foolish and ridiculous. Pappias also says: “Abolla, a kind of toga, a senatorial garment, a double cloak.” But that it is a toga and a senatorial garment is mistaken, for Varro opposes it to the toga, just as the sagum was opposed to the toga. Most clearly Martial, Book I. IX, epigram XLIX: Nescit cui dederit Tyriam Crispinus Abollam, Dum mutat cultus, induiturque togam. Where Crispinus, having laid aside the abolla, puts on the toga. Unless I am mistaken, the lines of Juvenal led them into this error: — rapta properabat Abolla Pegasus, just lately appointed steward of the unhosed City. The poet is speaking there of Pegasus, summoned by Domitian from Alba, and those words do not show that the abolla was a toga, but rather a pallium, such as was worn outside the City. And perhaps that jurist was in a philosophical pallium too. For that also was called an Abolla. The same in Aquinas: — atqui audi facinus maioris Abollae. A Stoic, informer, killed his friend Barea, and the old man his disciple. Where the old interpreter explains it as a proverb, as though “of a greater toga,” that is, of a greater crime. Or he said it ironically, as though of a more holy philosopher. Abolla is a kind of larger garment, like a larger pallium; in which place, by pallium X 2

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166 Octauij Ferrarij pallium maius philosophicum intelligitur, quod longius erat, ac fusius. Hinc Cynicos cum abolla induxit Martial. a Beroaldo adductus. Cereaquem nudi tegit vxor abolla grabati. Et licet idem Crispino in aula potentissimo purpuream abollam tribuat, non alia ratione vestem pretiosam fuisse credendum est, quam quòd erat purpurea. Neque de nihilo est, quod ait Papias Abollam fuisse duplice amictum, id enim a Seruio accepit, qui ad illud Virgilij. Duplicem ex humeris abiecit amictum. Duplicem amictum inquit id est Abollam, quæ duplex est, sicut Chlamys. Horat. Quem duplici panno patientia velat. Male autem Seruium Marcellus reprehendit, quod Abollam duplicem amictum interpretatus sit: nam Abolla erat Cynicorum vt diximus, hos, & Stoicos duplici panno velat Horatius, quare Abolla duplex amictus, & ideo pallium, non toga, aut vestis Senatoria. Cum hæc sub prælo essent, venit in manus summi Viri liber de modo vsurarum, in quo cap. I I I. notatum inueni Præsides in prouincijs, immo & Præfectos Vrbis Abollam gestasse, atque in eo habitu iudicia exercuisse, atque hinc crimina extra ordinem animaduerti solita dici satyrico crimina maioris Abollæ, crimina scilicet extraordinaria, & de quibus debeat cognoscere Iudex paludatus, vel chlamydatus, quales erant Præsides, vel Præfecti. Cui opinioni nullo modo assentiri possum. Nam Præsides in prouincijs Prætextam gestasse certum est, & inde facile colligas, quod Romani omnes, & magna pars provincialium togati incedebant, & proinde Romanus magistratus in toga prætexta. Hinc coss. qui extra Vrbem magistratum inibant eo loco prætextam sumebant quo honorem auspicabantur. Liuius lib. xxx. de Flaminio, qui iterum col. designatus priuatus clam in prouinciam abierat. Magis pro marestate inquit, videlicet Imperij, Arimini quam Ro- ma magistratum initurum, & in diuersorio hospitali quam apud penates suos prætextam sumpturum? Ab Vrbe quidem palu- dati

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166 Octauij Ferrarij By pallium maius philosophicum is understood that which was longer and fuller. Hence Martial introduced the Cynics with the abolla , as Beroaldo observes. The naked wife covers the couch with a woolen abolla . And although the same poet assigns a purple abolla to Crispinus, the most powerful man in the court, it is not to be believed that the garment was precious for any other reason than that it was purple. Nor is it without purpose that Papias says that the abolla was a double covering, for he took this from Servius, who on that line of Virgil, “He cast off the double cloak from his shoulders,” says: “A double cloak, that is, an abolla , which is double, like the chlamys .” Horace: “Whom patience covers with a double cloth.” But Marcellus wrongly rebukes Servius for interpreting the abolla as a double covering; for, as we said, the abolla was the cloak of the Cynics, and Horace says that it covered these men, and the Stoics, with a double cloth. Therefore the abolla is a double covering, and thus a cloak, not a toga, or a senatorial garment. While these things were under the press, there came into my hands the book of a most eminent man on the manner of usury, in which in chap. III I found noted that governors in the provinces, indeed even the Prefects of the City, wore the abolla , and exercised judgments in that attire, and that from this it is said that extraordinary crimes were wont to be noticed, the satirist’s crimina maioris Abollae , that is, extraordinary crimes, and those of which a judge clad in the military cloak, or in the chlamys , such as were governors or prefects, ought to take cognizance. To this opinion I can by no means assent. For it is certain that governors in the provinces wore the praetexta , and from this you may easily gather that all Romans, and a large part of provincials, went about wearing togas, and therefore a Roman magistrate in the bordered toga. Hence consuls who entered office outside the City put on the praetexta in the place where they began to exercise their office. Livy, book XXX, concerning Flaminius, who, having been appointed consul for the second time, had gone privately into the province. “More fittingly,” he says, “that is, for the sake of empire, at Ariminum than at Rome to enter upon magistracy, and in an inn rather than among his own household gods to put on the praetexta ?” From the City indeed in military cloaks

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 167 dati proficiscebantur sed in prouincijs prætextati publicis muneribus fungebantur; Immo etiam in castris & exercitu, nisi pugnandum esset. Tacitus de Germanico pugnaturo aduersus Ariminum. Noxe eadem lætam Germanico quietem tulit, viditque se operatum, & sanguine sacro respersa prætexta pulchriorem aliam manibus auriæ Augustæ accepisse. Et lib. I I I. Histo. Sed vbi Cæcina prætexta, & lictoribus insignis dimota turba Cos. incessit. Dio id a perte ponit lib. L I I I. vbi Procoss. institutionem sub Augusto narrat. Ait enim ἀντετετὴνοῦν τὴν γερασίας συλλόγου πεμπεθή, μὴτε ἐἰφος παραγωγμένονς μὴτε ςφατιστικὴ ἐδὴτι ἐγωμένονς. Vtque de communi Senatus corpore mitterentur neque gladio accincti, neque militari habitu vtentes. Solis Augusti legatis datum subdit vt militari veste, gladioque vterentur. Sed demus Præsides chlamydatas, & paludatos in prouincijs iudicasse. Quis Vrbis Præfectum in ipsa Vrbe peregrino, ac militari cultu cognitiones exercuisse tradit? Iuuenalis Pegaso Prefecto Abollam tribuit: sed non iura reddenti: sed iter in Albanum facturo; sed Iuris consulto & fortasse propterea Philosophico habitu gaudenti, vel ex alia causa nobis ignota. Præterea cui non durum videatur, facinus maioris Abollę interpretari, de quo iudicet maiorem Abollam indutus? Non secus ac si quis diceret, parricidium fuisse facinus togæ, quod de eo iudices togati sententiam ferrent, & deserere agmen crimen paludamenti, quod de eo paludatus iu- dex cognosceret. Facinus ergo maioris Abollæ, quod supra notabamus, est facinus a philosopho & quidem sanctiorem vitam professo patratum, qui nempe Abollam gestabat. Egnatius nempe Celer stoicus, qui Baream Soranum amicum, & discipulum delatione oppresserat. Abolla pallium philosophicum, & ideo illud Cynicis Martialis adscribit, licet vestis etiam militaris fuerit, & ab alijs gestata, vt a Ptolomeo, & Crispino: sed pretiosior & purpurea. Philosophica vilior, & fusior ad instar pallij, & ideo Vetus Interpres maiorem Abollam mains pallium interpretatur. Quod

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 167 they used to set out, but in the provinces they wore the praetexta while performing public duties; indeed, even in camps and in the army, unless there was fighting to be done. Tacitus, on Germanicus setting out to fight against Ariminum. On that same night Germanicus had a pleasant rest, and he saw that, having completed his task, and the praetexta sprinkled with sacred blood, he had received from the hands of the golden Augusta another, more beautiful one. And lib. III. Histo. But when Caecina, distinguished by the praetexta and by the lictors, dismissed the crowd, he entered as consul. Dio relates the same passage, lib. LIII, where he narrates the institution of the proconsuls under Augustus. For he says ἀντετετὴνοῦν τὴν γερασίας συλλόγου πεμπεθή, μὴτε ἐἰφος παραγωγμένονς μὴτε ςφατιστικὴ ἐδὴτι ἐγωμένονς. And that they might be sent from the common body of the Senate, neither girt with a sword nor wearing military dress. He adds that only Augustus’ envoys were allowed to use military clothing and a sword. But let us grant that governors in the provinces judged wearing chlamydes and military cloaks. Who records that the Prefect of the City, in the City itself, exercised judicial functions in foreign and military attire? Juvenal assigns the abolla to Pegasus the Prefect, but not while he was dispensing justice; rather, when he was about to set out for Alba; that is, as a jurist and perhaps for that reason enjoying the philosopher’s habit, or for some other reason unknown to us. Moreover, who would not think it harsh to interpret as the deed of a greater abolla something concerning which a man should judge while wearing a greater abolla? Just as if someone were to say that parricide was a deed of the toga, because togated judges pronounced sentence on it, and that abandoning the column was a crime of the cloak, because a judge clad in a cloak took cognizance of it. Therefore the “deed of the greater abolla,” which we noted above, is a deed committed by a philosopher, and indeed one professing a holier life, who, namely, wore the abolla. Such was Egnatius Celer the Stoic, who had crushed his friend and disciple Barea Soranus by a denunciation. The abolla is the philosophical mantle, and for that reason Martial ascribes it to the Cynics, although it was also a military garment and was worn by others, as by Ptolemy and Crispinus: but more precious and purple-colored. The philosophical one was cheaper and fuller, like a pallium, and therefore the Old Interpreter translates maior abolla as “a larger mantle.” Quod

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168 Octauij Ferrarij Quod vestimenti genus fuerit Læna. Seruij opinio reiecta. Cap. XIII. Sicut Abollam peregrinitatis notauiimus, ita, & Lænam Romano cultui se inferentem excludemus. Plutarchus in Numa notat, Iubam Regem tradere, Lænas quas Reges ferebant, Græcorum , quidam appellatam existi- mant Tusce, quidam Græcè quod dicunt. Atqui vt Græci notant , Heroum gestamen. Hoc autem discrimen inter eam, & Chlamydem Macedonicam posuere, quod Chlæna vestimentum quadratum esset, Chlamys Macedonica in inferiori parte conclusa. Lænam igitur siue Chlænam initio Heroes Regesq[ue] ge- starunt, etiam apud Romanos, vt tradit Plut. Lænam Ae- neæ assignat poeta. --- Tyrioque ardebat murice Læna Demissa ex humeris. Vbi Seruius Lænam interpretatur togam duplicem. Est au- tem propriè inquit toga duplex: amictus auguralis. Alij amictum rotundum, alij togam duplicem in qua Flamines sacrificant infi- bulati. Alia quædam adijcit de Læna, quæ nihil ad rem. Po- stremo notat creditum Virgilium latenter indicasse Pontifi- calem ritum, quod veteri religione præciperetur in augura- to Flamini vestem, quæ Læna dicebatur, a Flaminica texi oportere, qua vteretur Pontifex. Sanè hanc Flaminum ve- stem fuisse indicat Cicero de Claris Oratoribus M. inquit Popilius cum Consul esset, eodemque tempore sacrificium publicum cum Læna faceret, quòd erat Flamen Carmentalis, plebis contra patres concitatione, & seditione nunciata, vt erat Læna amictus, ita venit in concionem. Sed quod eadem toga fuerit, nullo pacto admitti potest. Primò quia Læna eadem ac Chlæna, hæc autem vestimen- tum Græcanicum apertum, & quadratum, toga rotundum. Deinde quo modo Aeneæ apud Penos degenti toga datur, & qui-

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168 Octavius Ferrarius What kind of garment the Læna was. The opinion of Servius rejected. Chapter XIII. Just as we have noted the abolla as foreign dress, so too we shall exclude the læna from Roman attire. Plutarch, in the Life of Numa , notes that King Juba reports that the lænæ worn by kings were what some think were called by the Greeks, by others in Tuscan, and by still others in Greek, as they say. But as the Greeks note, it was the garment of heroes. This distinction, however, they placed between it and the Macedonian chlamys , namely that the chlaena was a square garment, whereas the Macedonian chlamys was closed at the lower part. If, then, the læna or chlaena was originally worn by heroes and kings, it was also used among the Romans, as Plutarch relates. The poet assigns a læna to Aeneas. --- And the læna glowed with Tyrian purple, hanging down from his shoulders. Here Servius interprets læna as a double toga. But properly, he says, a toga is double: the augural vestment. Some call it a round mantle, others a double toga in which the Flamines sacrifice, with the headband fastened. He adds certain other things about the læna that have nothing to do with the matter. Finally, he notes that it was believed Virgil subtly indicated a pontifical rite, because by ancient religion it was prescribed that the vestment in which the augurated Flamen, called the læna , was to be woven by the Flaminica, and that the Pontiff was to wear it. Indeed Cicero indicates that this was a garment of the Flamines in On Famous Orators : “M. Popilius, when he was consul, and at the same time making a public sacrifice with the læna , since he was Flamen Carmentalis, when news was brought of agitation and sedition among the people against the patricians, came into the assembly as he was dressed in the læna .” But that it was the same toga can in no way be admitted. First, because the læna is the same as the chlaena , but the latter is a Greek garment, open and square, whereas the toga is round. Then how is it that a toga is given to Aeneas while dwelling among the Carthaginians, and how-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 169 & quidem cum gladio? Immo ex hoc non male Nonius vestem militarem interpretatur. Huc accedit, quòd Læna, vt inquit idem, super omnia vestimenta accipiebatur, nec est credibile togam, & quidem duplicem supra togam sumptam. Nullaque apud veteres togæ duplicis mentio, nec scio, quo pacto duplex fieri posset, aut gestari, cum simplex satis onerosa satisque sinistrum cum brachio humerum premeret. Pallij quidem duplicis, & duplicati veteres meminerunt, de quo aliàs. Quare melius Festus qui amictum duplicem interpretatus est. Præterea Lænæ vsus in conuiuijs apud Romanos, in quis depositas togas quid attinet dice- re? Quod vero reliquis vestimentis, etiam togæ Læna superinijceretur, notum fit ex Martiale in Apophoretis. Læna Tempore brumali non multum leua prosunt. Calfaciunt villi pallia vestra mei. Quintilianus de habitu Oratoris. Et cum ad argumenta, ac loca ventum est, reijcere a sinistro togam, deijcere etiam sibæreat, conueniet: Lænam faucibus, ac summo pectore abducere licet. Si Læna toga duplex, tribus togis implicitus, & inuolutus, ac circumclusus orator ille fuisset. Calenus etiam apud Dionem Ciceroni obiectat tenues Lænulas lib. XI v. 1. πις μεν γαρ ὑν χ ὑρᾶ σουτᾶ λεπτᾶ τὰυτα χλαυίδα; Atqui tunc Cicero in Senatu, & togatus. Quare lēnam pallium fuisse non est dubitandum apertu[m], ac breue, vt Græcorum Chlēna, non multum Chlamydi absimile, quo Reges initio vli sunt, deinde, & vulgus, idque villosum, & arcendo frigori adhibitum, togeque superiniectum, in ipsis conuiuijs vlitatum. Et Heroicum quidem Regiumque gestamen ostendimus. Mox vulgo vsurpata Iuuenal. --- Plurima sunt, quæ Non audeant homines pertusa dicere læna. Ea autem sumpta aduersus frigus, & ideo superiniecta ceteris vestimentis. Pollux χλαῦνα ἰμάτιον ὑπί ποῦ χιτῶνι ἔδτ' ὅτε μεγὴ τοι ἐνδυκαιον περιβόλαιον. Alias autem Chlēnas fuisse ait ἀπλοῖς

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On Vestments, Book II. 169 And indeed, with a sword? Nay, from this passage Nonius interprets it not badly as a military garment. To this is added that the Læna, as the same author says, was worn over all other garments, and it is not credible that the toga, and indeed a double one, was put on above the toga. Nor is there any mention among the ancients of a double toga; nor do I know how it could be made double or worn, since a single toga was burdensome enough and pressed the left shoulder with the arm strongly enough. The ancients do, however, mention a double and doubled pallium, of which elsewhere. Wherefore Festus is better, who interpreted it as a double cloak. Besides, what is the use of speaking of the use of the Læna at banquets among the Romans, where the togas were laid aside? But that the Læna was thrown over the rest of the garments, even over the toga, becomes known from Martial in the Apophoreta : Læna In the winter season, little light garments are of no great use. My shaggy cloaks warm you. Quintilian, on the dress of an orator: “And when it comes to arguments and places, it will be proper to throw the toga back from the left arm, and even to cast it off if need be; one may pull the Læna away from the throat and upper chest.” If the Læna were a double toga, that orator would have been wrapped and enfolded and enclosed in three togas. Calenus also, apud Dio, reproaches Cicero for his thin Lænulæ, book XI, verse 1: [Greek text]. But then Cicero was in the Senate, and wearing the toga. Therefore there is no doubt that the lēna was a pallium, open and short, like the Greek chlēnē, not unlike a chlamys, which kings used at first, and afterward the common people as well; and it was shaggy, used for warding off cold, and thrown over the toga, and used even at banquets. And we have shown that it was indeed a heroic and royal garment. Later it came into common use, Juvenal: — There are many things that men would not dare to say through a torn Læna. And it was taken on account of the cold, and therefore thrown over the other garments. Pollux says that the chlaina is a mantle worn over the chiton, when one has no great need of a covering. Elsewhere, however, he says that there were also chlænæ of simple [text]

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170 Octauij Ferrarij alias quas Attici , & appellabant. . Fal- litur Bayfius, qui vestem ait, qua milites vtebantur per æstatem. Hinc, & conuiuijs adhibita, hyeme scilicet cum depositis togis sola vestis coenatoria non sufficeret. Per- lius. Hic aliquis cui circum humeros hyacinthina lana est Nisi eadem cum Synthesi fuit. Hæc hyemi, vt pinguior, linea estui accommodata. Etiam Iuuenalis diuitem a coena redeuntem, coccina lana amictum inducit. Martialis de fu- re conuiuiorum, & tectus laris sæpè duabus abit. Ita tamen vt quod de Synthesi diximus, colore, ac pretio ditiorum, ac pauperum læne discernerentur. Nam, & clientibus cum togulis donatas idem docet, & inter apophoreta numerat: --- Algentemque togam, breuemque lana. Atque hanc etiam vestem balnearem credendum est de qua Lampridius in Alexandro, Balneari veste ad Palatium reuer- tens. Nisi eam fuisse lacernam ex sequentibus colligamus. Hoc solum Imperatorium habens, quod lacernam coccineam acci- piebat. Non enim multum absimilis Chlamydis, ac lacernæ fuis- se videtur, cum lacerna etiam reliquis vestimentis super- inijceretur, etiam arcendo frigori. Et si aliquod discrimen fuit non aliud crediderim, quod læna grauior fuerit, ac vil- losa, totumque hominem inuolueret licet aperta, id est hu- meros, & pectus, cum Chlamydes, & lacernæ ferè tantum humeros. Quare non rectè viri docti obseruant, ideo a Vir- gilio lana ex humeris Aeneæ demissam dici, vt exprime- ret morem Romanorum in Chlamyde induenda, quæ ab hu- meris dependens bonam corporis partem nudam relinque- ret; Nam contra nô humeros modo, sed & pectus obuecisse docet Quintilianus cum in agendo a faucibus, & summo pe- ctore abduci solitam tradit. Quia ergo vtrinque hominem tegebat, & nisi quod aperta erat, adinstar togæ hominem inuoluebat, ideo fortasse toga duplex, Seruo dicta est, & amittus duplex, Festo; Vetus Interp. Iuuenalis ad illud, quem Cicci-

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170 Of Octauius Ferrarius also called Attici, and they called it. . Fal- litur Bayfius, who says that it was a garment used by soldiers during the summer. Hence also it was used at feasts, namely in winter, when the toga had been laid aside and the single dining garment was not enough. Per- lius. Here someone, who has hyacinth-colored wool around his shoulders, unless it was the same as the Synthesis. This, being warmer, was suited to winter; the linen to summer. Juvenal also presents a rich man returning from supper, wrapped in scarlet wool. Martial, speaking of the thief of banquets, and often covered with the householder's garment, goes away with two garments. Yet in such a way that, as we said of the Synthesis, the wealthy and the poor could be distinguished by color and price, with their woolen cloaks. For he also shows that these were given to clients along with little togas, and counts them among the apophoreta: --- And the toga that chills, and the short wool. And this garment too must be believed to be the bath garment spoken of by Lampridius in Alexander: “Returning to the palace in bath dress.” Unless from the following words we infer that it was a lacerna. He had this imperial distinction alone, that he took up a scarlet lacerna. For it does not seem to have been very different from the chlamys and the lacerna, since the lacerna was also thrown over the other garments, even to ward off cold. And if there was any difference, I would think it was no other than that the læna was heavier and shaggy, and enveloped the whole man though open, that is, the shoulders and chest, while the chlamydes and lacernae covered almost only the shoulders. Therefore the learned are not rightly correct in observing that for this reason Vir- gil says that wool was let down from Aeneas’ shoulders, in order to express the Roman custom in putting on the chlamys, which hanging from the shoulders left a good part of the body naked; for on the contrary Quintilian teaches that it covered not only the shoulders but also the chest, when he says that in speaking it was accustomed to be drawn away from the throat and the upper chest. Because therefore it covered the man on both sides, and unless because it was open, it wrapped a man as the toga did, therefore perhaps a double toga was called by Servius, and a double amictus by Festus; the old interpreter of Juvenal on that line, quem Cicci-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. II. 171 Coccina lana. Purpura, inquit (L. purpurea) qua diuites olim vtebantur. Virgilius. Varioque ardebat murice lana. Antiqui Amphimallum lana appellabant, id est vtrimque ville- sam. Quod idem atque αμφίβαλον, siue αμφίθολον docti fe- cerunt, quòd vtrinque indueret, siue hominem circumuo- lueret. Quæ sequuntur apud Interpretem corruptissima sunt. Quod Græci coccum, latini teres Birrum vocarunt. Fortasse. Quod Græci Coccinum, siue cocceum dicunt, Latini veteres Bir- rum vocarunt. Vestem enim cocineam, & rubram ab ignis colore πυπρὸν dixere Latini Græca voce, mox Birrbum. Isidorus lib. xix.cap.xxiv. Birrus a Græco vocabulum trahit, illi enim birrum bi- brum dicunt, L. πυπρὸν Rufum, ruti- lum, talis enim fermè lacer- narum color, de quibus in- fra. Finis libri Secundi. OCTA-

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On Clothing, Book II. 171 Coccine wool. Purple, he says, which the rich once used. Virgil: And the wool glowed with varied purple. The ancients called wool Amphimallum, that is, shaggy on both sides. This is the same as ἀμφίβαλον or ἀμφίθολον, the learned said, because it wrapped the wearer on both sides, or enfolded a man all around. What follows in the Interpreter is most corrupt. What the Greeks called coccum, the Latins called teres Birrum. Perhaps. What the Greeks call coccinum, or cocceum, the ancient Latins called Birrum. For they called a scarlet and red garment, from the color of fire, πυρρὸν in Greek by a Greek word, and later Birrbum. Isidore, Book XIX, chapter XXIV: Birrus takes its name from the Greek; for they call it birrum from bibrum, L. πυρρὸν, red, rutilum; for such is generally the color of cloaks, of which below. End of the Second Book. OCTA-

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172 OCTAVII FERRARII DE RE VESTIARIA LIBER TERTIVS QVI EST DE TVNICA. Tunica. χιτων. Dionis Interpres, & Manutius no- tati. Maldonati sententiareiecta. Cap. 1. Vod initio præfatus sum, magnam Manutio iniuriam nuperifecerunt cuius dissertationem de Tunica transcripserunt eo tamen ne semel quidem laudato. Certo non erimus illorum similes, & a nobis ingenium, aut cultum, fidem nunquam desiderari patiemur. Tunica, vndecunque dicta sit, (malumus enim id ignorare, quam cum Grammaticis ineptire) Græcis χιτων dici- tur, vestimentum scilicet interius, cui toga, aut pallium, aut alia superior vestis injiceretur. Idque tam virile, quam muliebre: quamquàm Hesychius virile tantum faciat. χιτων, ἐδνης, θωραξ, ἰμάτιον ἀνδριτον. Proprie tamen tunica virorum fuit, stola feminarum, quo fortasse respexit Hesychius. Nec alio vnquam sensu χιτων a Græcis accipitur, quam vt tunicam significet, vt mirum sit quosdam togam interpretatos esse. Mitto Plutarchi Interpretes, qui illud in Catone Vticense ἀνυπόδητος, παὶ ἀχίτων πολλὰνις ὑπί τὸ Βῦμα φροσερχόμενος, flagitiosè verterunt sæpè nudis pedibus, & sine toga adrostra veniens, cum tamen initio eiusdem vitæ eorundem verborum rectum sensum assecuti essent. Miror viros doctissimos etiam curis secundis verba Dionis de Tigrane ad Pompeium veniente perperam de toga accepisse. Quem tradit, quo & reuerentia Pompeij, & misericordia dignus videre-

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172 OCTAVIUS FERRARIUS ON THE VESTIARY BOOK THREE WHICH IS ON THE TUNIC. Tunica. χιτων. The Interpreter of Dion and Manutius are noted. Maldonato's opinion rejected. Chap. 1. What I stated at the outset, namely that a great wrong was recently done to Manutius, whose dissertation on the Tunic they transcribed, and yet did not so much as mention once. Certainly we shall not be like them, and we shall never allow that ingenuity, or polish, or fidelity should be lacking in us. A tunic, however its name may be derived—for we prefer to be ignorant of that rather than to be foolish with the grammarians—is called by the Greeks χιτων, that is, an inner garment, over which the toga, or pallium, or some other outer garment was placed. And this applied both to men and to women, although Hesychius makes it only masculine. χιτων, ἐδνης, θωραξ, ἰμάτιον ἀνδριτον. Properly, however, the tunic was for men, the stola for women, to which Hesychius may perhaps have been referring. Nor is χιτων ever taken by the Greeks in any other sense than to mean a tunic, so that it is surprising that some have translated it as toga. I pass over the interpreters of Plutarch, who in Cato the Younger rendered those words most disgracefully, ἀνυπόδητος, παὶ ἀχίτων πολλὰνις ὑπί τὸ Βῦμα φροσερχόμενος, as “often coming to the rostra barefoot and without a toga,” whereas at the beginning of the same life they had grasped the correct sense of the same words. I am astonished that very learned men, even after careful reconsideration, should have wrongly taken Dion's words about Tigranes coming to Pompey as referring to a toga. He relates that, by both his reverence for Pompey and his pity, he was worthy to be seen—

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De Re Vestiaris Lib. III. 173 videretur, ita se composuisse, vt inter pristinam dignitate[m], & præsentem fortunam statum seruaret; τὸν μὲν γαρ χιτῶνα τὸν μεσόλευνον; καὶ τὸν πᾶνδυν τὸν ὑλωποῦρφυνον ἐξεδυ. Togam enim (verterunt) semialbam & Candim purpureum exuerat. Quis locus togæ in Tigrane, & quis χιτῶνα togam dixit? Tygranes indutus erat tunica, & chlamyde, siue veste superiore Regia purpurea; Nam fuisse ad instar chlamydis militaris testatur Hesychius licet χιτῶνα generice appellet. ἀνδύς χιτῶν περσινὸς, ὅν ἐν ἔκπορποῦνταί οἰ ἑρατιῶνταί. Candis vestis Persica, quam infibulant milites. Fuisse autem distinctam a tunica præter Dionem hic testatur Xenophon lib. I. Cyri- pæd: Θι πορφυροῖ χιτῶνες, καὶ οἰ πᾶνδυνες. Xilander etiam illud Philetæ apud Strabonem lib. III. λογαλεος δὲ χιτῶν πεπυνομένος togam sordibus squalidam interpretatur, cum de tunica intelligendum sit. Sed vt ad Romanos veniamus, antiquissimi vt supra tetigimus ex Gellio, sine tunica toga sola amicti fuerunt, postea substrictas & breues tunicas citra humerum desinentes habuerunt, tales Romuli ætatis statuas in Capitolio, & in Rostris Camilli togatas sine tunicis fuisse tradit Pædianus supra memoratus. Rem auget Manutius, quod Ennius apud Gellium tunicatam non sine probro iuuentutem Carthaginiensium vocat, inusitatas fuisse tunicas Ennij ætate credit, id est inter secundum & tertium Punicum bellum. Adijcit, Cincinnatum cum ei Senatus aranti, aut fodienti Dictaturam detulisset, togam et tugurio, ne nudus, & respersus puluere mandata senatus audiret, proferri iusisse eaque simul absterso puluere, ac sudore velatum processisse; Nulla tunicæ mentione apud Liuium qui rem narrat, qua puluerem, & sudorem abstergi potius decebat, quam toga. Quare mirari se ait, cur scripserit Plutarchus in Coriolano, eos qui magistratum petebant descendere solitos in forum togatos sine tunica, vel vt supplicarent humiliùs, vel vt vulnera aduerso pectore excepta ostenderent, cum multis post Coriolanum annis ignota fuerit tunica. Sed nullo modo audiendus est vir doctissimus quem ratio hic longe fugit. Y 2

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De Re Vestiaris Lib. III. 173 it seemed that he had so arranged himself as to preserve, between his former dignity and his present fortune, his station; τὸν μὲν γαρ χιτῶνα τὸν μεσόλευνον; καὶ τὸν πᾶνδυν τὸν ὑλωποῦρφυνον ἐξεδυ. For he had taken off the toga (they translate it) half-white and Candis the purple garment. What place has the toga in Tigranes, and who called the χιτῶνα a toga? Tigranes was dressed in a tunic and a chlamys, or upper royal purple garment; for that it was like a military chlamys Hesychius testifies, although he generically calls it a χιτῶν. ἀνδύς χιτῶν περσινὸς, ὅν ἐν ἔκπορποῦνταί οἱ ἑρατιῶνταί. Candis is a Persian garment, which soldiers fasten with a brooch. But that it was distinct from the tunic is testified here by Xenophon besides Dio, book I of the Cyropaedia: Θι πορφυροῖ χιτῶνες, καὶ οἱ πᾶνδυνες. Xilander also interprets that passage of Philetas in Strabo, book III, λογαλεος δὲ χιτῶν πεπυνομένος, as a toga filthy with dirt, whereas it should be understood of a tunic. But to come to the Romans: the most ancient, as we noted above from Gellius, were clothed with the toga alone, without a tunic; later they had close-fitting and short tunics ending above the shoulder. Pædianus, mentioned above, relates that such statues of the age of Romulus in the Capitol, and of Camillus in the Rostra, were togated without tunics. Manutius strengthens the point by saying that Ennius, in Gellius, calls the Carthaginian youth “tunicatam” not without reproach, and believes tunics to have been unusual in Ennius’ time, that is, between the Second and Third Punic Wars. He adds that when the Senate offered Cincinnatus the dictatorship while he was plowing, or digging, he ordered that his toga and hut should be brought, so that he might not hear the senate’s command naked and covered with dust; and that, having wiped off the dust and sweat, he then came forth clothed in it. Livy, who tells the story, makes no mention of a tunic, since the dust and sweat should rather have been wiped off from the toga than from a tunic. Therefore he says he is surprised that Plutarch wrote in the Coriolanus that those seeking magistracies used to go down into the forum togated and without a tunic, either to beg more humbly or to show the wounds received on their exposed breast, since many years after Coriolanus the tunic would have been unknown. But this most learned man is by no means to be listened to, for in this matter reason has led him far astray. Y 2

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 175 etiam Vrbanos sine tunica egisse. Videntur igitur tunicæ antiquis Reip. temporibus in vsu fuisse, saltem post Romuliætatem. Ita quidem, vt vna tantum tunica sub toga indueretur, post, vt notat Manutius, duæ pluresue in vsu venerunt. Varro apud Nonium, Postquam duas tunicas habere cæperunt, instituerunt vocare subuculam, & intusium; Quorum verborum sensum esse assentimur Manutio, cum binas tunicas Romæ gestare cæperunt Subuculæ, & Intulij orta esse nomina, vt ab inferiore superior tunica distingueretur, & subucula esset interior viri tunica, intusium interior tunica mulieris, superior vero in viris tunica diceretur, feminarum stola. De subucula Horatius. -- Si forte subucula pexæ Trita subest tunicæ Et Suet. de Augusto. Hieme quaternis cum pingui togatunicis, & subuculæ thorace laneo muniebatur. De Intusio Nonius. Indusium est vestimentum, quod corpori intra plurimas vestes adhæret, quasi intusium. Fuisse autem feminarum interiorem tunicam ex eo colligit Manutius, quod Varro cum palla muliebri vestimento coniungit. Frustra igitur Lambinus ad illud Plauti in Aulularia Ne inter tunicas habeas, quærit cur inter tunicas dixerit, & non inter tunicam, vnam enim tunicam inquit gerebant non duas: deinde satis friuolas rationes affert: siue numerum multitudinis pro singulari vsurpauerit, siue auarus ille senex putaret seruum plures tunicas gestare, vt supra non duas manus tantum, sed plures in eo quærebat. Atqui seruus alter Amphitruone ait Immò equidem tunicis consutis huc ad venio, non dolis. Duas igitur & plures tunicas gerebant, præcipue ditiores. Cynicus apud Lucianum diuitum ornatum cynædorum simile[m] ait, nec discerni posse, aut colore vestium, aut mollitie, aut , aut multitudine tunicularum. Quoniam autem idem mos apud Iudæos vigebat, Christus Dominus seuerius vitæ institutum formans vetuit discipulos duas gestare tunicas. Math. cap. x. Nolite possidere aurum neque argentum, neque pecuniam in Zonis vestris, non peram

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On Dress, Book III. 175 even that the Romans went about without a tunic. It therefore seems that tunics were in use in the early times of the Republic, at least after the age of Romulus. Indeed, first only one tunic was worn under the toga; afterwards, as Manutius notes, two or more came into use. Varro, apud Nonius: After they began to have two tunics, they established the terms subucula and intusium; we agree with Manutius that the sense of these words is that, when Romans began to wear two tunics, the names Subucula and Intusium arose so that the lower could be distinguished from the upper tunic, and the subucula would be the inner tunic of a man, the intusium the inner tunic of a woman, while the upper garment in men was called the tunic, and in women the stola. Of the subucula Horace says: -- If by chance beneath the worn tunic There is a well-combed subucula And Suetonius, on Augustus: In winter he was protected by four thick tunics and a woolen thorax for the subucula. On Intusium, Nonius says: Indusium is a garment which adheres to the body within the many garments, as it were intusium. Manutius infers that it was the inner tunic of women from the fact that Varro joins it with the palla, a female garment. Therefore Lambinus labors in vain over that line of Plautus in the Aulularia, Ne inter tunicas habeas, asking why he said inter tunicas, and not inter tunicam, since, he says, they wore one tunic and not two: then he adduces rather flimsy reasons, whether he used the plural number for the singular, or whether that greedy old man thought the slave wore several tunics, just as above he was looking not for only two hands in him, but several. Yet the other slave in the Amphitryon says: Immo equidem tunicis consutis huc advenio, non dolis. Thus they wore two and even more tunics, especially the wealthier men. The Cynic in Lucian says that the dress of the rich resembles that of cinaedi, and that it cannot be distinguished either by the color of the garments, or by their softness, or by, or by the number of tunics. And since the same custom prevailed among the Jews, Christ the Lord, framing a stricter rule of life, forbade his disciples to wear two tunics. Matt. ch. x. Do not possess gold or silver, or money in your belts, nor a wallet

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176 Octauij Ferrarij peram in via, neque duas tunicas, neque calceamenta. Vt nunquam satis mirari potuerim doctissimum Maldonatum ita hæc interpretatum esse. Non quidem prohiberi duabus simul si necessitas, & frigus postulet tunicis indui, sed plures habere tunicas, quam in præsentem necessitatem requirentur, vt solent diuites, & harum rerum solliciti habere vnam in præsentem vsum, alteram in futurum. Hæc vix digna sunt quæ refutentur. Nam si cogente frigore permisit Christus D. vt duas tunicas induerent: æstate vnica contentifuerint, quid altera factum est? habere eam in futurum vetabantur, eam igitur vendere, aut donare cogerbantur (Luc. III. qui habet duas tunicas det non habenti) quam rursus instante bruma compararent. Sed fortasse duru[m] videbatur illi qui Christi socius esset ita ab antiqua disciplina deflectere vt plures tunicas & cum subucula thoracem gossipio fartum, interdum pellibus suffultum gestaret. At ratio quam affert magis mira est. Nam & Christum inquit, duabus simul tunicis indutum fuisse ex Ioannis XIX. manifestum est. Haud vidimagis. Milites ergo cum crucifixissent eum acceperunt vestimenta eius (& fecerunt quatuor partes, vnicuique militi partem) & tunicam. Erat autem tunica in consutilis, de super contexta per totum. Dixerunt ergo non scindamus eam sed sortiamur de ea. Vbi hic duæ tunicæ? Quid plura? totum hoc commentum reuincit Marcus cap. VI. Ne induerentur duabus tunicis. Quod ita idem interpretatur id est ne duas tunicas haberent, quæ diuersis temporibus induerentur. Sed piget his diutius immorari. Cum igitur duæ minimum tunicæ essent altera interior altera exterior dicebatur. Prioris meminit Val. Maximus lib. VII. c. IV. Interrogatus quo jue a quodam amicissimo sibi quid ita sparsum & in certum militiæ genus sequeretur: absiste inquit istud quærere: nam si huius consilij mei interiorem tunicam consciam esse sensero continuo eam cremari iubebo. Plutarchus rem eandem narrans appellant vt reliqui Græci scriptores. Appianus lib. I. ciuil. de Sylla qui in concione Lucretium

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176 Octauij Ferrarij in a bag on the road, neither two tunics, nor sandals. So that I have never been able sufficiently to marvel that the most learned Maldonatus interpreted these things in this way. Not indeed that one is forbidden, if necessity and cold require it, to put on two tunics at the same time; but rather that one should have more tunics than are required for the present need, as the rich are wont to do, and those anxious about such things, keeping one for present use, another for the future. These things are hardly worthy of refutation. For if Christ the Lord, constrained by cold, allowed them to wear two tunics: in summer, if content with one, what became of the other? They were forbidden to have it for the future, therefore they were compelled to sell it or give it away (Luke III: he that has two tunics, let him give to him that has none), so that when winter came again they might buy it. But perhaps it seemed harsh to that man who was Christ’s companion to deviate so much from the ancient discipline, as to carry more tunics and, together with an undergarment, a corselet stuffed with cotton, sometimes supported with skins. But the reason he gives is even more surprising. For he says that Christ was manifestly clothed in two tunics at once from John XIX. I see no such thing. The soldiers therefore, when they had crucified him, took his garments (and made four parts, to each soldier a part) and the tunic. Now the tunic was seamless, woven from the top throughout. They said therefore, Let us not divide it, but cast lots for it. Where are the two tunics here? What more is there to say? Mark ch. VI refutes this whole fiction: “that they should not be clothed with two tunics.” Which he thus interprets, that is, that they should not have two tunics to be worn at different times. But I am weary of dwelling on these matters any longer. Since then there were at the very least two tunics, one inner, the other outer, it was said. Val. Maximus mentions the first, book VII, ch. IV. When asked by someone most dear to him why he followed so unsettled and uncertain a course in military affairs, he answered: cease to ask that: for if I perceive that the inner tunic of this my plan is aware of it, I shall immediately order it to be burned. Plutarch, telling the same story, uses the term as do the other Greek writers. Appian, book I of the civil wars, concerning Sylla, who in an assembly Lucretius

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 177 tium Offellum suo iussu necatum professus adiecit fabulam Rusticus cum inter arandum moleste ferret infestantes se pediculos semel atque iterum aratione intermissa τον χιπωνίσνον ἐνα [θη]μεν tu- niculam sine interulam purgauit. Aelian. lib. XIII. c. xxxvii. Ge- lon cum sibi parari insidias intellexisset sumptis armis in concionem processit, suisque meritis commemoratis arma exuit, & inquit ἔν χιλωνίσων ad sum. Quamquam & pro tu- nica illud intelligi possit, subijcit enim a Syracusijs ipsi posi- tam statuam ἐν αλως χιλωνι, indiscincta tunica in memo- riam scilicet eius facti quo inermis & discinctus in concio- nem processerat. Dio lib. lxxvi I. de militibus Cilonem e balneo ad necem ducentibus: illum cum soleis nam ca- ptus erat in balneis naî χιλωνισνον ἐνδεδυμένον interula ami- ctum. Breues autem illas & substrictas tuniculas citra hu- merum desinentes quas antiquissimis Romanorum gestatas tradit Gellius, Græce ἐξωφίδας dictas idem notat, quòd nempe humeros minimè velarent. Festus Exomides vesti- tum Comicum exertis humeris interpretatur. Alij etiam de Cy- nico pallio acceperunt, quòd nempe dextrum humerum excluderet. Tunicas in petitione honorum depositas. An Cynici tunicas gestarint. [δ]εθειν. [δ]ανος. Cap. II. Candidatos cum prensarent sine tunicis sola toga ami- ctos fuisse, tradit Plutarchus in Coriolano. Mos, in- quit, erat petentibus Consulatum, vt rogarent, & prensarent ciues togis amicti in Comitijs sine tunica. ἐν [ματικῶ] Vbi non recte Interpres. In Veste. Nam & tunica vestis erat. Et Plutarchus & Græci omnes frequenter togam [ματικῶ] ap- pellant. Idem in Camillo tradit, Faliscos obsessos a Ca- millo adeo obsidionem contempsisse vt præter stationes in muris dispositas togati per vrbem reliqui obuersarentur ἐν [ματικῶς], in togis. Ibi etiam Interpres in vestibus. Volue- runt enim habitu pacis denotare, se belli minas insuper ha- bere. Cur autem tunicæ a candidatis deponerentur, cau- sas

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On De Re Vestiaria Book III. 177 he added a story, stating that Offellus was killed by his order. A rustic, when, while ploughing, he was being troubled by the lice attacking him, twice interrupted the ploughing and cleaned his little tunic, τον χιπωνίσνον [ ἐνα ] θημεν , without his undergarment. Aelian, Book XIII, ch. xxxvii. Gelon, when he realized that an ambush was being prepared against him, took up arms and came forward to the assembly; then, having recounted his services, he laid aside his arms and said, ἔν χιλωνίσων ad sum. Although this could also be understood of the tunic, he adds that the Syracusans set up a statue of him in ἐν αλως χιλωνι , in an ungirded tunic, of course in memory of that act by which he had come into the assembly unarmed and ungirt. Dio, Book LXXVI. Of the soldiers leading Cilo from the bath to execution: he, when caught in the baths, was in his sandals, namely ναὶ χιλωνισνον ἐνδεδυμένον , wrapped in an undergarment. But the short and close-fitting little tunics ending above the shoulders, which Gellius says were worn by the most ancient Romans, he notes were called in Greek ἐξωφίδας , because, namely, they covered the shoulders very little. Festus interprets the exomis as comic dress with the shoulders exposed. Others have also taken it to mean the Cynic cloak, because, namely, it left the right shoulder uncovered. Tunics laid aside in seeking office. Whether the Cynics wore tunics. [δ]εθειν. [δ]ανος. Chapter II. Plutarch, in the Life of Coriolanus , says that candidates, when they sought votes, were without tunics, wrapped only in the toga. It was the custom, he says, for those seeking the consulship to ask for and grasp the citizens, clothed in togas in the assemblies without a tunic. ἐν [ματικῶ] —there the interpreter is not correct. “In a garment.” For the tunic too was a garment. And Plutarch and all the Greeks frequently call the toga [ματικῶ] . The same writer states in the Life of Camillus that the Falisci, besieged by Camillus, so despised the siege that, except for the sentries stationed on the walls, the rest walked about the city dressed in togas, ἐν [ματικῶς] , in togas. There too the interpreter says “in garments.” For they wished to indicate by the dress of peace that they were unconcerned by the threats of war. But why tunics were laid aside by candidates, the causes

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178 Octauij Ferrarij fasc affert Plut. ibi. Siue quo magis ea specie humiliores essent ad supplicandum; siue, vt qui cicatrices haberent subijcerent oculis signa fortitudinis. Deinde refellit eorum opinionem qui id actum crediderunt ne pecunia tunicis occultaretur ad emenda suffragia. Non enim inquit suspicione largitionis, & ambitus αξω5ον έκουλοντο ωροιενα, naî αχίτωνα. Interpres. Nec vero ob plebis suspicione ita recinctos, & absq[ue] intima tunica supplices ire cogebantur. Mira Latinarum & Græcarum litterarum peritia. αξω5ον, discinctum, sine Zona. Nec solum sine intima tunica, sed omnino sine tunicis; Zonam autem cum tunica iungit, quod illa sola cingeretur, non toga, vt diximus. Duæ igitur saltem tunicæ in vsu fuere: exterior, quæ simpliciter tunica: & interula, siue subucula. Quamquam quosdam vnicarunica contentos, precipuè qui seuerius educabantur, docet Varro apud Nonium. Mihi puero modica vnicarunica fuit tunica, & toga, sine fascijs calceamenta. Hinc Cynici, qui in cultu asperitatem affectabant, etiam sine tunica incessere, vt docti pridem ad Tertulliani pallium me n uerunt, inde illud Satyrici explicantes. — & Stoica dogmata tantum A Cynicis tunica distantia. Quòd nempe Stoici more ceterorum gestarent cum pallio tunicas, quibus Cynici carebant. Et si autem αχίτωνας Cynici fuerint, interulam tamen gestasse ijsdem viri doctissimici credi volunt, eamq[ue] interulam, siue subuculam lineam fuisse, quæ Grecis [δ]οδον, & sindon dicatur; Quod nempe Crates a Laertio inducatur amictus sindone, & a Luciano Protheus cum pallio, & interula. Sed hoc fortasse in illis peculiare fuit; in Protheo quidem, qui conscensurus pyram othonion induit, ne deposito pallionudus conspiceretur; At Crates ob id ab Atheniensibus reprehensus est, quod in sindone præter morem incederet. Vt vt sit, interulam ab Cynicis non esse gestatam, duo sunt quæ mihi persuadent. Alterum quod causa duplicandi pallij Cynicis siue aliter gestandi quam mos communis esset, non alia fuit, quam

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178 Octavius Ferrarius brings this passage from Plutarch, that either for this reason, that they might appear the more humble in making supplication; or that those who had scars might present to the eyes the signs of fortitude. Then he refutes the opinion of those who believed that this was done so that money might not be hidden in the tunics for the purpose of buying votes. For, says he, not on account of suspicion of bribery and corruption did they wish to be thus stripped, & supplicants without the inner tunic. Interpreter. Nor indeed, because of suspicion among the common people, were they compelled to go to supplication thus ungirt, and without the inner tunic. A wonderful knowledge of Latin and Greek letters. αχω5ον, ungirt, without a zone. Not only without the inner tunic, but altogether without tunics; but he connects the zone with the tunic, because only the latter was girt around the body, not the toga, as we have said. There were therefore at least two tunics in use: the outer one, which is simply called the tunic; and the interula, or subucula. Although Varro, as cited by Nonius, teaches that some were content with a single tunic, especially those who were brought up more strictly. When I was a boy, a modest single tunic was my tunic, and a toga, without bands, with shoes. Hence the Cynics, who affected roughness in dress, even went about without a tunic, as the learned have long ago referred to my work on Tertullian’s cloak, explaining that line of the satirist: — and the Stoic doctrines differ only from the Cynics in the tunic. That is, of course, the Stoics, like the rest, wore tunics together with the cloak, which the Cynics lacked. And although the Cynics may have been αχίτωνας, nevertheless the most learned men wish it to be believed that they wore an interula, and that this interula, or subucula, was linen, which the Greeks call [δ]οδον and sindon; for Crates is represented by Laertius as dressed in a sindon, and by Lucian Protheus with a cloak and an interula. But perhaps this was peculiar to those men; in Protheus indeed, who was about to mount the pyre, he put on an othonion, so that after laying aside the cloak he might not be seen naked; whereas Crates was reproached by the Athenians for walking about in a sindon contrary to custom. However that may be, there are two reasons that persuade me that the Cynics did not wear an interula. One is that the reason for the Cynics’ doubling of the cloak, or for wearing it otherwise than was the common custom, was no other than

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 179 quam vt esset loco tunicæ, eaque tamquam superuacua de- poneretur, quare se totos pallio inuoluebant, ne nudi con- spicerentur, vtque alienis oculis parcerent, qui pudori suo minime parcebant: quo non opus fuisset, si in locum tuni- cæ venisset interula strictior quidem & breuior, sed quæ saltem verecundiæ consuleret. Cum igitur sibi ita pallium inijcerent, vt solum brachium dextrum cum bona humeri parte exererent (quare illis fauisse dicitur Cato a Tertulliano, cum sine tunica in forum processit) ideo exerto, ac se- minudo pectore Cynici a Cypriano inducuntur quod non fuisset si illud sindone obuelassent. Lucianus de Cynico. in Qd tu tandem barbam quidem habes, & comam, tunicam non habes, nae , & nudus conspiceris? Ac ne quis dicat, pallium duplicatum a Cynicis & cor- pori circumiectum non ad velamen, sed arcendo frigori, hoc ab eorum hominum tolerantia alienum est, qui ad ma- iorem patientiam ostentandam graue pallium æstate, hye- me leue gestabant. Sic Crates a Philemone Comico apud Laertium inducitur æstate crasso pallio indutus, hyeme detrito, & leui. Kaè τὸ θερον[ς] μὲν εἰχεν ἰμάτιον δασύ Iv' ἐγχρατής [n]o[n], τὸ δὲ χειμῶνος ἀγάνος. Vbi ἀγάνος non pannum, sed detritum pallium vertendum erat. Hesychius ἡνον[ς] θερρωγος ἰμάτιον. ἡνα ἀποσκοραίσμα- τα, nae ἀποσωάσματα ἰμάτια. ἡνεαζι, ἰμάτια ἔυραίνει. Alterum quod vetat credere fuisse a Cynicis gestatas in- terulas, ac sindones est, quòd hæ lineæ erant, ac molles, tenuesque, & ab Homero solis mulieribus attributæ, nimiæ profecto in Cynicis delitiæ, cultus asperitate in ostentatio- nem gaudentibus. Tales autem fuisse , & ὑδονα de- clarant veteres Grammatici. ὑδον σωδῶν, ἥων, τελαιων: γυναίκεῖν ὑδονιον λεπτον, nae πᾶν το ἰχνὸν μὴ λινοῦν [n]o[n]. ὑδονα λυ- νᾶ ἰμάτια. Quæ omnia indicant & vestes tenues fuisse, & li- neas, & mulierum proprias. Quare præter pallium nudos incessisse Cynicos, eamque nuditatem pallij inuolucro texisse vero similius est, quam leui- Z

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 179 so that it might be in place of a tunic, and that as something superfluous it should be laid aside. For this reason they wrapped themselves entirely in a cloak, lest they be seen naked, and lest they spare the eyes of others, while they themselves spared not their own modesty: which would not have been necessary, if in place of the tunic there had come a tighter, indeed shorter under-garment, but one that at least would have made for decency. Since therefore they threw the cloak over themselves in such a way that they exposed only the right arm together with a good part of the shoulder (for this reason Cato is said by Tertullian to have favored them, when he went into the forum without a tunic), therefore, with the chest exposed and half-naked, the Cynics are represented by Cyprian, which would not have been the case if they had covered it with a linen cloth. Lucian, On the Cynic. “What then? You have a beard and long hair, but no tunic—are you not, indeed, seen naked?” And lest anyone should say that the cloak, doubled over by the Cynics and wrapped around the body, was not for covering but for warding off cold, this is foreign to the endurance of those men, who, to display greater hardiness, wore a heavy cloak in summer and a light one in winter. Thus Crates is represented by the comic Philemon, as cited by Laertius, wearing a thick cloak in summer, a worn one in winter, and a light one. Καὶ τὸ θέρους μὲν εἶχεν ἱμάτιον δασύ Ἵν᾽ ἐγκαρτής [n]o[n], τὸ δὲ χειμῶνος ἀγάνος. Where ἀγάνος ought to be translated not “cloth,” but “worn cloak.” Hesychius: ἡνὸν[ς] θερρωγος ἱμάτιον. ἡνα ἀποσκοραίσματα, nae ἀποσωάσματα ἱμάτια. ἡνεαζι, ἱμάτια εὐραίνει. The other thing that forbids us to believe that the Cynics wore undergarments and linen cloths is that these were woven of linen, and soft, thin, and attributed by Homer to women alone, certainly too much luxury for Cynics, who delight in showing off austerity of dress. Such indeed they were, and the ancient grammarians declare the ὑδόνα. ὑδὸν σωδῶν, ἥων, τελαίων: γυναικείν ὑδόνιον λεπτόν, nae πᾶν τὸ ἰχνὸν μὴ λινοῦν [n]o[n]. ὑδόνα λυνᾶ ἱμάτια. All these things indicate that the garments were thin, made of linen, and proper to women. Therefore, apart from the cloak, it is more likely that the Cynics went about naked, and that they covered that nakedness with the wrapping of the cloak, than that they wore a lighter one.

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180 Octauij Ferrarij Ieuibus, actenuibus tuniculis, qui nihil magis inuestitu quâ mollitiem aspernabantur. Lucianus. In arido præterea solo cubans [etc] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [aqua] [ aqua] [aqua] [aqua]

Transcription: Translated (English)

180 Octavius Ferrari In light, thin tunics, who in dress despised nothing more than softness. Lucian. Lying furthermore on dry ground [etc] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water] [water]

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Transcription: ATR-1

De Re Vestiaræ Lib. III. 181 Vitis agit gemmas pigraque fugit hiemis. Lana tot aut plures succos bibit, elige certos Nam non conueniens omnibus vnus erit. Et de medicamine faciei Vellera sæpe eadem Tyrio medicantur abeno. Quare non ita valido argumento Casaubonus Exer. xvi. Euthymij opinionem refutat, qui tradit Christum Dominu[m] gestasse pallium, tunicam, & tunicam inconsutilem, ex eo quòd qui duas tunicas gestabant, interiorem lineam, habebant, exteriorem laneam, & tamen inconsutilis lanea erat. Nam quidquid sit de duabus tunicis, de quibus non est hic locus. Nullus aut rarus linearum vsus apud Hebræos, quemadmodum apud Romanos, præcipue in Christo Domino, & Apostolis, qui nullam huiusmodi in cultu molli- tiem agnouerunt. Ex Suetonio tamen colligi videtur, subuculas fuisse li- neas qui scribit Augustum hyeme, quaternis cum pingui toga tunicis, ac subuculæ thoracæ laneo muniri solitum. Nam si lane tunicæ fuerunt, quid opus erat subuculæ thoracem laneum dicere? Sed male veterem lectionem, quam Beroaldus agnoscit, nuperi sollicitarunt, in qua scriptum, & subucu- la, & thorace laneo. Thorax tunc non nisi inter munimenta pectoris ad ictus repellendos, & ex ære ferro, & corio, vt lorica; Hoc ergo peculiare in Augusto notauit Tranquil- lus, quod thorace laneo vteretur præter subuculam, & tunicas. Frustra Torrentius subuculæ thoracem explicat, quia subucula pectus tegebat, quod vt verum sit, tamen a thorace distincta. Non nisi serò igitur lini vsus in tunica interiore, quo tem- pore lineæ tunicæ promiscuè vsurpatæ, nec minima pars luxus addita ijs purpura, atque auro. Lampridius in Ale- xandro. Boni linteaminis appetitor fuit, & quidem puri, (id est sine auro ac purpura) dicens, si lintei idcirco sunt, vt nihil asperum habebant, quid opus est purpura? in linteam autem au- rum mttietiam dementiam iudicabat, cum asperitati adderetur rigor. Nolebat Alexander lineis purpuram, vel aurum ad- di, Z 2

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaræ, Book III, 181 The vine brings forth buds, and escapes the slowness of winter. Wool drinks in as many, or even more, juices; choose what is definite, for one kind will not suit all. And concerning the care of the face: The same fleeces are often medicated with Tyrian dye. Wherefore Casaubon, in Exercitations xvi., does not with so strong an argument refute the opinion of Euthymius, who states that the Lord Christ wore a cloak, a tunic, and an seamless tunic, on the ground that those who wore two tunics had an inner linen one and an outer woollen one, and yet the seamless one was woollen. For whatever may be said about the two tunics, that is not the place for it here. There was among the Hebrews no use, or a rare use, of linen garments, as among the Romans, especially in the case of Christ the Lord and the Apostles, who acknowledged no such softness in dress. Yet from Suetonius it seems to be gathered that there were linen undergarments, since he წერს that Augustus in winter, with four tunics under a thick toga, was accustomed to protect himself with a woollen thorax over the undergarment. For if the tunics were woollen, what need was there to say that the undergarment had a woollen thorax? But the old reading, which Beroaldus recognizes, has been badly tampered with by later editors, in which it is written both subucula and thorace laneo. The thorax then was not anything other than a piece of body armour for repelling blows, made of bronze, iron, and leather, like a cuirass; this therefore is the particular thing Tranquillus noted in Augustus, that he used a woollen thorax in addition to the undergarment and tunics. Torrentius explains thorax as the undergarment in vain, because the undergarment covered the chest, which, though true, was still distinct from the thorax. So it was only late that the use of linen in the inner tunic came in, at a time when linen tunics were used indiscriminately, and no small part of luxury was added to them by purple and gold. Lampridius, in Alexander, says that he was a lover of fine linen, and indeed of pure linen, that is, without gold and purple, saying: if linen garments exist for this reason, that they should have nothing rough, what need is there of purple? But he also judged it madness to put gold into linen, since rigidity would be added to roughness. Alexander did not want purple or gold to be added to linen.

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Transcription: ATR-1

De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 183 mianiverba ab ijsdem adducta. Stetit itaque subtabidus nusquam reperto paludamento tunica auro distincta, vt Regius minister indutus a calce in pubem in pædagogiani pueri speciem. Vox enim minister rem totam declarat, quod in conuiuio aurata tunica ministrarent. Lampridius in Alexandro. Auratam vestem ministrorum nullus vel in publico conuiuio habuit, in quo locus auratæ tunicæ. Ita & cum Imperatores auratas paragaudas priuatis interdixere, ministrisq; permiserunt, de conuiuiorum ministris intelligendum est. Cod. de vest. holou. leg. I I. Nemo vir auratas intunicis aut lineis habeat paragaudas: nisi hi tantummodo quibus hoc propter imperiale ministerium concessum est. Nam & in conuiuijs priuatis ministri tantum tunicati. Apuleius. lib. I I. de conuiuio Byrrhenæ. Puellæ scitulæ ministrantes, pueri calamistrati pulchrè indusiati gemmas formatas in pocula vini vetusti frequenter offerentes. Seneca de breuitate vitæ cap. XII. Cum videam quam diligenter exolectorum suorum tunicas succingant. Horatius. Præcincti vt rectè pueri comptique ministrent. Constantinus igitur cum chlamydes euuchis ademit, quorum immensa, & absurda potestas sub alijs Imperatoribus fuerat, omni iure mulctauit, & infra seruorum conditionem deiectos soli conuiuiorum ministrisio addixit. Hinc etiam Christus Dominus pedes Apostolorum ante conuiuium loturus posuit pallium, quia vt Nonnus interpretatur seruile opus facturus erat. Seruorum enim erat sine pallio, aut alia veste exteriori, tunicatos, & cinctos, vel etiam linteo succinctos ministrare. Suet. de Caligula. Senatores summis honoribus functos cænanti sibi modo ad pluteum, modo ad pedes stare succinctos linteo passus est. Casaubonus in exercitationibus attulit etiam locum Philonis in hanc rem, qui Essenorum conuiuia describens obseruat mancipiorum vsum ab ipsis repudiatum nam liberoru[m] opera vtentes cauisse ne vllam habitus seruilis speciem inter ministrandum præberent & propterea discinctos, ac demissis tunicis in cænationem solitos ingredi. Positum autem a Christo pallium vestem exteriorem idem obseruat, quod bra-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 183 the same words having been brought forward by them. Thus he stood, half-dead, with nowhere found a cloak, in a tunic distinguished with gold, like a royal attendant dressed from head to foot in the form of a schoolboy. For the word minister indeed explains the whole matter, since in a banquet they served in an embroidered tunic. Lampridius in Alexander. No one among the attendants had an embroidered garment, even at a public banquet, in which place there is room for an embroidered tunic. So also, when the Emperors forbade private persons to wear embroidered trimmings and allowed them to attendants, it must be understood of banquet attendants. Cod. de vest. holou. leg. I I. No man shall have embroidered trimmings in tunics or linen garments, except only those to whom this has been granted on account of imperial service. For even at private banquets the attendants were only in tunics. Apuleius, book II, on the banquet of Byrrhena. Neat little girls serving, and boys with curled hair, beautifully dressed in tunics, frequently offering gem-shaped cups of old wine. Seneca, On the Shortness of Life, cap. XII. When I see how carefully they gird the tunics of their favorites. Horace. Girded, so that the boys may serve properly, neatly arrayed. Therefore Constantine, when he took cloaks away from the eunuchs, whose immense and absurd power had existed under other Emperors, deprived them of every right, and, reduced below the condition of slaves, assigned them solely to the service of banquets. Hence also the Lord Christ, when about to wash the feet of the Apostles before the banquet, put on a cloak, because, as Nonnus interprets it, He was about to do a servile work. For it was the business of slaves, without a cloak or other outer garment, to serve in tunics and girded, or even girt up with linen cloth. Suetonius, on Caligula. He allowed senators who had held the highest honors to stand at table before him, girded in linen, sometimes at the couch, sometimes at his feet. Casaubon also brought forward in the Exercises a passage of Philo to this same effect, who, describing the banquets of the Essenes, observes that they rejected the use of slaves, since, making use of free men’s labor, they were careful that no appearance of servile dress should be seen while serving; and therefore they were accustomed to enter the dining-room ungirded and with tunics let down. But the cloak put on by Christ was an outer garment, he likewise observes, because

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brachia includeret, & ideo inepta ad ministeria quæ liberum brachiorum motum requirunt. Etiam sub Flauiorum Imperio ministri Regij aliquid peculiare in cultu habuerunt. Suetonius in Domitiano. Generum fratris indigne ferens & ipsum albatos ministros habere proclamauit ἐν ἀγα ἔν πολυνορανίν. Quo loco Torrentius, vt sæpè solet, nihil præter ea, quæ notauerat Beroaldus affert. Album colorem in lætitia vsurpatum, in sacrificijs, conuiujs, & spectaculis, quod si verum est, vt non negamus, quid peculiare habuerunt Regij serui albati, si plerique omnes in conuiuijs, & sacrificijs pariter albati? Id tamen solis Imperatoris ministris concessum, Domitiani querela indicat, qui apud Sabinum ministros albatos viderat. Manutius de togis intelligit: Sed nullus togarum vsus in conuiuio & si fuisset, reliquorum etiam togæ albæ. Lipsius ait de tunicis, vel poenulis intelligendum, sed caue de poenulis capias, quæ conuiuijs, ac ministerio impropriæ: multominus eum colorem fuisse libertatis, nam cui bono in seruis, cumque tota libertas interierat? Vel ergo priuatorum serui in tunicis pullis ministrarunt, quem vestis seruillis colorem Plautus, & Artemidorus indicare videntur, Regij albati; Vel si etiam reliquorum seruorum albæ tunicæ quod conuiuiorum lætitia verisimilius facit, præcipuè si in linea interula, fortasse regiorum ministrorum tunicæ albatæ id est candidatæ, quales petitorum togæ, & creta candefactæ: cuius tamen moris non aliud vestigium extat. Vel quod quibusdam visum est, non tantum albæ erant ille tunicæ, sed auro distinctæ, vt paulo ante diximus. Sed si omnium ministrorum tunicæ albæ erant cur istæ non potius auratæ appellatæ sunt, quam albatæ? Non-dum enim tunicis ministrantium additum aurum existimo, sed longo post tempore, cum scilicet paragaudes institutæ. Nullis quis Senecæ etiam ætate tunicas auratas fuisse arguat ex eius verbis de Tranquilit. cap. 1. Præstringit animum apparatus alicuius pædagogij, diligentius quam intra priuatum tarem vestita, & auro culta mancipia, & agmen seruorum nitentium.

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to include the arms, and therefore unsuitable for duties which require free movement of the arms. Even under the rule of the Flavii, the ministers of the emperor had something peculiar in their dress. Suetonius, in Domitian. Feeling indignation that his brother’s son-in-law should have attendants in white, he exclaimed ἐν ἀγα ἔν πολυνορανίν. On this passage Torrentius, as he often does, brings forward nothing beyond what Beroaldus had noted. The color white was used in rejoicing, at sacrifices, banquets, and spectacles; and if this be true, as we do not deny, what peculiar thing had the royal slaves in white, if almost all were likewise dressed in white at banquets and sacrifices? Yet this seems to have been granted only to the emperor’s attendants, as Domitian’s complaint shows, who had seen the attendants in white at Sabinus’s house. Manutius understands it of togas: but there was no use of togas at a banquet; and even if there had been, the togas of the others also would have been white. Lipsius says it must be understood of tunics, or of paenulae; but beware of taking it of paenulae, which are unsuitable both for banquets and for service: much less was it the color of freedom, for of what use was it among slaves, when freedom itself had altogether perished? Either, then, the slaves of private persons served in dark tunics, which Plautus and Artemidorus seem to indicate as the color of servile clothing, while the royal attendants wore white; or, if the tunics of the other slaves were also white—which the cheerfulness of banquets makes more likely, especially if they were worn as undergarments—perhaps the tunics of the royal attendants were whitened, that is, made candidati, like the togas of candidates, and brightened with chalk; yet no other trace of such a custom exists. Or, as some have thought, those tunics were not only white, but also decorated with gold, as we said a little before. But if the tunics of all attendants were white, why were these not rather called gilded than white? For I do not think that gold had yet been added to the tunics of attendants, but much later, when paragaudae were introduced. Let no one infer even from Seneca’s words, in De Tranquillitate, chapter 1, that golden tunics were in use in his own time: “The equipment of some sort of paedagogium strikes the mind more powerfully than slaves dressed more carefully than within a private household, and adorned with gold, and a glittering troop of servants.”

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 185 tium. Sitamen aurum illud tunicis intextum, & non per armillas, annulos, & alia ornamenta pædagogijs datum. Plinius de auro. Honestius viripædagogijs id damus. Videant docti. Ceterum Seneca eode[m] lib. de breuitate vitæ cap. x1 r. etiam alios colores in ministris conuiuiorum agnoscit. Qui vinctorum suorum greges in ætatum, & colorum paria diducit. Vbi vinctoru[m] greges nô sunt serui in ergastulis, nullus enim ibi locus colorum aut ætatis, vbi nequam mancipia suplicijs & squalore obsita; Nec quod voluit Lipsius secreti illi per nationes, & colores, vt orientales & fusci in tali villa, & agro: qui frigidiore cælo editi, & ideo albi in alio loco, atque agro haberentur, quæ sunt somnia vigilantium. Sed vincti simpliciter serui in ætates, & colores distincti. Idem Seneca ep. xcv. Agmina exoletorum per colores nationesque distincta. Vt non displaceat eiusdem Lipsij coniectura legentis victorum id est exoletorum. Etiam apud Petronium. In aditu ipso stabat ostiarius prasinatus cerasino succinctus cingulo. Lecticarios etiam, cursores, & id genus homines peculiari pænularum colore distinctos infra dicemus. Morem autem per varios colores ex colendi seruitia, quas Liureas appellant a Circi factionibus & coloribus profluxisse credimus. Ministrantium ornatum, cultumq; ex antiqua tabula quâ Vrsinus in appendice ad Ciacconij triclinium dedit, hic habes. Tabula X. Linea

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 185 tium. But let that gold be woven into tunics, and not given to page boys through armlets, rings, and other ornaments. Pliny on gold: "It is more honorable to give this to page boys." Let the learned judge. Moreover, Seneca, in the same book, On the Shortness of Life , chapter x1 r., also recognizes other colors among the attendants at banquets. He who divides the crowds of his retainers into groups by age and by color. Where the crowds of retainers are not slaves in ergastula, for there is no place there for color or age, where worthless slaves are covered with punishments and filthiness; nor was it what Lipsius wanted, namely those secret distinctions by nations and colors, so that eastern and dark-skinned men in such and such a villa and estate—who, bred under a colder sky and therefore white in another place and estate—would be taken as such. These are the dreams of the wakeful. But the bound are simply slaves distinguished by ages and colors. The same Seneca, Ep. xcv.: companies of catamites distinguished by colors and nationalities. So that one should not dislike Lipsius's conjecture reading victorum , that is, catamites. Also in Petronius: "At the very entrance stood a doorkeeper, dressed in green, girded with a red belt." We shall also mention below the lecticarii, couriers, and men of that sort, distinguished by a special color of cloak. We believe, however, that the custom of varying colors in the service of households, which they call livreae , flowed from the factions and colors of the Circus. Here you have the dress and adornment of attendants from an ancient plate which Ursinus gave in the appendix to Ciacconius's Triclinium . Table X. Linea

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186 Octauij Ferrarij

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186 Octauij Ferrarij

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 187 Linea Vestis sacrificantium. Camisia. Camisium. Cotta. Cap. V. IN sacris olim Aegyptijs præcipuus lineæ vestis vsus. Hinc linigera turba, & liniger grex apud Poetas, & lineus amictus Isiacorum apud Suetonium. In nostris quoq[ue] sacris suus lineæ vesti honos. Nam præter amictum lineum superiorem, quo in sacra Psalmodia sacerdotes, atque ipsis sacris ministri vtuntur, prima vestium sacrificialium linea tunica talaris induitur, quam vulgo Camisiam, siue Camisium appellat. Ex quo etiam, quod supra notauimus, comprobatur, sacerdotes olim in sacris comuni, & promiscuo habitu vsos. Communis enim vestitus antiquorum tunica linea interior, altera superior lanea, interdum serica, tum toga vel in eius locum birrhus, siue lacerna. De toga opinionem nostram attulimus; Restat vt de tunicis videamus. Et licet illud discrimen esse videatur, quòd olim saltem duabus tunicis comuniter vtebantur, nostri autem sacerdotes in vna tantum linea faciunt; Id tamen inde ortum, quod honori Episcoporum datum est, vt soli duas tunicas in sacris gestent, quemadmodum in veteri instrumento Pontifex præter tunicam lineam, etiam hyacinthina induebatur, reliqui sacrifici minores linea tantum amiciebantur. Sic & nostris ritibus Episcopi præter Camisiam talarem, tunicam superiorem induunt, quæ primò de more . erat, id est sine manicis, mox in Dalmaticam conuersa est, vt Alucinus de Diu. officijs. Et Iuo Carnotensis de rebus Ecclesiasticis. Notandum verò, inquit, quod minoribus Sacerdotibus neque duplex tunica datur, neque humerale, neque rationale, neque lamina aurea, sed tantum poderis, & mitra, & Zona qua stringatur tunica byssina. Noui quoque testamenti sacerdotes non omnibus illis vtuntur indumentis, quia nec duabus tunicis, nec rationali præter solos Pontifices. Hæc tunica linea . Poderis quòd talaris esset dicebatur, A a

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 187 Line vestment of those sacrificing. Camisia. Camisium. Cotta. Chap. V. In sacred rites among the Egyptians of old, the use of linen clothing was preeminent. Hence the “linen-clad crowd” and “linen-clad flock” among the poets, and the linen garment of the worshipers of Isis in Suetonius. In our own sacred rites too, linen vestments have their proper honor. For besides the upper linen vestment, which priests and the ministers themselves of the sacred rites wear in sacred psalmody, the first of the sacrificial garments is the linen tunic reaching to the ankles, which the common speech calls a Camisia, or Camisium. From this also what we noted above is confirmed, namely, that priests in former times used in sacred rites a common and shared dress. For the common clothing of the ancients consisted of an inner linen tunic, an outer woolen one, sometimes silk, and then a toga, or in its place a birrus or lacerna. We have given our opinion about the toga; it remains for us to consider the tunics. And although this difference seems to exist, that at least in former times they commonly used two tunics, whereas our priests now wear only one linen tunic, yet this arose from the honor granted to bishops, namely that they alone should wear two tunics in sacred rites, just as in the Old Testament the high priest, besides the linen tunic, was also vested in hyacinthine garments, while the lesser sacrificers were clothed only in linen. So too in our rites bishops, besides the ankle-length Camisia, put on an upper tunic, which was first, according to custom, . that is, without sleeves, but soon was changed into a Dalmatic, as Alcuin on Divine Offices, and Ivo of Chartres on Ecclesiastical Matters, state. It is to be noted, he says, that to lesser priests neither a double tunic nor a humeral, nor a rational, nor a golden plate is given, but only the poderis, and the mitre, and the girdle with which the linen tunic is fastened. The priests of the New Testament also do not use all those garments, because neither two tunics nor a rational are worn, except by the high priests alone. This linen tunic . was called poderis because it was ankle-length, A a

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188 Octauij Ferrarij batur, & Alba a colore. Fuisse autem strictam, & corpori adhærentem tradit D. Hieronymus ad Fabiolam, eamque similem militum Camisijs, quæ sic aptæ membris, & adstrictæ corpori, vt nihil militares exercitationes impedirent. Rabanus Maurus. Secundum indumentum est lineatunica, quæ Græcè dicitur Poderis. Hesychius. Ποδήρης τὸ μὲχιτῶν ποδῶν ιμάτιν. Hanc Isidorus Camisiam vulgo dici, ait, quod nempe similis, vel eadem olim omnino fuit cum tunicis lineis interioribus quas Camisias appellamus. Camisiam autem idem Isidorus inde dictas tradit quòd in his dormimus in Camis, id est in stratis nostris. Quid autem essent Camæ alibi explicat loco corrupto. Cama est breuis, & circa terram Græcè enim Cami breue dicunt. Lege. Cama est breuis lectus & circa terram, Græcè enim χαμαί humidicunt. Græci enim Camas, siue potius Cameunas dixerunt strata humilia, & lectulos humi propiores, quòd homines veluti χαμαί iacerent. Hesychius. χαμένν 51βας, παὶ ἀ ταπενὴ πλωίς: παὶ χαμέννης ὃ χαμαὶ ποιμώμενος. Thorus, & humilis lectus, & Chameunes, qui humi iacet. Propriè autem Hesychio dicitur 51βας nam eodem interprete 51βας ἀπὸ ρᾶβδων παὶ χλωρῶν χόρτων 5ρῶσις, παὶ φύλλων, ἐ χαμαινότην. Stratum e frondibus, viridique gramine, ac folijs constructum, & lectus humi positus. Inde stibadium tricliniare, de quo alijs dictum. Quia autem id stratum pauperum erat, idem Hesychius χαμελνιον πλωίδιν πενιχρον interpretatur lectulum paupertinum. A Camis igitur Camisias dictas vult Isidorus. Earum mentio apud Anastasium in vita Benedicti. 111. Camisias albas sigillatas holosericas cum chrysoclauo. Casaubonus ad illud Lampridij in Alexandro. In linea autem aurum mitti etiam dementiam iudicabat, cum asperitati adderetur rigor, iure, inquit, damnatas ab Alexandro lineas auro clauatas, propter asperitatem & rigorem: & propterea se valde mirari, cur apud Anastasium legantur Camisiæ auro clauatæ, has autem non ad vsum comparatas, sed ad ornatum ædium sacrarum. Verum nihil aliud illæ Camisiæ fuerunt quàm lineæ tunicæ sacrificantium, & ad vsum sacrorum, non ad ornatum

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188 Octavius Ferrarius white, and Alba from the color. But that it was tight and adhering to the body is reported by St. Jerome in his letter to Fabiola, and that it was similar to the soldiers’ Camisiae, which were so fitted to the limbs and bound to the body that they did not hinder military exercises. Rabanus Maurus. The second garment is the linen tunic, which in Greek is called Poderis. Hesychius: Ποδήρης τὸ μέχρι τῶν ποδῶν ἱμάτιον. Isidore says that this is commonly called Camisia, because, namely, it was once altogether similar to, or the same as, the inner linen tunics which we call Camisiae. And Isidore likewise says that Camisiae are so called from the fact that in them we sleep in camas, that is, in our beds. What camas were he explains elsewhere in a corrupted passage. “Cama is a short bed, and near the ground; for in Greek they say Cami, short.” Read: “Cama is a short bed and near the ground; for in Greek they say χαμαί.” For the Greeks called camas, or rather cameunas, low bedding and little beds close to the ground, because men lay as it were χαμαί. Hesychius: χαμένην βίβας, καὶ ἀταπενὴ πλωίς; καὶ χαμένης ὃ χαμαὶ κοιμώμενος. A couch, and a low bed, and Chameunes, who lies on the ground. Properly, however, according to Hesychius, βίβας is said; for in the same author βίβας, ἀπὸ ῥάβδων καὶ χλωρῶν χόρτων χρήσις, καὶ φύλλων, ἐ χαμαινότητα. A bed made of branches, green grass, and leaves, and a bed placed on the ground. From this comes the stibadium of the triclinium, of which something has been said elsewhere. But because that bedding belonged to the poor, the same Hesychius interprets χαμελνιον πλωίδιον πενιχρόν, a poor little bed. Thus Isidore wants Camisiae to be called from camas. There is mention of them in Anastasius, in the Life of Benedict. 111. White Camisiae, decorated, of silk throughout, with chrysoclavus. Casaubon, on the passage of Lampridius in Alexander, also thought that to weave gold into linen was madness, since severity was added to roughness; rightly, he says, Alexander condemned linen garments sewn with gold because of their roughness and stiffness; and therefore he greatly wonders why in Anastasius one reads of Camisiae embroidered with gold, these not being intended for use, but for the adornment of sacred buildings. But those Camisiae were nothing else than linen tunics of those performing sacrifices, and for sacred use, not for ornament

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 191 tesque tunicæ quales sunt piscatorum, more reliquorum demittendæ, & quidem mundæ. Piscatoribus enim qui sæ- pè se in aquam demittebant, succinctæ altius, & ad inguen subductæ tunicæ, ne fluctibus madescerent; Quare Vertumnus ait si ex piscatore institor fieri velim, patiar tunicas mo- re aliorum cadere dempto squalore; Nec demissæ hic valet talares, vt apud Horatium, sed longiores, quàm vt a pisca- toribus ferrentur. Iuuenalis etiam tunicas medio crure tenus demittere tantum virorum docet fuisse, cuius verba afferemus, quia Interpretes non ceperunt, & pessimè acceperunt. Nam si docta nimis cupit, & facunda videri: Crure tenus medio tunicas succingere debet: Cædere Siluano porcum: quadrante lauari. Mitto veteres, qui aiunt omnia facere debere mulierem, quæ fieri solent a poetis, & viris literatis, qui cum loca so- litaria quærant, Siluano nemorum Deo sacrificant. Etiam qui notas breuiores in hunc poetam vulgauit, Sumat, inquit, hunc Oratoris, vel Peripatetici habitum. Quasi vero Oratores tantum, & Philosophi tunicas crure tenus gestarent, Sil- uano facerent, & quadrante lauarentur. Logi. Perstrin- git ibi Satyricus mulieres, quæ literas callere videri vole- bant doctiùs, quam vt probas deceret. Laudat Virgilium, perituræ ignoscit Elise, Comittit vates, & comparat inde Maronem, Atque alia parte in trutina suspendit Homerum. Et infra. Non habeat matrona tibi, quæ iuncta recumbit. Dicendi genus, aut curtum sermonerotato Torqueat enthymema. Et cetera in eundem sensum. Siergo, inquit, mulier vult literas tractare descriptori- bus iudicium ferre, philosophari, & reliqua quæ sunt viro- rum propria, etiam virili habitu incedat, quæque sunt viro- rum munia tantum peragat. Primum est, medio crure tenus, tunicas succingat, cum mulieres stolis talaribus vterentur. Alte-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 191 and the tunics, such as those of fishermen, are to be let down after the manner of the rest, and indeed clean. For fishermen, since they often plunged themselves into the water, wore tunics tucked up higher and drawn up to the groin, lest they should be soaked by the waves; wherefore Vertumnus says: if I wish to become a shopkeeper from a fisherman, I will allow my tunics to fall in the manner of others, with the dirt removed. Nor does the reference here to trailing garments avail, as in Horace, but garments longer than those that would be worn by fishermen. Juvenal also teaches that to let the tunic down to mid-calf was proper only for men; we shall quote his words, because the interpreters have not understood them, and have taken them very badly. For if she wishes to seem too learned and eloquent: She ought to gird up her tunic to mid-calf: To sacrifice a pig to Silvanus: to bathe for a quarter. I pass over the ancients, who say that a woman ought to do everything that is usually done by poets and learned men, who, when they seek lonely places, sacrifice to Silvanus, the god of the woods. Even he who published shorter notes on this poet says, “Let her, he says, assume this garb of an orator or Peripatetic philosopher.” As if indeed only orators and philosophers wore tunics down to the calf, sacrificed to Silvanus, and bathed for a quarter. Logi. The satirist there strikes at women who wished to appear more learned in letters than was fitting for respectable women. He praises Virgil, pardons dying Dido, He attacks the poets, and thus compares Maro, And on the other side suspends Homer in the balance. And below. Let not the matron who lies beside you have a mode of speech, or twirl a short discourse with a rolling enthymeme. And the rest in the same sense. If therefore, he says, a woman wishes to deal with letters, to pass judgment on writers, to philosophize, and the rest that belong properly to men, let her also go about in masculine dress, and perform only those duties that belong to men. The first point is that she should gird up her tunic to mid-calf, since women used ankle-length stolas. Alte-

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192 Octauij Ferrarij Alterum Cædere Siluano porcum; Id enim tantum viris lictum, quod veluti per caliginem Brittanicus vidit, nam quod Siliuano porcum cæderet vt Epicuræa, gerræ sunt. Soli viri Siliuano sacrificabant, qui genius virorum, vt Iuno foeminarum. In Vet. Inscriptione. Siluano Aug. hoc est Augusti, Non quòd scioli Augusto, vel Augustissimo. Nam Siluano Augusti genio, tutelæ, defensori. In ijsdem plerunq[ue] iungitur cum Hercule. Herculi Siluano. Item cum Marte, cum quo eundem plerique fecerunt. Ita Herculi Augusti id est defensori, & custodiæ. Cedat ergo, inquit, Satyricus Siluano porcum vt viri solent, quæ virorum officia occupat. Clarè id Vetus Interpres. Cruretenus. Id est accipere debet virilem habitum & cingi vt vir. Mox. Cædere Siluano. Siluano mulieres non licet sacrificar. Quo respicere nuperi debuerunt. Glossæ item veteres MS. in Mediolani Bibliotheca. Sacrificare Siliuano quòd virorum: Quadrante lauari, sicut vir balneari. Aliæ. Sicut mulieres viri facundiam affectabant, deberent, & tunicam suam sicut viri in altum succingere. Viri quando ingredi volebant thermas aere lauabantur, id est pecuniam dabant custodibus: faminæ se ipsas propretio. Aliæ demum vetustissimæ. Cædere Siluano. Effici viri: Siluano mares, faminæ Cerei sacrificabant; Nam mulieres neque ad tonsores, neque ad balneas publicas eunt. Postremum est. Quadrante lauetur. Vt Stoica, aiunt, quadrante lauetur. Nam Horatius de Stoico. Dum tu quadrante lauatum Rex ibis. Ineptissimè. Non enim soli Stoici, sed viri omnes quadrante lauabantur, id est pro mercede balneatori quadrantem soluebant, & ideo Seneca Balneum appellat rem quadrantariam, vt sciunt etia[m] qui nondum quadrante lauantur. Sciuit & Mercurialis in Arte Gymnastica: sed Balnei pretium in immensum auxit, cum ex vno centum quadrantes fecit, ait enim conqueri Martialem quòd sibi balnea tanti constarent. Balnea post decimam lasso, centumque petuntur Quadrantes. Quali Martialis ibi de pretio balnei loquatur, & non de sportula, quæ centum quadrantes lassis clientibus post balneas

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192 Octauij Ferrarij To sacrifice a pig to Silvanus as well; for that was allowed only to men, which Britannicus seems to have seen as through a mist. For the notion that he was sacrificing a pig to Silvanus as if in the Epicurean manner is nonsense. Only men sacrificed to Silvanus, since he is the genius of men, as Juno is of women. In an old inscription: Siluano Aug., that is, of Augustus, not because the ignorant refer it to Augustus or to the Most August One. For to Silvanus, the genius, protector, and defender of Augustus. In the same inscriptions he is often joined with Hercules: Hercules Silvanus. Likewise with Mars, with whom most have identified him. Thus to Hercules Augusti, that is, the defender and guardian. Therefore, he says, the satirist bids a pig be sacrificed to Silvanus, as men are accustomed to do, since he usurps the offices of men. The old interpreter explains it clearly: Cruretenus, that is, he ought to take on a manly habit and be girded like a man. Next: to sacrifice to Silvanus. Women are not allowed to sacrifice to Silvanus. This is what more recent writers ought to have considered. Also in the old glosses in manuscript in the Library of Milan: to sacrifice to Silvanus because of men; to wash for a quadrans, as a man does in the bath. Others: just as women affected the eloquence of men, so too they ought to gird their tunic high like men. Men, when they wanted to enter the baths, washed with bronze, that is, they gave money to the attendants; women did so at their own expense. Others, finally, the very oldest: to sacrifice to Silvanus means to become a man. To Silvanus men sacrificed wax-candles; for women do not go either to barbers or to public baths. The last point is: he is washed for a quadrans. As the Stoic, they say, is washed for a quadrans. For Horace says of the Stoic: “Though you go, washed for a quadrans, as a king.” Most absurdly. For not only Stoics, but all men were washed for a quadrans, that is, they paid the bath-keeper a quadrans as the fee; and therefore Seneca calls the bath a “quadrans-affair,” as even those know who are not yet washed for a quadrans. Mercurialis knew this too in his Art of Gymnastics; but he raised the price of the baths enormously, when from one quadrans he made it a hundred, for he says Martial complains that the baths cost him so much. “After the tenth hour, and a hundred quadrantes are demanded for the weary one.” As though Martial there were speaking about the price of the bath, and not about the sportula, which after the baths is given to weary clients, a hundred quadrantes.

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 193 neas loco rectæ dabat. Quadrans pretium balnei, sed viro- rum tantum: nam foeminas gratis lauisse si nihil aliud, hic vnus Iuuenalis locus satis ostenderet: cum inter ea quæ vi- rorum tantum essent, lauari quadrante ponit. Eædem glos- sæ Veteres. Quadrante lauari, sicut vir balneari. Aliæ. Quadrante, virorum pretium, foeminæ vero gratis. Nec mi- rum foeminas nihil pro balneo dedisse, nam hoc & impu- beribus præstabatur. Idem poeta. Nec pueri credunt, nisi qui nondum ære lauantur. Vetus Interpres. Infantes. Quia pueri non dant balneati- cum. Mulieres tamen balneatori mercedem soluisse indi- care videtur Cicero pro Coelio. Nisi fortè mulier potens qua- drantaria illa permutatione familiaris facta erat balneatori. Scio quemadmodum hunc locum docti explicuerint, præcipuè Manutius, Quòd nempe Clodia pro quadrante corporis fui copiam balneatori faceret. Sed vt lasciua perdita fue- rit, omni que probro respersa, & in mediastini, ac balnea- toris amplexus ruerit, id tamen fecisse ad redimendu qua- drantem, potentem alioqui, & auri largam in amatores suos, nemo sanus crediderit. Vix hoc de lupis diobolari- bus & meretricum mendicabulis credatur. Quid ergo? Qua- drantariam Clodiam dictam ex Plutarcho notum, quod ex eius amatoribus quidam perfacetus quadrantes argêteo- rum loco in loculos miserat. Hæc igitur quadrantis mer- cede quadrantaria facta erat, & sic balneatori familiaris quæstus, ac mercimonij similitudine familiaritas. Alte- ra interpretatio vix quadrante digna est, & ipsas balneas refrigerare potest. Vt ad tunicas longas redeamus, cum illæ essent mulieru[m] propriæ in viris probro habitæ. Cicero in Catilin. Quos vi- detis manicatis, & talaribus tunicis, velis amictos non togis. Etiam D. Augustinus in III. de Doctrina Christiana. Talares, ac manicatas tunicas habere olim apud Romanos flagitium. Con- firmat

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De Re Vestiaria Book III. 193 gives a place instead of the proper one. A quadrans was the price of the bath, but for men only: for that women bathed for free, if nothing else, this one passage of Juvenal would be enough to show, when among those things that belonged to men only he places bathing at a quadrans. The same in the old glosses: “To bathe for a quadrans,” as a man in the bath. Others: “At a quadrans,” the price for men, but for women free. Nor is it surprising that women paid nothing for the bath, for this was also provided for boys before puberty. The same poet: “Nor do boys believe it, except those who are not yet bathed for a penny.” The old interpreter: infants. Because boys do not pay the bath fee. Yet Cicero in Pro Caelio seems to indicate that women paid the bathkeeper a fee. Unless perhaps some powerful woman had, through that exchange of a quadrans, become familiar with the bathkeeper. I know how learned men have explained this passage, especially Manutius, namely, that Clodia, for a quadrans, made available to the bathkeeper the use of her body. But even if she was wanton and lost, and stained with every disgrace, and had thrown herself into the embraces of a menial and a bathkeeper, no sane person would believe that she did this in order to recover a quadrans, when otherwise she was powerful and lavish with gold toward her lovers. This can scarcely be believed even of street-walkers and the beggars of prostitutes. What then? It is known from Plutarch that Clodia was called Quadrantaria, because one of her lovers, with great wit, had put quadrantes in the purse in place of silver coins. Thus, then, she had become Quadrantaria because of a quadrans as payment, and so a familiar resort to the bathkeeper, and familiarity through the likeness of business and trade. The other interpretation is hardly worth a quadrans, and could even chill the baths themselves. To return to long tunics: since these belonged properly to women, they were considered disgraceful in men. Cicero in Catiline : “Those whom you see wrapped in sleeved and long tunics, in cloaks, not togas.” Also St. Augustine in Book III of On Christian Doctrine : “To have long and sleeved tunics was once, among the Romans, a shameful thing.” Confirms

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 195 & apud Horatium lib..1. Sat. v. Hoc iter ignavi diuisimus, altius ac nos Præcinctis vnum. Id est fortioribus, & expeditioribus. Idem alibi His vbi sublatis puer alte cinctus acernam Gausape purpureo mensam prætersit. Non fortis, ac strenuus vt explicat Turneb. lib. xv. c. xxii i. sed agilis atque expeditus. Contra discincti pro imbellibus, & effoeminatis. Seruius ad illud Illi se prædæ accingunt. Accinctos inquit, industrios dicimus, vt Horatius. Altius, ac nos præcincti: sicut contra negligentes discinctos vocamus, vt discinctos Mulciber Afros. Magno scilicet probro habitum discinctum incessisse. Dio Lib. LXI II. postquam multa Neronis infanda percensuit adijcit. Quibus ipsis in rebus ita faciebat contra ius fasque αστεναι αξως χιπωνας vt etiam tunicas discinctas publice indueretur. Et alia quæ nemo ignorat. Sicut quæ de Męcenate discincto scriptoribus traduntur. Seneca epist. XCIII. Alte cinctum putes dixisse: habebat enim ingenium, & grande, & virile nisi illud ipse discinxisset; Quod etiam in Cæsare fesellit, qui etsi fluxiore cinctura, grandi tamen & virili ingenio fuit, quod Sullam non latuit, qui male cinctum cauendum monuit. Męcenatis Epicedium quo solutas tunicas excusat a Turnebo allatum, quia mirifice totam rem illustrat, afferemus. Quòd discinctus eras animo quoque carpitur vnum; Diluitur nimia simplicitate tua. Sic illi vixere, quibus fuit aurea Virgo Quæ benè præcinctos postmodo pulsa fugit Inuidi quid tandem tunicæ nocuere solutæ? Aut tibi ventosi quid nocuere sinus? Tunicarum igitur solutarum, & discinctarum laxi ac ventosi sinus, & ideo mollium atque effæminatorum. Plutarch. in Apophtegm. tradit Xerxem Babylonijs iratum quod defecissent, quum illos recepisset ne arma ferrent imperasse Bb sed

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On De Re Vestiaria Book III. 195 and in Horace, Book I, Sat. V. This road we divided, the idle one, more elevated than us one girt about. That is, the stronger and more nimble. The same elsewhere When these had been removed, the boy, tightly belted, passed by the maple table with a purple gausape . Not strong and vigorous, as Turnebus explains, Book XV, ch. xxii, i. but agile and ready. On the contrary, discincti are used for unmanly and effeminate men. Servius on the line They gird themselves for plunder. Girt, he says, means industrious, as Horace says, more tightly girded than us; just as, on the other hand, we call the negligent ungirded, as Mulciber calls the ungirded Africans. It was clearly a great disgrace to have appeared in public ungirded. Dio, Book LXII, after recounting many unspeakable crimes of Nero, adds: In these very matters he acted so contrary to law and right, αστεναι αξως χιπωνας , that he even wore ungirt tunics in public. And other things that no one is unaware of. Likewise what writers record about Maecenas, ungirded. Seneca, Epistle XCIII. You would think he said, tightly girded; for he had a mind both great and manly, unless he himself had ungirded it. This also deceived Caesar, who, though of looser dress, was nevertheless of a great and manly mind, which did not escape Sulla, who advised him to beware of one badly girded. We shall quote the Epicedium of Maecenas, which Turnebus has cited to excuse loose tunics, because it wonderfully illuminates the whole matter. Since you were ungirded in mind also, you are reproached for one thing; your excessive simplicity is explained away. Thus lived those for whom there was the golden Maiden, who afterward, once driven away, fled from those well girded. What harm, in the end, did loose tunics do to the envious? Or what harm did airy folds do to you? Therefore the loose tunics and ungirded, with their slack and airy folds, and for that reason soft and effeminate. Plutarch in the Apophthegmata relates that Xerxes, angry with the Babylonians because they had revolted, when he had received them back, ordered that they should not carry arms Bb but

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 197 vteretur manus totas operientibus. Quòd ergo hæ tunicæ tala- res, & manuleatæ foeminarum propriæ essent, in ijsdem etiam pueros meritorios consueuisse, ex eodem Gellij loco colligit recte Lipsius lib. IV. Antiquarum. Verba enim Sci- pionis in Sulpitium sunt. Qui in conuiuÿs cum amatore cum chi- ridota tunica accubuerit, eum ne quisquam dubitet quin fecerit, quod cinædi solent? Plaut. Poënulo. Quis est hic cum tunicis longis quasi puer cauponius? Seneca in epistolis. Mirum est aliquid fortiter dici ab homine mollitiem professo; ita enim plerique iudicant. Apud me vero Epi- curus est & fortis, licet manuleatus sit. Addit Gellius. Virgi- lius quoque tunicas huiuscemodi quasi foemineas, ac probrosas cri- minatur. Et tunicæ manicas, & habent redimicula mitræ. Vbi Seruius. Tunicæ vestræ habent manicas quòd etiam Cicero vituperat dicens manicatis, ac talaribus tunicis. Nam colobijs vtebantur antiqui. Locus Ciceronis est Orat. I I. in Catili- nam. Quos pexo capillo nitidos, aut imberbes, aut bene barba- tos videtis, manicatis, & talaribus tunicis, velis amictos non to- gis. Curtius etiam lib. I I I. mollitiem luxumque Persarum describens ait. Illi vestem auro distinctam habebant, manica- tasque tunicas, gemmis etiam adornatas, quæ in militaribus viris turpiores. Dio etiam lib. LXXVI I I narrat Caracallam imparem mi- litaribus laboribus, cum nec æstum, nec arma ferre posset induere solitum τῶς χειριδων τῶς χιτωνας tunicas manicatas ad loricæ formam confectas. Idem lib. LXXI I. de Commodo. Solebat antequam veniret in Theatrum amictus esse tunica χειριδω- Τῶ, manuleata, serica alba, auro interstincta, ingressurus autem Theatrum induebatur purpurea auro inspersa, chlamydeque simili more Græco. Suet. c. L I I. cum Caligulæ habitum perstringit vt parum ciuilem ac virilem inter reliqua ait, manuleatus, & armillatus in publicum processit. Colobia tunicas sine manicis dictas veteribus docti ad notarunt, quasi truncas, ac mutilas. Glossæ. ἀνονδός. Curtax. ἀνονδός ὑ μέρος τῶς σόματος αφειρημένος. Mutilus, B b 2 trun-

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On Dress, Book III. 197 one would use them with the hands completely covered. Therefore, that these long, sleeved tunics were proper to women, and that boys of bad character also used them, Lipsius rightly infers from the same passage of Gellius, Book IV of the Antiquities. For the words of Scipio to Sulpicius are these: “He who in banquets has lain down with a lover in a tunic with sleeves, let no one doubt that he has done what cinaedi are accustomed to do.” Plautus, Poenulus: “Who is this man with long tunics, like a tavern-boy?” Seneca in the Epistles: “It is remarkable that something should be said boldly by a man who professes softness; for so most people judge. But in my view Epicurus is brave, though he is sleeved.” Gellius adds: Virgil too reproaches tunics of this kind as womanish and disgraceful. “And tunics with sleeves, and they have the ribbons of a mitre.” Where Servius says: “Your tunics have sleeves,” which Cicero also criticizes when he says “with sleeved and long tunics.” For the ancients used colobia. The passage of Cicero is in the Second Oration against Catiline: “Those whom you see with sleek hair, polished, either beardless or with well-trimmed beards, dressed in sleeved and long tunics, wrapped in veils, not togas.” Curtius also, in Book III, describing the softness and luxury of the Persians, says: “They had garments embroidered with gold, and tunics with sleeves, adorned even with gems, which in men of war were all the more disgraceful.” Dio also, in Book LXXVIII, says that Caracalla, being unfit for military labors, since he could endure neither heat nor arms, used to put on tunics with sleeves, made in the form of a cuirass. The same author, in Book LXXII, on Commodus: “He used, before coming into the theater, to be dressed in a sleeved tunic, manuleate, of white silk interwoven with gold; but when he was about to enter the theater, he put on a purple one sprinkled with gold, and a cloak of the same Greek fashion.” Suetonius, chapter LII, when he touches on the habit of Caligula, says among other things, as being somewhat un-Civil and unmanly: “He went out in public sleeved and with armlets.” The learned have noted that colobia were tunics without sleeves, as it were truncated and mutilated. Glosses: ἀνυδός. Curtax. ἀνυδός, μέρος τοῦ σώματος ἀφειρημένος. Mutilus, trun-

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198 Octauij Ferrarij truncus. Kolóβion Colobium, subicula L. Subucula. Isidorus. Colobium dictum quia longum est, & sine manicis; Antiqui enim hoc magis vtebantur. Quod de longo ponit præter rem est, nam manuleatæ, non truncæ longæ fuerunt. Idem. Leuitonarium est Colobium sine manicis, quali monachi Aegyptij vtuntur. Aegyptiorum Colobia describit Cassianus lib. 1. c. v. Colobijs quoque lineis induti, quæ vix ad cubitum ima pertingunt, nudas de reliquo circumferunt manus. Et c. xi. Nam neque caligis nos, neque Colobijs, seu unica tunica esse contentos hiemis permittit asperitas. Veterum ergo Romanorum tunicæ colobia fuere, manicis scilicet carentes, quod non ita intelligendum est, vt totis brachijs renudatis incederent, sed quod manicæ ad cubitum tantum pertinerent, & non cum brachijs magnam quoque manus partem cooperirent, Quas tunicas eleganter Tertullianus de pallio nec manibus arctas appellat, nec brachijs parcas. Male enim eum locum docti sollicitant. Quæ cum ita sint, merito quis Plutarchum miretur, quod tradat Catonem Censorium (si Interpreti credimus,) postquam in foro amicis operam dedisset, domum reuersum hyeme tunica sine manicis, æstate nudum cum seruis labore certasse. Quasi non & reliqui in talibus tunicis solerent. Sed nimirum Interpres hoc de suo commentus est. Nam in Græco est. ἐξωμίδα λαβων. Erat quidem vt diximus Exomis tunica sine manicis, sed a communi tunica distinguebatur, quòd hæc dimidiatas manicas cubito tenus habebat: vt in veteribus statuis tunicatis videre est. Exomis prorsus manicis carebat, vt etiam humeros renudaret, quales antiquissimorum Romanorum tunicas describit Gellius. Hoc itaque ad Catonis tolerantiam spectabat, quòd pro tunica exomide vtebatur, prorsus ad exemplum seruorum suoru[m], nam Exomides seruiles vestes fuisse diximus; Cato eadem cum seruis veste vtebatur in opere rustico, & quod sequitur id est, ομον ὑπον ὑμῶ παθημελησ, ἀἰ πίνει τοῦ ἀυτοῦ ὑποῦ. Quamquam Exomidem ex altera parte manuleatam fuisse

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198 Octavius Ferrarius trunk. Kolóβion Colobium, subicula L. Subucula. Isidorus. Colobium is so called because it is long and without sleeves; for the ancients used this more. What he says about its being long is beside the point, for sleeved tunics, not sleeveless ones, were the long ones. Idem. Leuitonarium is a colobium without sleeves, such as the monks of Egypt use. Cassian describes the colobia of the Egyptians in book 1, chapter 5. They are clothed also in linen colobia, which scarcely reach to the elbow below, and otherwise they carry their hands bare. And chapter 11. For neither does the severity of winter allow us to be content with shoes, or with colobia, that is, with a single tunic. Therefore the tunics of the ancient Romans were colobia, namely without sleeves; this is not to be understood as though they went about with their arms entirely bare, but rather that the sleeves reached only to the elbow, and did not, with the arms, cover a large part of the hand as well. Tertullian elegantly calls such tunics, in De Pallio, neither tight at the hands nor stingy toward the arms. Learned men indeed disturb that passage badly. Since these things are so, one may rightly wonder at Plutarch, who reports that Cato the Censor, if we believe the interpreter, after he had attended to his friends in the forum, returned home and in winter, in a sleeveless tunic, in summer naked, contended with his slaves at labor. As if the others too were not accustomed to such tunics. But plainly the interpreter invented this of his own accord. For in the Greek it is: ἐξωμίδα λαβων. Indeed, as we said, the Exomis was a tunic without sleeves, but it was distinguished from the ordinary tunic, because the latter had half-sleeves reaching to the elbow, as may be seen in ancient statues dressed in tunics. The Exomis was entirely without sleeves, so that it also left the shoulders bare, such as Gellius describes in the tunics of the most ancient Romans. This therefore concerns Cato’s endurance, in that he used the exomis as a tunic, entirely following the example of his slaves, for we said that exomides were servile garments; Cato used the same garment as his slaves in rustic work, and what follows is, ομον ὑπον ὑμῶ παθημελησ, ἀἰ πίνει τοῦ ἀυτοῦ ὑποῦ. Although on the other hand the exomis was sleeved

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 199 se testetur Pollux. Ἐξωμῖς, παὶ περίβλημα ἐλῶ, παὶ χιτῶν ἐπερομάχαλος Grauius eiusdem Interpretes peccatu[m] est in Othonis vita. Scribit Plutarchus ibi Cæcinam partium Vitellianarum ducem grauem habitu cultuq[ue]; Italicis Vrbibus fuisse quod γαλατμῶς αναξυρίσι, παὶ χειρίσω ἐνεσκλασμένος ligna ducesque Romanos alloqueretur. Gallicis inquit Interpres subligaculis, thecisque ornatus. Quæ malum istæ thecae? Etiam qui vix a limine Græcas litteras salutarit braccis, & manicis ornatum interpretabitur. Sed qui locus hic manicis? Manicę olim vt dictum tunicarum longarum & muliebrium fuere, quarum nullus in viro & milite locus. Nec credibile ducem impudicorum habitu præteruetum Cum Vrbes, & Municipia non mollitiem eius, sed superbiam notarent. Tacitus lib. I I. Hist. eadem narrans. Ornatum inquit ipsius municipia, & colonia in superbiam trahebant, quod versicolore sagulo brachas barbarum tegmen indutus togatos alloqueretur. Nec dubitandum est eas manicas in sagulo fuisse, quæ quoniam vt brachæ inusitatæ Romanis erant, & hostilis cultus, id superbo, & contemtorianimo adscribebant. Sed de sago infra. Dalmaticæ. Non vnus Baronij error notatus. Cap. I X. Colobium, siue communis tunica, etiam penes Christianos fuit, & quidem in sacris, vt & reliquæ vestes communes, gestata ad vsque Siluestri Pontificis tempora, cuius instituto in locum colobiorum Dalmaticæ venerunt, id est tunicæ manuleatæ, quas ita appellatas, quod in Dalmatia primo confectæ sint, & illinc Romam allatæ notum est. Chiridotas Dalmatarum appellat Capitolinus in Pertinace cum tradit in auctione rerum Commodi repertas fuisse Lacernas, & Chiridotas Dalmatarum. Alcuinus de diuinis officijs. Dalmatica ob hoc dicitur, quòd in Dalmatia sit reperta. Vsus autem Dalmaticarum a B. Siluestro Papa institutus est, nam antea Colobijs vtebantur; Colobium vero est vestis sine manicis. Cum ergo nuditas brachiorum culparetur a B. Siluestro Dalmaticarum repertus est

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 199 as Pollux testifies. Ἐξωμὶς, παὶ περίβλημα ἐλῶ, παὶ χιτῶν ἐπερομάχαλος. Graevius’s interpretation of this same passage is more mistaken in the life of Otho. Plutarch writes there that Caecina, leader of the Vitellian party, was grave in dress and attire; that in the Italian towns he spoke to the Roman commanders, clad in γαλατμῶς ἀναξυρίσι, παὶ χειρίσω ἐνεσκλασμένος, with Gallic subligacula and a cloak, the interpreter says, adorned with a sheathe. What the devil are these sheaths? Even one who has scarcely greeted the Greek letters at the threshold will interpret it as breeches and sleeves. But where is there any place for sleeves here? Sleeves, as has been said, were formerly part of long and womanish tunics, which have no place on a man or a soldier. Nor is it credible that a commander would go about in effeminate dress, when the cities and municipalities were noting not his softness but his arrogance. Tacitus, Histories II, narrating the same thing, says: “His municipalities and colonies construed his dress as arrogance, because, clad in a many-colored sagum and trousers, a barbarian garment, he addressed men in togas.” Nor is there any doubt that those sleeves were in the sagum, since, because such trousers were unusual among the Romans and were hostile attire, they attributed this to a proud and contemptuous spirit. But more on the sagum below. Dalmaticae. Not just one error of Baronius has been noted. Chapter IX. A colobium, or common tunic, was also used among Christians, indeed even in sacred rites, as were the other common vestments, and was worn up to the time of Pope Sylvester, whose ordinance Dalmaticae came into use in place of colobia; that is, sleeved tunics, so called because they were first made in Dalmatia and brought from there to Rome, as is well known. Capitolinus, in his Life of Pertinax, calls them chiridotae of the Dalmatae, when he relates that in the auction of Commodus’ effects there were found lacernae and chiridotae of the Dalmatae. Alcuin, in On the Divine Offices: “It is called dalmatica because it was found in Dalmatia.” The use of dalmatics was instituted by the blessed Pope Sylvester, for previously they used colobia; but a colobium is a garment without sleeves. Therefore, since the nakedness of the arms was blamed, by blessed Sylvester the dalmatics were invented.

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Octauij Ferrarij 200 est vsus. Describit deinde Alcuinus Dalmaticam, aitque fuisse vestimentum ad instar Crucis, habuisse in sinistra par- te simbrias, fuisse inconsutilem, ac large manuleatam: ad- ditque causas mysticas, quas hic attingere non est opus: sicut & illud, habuisse lineas coccineas, vel vt alij purpu- reos tramites, vel clauos pariter purpureos, vt tunicæ se- natorum, primo a Sacerdotibus gestatas, dein Diaconis con- cessas, post solos Episcopos Dalmaticarum ius habuisse, quæ alias cum Deo exequemur. Et licet Dalmaticæ a Co- lobijs distinguerentur tamé pro eadem re aliquando sum- ptas notauit Salmasius ex Niceta Thesauri Orthodoxi lib. 1. c. III. Dalmaticæ, quæ nunc Colobia dicuntur, prupuraque præ- texuntur. Vt ad rem nostram veniamus, Dalmaticæ, id est tunicæ manuleatæ pro colobijs in vsum venerunt, & tamen olim in- fames, vt diximus, fuere. Quare Principes Dalmaticatos in publico conspectos pro magno dedecore scriptores po- suere. Lampridius in Commodo. Dalmaticatus in publicum processit, atque ita signum quadrigis emittendis dedit. Idem in Heliogabalo. Dalmaticatus in publico post cænam sæpè visus est Gurgitem Fabium, & Scipionem se appellans, quòd cum ea veste esset, cum qua Fabius & Cornelius a parentibus ad corrigendos mo- res adolescentes essent producti. Atque ita, vt Casaubonus ad hunc locum rectè notat, vestis illa, quæ olim fuerat mollium & delicatorum, postea grauissimorum sanctissimorumque Episcoporum fuit gestamen. Nam quod Cerda inde Dal- maticam Regium vestimentum fuisse dicit, & illi Socienus Kercoetius non fuisse notatos, quòd Dalmaticati essent exi- stimat, sed quod in solis Dalmaticis, ne refutandi quidem sunt. Nec ob aliam causam Dalmaticæ probrosæ, quam quia manuleatæ: quas tamen mulierum virorumque effoemina- torum fuisse ostendimus: & ideo chiridotas Dalmatarum vocat Capitolinus. ἀρπωτοι etiam dicebantur, vt alijs no- tatum, quòd καρπον manus obuelabant, quæ vox adhuc Ve- netijs perseverat, vbi muliebres tunicæ Carpette vocantur. Manu-

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Octauij Ferrarii 200 was used. He then describes the Dalmatic, and says that it was a garment in the form of a Cross, having fringes on the left side, being seamless, and having wide sleeves; he adds mystical reasons, which it is not necessary to mention here: as also that it had crimson stripes, or, as others say, purple bands, or purple studs likewise, like the tunics of the senators, at first worn by Priests, then granted to Deacons, and afterward the right of Dalmatics belonged only to Bishops, which matters we shall examine elsewhere with God’s help. And although Dalmatics were distinguished from Colobia, nevertheless Salmasius noted from Nicetas, Thesaurus Orthodoxus, book 1, ch. III, that they were sometimes taken as the same thing: “Dalmatics, which are now called Colobia, and are bordered with purple.” To come to our subject, Dalmatics, that is, tunics with sleeves, came into use instead of colobia, and yet in old times they were, as we have said, disgraceful. Wherefore writers represented princes seen in public wearing Dalmatics as a great disgrace. Lampridius, in Commodus: “He went out in public in a Dalmatic, and by doing so gave the signal for the chariot-races to be announced.” The same, in Heliogabalus: “Wearing a Dalmatic, he was often seen in public after supper, calling himself Gurgites Fabius and Scipio, because when he wore that garment, he wore the one in which Fabius and Cornelius had been brought out by their parents to correct the mores of the young.” And thus, as Casaubon rightly notes on this passage, that garment, which had once belonged to the effeminate and the dainty, afterward became the attire of the most grave and holy Bishops. For whereas Cerda says from this that the Dalmatic was a royal garment, and Socienus Kercoetius says that they were not marked because they wore Dalmatics, but because they wore only Dalmatics, these men are not to be refuted either. Nor for any other reason were Dalmatics disgraceful than because they had sleeves; and yet we have shown that they belonged to women and to effeminate men: and therefore Capitolinus calls them chiridotae of the Dalmaticae. They were also called ἀρπωτοι, as has been noted by others, because they covered the hands up to the καρπος; a word which still survives at Venice, where women’s tunics are called Carpette. Manu-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 201 Manuleatas Bussiani tunicas cum Helagabalo faceret de- scribit Herodianus lib. v. ἀροῦει τε χηματι βαρβάρω, χιτῶνας χευσοψφεῖ, καὶ ἀλουργεῖς χειριδωτοῦς πιτι ποδήρες ἀνεξωσμένος. Vbi recte Politianus tunicas manuleatas, & ad pedes vsque demissas interpretatur, eumq; cultum tanquam mulierculis quàm viris congruentiorem Moesa auia Antonino exprobrauit. Idem paulo infra tales chiridotas talares ab ijs gestatas narrat, qui in eiusdem Dei sacrificio exta victimarum lancibus aureis gestabant. Quòd ad Dalmaticas sacrorum attinet, nollem Baroniu[m] virum præstantissimum in ijs explicandis toties lapsum esse, notumque fecisse, quam negligenter in re vestiaria versatus esset; Qui vt excusandus sit, quod in vetere prophano cultu indagando operam ponere non curauerit, ita sacræ historiæ conditor sacrorum vestem, & paratum sine culpa ignorare non potuit. Piget referre, quam falsa, & tanto viro indigna de Dalmatica prodiderit in Martyrologio ad diem Pridie Kal. Iunij. Primo ait Reges Dalmatica aliquando vsos. Sed præter Com- modum, & Heliogabalum, qui ea abusi sunt, nullus sanus, aut honestus Princeps eam gestasse legitur, & ideo illi a scriptoribus notati. Frustra itaque nostris Diaconis decus ex eo acquirit Baronius quòd in Regijs vestimentis incedant, cum non modo Regiæ, vt diximus, non fuerint, sed & probro habite. Dein meminisse ait Capitolinum Dalmaticarum, quibus vtebatur Pertinax. Falsò. Nam meminit Dalmaticarum, quæ Commodi fuerant, cuius rerum auctio sub Pertinace. Non enim seueri, & antiquimoris Princeps se ea veste de honestasset, quam in duobus lasciuiæ, atque impudentiè monstris populus Romanus damnauerat. Sed quod vix ferendum est, cum Dalmaticam fuisse tunicam manicatam ex Dione in Commodo agnoscat, subijcit, qualis fuerit Dalmatica describi ab Ammiano lib. XIV. Post hæc indumentum regale quærebatur, & ministris fucandæ purpuræ tortis, confessisque pectoralem tuniculam sine manicis textam Maras quidam nomine inductus est, vt appellant Christiani Dia- conus.

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On De Re Vestiaria, Book III, 201 When Herodian, book V, describes the sleeveless tunics of the Bussians with Heliogabalus, he says: ἀροῦει τε χηματι βαρβάρω, χιτῶνας χευσοψφεῖ, καὶ ἀλουργεῖς χειριδωτοῦς πιτι ποδήρες ἀνεξωσμένος. There Politian rightly interprets them as sleeved tunics, and reaching down to the feet; and Moesa, Antoninus’ grandmother, reproached him for that style of dress as being more fitting for women than for men. The same writer shortly afterward relates that such long sleeved tunics were worn by those who, in the sacrifice of that same god, carried the entrails of the victims in golden dishes. As for the dalmatics of sacred vestments, I should not wish that the very distinguished Baronius should have erred so often in explaining them, and made it known how negligently he had treated the matter of clothing; and although he is to be excused for not having cared to devote labor to investigating ancient pagan attire, still as a writer on sacred history he could not without fault be ignorant of the sacred vestment and its proper equipment. I am reluctant to mention how false, and unworthy of so great a man, is what he advanced concerning the dalmatic in the Martyrology for the day before the Kalends of June. First he says that kings sometimes used the dalmatic. But apart from Commodus and Heliogabalus, who misused it, no sane or honorable prince is read to have worn it, and for that reason they were marked out by the writers. Thus Baronius vainly seeks to derive honor for our deacons from the fact that they go about in royal garments, when not only were they not royal, as we said, but were even held in disgrace. Then he says that Capitolinus makes mention of the dalmatics worn by Pertinax. Incorrectly. For he mentions the dalmatics that had belonged to Commodus, whose possessions were sold off under Pertinax. For a stern and old-fashioned prince would not have adorned himself with that garment, which the Roman people had condemned in two monsters of lust and shamelessness. But what is hardly bearable is that, while he acknowledges from Dio that the dalmatic was a sleeved tunic in Commodus, he adds that the kind of dalmatic should be described from Ammianus, book XIV. After this a royal garment was sought, and a certain Maras was brought in by the ministers who dyed the purple, a breast tunic woven without sleeves, as Christians call it, that is, a Deacon.

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202 Octauij Ferrarij conus. Atqui tunica hæc trunca & sine manicis, Dalmatica manuleata: Subdit eam persimilem chlamydi figura fuisse tradere Marcellinum. Nihil minus: nam tantum purpura infectam scribit; tantùm enim a chlamyde distabat Dalmatica, quantum a pallio tunica. Sed leué coniecturam leuiori argumento sustentat, quod illa dicitur tunicula, & tunicę Diaconorum Italis tuniculæ dicuntur, siue tunicellæ. Nam sicut illa non fuit Dalmatica quippe quæ carebat manicis, ita vestes Diaconorum neque ipsæ propriè Dalmaticæ sunt, sed potius colobia, qualesque veterum tunicæ, quarum manicæ ad manus non pertinebant & ideo tuniculę appellantur: nec sunt istę talares, vt omnes tunc Dalmaticæ. Quidquid sit, si istæ Dalmaticæ sunt, illa Ammiani nequaquam fuit. Non contentus Annalium scriptor Dalmaticam eandem cum Colobio, & chlamyde fecisse, cum toga quoque & quidem triumphali confundit. Quem Bulengerus sarcinator, non scriptor secutus est. Quid cogitabat cùm hæc scriberet vir summus? Ait, palmatam Consularem apud Ausonium in gratiarum actione literis inscribi solitam, talem plane esse Dalmaticam Diaconorum, quod Ammianus tuniculam appellat qua & Imperator indui posset; Colligit deinde, & ministrorum cultum Regijs indumentis inuidiose contendit. Ex his perpende, inquit, quanto Augustius atque Magnificentius legali veteri cultu noui testamenti ministerium apparetur, cum antiquis Leuitis, nec linea vti stola concessum esset. Sed quid palmata toga cum dalmatica, quid Ausonio cum Ammiano? Quid Regibus cum Diaconis? Palmatam fuisse togam apud Ausonium & nemo ignorat & ipse testatur. Ea non literis inscribi solita, sed variis figuris intexi. Verb a Gratiani fuerant cum trabeam mitteret. Palmatam tibi nisi, in qua Diuus Constantius parens noster intextus est. Quæ verba Ausonius ipsa trabea pluris æstimat. Hæc planè, inquit, hæc est Picta, vt dicitur vestis, non magis auro suo, quam tuis verbis. Non quod ipsa verba inscripta essent, vt credidit Baronius. Sequitur enim. Constantius in argumento vestis intexitur: Gra- tianus

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202 Octauius Ferrarius conus. But this shortened tunic, and without sleeves, the Dalmatica with sleeves: Marcellinus is said to add that it was very similar in shape to a chlamys. Nothing less so; for he writes that it was only dyed purple. For the Dalmatica differed from the chlamys just as much as a tunic does from a pallium. But he supports a light conjecture with an even lighter argument, namely that it is called a tunicula, and the tunic of Deacons is called in Italian tuniculae, or tunicellae. For just as that was not a Dalmatica, since it lacked sleeves, so too the garments of Deacons are not properly Dalmaticae either, but rather colobia, like the tunics of the ancients, whose sleeves did not reach the hands, and for that reason are called tuniculae; nor are these long, as all Dalmaticae were then. Whatever the case, if these are Dalmaticae, that of Ammianus certainly was not. Not content with having made the Dalmatica the same thing as the Colobium and the chlamys, the writer of the Annals also confuses it with the toga, and indeed the triumphal toga as well. Bulenger followed him in this, though as a tailor, not as a writer. What was the great man thinking when he wrote these things? He says that the consular palmatum in Ausonius was customarily inscribed in letters in a thanksgiving address, and that such in every respect was the Dalmatica of the Deacons, since Ammianus calls it a tunicula, in which an Emperor could also be clothed; then he concludes and makes an envious comparison between the dress of ministers and royal garments. From these things consider, he says, how much more august and magnificent the ministry of the New Testament appears under the legal dress of the Old, when among the ancient Levites it was not even permitted to use a linen stole. But what have the palmata toga and the dalmatica to do with each other, what has Ausonius to do with Ammianus? What have kings to do with Deacons? No one is unaware that the toga was palmata in Ausonius, and he himself testifies to it. It was not customary for it to be inscribed with letters, but to be woven with various figures. The words were Gratian’s when he sent the trabea: “I send you a palmatum, in which our divine father Constantius is woven.” These words show that Ausonius valued the trabea itself more highly. “This is clearly,” he says, “this is the Picta, as it is called, a garment,” not more because of its gold than because of your words. Not because the words themselves were inscribed on it, as Baronius believed. For he continues: “Constantius is woven into the design of the garment: Gra- tian”

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204 Octauij Ferrarij Obstat modo auctoritas Manutij, qui tunicas totas fuisse purpureas cõtendit, inductus verbis Ciceronis in Sextiana, qui Pisonem Consulem perstringens eius habitum denotat. Vestitus, inquit, asperè nostra hac purpura plebeia, ac pænè fusca. Dubitat ibi Manutius, vtrum de toga loquatur Cicero, an de tunica, eoque flectit, vt existimet de tunicæ sermonem habere; Quoniam ait purpura nostra, id enim ad prætextam referri non posse, quia tunc Cicero in magistratu non erat, & propterea minime prætextatus, cum præterea prætexta non esset tota purpurea. Itaque ad tunicam laticlauiam referendum, quam hinc totam purpuream esse credit, quaque Cicero vt senator indutus erat. Hæc ratio quàm nullius momenti sit, inde apparet, quod si tunica tota purpurea fuit, cur claui ex purpura inditi vt ab reliquis ordinibus senatum distinguerent? Quomodo extra reliquam purpuram ea signa eminebant? Non de alia igitur purpura Cicero capiendus est, quàm quæ prætextæ in extrema ora, tunicæque Senatorum, & equitum, ad pectus per clauos latiores, & angustiores indebatur. Plebeiam Cicero, ac pænè fuscam appellat, quod ea ipse cum vulgo senatorum & equitum vtebatur, cuius libra, vt supra notauimus, centum denarijs venibat, cum Tyria non nisi a potentioribus ac delicatioribus emeretur, & quidem vix mille denarijs. Plutarchus tradit, Catonem purpura fusca vsum, cum videret saturo rubore ardentem esse tunc in pretio. Etsi igiturne esset Cicero prætextatus, purpuram tamen in clauis tunicæ Senatoriæ gestabat, sed communem & minime pretiosam, quam ideo plebeiam vocat, ac pænè fuscam. Atque ita purpuram simpliciter appellauit, quæ in prætexta, & lato clauo Pisonis erat. Similiter Iuuenalis purpuram pro prætexta dixit. Sat. xi. Ingenui vultus puer, ingenuique pudoris, Quales esse decet, quos ardens purpura vestit. id est prætexta. Alterum Manutij argumentum de purpura Quinctij Tribuni plebis satis supra expendimus, cum de prætexta ageremus. Turi-

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204 Octauij Ferrarii Only the authority of Manutius stands in the way here, since he maintains that the tunics were wholly purple, being led by Cicero’s words in the Pro Sextia , where, while criticizing Consul Piso, he notes his dress: “His dress, he says, was rough, in our plebeian purple, and almost dull brown.” There Manutius doubts whether Cicero is speaking of the toga or of the tunic, and is inclined to think that he is speaking of the tunic; since, he says, “our purple” cannot refer to the praetexta , because Cicero was not then in office, and therefore by no means praetextatus ; besides, the praetexta was not wholly purple. Accordingly he thinks it must be referred to the broad-striped tunic, which he believes from this to have been entirely purple, and which Cicero wore as a senator. How little weight this argument has is clear from this: if the tunic was wholly purple, why were the purple stripes inserted to distinguish the Senate from the other orders? How could those marks stand out apart from the rest of the purple? Therefore Cicero must not be taken to mean any other purple than that which was worn on the edge of the praetexta , and on the tunic of senators and knights, running over the breast in broader and narrower stripes. Cicero calls it plebeian, and almost dull brown, because he himself used that kind together with the common senators and knights; and its measure, as we noted above, sold for one hundred denarii, whereas Tyrian purple was bought only by the wealthier and more fastidious, and indeed scarcely for a thousand denarii. Plutarch relates that Cato used a dark purple, when he saw that the one glowing with rich red was then in fashion and highly valued. So even if Cicero was praetextatus , he nevertheless wore purple in the stripes of the senatorial tunic, but of an ordinary and not very costly kind, which he therefore calls plebeian and almost dull brown. And thus he simply called it purple, though it was the purple in the praetexta and in the broad stripe of Piso. Likewise Juvenal used purple to mean the praetexta . Sat. xi. “An ingenuous face in a boy, and ingenuous modesty, As it is fitting for those whom glowing purple clothes.” that is, the praetexta . We have already dealt sufficiently above with Manutius’s other argument concerning the purple of Tribune Quinctius, when we were discussing the praetexta . Turi-

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Tunica palmata. Russa. Galbina. Cap. XI. Atunicam triumphantium totam, vt & togam, pur- puream fuisse palmis, vel acu pictis, vel intextis di- stinctam, & elaboratam ostendimus, cum de toga picta ver- ba fecimus. Vbi palmatam tunicam ex Festo docuimus di- ctam, quod claus latioribus ad instar palmæ manus distinguere- tur, siue ab intextis palmis victoriæ insignibus. Ita vt auro in- texeretur, & pingeretur, vt toga triumphalis. Dio lib. ix. Caligulæ triumphali pompa per pontem Baianum vecto dat χιτῶνα χρυσόπασον. Quod ad communes tunicas attinet processu temporis in locum tunicarum albarum Russæ siue Russatæ venere, maxime apud milites. Trebellius in Claudio. Tunicas Rus- sas militares annuas. Isidorus Russatas vocat. Russata quam Græci Phæniceam vocat, nos coccinam, reperta est a Lacedæmonijs ad cælandum coloris similitudine sanguinem, quoties quis in acie vulneraretur, ne contemplatione aduersario animus augesceret. Subijcit, ea vsos milites sub Coss. vnde & Russatos dictos; Sed fallitur solens nam nec milites sub Coss. Russati, & is color in Circi factionibus. Has autem tunicas Russas non fuisse purpureas, omnino doctis viris assentiendum est, quod soli Imperatores tu- nicas, & paludamenta purpurea gestarent. Itaque verba Vopisci in Aureliano. Paragaudas vestes ipse primus militibus dedit, cum ante non nisi rectas purpureas accepissent. Rectas pur- pureas tunicas simpliciter rubras, vel russas, aut rufas cum ijsdem intelligimus. Fuere & Galbinæ tunicæ a viridi siue au- reo colore dictę de quibus Turnebus lib. xvi I. cap. ix. Qui tamen libro sequenti cap. ix. tunicas russas non recte in- terpretatur eas esse quę Græcis Φωνικίδες, adducitq[ue] locum Plut. in Bruto. Iussit corpus operiri τὴ πολυτελεσάτη τῶν ἰαυλῶν Φωνικίδων, ibi enim de paludamento loquitur Plutarchus, de quo infra. Puniceas etiam tunicas lictoribus tribuit in triumpho C c 2 Appia-

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Tunica palmata. Russa. Galbina. Chap. XI. We have shown, when speaking of the painted toga, that the triumphing tunic, like the toga, was entirely purple, distinguished and ornamented with palms either painted with a needle or woven in. When Festus says that the palmate tunic was so called because it was marked with broad bands in the likeness of the palm of the hand, this may also mean that it was from woven palms, insignia of victory. Thus it was embroidered with gold and painted, like the triumphal toga. Dio, book ix. When Caligula was carried in triumphal pomp over the Baian bridge, he is said to have been given a χιτῶνα χρυσόπασον. As for ordinary tunics, in the course of time Russae or Russatae took the place of white tunics, especially among soldiers. Trebellius in Claudius: annual military Russae tunics. Isidore calls them Russatae. The Russata, which the Greeks call Phœnicea and we call coccinea, was invented by the Lacedaemonians so that, by a likeness of color, blood would be concealed whenever anyone in battle was wounded, lest the enemy’s courage be increased by the sight. He adds that soldiers used it under Cossus, and hence were called Russati; but he is mistaken, as usual, for neither were the soldiers under Cossus Russati, nor was that color used in the circus factions. Now these red tunics were not purple; this must be wholly conceded by learned men, since only emperors wore purple tunics and paludaments. Hence the words of Vopiscus in Aurelian: he himself was the first to give paragauda garments to the soldiers, whereas before they had received only plain purple ones. By plain purple tunics we understand simply red, or Russae, or rufous ones, in the same sense. There were also Galbine tunics, so called from their green or golden color, concerning which Turnebus, book xvi, chap. ix. Yet in the following book, chap. ix, he incorrectly interprets the red tunics as those which the Greeks call Φωνικίδες, and cites the passage from Plutarch in Brutus: “He ordered the body to be covered with the most splendid of the purple garments,” for there Plutarch is speaking of the paludamentum, of which below. He also assigns Punic tunics to the lictors in the triumph

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206 Octauij Ferrarij Appianus in Punicis. Ipsum Imperatorem præcedunt lictores φωνιντις χιλιωνας ευδεδυνοτες. Vbi perperam Interpres vertit Paludati, quasi tunica paludamentum fuerit. Paulo post idem in reliqua pompa fuisse tradit Pantomimum, qui ποδίν- ην πορφύραν indutus esset, hoc est talarem tunicam purpu- ream, vt effeminatum saltatorem decebat. De Tunicæ ornamentis. Latus clausus. Doctissimorum virorum sententia explosa. Quintilianus explicatus. Cap. XII. PRæcipua tunicæ ornamenta claui purpurei fuere, sed Equestris tantum, & Senatoriæ, illius angustiores, huius latiores, vnde ad discrimen ordinum lati claui, & an- gusti dicti. Ita Romanorum tunicæ vulgo & laneæ fuerunt, & albæ, sed Senatorum, & Equitum per clauos purpureos maiores, ac minores a reliquis distinctæ. Quid essent hi claui, & quomodo gestarentur, non esset operæ referre, nisi viderem viros præstantissimos dubitasse, alios etiam minorum gentium penitus ignorasse. Magnus enim Scali- ger ad Varronem non fuisse clauos partem tunicæ existi- mat, sed de collo suspensos, & ad libitum sublatos, vt amu- leta, & numismata, quæ in pectus demittuntur. Iuris con- sultorum Princeps Scaligerum sequutus est, latumque cla- uum & angustum nihil aliud fuisse docet, quam purpuræ clauum vesti non consutum, sed supra eam in pectus demis- sum, Senatorum latiorem, Equitum arctiorem. Vterque tamen à Manutio discere potuisset, clauos fuisse purpuræ fragmenta, quæ tunicis insuerentur, vt inde etiam detra- hi, & resui possent, non autem intexerentur, aut de collo penderent. Quomodo enim ignorare potuerunt Vlpiani verba de auro arg. legato? Vestimentorum sunt omnia lanea vel serica, vel bombycina, quæ induendi, præcingendi, amiciendi, incubandiue causa parata sunt, & quæ bis accessionis vice cedunt, quæ sunt institæ, picturæ, clauique, qui vestibus insuuntur. Quin- tilianus autem lib. I IX. c. v. clauos vestibus insutos docet. Per-

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206 Octauij Ferrarij Appian in the Punics. The lictors precede the emperor himself with the φωνιντις χιλιωνας ευδεδυνοτες . Here the translator wrongly renders “paludati,” as though a tunic were a paludamentum . Shortly after the same author relates that in the rest of the procession there was a Pantomime, who had put on a ποδίν- ην πορφύραν , that is, a long purple tunic, as became a effeminate dancer. On the ornaments of the tunic. The closed stripe. The opinion of very learned men refuted. Quintilian explained. Chapter XII. The principal ornaments of the tunic were the purple stripes, but only of the Equestrian and Senatorial order; those of the former narrower, those of the latter broader, whence, to distinguish the ranks, they were called broad stripes and narrow stripes. Thus the tunics of the Romans were commonly of wool, and white, but those of Senators and Knights were distinguished from the rest by larger and smaller purple stripes. What these stripes were, and how they were worn, would not be worth mentioning, were I not to see the most eminent men have doubted, and others even of lesser learning have been altogether ignorant. For the great Scalig er, in his remarks on Varro, thinks that the stripes were not part of the tunic, but hung from the neck and were lifted at will, like amulets and coins, which are let down upon the breast. The prince of jurists, following Scaliger, teaches that the broad stripe and the narrow stripe were nothing other than a stripe of purple on the garment, not sewn into it, but let down over it upon the breast, the broader for Senators, the narrower for Knights. Yet each could have learned from Manutius that the stripes were fragments of purple which were sewn into tunics, so that they could also be removed from them, and sewn back on, not woven in or hung from the neck. For how could they have been ignorant of the words of Ulpian about gold and silver bequeathed? “All garments are either woollen or silk or bombycine, which are made for the purpose of wearing, girding, covering, or lying upon, and which serve as added accessories in two ways: these are borders, embroidery, and stripes, which are sewn into garments.” Quin- tilian, however, in Book I IX, chapter v, teaches that stripes are sewn into garments. Per-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 207 Porro vt affert lumen clauus purpuræ loco insertus, ita certè neminem decet intertexta pluribus notis vefiis. Haud inscius sum, tantos viros Horatij verbis in hanc sententiam concessisse. lib. 1. Sat. VI. Nam vt quisque insanus nigris medium impediit crus Pellibus, & latum demisit pectore clauum. Sed supra ex Quintiliano ostendimus, Senatores quibus laticlaui ius erat tunicam laticlauiam cingere non consueuisse; Cui laticlaui ius non erit ita cingatur, vt tunicæ prioribus oris infra genua paululum, posterioribus ad medios poplites vsque perueniant. Latum habentium clauum modus est, vt sit paulum cinctis submissior. Ex quibus apparet, tunicam laticlauiam, quæ ipsa latus clauus dicebatur non cingi solitam; Atque ita claui purpurei cum Zona non constringerentur cadebant in pectus, siue vt Horatius loquitur, pectore demittebantur. Recte Acron. Purpuram dicit, quæ in pectore extenditur senatorum. Secus in Equitibus, qui cum tunicam cingerent, angusti claui no[n] descendebant in pectus, sed in sinu, quem Zona luccincta efficiebat, supra ipsam Zonam conspiciebantur. Qui vero ex Equitibus in senatum allegebantur, soluebant tunicas & latiores clauos demittebant, atque in pectus fluere sinebant. Ex his etiam facile intelligemus, quid sibi velit idem Horatius cum ait alibi. --- clauum mutabat in horas. Nam clauus ibi est tunica laticlauia, quam Priscus ille inequalis, & inconstans sæpissimè mutabat. Quemadmodum & clauus pro eadem sumitur apud eundem Horatium. --- sumere depositum clauum. Acron Colobiona vocat, id est ipsam tunicam. Ita & Suetonius loco toties adducto latum clauum pro tunica vsurpavit. Vsum ferunt lato clauo ad manus fimbriato, nec vt vnquam aliter, quàm super eum cingeretur: id est, tunica larcilauia manicata, quam contra morem Cæsar cingebat. Lati ergo claui purpurei tunicis Senatorum assuebantur: vnde latum clauum tribuere & adimere, pro Senatorem facere, & Senatu mouere scriptores vsurpant. Vt mirum sit, cur Lam-

Transcription: Translated (English)

On Dress, Book III. 207 Moreover, just as the purple stripe inserted in its proper place gives off light, so certainly no one is suited to garments interwoven with many marks. I am not unaware that so great a man as Horace has come to this opinion in his words. Book I, Satire VI. For as soon as anyone, madman that he is, has encumbered his middle leg with black skins, and let the broad stripe hang down from his chest. But above, from Quintilian, we have shown that Senators, to whom the right of the broad stripe belonged, were not accustomed to gird the broad-striped tunic; let him who has no right to the broad stripe gird himself in such a way that the front edges of the tunic extend a little below the knees, and the back parts as far as the middle of the calves. The measure for those who have the broad stripe is that it be somewhat lower than for those who are girded. From this it appears that the broad-striped tunic itself, which was called a broad stripe, was not usually girded; and so the purple stripes, since they were not restrained by the belt, fell upon the chest, or, as Horace says, were let down from the chest. Acron correctly says: he speaks of the purple that is spread out on the chest of senators. It is otherwise with the Equites, who, when they girded their tunic, did not let the narrow stripes descend onto the chest, but were seen in the fold, which a girded belt produced, above the belt itself. But those from among the Equites who were admitted into the Senate loosened their tunics and let the broader stripes fall, and allowed them to flow over the chest. From these things we shall also easily understand what Horace means when he says elsewhere: --- he changed the stripe every hour. For the stripe there is the broad-striped tunic, which that inconstant and changeable Priscus changed very often. In the same way the stripe is taken for the same thing in Horace: --- to take up the deposited stripe. Acron calls it a colobium, that is, the tunic itself. Likewise Suetonius, in the passage so often cited, used the broad stripe for the tunic. It is said that they used a broad stripe edged with fringe at the hands, and never otherwise than that it was girded over it: that is, a long-sleeved broad-striped tunic, which Caesar, contrary to custom, wore girded. Thus the purple broad stripes were sewn onto the tunics of Senators; whence writers use “to bestow the broad stripe” and “to take it away” for making someone a Senator and removing him from the Senate. So it is surprising why Lam-

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208 Octavi Ferrarij Lambinus, qui quid essent claui non ignorauit, id insignemajorum magistratum fuisse scribat, vt Aedilium, Prætorum, Consulum, nam & minorum, & omnium senatorum fuit, etiam si nondum in magistratu essent. Nec aliud hi claui fuere, quam purpuræ segmenta, siue frusta purpurea, vt sunt capita clauorum rotunda, vnde & nomen traxere, eaque in pectore ipsius tunicæ assuebantur. Fuisse autem plures clauos, patet ex Varrone lib. 11x. de L. L. qui clauos plagulas appellat, quod ijs tunica, vt rete plagis distingueretur: Et Quintiliano ante laudato. Vt purpuræ rectæ descendant leuis cura est: notatur interim negligentia. Ex quibus verbis viri doctissimi etiam quadratos fuisse clauos credi volunt, nam si rotundi essent, inquiunt, quoquomodo delcenderent recti essent. Non ita rectè; Nam claui siue rotundi, siue quadrati cum rectè tunicæ insuerentur, recti semper erant, nec poterant aliter; Verum inter se non recte cadere poterant, quoties tunica cingebatur: nam ea cincta cum pars superior attraheretur ne longius descenderet, sinusque in quo claui erant subduceretur, quos purpuras appellat Quintilianus, nisi æqualiter sinus subductus fuisset, purpurei claui non recti descendisset: quare subijcit Rhetor, ita subducendum sinum, vt purpuræ rectæ cadant; loquitur autem ibi de angusto clauo, qui ab Equitibus cingebatur, cum latus in senatoribus sine cinctura descenderet. Ad pectus tunicæ clauos assutos diximus; Non defuere tamen nuperi qui ad Ciceronis Coelianam notarunt, clauos tota tunica dispersos fuisse, aut saltem tunicæ marginem prætexuisse, & ideo imperite Limbos dixere. Vtuntur Ouidij testimonio in Tristibus. Induiturque humeris cum lato purpura clauo. Et Statij Siluarum. Mox Tyrios ex more sinus, tunicamque potentem Agnouere humeri. Quare & humeris clauos inditos. Sed vt dicebamus, latus clauus pro ipsa tunica accipiebatur, in qua claui purpurei: & in-

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208 Octavi Ferrarij Lambinus, who was not ignorant of what clavi were, writes that this was an emblem of the rank of the higher magistrates, such as the Aediles, Praetors, and Consuls; indeed, it belonged to the lesser magistrates and to all senators, even if they were not yet in office. Nor were these clavi anything other than segments of purple, or pieces of purple cloth, as the round heads of the clavi are called, from which too they took their name; and these were sewn onto the chest of the tunic itself. That there were moreover several clavi is clear from Varro, book 11x of the De Lingua Latina , who calls the clavi plagulae , because by means of these the tunic, like a net, was distinguished by stripes: and also from Quintilian, cited above. “To let the purple stripes hang straight requires little care: meanwhile negligence is noticed.” From these words learned men have wished to believe that the clavi were also square, for, they say, if they were round, how could they hang straight? Yet this is not correct; for the clavi , whether round or square, when sewn properly into the tunic, were always straight, and could not be otherwise. But they could not lie straight with respect to one another whenever the tunic was girded; for when it was girded, the upper part being drawn up so as not to hang lower and the fold in which the clavi were contained being drawn in—as Quintilian calls them “the purple stripes”—unless the fold had been drawn in evenly, the purple clavi would not have hung straight. Therefore the rhetor adds that the fold must be drawn in so that the purple stripes may fall straight; and in that passage he is speaking of the narrow clavus worn by the Knights, whereas the broad one among senators hung down without a girdle. We have said that the clavi were sewn onto the chest of the tunic; yet there were not lacking recent writers who, in commenting on Cicero’s Coeliana , noted that the clavi were scattered over the whole tunic, or at least bordered the edge of the tunic, and therefore, inexpertly, called them “hem” or “border.” They appeal to Ovid’s testimony in the Tristia : “And purple, with its broad stripe, is put on over the shoulders.” And to Statius, Silvae : “Soon they recognized, as was the custom, the Tyrian folds and the powerful tunic on the shoulders.” Therefore the clavi were also placed on the shoulders. But, as we were saying, the broad clavus was taken as the tunic itself, in which were the purple clavi ; and in-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 209 &, induitur humeris cum lato purpura clauo, idem est atque, induitur tunica lato clauo purpureo distincta: qui claui purpurei quoniam in pectore erant, Tytios sinus vocat Statius, non quòd in humeris purpura esset, sed quòd tunica laticlauia, vt & communes tunicæ, humeris dependeret. Sicut autem latus clauus sumebatur pro ipsa tunica ita contra απλῶς tunica pro lato clauo. Plinius. Annuli distinxerunt alterum ordinem (Equestrem) a plebe, sicut tunica ab annulis (Equitibus) Senatum tantum. Hinc etiam Senatoria vestis latus clauus dicebatur. Spartanus Caracalla. Sub veste Senatoria loricam habens cum armatis militibus Curiam ingressus est. Hoc idem narrans in vita Getæ ait. Ipse autem tantum timuit vt loricam sub lato habens clauo etiam Curiam sit ingressus. Non aliud ergò Senatoria vestis fuit quàm latus clauus, siue laticlauium. Dio lib. lxxiv. appellat ornatum Senatorium siue simpliciter ornatum. Nos inquit (Senatores) ἐν ποσων αderamus. Appianus & reliqui Græci ἰολλω Bevλευτινην. Suet. Claudio. Latum clauum quamuis initio affirmasset non lecturum Senatorem nisi ciuis Romani abnepotem etiam Libertini filio attribuit. Idem Tib. Senatori latum clauum ademit. Latum clauum stlatariam purpuram poeticè appellat Iuuenalis Sat. vii. Spondet enim Tyrio stlataria purpura filo. Vbi Stlatariam Interpretes pro lato clauo accipiunt, quod veteres Festo, & Quintiliano auctoribus stlatum pro lato stitem pro lite dicerent. Quod si verum, nulli tunc Causidici in pretio, nisi qui & Senatores, quibusque lati claui ius. Nisi malimus de lacernis Caulidicorum interpretari. — purpura vendit Causidicum, vendunt Amethystina. Nam lacernas in causis agendis adhibitas, testatur idem Satyra xvi. — iam facundo ponente lacernas Cæditio. Immo & pænulas apud auctorem Dialogi de causis cor- ruptæ

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On De Re Vestiaria, Book III. 209 &, when it is put on the shoulders with a broad purple stripe, is the same as to say, it is put on a tunic distinguished by a broad purple stripe: and because those purple stripes were on the chest, Statius calls them “Tytian folds,” not because there was purple on the shoulders, but because the broad-striped tunic, like the ordinary tunics, hung from the shoulders. And just as the broad stripe was taken to mean the tunic itself, so, conversely, tunica is used simply for the broad stripe. Pliny says. Rings distinguished the other order (the Equestrian) from the plebs, just as the tunic marked the Senate alone from the rings (the Equites). Hence also the senatorial garment was called the broad stripe. Spartianus on Caracalla. Wearing a cuirass under his senatorial dress, with armed soldiers, he entered the Curia. In narrating the same thing in the life of Geta he says: He himself was so afraid that he even entered the Curia with a cuirass beneath the broad stripe. Therefore the senatorial garment was nothing other than the broad stripe, or laticlavium. Dio, book lxxiv, calls it senatorial dress, or simply dress. We, he says (the Senators), ἐν ποσων αderamus. Appian and the other Greeks ἰολλω Bevλευτινην. Suetonius, on Claudius. The broad stripe, although he had initially declared that he would not enroll a Senator unless he were the great-grandson of a Roman citizen, he also assigned to the son of a freedman. The same, on Tiberius, took away the broad stripe from a Senator. Juvenal, in Satire vii, poetically calls the broad stripe “stlatarian purple.” For he promises: “For the Tyrus purple thread the stlatarian purple guarantees.” Where commentators take “Stlataria” to mean the broad stripe, because the ancients, on the authority of Festus and Quintilian, would say stlatum for broad and stitem for strife. If this is true, then at that time no advocates were in favor, except those who were also Senators, and those who had the right to the broad stripe. Unless we prefer to interpret it about the cloaks of advocates. — purple sells the advocate; they sell amethyst-colored garments. For that cloaks were used in conducting cases is testified by the same author in Satire xvi. — now, while the eloquent man lays down his cloaks Caeditio. Indeed, even pænulas in the author of the Dialogue on the Causes of Corrupted

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210 Octauij Ferrarij ruptæ eloquentiæ. Improbum autem illum colorem etiam in lacernis a ditioribus vsurpatum nemo nescit. Nisi rectius sit dicere, magnam etiam Equitum partem per ea tempora latum clauum vsurpasse. Turnebus lib. xix. cap. vlt. quod Stlata in veteri lexico nauis Piratica dicitur, dubitat num stlatoria purpura sit piratica, & latrocinans, cuius splendore decepti fallantur, & spolientur venditores diuitem censentes, qui eam gestat, siue potius clientes Causidicum inde doctum, & magninominis existimantes. Vetus Interpres stlatariam illecebrosam explicat: reliqua adeo corrupta sunt vt frustra sit huc afferre. Nescio quid tamen de nauiponit, ex Ennio. Et melior nauis, quàm quæ stlatoria portat. Papias. Stlata genus nauiq[ue] alatitudine dictum: inde stlatoria purpura dicitur id est marina: vel nauis piratica, quæ Turnebi coniecturam iuuant. Idem Iuuenalis latum clauum vocat purpuram maiorem Sat. 1. --- quid confert purpura maior, Optandum? Vbi Vetus Interp. laticlauiam explicat. Laticlauij etiam Senatorum filij. Dionis Interpres notatus. Cap. XIII. Inter reliqua ostenta, quibus Augusto Imperium prænunciatum est, id quoque recenset Tranquillus. Sumenti togam virilem, tunicam laticlauij resutam ex vtraque parte ad pedes decidisse: fuisse qui interpretarentur, non aliud significare, quam vt is ordo, cuius insigne id esset, quandoque et subijceretur: nempe senatorius, cui tunica laticlauia. Atqui id Dio, si Interpreti credimus, de toga accepit, quem iure reprehendit Torrentius quod πιτων togam verterit, in quo etiam Leunclauiuus lapsus est. Narrat enim Dio lib XLIV. Octauium cum exephebis excessisset ἐδητια τεω ἀνδρομελω togam virilem induisse; Mox subdit ὑπιτων πέρι επράγη τε ἔκκατέρων ἀν ἀπὸ τεῶν ἐπικομίδων, Id per se non modo vllum indicium boni ominis attulisse, sed etiam præsentibus fuisse molestum, οτα

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210 Octauij Ferrarij broken eloquence. But no one is unaware that that disgraceful color was also used in cloaks by the richer sort. Unless it be better to say that, in those times, a large part of the knights also wore the broad stripe. Turnebus, lib. xix. cap. ult., says that stlata in the old lexicon is called a pirate ship, and he wonders whether stlatoria purple is piratical and thievish, by whose brilliance sellers are deceived and robbed, thinking rich the man who wears it, or rather clients, thinking that a lawyer is thereby shown to be learned and of great name. The old interpreter explains stlataria as enticing; the rest is so corrupt that it is useless to quote it here. Yet I do not know what he means about a ship, from Ennius: And a better ship than that which the stlatoria carries. Papias: stlata , a kind of ship, so called from its breadth; hence stlatoria purple is said, that is, marine; or a pirate ship, which supports Turnebus’s conjecture. The same writer calls the broad stripe a larger purple in Juvenal, Sat. 1: --- what does the greater purple confer, to be desired? Where the old interpreter explains it as laticlaviam . The sons of senators also wore the laticlavius . Noted by Dion’s interpreter. Chapter XIII. Among the other portents by which the Empire was foretold to Augustus, Suetonius also recounts this: while he was putting on the man’s toga, the tunic with the broad stripe, resewn on both sides, fell down to his feet; some interpreted this as meaning nothing other than that that order, whose badge it was, would in time be subjected as well: namely, the senatorial order, whose mark was the tunic with the broad stripe. But Dio, if we believe the interpreter, took this to mean the toga; and Torrentius rightly reproves him for translating πιττων as “toga,” in which Leunclavius also stumbled. For Dio relates, in book XLIV, that Octavius, when he had come out of the ephebes, put on the man’s toga; then he adds that because of the πιτων , it was torn on both sides from the epomides. This by itself not only brought no sign of good omen, but was also unpleasant to those present, οτα

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Octauij Ferrarij latum clauum, quidquid fratre adepto diu auersatus est nec vt tandem appeteret compelli nisi a matre potuit. Angustus clauus. Angusticlauij. Cap. XIV. V Tlatiores claui purpurei in tunicis Senatorum assue- bantur, ita minores siue arctiores Equitum tunicas illuminabant, vnde ipsi Angusti clauij dicti, quod ex Bu- canano notauit Turnebus lib. I. c. I I. ad quod illud Pater- culi de Moecenate adducit. Quippe vixit angusto clauo pe- ne contentus, nec maiora consequi non potuit, sed non tam opta- uit. Ex quo etiam Statium corrigit lib. VI. Siluarum. Hic paruus inter pignora Curiæ Contentus arcto lumine-purpuræ. id est angusto clauo. Cum in vulgatis legeretur rarolumi- ne. Lampridius in Alex. Seuero: Tum satis esse constituit, vt equites Romani a senatoribus claui qualitate discernerentur. Equestrem purpuram eleganter Statius pauperem clauum appellat in V. Silu. ad Crispinum. - non te series inhonora parentum Obscurum proanis, & priscæ Lucis egentem Plebeia de stirpe tulit: non sanguine cretus Turmani, Trabeaque Remi, & paupere clauo Augustam sedem & Latij penetrale Senatus Aduena pulsasti. Prout idem Turnebus lib. XI. I. c. VI. in veteribus exta- re docuit. Pro quo inepti reposuerant trabeque & remis. Ait enim Crispinum non obscuro loco ortum, nec ex equestri dignitate Romanum Senatum intrasse. Sanguine turmali quia equitum turmæ erant: Trabea Remi: quod Romulus, & Remus trabeati; vnde Quirinus trabeatus Ouidio dicitur. Tandem paupere clauo id est angusto. Eandem postea correctionem posuit Lipsius ad Tacitum lib. III. Ann. oblitus eam se apud Turnebum legisse. nam si meminisset, qua erat ingenuitate, auctorem laudasset. Hinc laticlauij & angusticlauij fluxere. Suet. tradit

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Octauius Ferrarius the broad clauus, whatever he had gained from his brother he long kept at a distance, and only with difficulty could he be compelled at last to seek it, and that only by his mother. Angustus clauus. Angusticlauij. Cap. XIV. The broader purple claui used in the tunics of senators were customary; in the same way the smaller, or narrower, ones adorned the tunics of the Equites, whence they themselves were called Angusti clauij, as Turnebus noted from Buchanan, lib. I, c. II., to which he adduces that remark of Paterculus about Maecenas: “He lived as though content with the narrow clauus, and could not obtain greater rank, though not so much did he desire it.” From this he also corrects Statius, lib. VI of the Silvae. Hic paruus inter pignora Curiæ Contentus arcto lumine-purpuræ. that is, “with the narrow clauus.” For in the printed texts it had been read “raro lumine.” Lampridius in Alexander Severus: “Then he decided that it would suffice if Roman equites were distinguished from senators by the quality of the clauus.” Statius elegantly calls the equestrian purple the poor clauus in Silvae V, addressed to Crispinus: - not the inglorious line of your ancestors Has brought you, obscure from your parents and lacking the light of old renown, from a plebeian stock; not sprung from the blood of the turmae, and with the trabea of Remus and the poor clauus you have entered the august seat and inner sanctuary of the Senate of Latium as a newcomer. As the same Turnebus showed in lib. XI, I, c. VI, in ancient manuscripts. For this the fools had restored “trabeaque & remis.” For he says that Crispinus was not born in an obscure place, nor did he enter the Roman Senate from equestrian rank. “Sanguine turmali” because there were turmae of equites; “Trabea Remi,” because Romulus and Remus were in trabea; whence Ovid calls Quirinus trabeatus. Finally, “paupere clauo,” that is, “narrow.” The same correction was later set down by Lipsius on Tacitus, Annals, book III, forgetting that he had read it in Turnebus. For if he had remembered, being as he was a man of noble breeding, he would have praised the author. Hence later arose laticlauij and angusticlauij. Suet. states

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Octauij Ferrarij clauium creauit. Paternum autem huius cædis auctorem per la- ti clauibonorem a Præfecturæ administratione submouit. Capito- linus in Pertinace: Doluit palam Marcus, quod cum Senator es- set, Præfectus Prætorio fieri a se non posset. Clarissimè Lam- pridius in Alexandro: Præfectis Prætorio suis Senatoriam addi- dit dignitatem, vt viri Clarissimi, & essent, & dicerentur, quod antea vel raro fuerat, eo vsque vt si quis Imperatorum successo- rem Prætorii dare vellet, laticlauium eidem per libertum submit- teret, vt in multorum vita Marius Maximus dixit. Cur autem id fecerit Alexander, rationem affert: ne quis scilicet nou Se- nator de Senatore iudicaret. Videtur tamen vsque ad extrema Imperij tépora Præfectura Prætorij purpuræ insigni caruis- se. Nam Eunapius in Progresio Prætorio. Ad Præfectis inquit, Prætorij munus euectus est. [n]o[n]dè [n]o[n]r[ati]o[n]i [n]o[n]s[un]t [con]s[crip]t[ion]is [con]t[en]t[ion]is. Im- peratoria dignitas sine purpura, nisi de purpura Imperatoria intelligamus. Non solum autem Equites Illustres, sed & eorum filios ius lati claui habuisse, doctis viris assentimur, quid Oui- dii testimonio confirmant. Interea tacito passu labentibus annis Liberior fratri sumpta mibique toga est. Induiturque humeris cum lato purpura clauo. Qui vbi ad ætatem Senatoriam peruenerant, si nolebant, aut non poterant, in amplissimum ordinem adscribi, angu- stum clauum resumebant. Idem poeta: Curia restabat, claui mensura coacta est. Maius erat nostris viribus illud onus. Vestis equestris mentio habetur apud Dionem lib. lxxiv. de Seuero Vrbem ingrediente: Seuerus in vrbem venit, cum- que sedisset in equo vsque ad portas vrbis, [n]o[n]dè [n]o[n] [con]d[iti]o[n]i [con]t[en]t[ion]i ingressus, in veste equestri, hoc est militari, siue Imperatorio paludamento, ne quis in angusto clauo ingressum crederet. Sequitur enim, ipsum ab ipsa porta velle vrbanam in duisse, id est togam, [n]o[n]dè [n]o[n] [con]t[en]t[ion]is [con]t[en]t[ion]is. Hoc est, ad verbum: vsque ad portas equo vectus ac paludatus, inde sumpta toga pedi- bus incessit. Tunicæ

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Octauij Ferrarij created the key. But the paternal author of this slaughter removed from the administration of the Prefecture by the broad-striped laticlavian. Capitolinus in Pertinax: Marcus openly grieved that, though he was a Senator, he could not by himself be made Prefect of the Praetorians. Lampridius says very clearly in Alexander: He added the senatorial dignity to his Praetorian Prefects, so that they might be, and be called, Very Illustrious men, which before had been only rarely the case, so much so that if any of the Emperors wished to give a successor to the Praetorian Prefecture, he would confer the laticlave upon him through a freedman, as Marius Maximus said in the Lives of Many. But why Alexander did this, he gives the reason: namely, lest some new Senator should judge a Senator. Yet it seems that down to the very last times of the Empire the Praetorian Prefecture was lacking the insignia of purple. For Eunapius in the Progress of the Praetorian Prefecture. He says, “He was advanced to the office of Prefect of the Praetorians.” [n]o[n]dè [n]o[n]r[ati]o[n]i [n]o[n]s[un]t [con]s[crip]t[ion]is [con]t[en]t[ion]is. Imperial dignity without purple, unless we understand this of the Imperial purple. We agree with learned men that not only the Illustrious Equites, but also their sons, had the right of the broad stripe, which they confirm by the testimony of Ovid. Meanwhile, as the years slipped by with silent steps, a freer toga was assumed for my brother and for me. And with broad purple stripe it is put on the shoulders. When they had reached senatorial age, if they did not wish, or could not, to be enrolled in the most august order, they took up again the narrow stripe. The same poet: The curia remained; the measure of the stripe was fixed. That burden was greater than our strength. Mention of the equestrian garment is found in Dio, book lxxiv, on Severus entering the City: Severus came into the city, and having sat on horseback as far as the gates of the city, he entered in the equestrian dress, that is, military, or imperial cloak, lest anyone should think he entered in a narrow stripe. For he goes on to say that from the very gate he wished to put on the urban dress, that is, the toga, [n]o[n]dè [n]o[n] [con]t[en]t[ion]is [con]t[en]t[ion]is. That is, literally: he rode on horseback and in his cloak up to the gates, then, having taken up the toga, he walked on foot. Tunicæ

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Octauij Ferrarij Quo loco male Interpretes Senatoriam tunicam clauis aureis distinctam intelligi volunt. Nam in tunica senato- ria nulli aurei claui fuere, sed tantum in triumphali. Et claui in pectore, non in faucibus. Interpres vetus corru- ptissimus est. Ait enim, Tunicam de faucibus quidam vestem gladiatoriam dicunt, quam fibulam pugnaturis mordet a faucibus. Quæ puto legenda: quam fibula mordet faucibus pugnaturi. Mox in extremo ait. Qui munera edebant, habebant vt extre- mas partes tunicæ ad guttur ornarent, quo famam haberent. Sed tunc Gracchus non edebat munus, sed pugnabat in mune- re. Illud ergo potius, nobiliores & potentiores in tunicis ad guttur aurea segmenta gestasse; & ideo ait Poeta Grac- chum in arena pugnantem esse nobilissimum credamus tu- nicæ ad fauces ornatæ. Nam quod de galero addit, sic ve- tus Interpres explicat: pilo quem habent Retiarij, vbi deleta nota legendum est pileo. nam Retiarij fine galea, & solo pi- leo tecti pugnarunt. Ceterum tunicæ palmatæ, quam to- tam purpuream fuisse diximus, & pictam, claui aurei inde- bantur. Halicarn. lib. I I I. χιτῶνα τι ωορφυροῦν χρυσόσμην. Tunicam purpuream auro clauatam. Tunicam etiam auro intextam luxu perdito principes vsurparunt. Dio de Com- modo lib. lxxII. Solebat antequam veniret in Theatrum indue- re tunicam χειριδευτοῦν, σημινῶν, λαδινῶν, σάχρυσον, manicatam, se- ricam, albam, auro interstinctam. Ingressus vero Theatrum in- duebatur purpuream χρυσῶν πατάπασον auro inspersam. Lam- pridius de Heliogabalo: Vsus est aurea omni tunica, vsus & purpura, vsus est de gemmis Persica. De eodem Herodianus lib. v. Vestitum vsurpans pretiosissimum, Σίοτε πορφύρας χρυσῶν υφάσμασι, purpura intextum atque auro. De Tunica Christi Domini inconsutili. DeCtissimi viri opinio reiecta. Cap. XV I. E Xælis quæ ad veterum tunicas pertinebant, Christi Domini tunicam super omnes exunias ac peplos su- perq; omnes apices ac tutulos augustam vestem intactam præ-

Transcription: Translated (English)

Octauij Ferrarij In this passage the interpreters wrongly wish the Senatorial tunic to be understood as distinguished by golden nails. For in the senatorial tunic there were no golden nails at all, but only in the triumphal tunic. And the nails were on the chest, not at the throat. The old interpreter is most corrupt. For he says: “Some say the tunic of the throat is the gladiatorial garment, which the clasp bites at the throat for those about to fight.” I think it should be read: “which the clasp bites at the throat of those about to fight.” Soon after, at the end, he says: “Those who gave public games had the outer parts of the tunic adorned at the neck, so that they might have a reputation.” But then Gracchus was not giving a show, but fighting in a show. Therefore the better reading is that the more noble and powerful wore golden bands on their tunics at the throat; and therefore the Poet says we should believe Gracchus, fighting in the arena, to have been most noble in the tunic adorned at the throat. As for what he adds about the helmet, the old Interpreter explains it thus: “pilo,” which the Retiarij have; where the mark has been erased, it must be read “pileo.” For the Retiarij fought without a helmet, covered only with the pileus. Moreover, the palmated tunics, which we said were wholly purple and painted, were adorned with golden nails. Halicarn. lib. III. χιτῶνα τι ωορφυροῦν χρυσόσμην. A purple tunic studded with gold. Tunics also woven with gold were adopted by the rulers in extravagant luxury. Dio on Commodus, book lxxii: He used, before going to the Theater, to put on a tunic χειριδευτοῦν, σημινῶν, λαδινῶν, σάχρυσον, sleeved, silk, white, interspersed with gold. But upon entering the Theater he put on a purple χρυσῶν πατάπασον sprinkled with gold. Lampridius on Heliogabalus: He used an all-golden tunic; he also used purple; he also used Persian gems. On the same subject Herodian, book v: “Using the most precious clothing, Σίοτε πορφύρας χρυσῶν υφάσμασι,” purple interwoven and embroidered with gold. On the seamless tunic of Christ the Lord. The opinion of the most learned man rejected. Chapter XVI. Among the things that belonged to the tunics of the ancients, the tunic of Christ the Lord, above all spoils and robes, above all crowns and caps, was a venerable garment untouched by ...

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 217 prætermisisse nefas esset, cum quænam illa & qualis fuerit, adhuc quæri videam, & viri præstantes artifices illi manus nuper admouerint, atque ex inconsutili consutam concinnauerint. Ioannis xix. hæc habentur: Milites ergo cum crucifixissent eum, acceperunt vestimentaeius, fecerunt quatuor partes, vnicuique militi partem, & tunicam: H[uius] de [antimon]io [aurum] [sulphur] [antimon]ii [antimon]ii [antimon]ii [antimon]ii. Erat autem tunica inconsutilis desuper contexta per totum. Dixerunt ergo adinuicem non scindamus eam, sed sortiamur de illa cuius sit. Vir doctissimus ad Vopiscum, tam veteres, quam recentiores omnes in illa inconsutili tunica explicanda tota regione aberrauisse pronunciare audet, & quomodo vox capienda esset ignorauisse. Putasse enim omnes, peculiare artificium, & textutæ, speciem non vulgarem in tunica Domini notaria D. Ioanne. Ita omnes hactenus desudasse quærendo, & inuestigando, quanam ratione tale contexti vestimentum potuerit, quod suturam non haberet, quoniam per artem huiusmodi vestis in tela fieri non potuerit. Ipse nouam & mirabilem explicationem affert, mordicusq[ue] retinet: Ex tunicis alias apertas siue [antimon]i [antimon]i [antimon]ii [antimon]ii, alias fuisse, quæ ex toto tectæ, ac concluæ nulla parte sutiles scissilesque essent, vt sunt camisæ & interulæ nostræ laneæ, vel lineæ. Tunicas apertas ex vtraque parte in humeris fibulis stringi consueuisse: quas fibulas & dice- rent, id est suturas. Ita Sutum pro fibulatum, & resutum pro refibulatum, a Latinis dici. Nam Suetonius in Augusto: Sumenti virilem togam tunica latielui resuta ex vtraque parte ad pedes decidit. Quoniam igitur tunica Domini non esset de eo tunicarum genere, quæ id est fibulas haberent, aut suturas, Græcè dici, Latine inconsutilem. Tales autem tunicas laneas nostras, siue lineas, quæ licet consutæ sarcinatricis acu dicantur, nihil tamen prohibere, quin inconsutiles sint: nam acum sarcinatricis idé facere, quod pecten textoris, quod nempe & acu texere veteres dixerunt. Ita hanc tunicam Domini fuisse ex eo vestium genere, quæ vt apud nos ex varijs pannis sectis con- suuntur,

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaria, Book III. 217 it would be a sin to omit, since I see that what kind it was and of what sort is still being sought, and outstanding craftsmen have lately laid hands on it and fashioned it from one that was seamless into one that was sewn together. In John xix these words are found: “Then the soldiers, when they had crucified him, took his garments, and made four parts, to every soldier a part, and also the tunic.” H[uius] de [antimon]io [aurum] [sulphur] [antimon]ii [antimon]ii [antimon]ii [antimon]ii. “But the tunic was seamless, woven throughout from the top.” They said therefore to one another, “Let us not tear it, but cast lots for it, whose it shall be.” A very learned man on Vopiscus dares to declare that all the ancients and the more recent writers have wandered altogether astray in explaining that seamless tunic, and that they did not know how the word ought to be taken. For he thinks that everyone supposed a special workmanship and a remarkable kind of weaving to be indicated by St. John in the Lord’s tunic. Thus all have hitherto worn themselves out in asking and investigating by what process such a woven garment could have been made, since by craft of that sort a garment could not have been made on the loom, since it had no seam. He himself offers a new and marvelous explanation, and holds to it tenaciously: that among tunics some were open, others [antimon]i [antimon]ii [antimon]ii [antimon]ii, and others were wholly covered and enclosed, not seamed or slit in any part, such as our shirts and undergarments, woolen or linen. Open tunics were customarily fastened on both shoulders with brooches; and these brooches were also called seams, that is, stitches. Thus sutum, for fibulated, and resutum, for refibulated, was said by the Latins. For Suetonius in Augustus: “When he was putting on the manly toga, his tunic, loosened and refastened on both sides, fell down to his feet.” Since therefore the Lord’s tunic was not of that class of tunics which had brooches, that is, seams, it is called in Greek seamless, in Latin inconsutilem. And such woolen or linen tunics of ours, although they are said to be sewn together with a tailor’s needle, are nevertheless not prevented from being seamless: for the tailor’s needle does the same thing as the weaver’s comb, since the ancients also said that to weave was done with a needle. Thus this tunic of the Lord was of that kind of garment which, as among us, are sewn together from various cut pieces of cloth,

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218 Octauij Ferrarij suuntur, cum tunicæ reliquæ, & colobia non fuerentur, sed tantum duæ plagule in humero ac latere fibulis committe- rentur. Hinc tunicam Domini a militibus non fuisse diuisam, quia si diuisissent perdidissent, cum nulli vsui futura fuisset, pallium contra quod fibulis commissum erat, licet sic diuisum, alicui vsui esse posset. Hæc quam breuissime, sed candide, & cum fide retulimus, vt noua hæc opinio curatius expenderetur, cui assensionem præbere multa sunt quæ vetant. Primo illud omnibus durum merito videbitur, vocatam fuisse inconsutilem, quia esset consuta, & ita omnia vestimenta consuta dicenda inconsutilia. Demus enim fibulas pædæ dictas esse, & suturas, quanquam impropriè, quod suturæ loco essent, quid sequetur? Tunicas apertas etiam consutas fuisse, quia habebant fibulas; contra tunicas clausas non fuisse consutas, quia carebant fibulis, id est suturis, licet acu essent consutæ. Et si inquam, fibulæ suturæ dictæ sint, non video, cur tunica Augusti refibulata potius fuerit, quam resuta; nec scio quis fibularum in tunicis virilibus & colobijs Romanorum mentionem fecerit. Paucas admodum statuas togatas, in queis vna fibula tunicam iungit, videre est, in reliquis nullæ fibulæ apparent. Sed omnes tunicas superiores & apertas fuisse concedamus, fibulisque nexas, quod non ita facile fuerit ostendere. At saltem subuculas siue interulas tam apud Græcos, quam apud Romanos consutas acu fuisse credendum est, nullisque fibulis constrictas, quod corpori pressæ & ad frigus arcendum, velandumque corpus essent clausæ. Atque ita omnes interulas, & subuculas inconsutiles fuisse necesse est; Et ideo quid opus erat talem Christi tunicam describere, cum tunicæ siue interulæ communes tales essent? Atqui Ioannes tanquam rem peculiarem in ea tunica notauit, quod esset inconsutilis, siue inconsuta: & ideo modum quo texta erat posuit, non vtiq[ue] facturus, si tales omnium interulæ fuiscent, quemadmodum pallij texturam non addidit. Fuisse autem appræpar aperte tradit, & quod sequitur, desuper contextam per totum,

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218 Octavius Ferrarii They were sewn, whereas the remaining tunics and colobia were not, but only two strips were fastened together by buckles at the shoulder and the side. Hence it follows that the Lord’s tunic was not divided by the soldiers, because if they had divided it they would have ruined it, since it would have been of no use; whereas the cloak, on the other hand, which had been fastened with buckles, though thus divided, could still be of some use. We have reported these things as briefly as possible, but candidly and faithfully, so that this new opinion might be examined more carefully; there are many things that forbid us to give it our assent. First, this will rightly seem harsh to everyone: that it was called seamless because it was sewn, and thus all sewn garments would have to be called seamless. For let us grant that buckles were called pædæ, and seams, though improperly, because they served in place of seams; what then follows? That open tunics also were sewn, because they had buckles; and, conversely, that closed tunics were not sewn because they lacked buckles, that is, seams, although they were sewn with a needle. And if, as I say, buckles were called seams, I do not see why Augustus’ tunic should rather have been unbuckled again than resewn; nor do I know who has made mention of buckles in Roman men’s tunics and colobia. Very few draped statues are to be seen in which one buckle joins the tunic; in the rest no buckles appear. But let us grant that all upper tunics were open and fastened with buckles, which would not be so easy to prove. At least the undergarments, or inner tunics, both among the Greeks and among the Romans, must be believed to have been sewn with a needle and fastened with no buckles, because they were close to the body and closed so as to ward off cold and cover the body. And thus all inner garments and undergarments must have been seamless; and therefore what need was there to describe such a tunic of Christ, since tunics, or undergarments, were commonly such? Yet John marked as something special in that tunic that it was seamless, or unsewn; and therefore he mentioned the manner in which it was woven, something he certainly would not have done if all men’s undergarments were of that sort, just as he did not add the weaving of the cloak. But he plainly says that it was made beforehand, and what follows, woven all through from above.

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 219 totum, id est non acu, aut futura iunctam. Præterea verisimile est, ne dicam certum, etiam vestimenta aperta, præcipuè Græcorum pallium, licet in humero fibula necterentur, saltem aliqua in parte consuta fuisse, qualia nostra pallia conficiunt. Et ita Christi Domini pallium, siue illud commune Græcorum, & Iudæorum fuerit, siue Tribonium, in quo nullus fibulæ vsus esse potuit, si debuit in quatuor partes diuidi non potuit non esse consutum, alioqui scissum fuisset, ac laceratum: quod ne in tunica eueniret, eam diuidere noluerunt. Nisi quis dicat, pallium Domini quatuor plagulis costitisse multiplici fibularum serie connexis, quod mihi nunquam persuaserit. Consutum ergo pallium illud fuit, & tantum in anteriori parte apertum, vt vel in humeris fibula necteretur, vel a dextro brachio in sinistrum humerum rejiceretur. Quidquid sit, ratio illa nihil est, tunicam consutam non fuisse diuisam, quod cum esset acu consuta nulli vsui futura erat si resueretur. Id enim falsum. Nam quemadmodum diuiso pallio in quatuor partes, certè partes ille pallij vicem præstare non potuerunt, alterius minoris tamen vestimenti; nam aut palliolum ex ijs confici potuit, aut tunicula, aut manicæ, thoraxue. Eodem modo, si tunica illa consuta fuisset diuisa, ac resuta, tunicæ quidem vsum præstare non potuit, ex partibus tamen sic diuisis quid vetuit thoracem confici, manicas, orarium? Quod manifestum est in camisiis nostris, & interulis lineis. nam si quis resuat, & scindat, non tamen penitus peribunt, sed & linteola, & sudaria, & pedules, & alia minora nihilominus conficientur. Secus in tunica inconsutili, siue inconsuta: quæ si diuisa, ideo tota peritura erat, quod nullas futuras haberet, sed per totum contexta esset. Nam de duabus Christi Domini tunicis iisdem assentiri non possum, qui suspicantur diuisum pallium in duas plagulas, tunicam superariam in alias duas: sic factas quatuor partes vestimentorum. Qui enim credam, Christum duas tunicas gestasse, qui earum vsu Apostolis interdixit? Prætereà E e

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 219 entire, that is, not joined by needle or seam. Moreover, it is probable, not to say certain, that even open garments, especially the Greek pallium, although they were fastened on the shoulder with a clasp, were at least in some part sewn together, such as our cloaks are made. And so the pallium of the Lord Christ, whether it was that common garment of the Greeks and Jews, or a tribonium, in which no use of a clasp could have been made, if it had had to be divided into four parts it could not have failed to be sewn; otherwise it would have been torn and rent: which, lest it should happen to the tunic, they were unwilling to divide it. Unless someone should say that the Lord’s pallium consisted of four pieces joined together by a repeated series of clasps, which never would persuade me. Therefore that pallium was sewn together, and open only in the front so that either it was fastened on the shoulders with a clasp, or it was thrown from the right arm over the left shoulder. Be that as it may, that argument is nothing: that a sewn tunic was not divided because, since it was sewn with a needle, it would be of no use if it were unsewn. But this is false. For just as if a pallium were divided into four parts, certainly those parts could not serve in place of the pallium, though they could still serve as some smaller garment; for from them either a little cloak could be made, or a short tunic, or sleeves, or a thorax. In the same way, if that sewn tunic had been divided and resewn, it could indeed not serve the use of a tunic; yet from the parts thus divided what prevented a thorax, sleeves, an orarium from being made? This is plain in our shirts and linen undergarments. For if someone resews and tears them, they will not altogether perish, but linens, handkerchiefs, foot-wraps, and other smaller things will nonetheless be made from them. It is otherwise with an inconsutilis tunic, or seamless tunic: if this were divided, it would therefore entirely perish, because it would have no future use, but was woven throughout as one piece. For I cannot agree with those who suspect that there were two tunics of the Lord Christ, the cloak divided into two pieces, the outer tunic into another two: thus making four parts of garments. For how can I believe that Christ wore two tunics, he who forbade the Apostles the use of them? Moreover E e

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220 Octauij Ferrarij rea aliquod discrimen inter vtramque tunicam Euangelistæ posuissent, qui vnius tantum mentionem fecerunt. Merito ergo postea hæc opinio auctori suo displicuit. Hæc omnia cogunt nos cum vulgo credere, tunicam illam inconsutilem vere fuisse consutam, id est sarcinatoris acu minimè, nullaque in parte consutam, sed adinstar subucularum, & tibialium, quæ apud nos serica, vel lanea tota simul texuntur nô quidem pectine, & in tela, sed per acus longiores reticulatim consiciuntur. Quod artificium si tunc incognitum, saltem sine acu solis manibus sursum versus contextam, qualia nunc reticula, & muliebres calanticæ fiunt, & ideo dici ævæder desuper, id est sursum versus contextam, & per totum id est in orbem, & totam simul, sine villa scissura, quæ acu comittenda esset. Ita non fuisse a militibus diuilam: quia huius generis vestimenta si diuidantur, vt sunt tibialia, subuculæ, ac reticula, nulli alij omni- no vsui esse possunt. tota enim pereunt: cum subuculæ lineæ, vt dicebamus, consutæ, qualem volunt fuisse tunicam illam, si scindantur, aut resuanturrihilominus alium vsum præstare possint. Obturbant tamen D. Chrysostomi verba Homil. lxxxiv. in Ioannem. Tiresantò tè eido[n]s tè chi[sti]touion[um] φασι τὸν εναγελεισω ἰσορεων. Επειδη γαρ εν Παλαισίνη δύο ἀγανη συμβαθλοτερ ἐ ταίς ὑφαίνει τὰ ἰμάτια δηλῶν ὑιωάννης ὑπι τοιχτος τὴς ὑχιτονισμος φασιν ἐκτῶν ἀναθεν ὑφαντὸς. Quæ sic verti debebant. Alij genus quoddam tunicæ ab Euangelista notari dicunt. Siquidem in Palæstina duos pannos committentes ita vestes contexunt: quod significans Ioannes ait desuper contexta. Quæ verba ait Magnus Casaubonus in Exercitationibus nescire se, an alij intelligant; se quidem vix satis assequi. Neque ipse quid sibi ea velint capere possum. Qui enim illa duorum pannorum commissura per texturam confici potuit? Theophylactus, vt notat idem ibi, more suo Chrysostomi verba describens quædam de suo adiecit. εν Παλαισίνη δύο ἀγανη συμβαθλοτερ, η τοι δύο πανία, ὑφαίνε σι ἰμάτια, αυτὶ ἀγανης ἡκάθροι τῶ συνφασμῶ. In Palæustina duos pannos committentes texunt vestimenta pro sutura vientes contextura. Quam texendis ra- tionem

Transcription: Translated (English)

220 Octauij Ferrarij They had placed some distinction between the two tunics of the Evangelist, though he made mention of only one. Therefore this opinion later rightly displeased its author. All these things compel us, with the common view, to believe that that seamless tunic was truly woven without seams, that is, not sewn at all with a tailor’s needle, and in no part stitched together, but like undershirts and stockings, which among us are woven entirely at one time, not indeed with a comb and on a loom, but are netted together with longer needles. If that craft was then unknown, at least it was woven without a needle, by hand alone, upward, like the nets now made and women’s caps; and therefore it is said to have been woven desuper, that is, upward, and per totum, that is, all around and all at once, without any cut that would need stitching with a needle. Thus it was not divided by the soldiers: because garments of this kind, if divided, as stockings, undershirts, and nets are, can be of no use at all to anyone. For they are altogether ruined. But linen undershirts, as we were saying, if sewn, such as they wish that tunic to have been, if they are cut or unstitched can nevertheless serve some other use. Yet the words of St. Chrysostom in Homily 84 on John are troublesome: “Tiresantò tè eido[n]s tè chi[sti]touion[um] φασι τὸν εναγελεισω ἰσορεων. Επειδη γαρ εν Παλαισίνη δύο ἀγανη συμβαθλοτερ ἐ ταίς ὑφαίνει τὰ ἰμάτια δηλῶν ὑιωάννης ὑπι τοιχτος τὴς ὑχιτονισμος φασιν ἐκτῶν ἀναθεν ὑφαντὸς.” These words ought to have been translated thus: “Some say that the Evangelist noted a certain kind of tunic. For in Palestine they weave garments by joining two pieces of cloth together: and John, indicating this, says, woven from above.” These words, says the great Casaubon in his Exercitations, he does not know whether others understand; for himself, he scarcely grasps them well enough. Nor can I myself take in what they mean. For how could that joining of two pieces of cloth be made by weaving? Theophylact, as the same author notes there, in his usual manner, while reproducing Chrysostom’s words, added something of his own: “εν Παλαισίνη δύο ἀγανη συμβαθλοτερ, η τοι δύο πανία, ὑφαίνε σι ἰμάτια, αυτὶ ἀγανης ἡκάθροι τῶ συνφασμῶ.” “In Palestine, joining two pieces of cloth, that is, two cloths, they weave garments, which are themselves made complete by the joining together of the weave.” The method of weaving...

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 221 tionem ideo fortasse non assequimur, quia intercidit: vel eam nobis explicent, qui nihil ignorant. Illud sequitur, cur Ioannes dixerit: ἐν τῶν ἀγωδεν ὑφαντος δὲ ὑλον. desuper contexta per totum. Ideo factum dicunt, quod in superioribus tunicæ partibus εαραί, vel fibulæ locum magis haberent. Quæram ego de reliquis partibus, quas non consutas, sed apertas a lateribus, vel in pectore fuisse volunt, num fibulis strictæ fuerint? Quod si verum est, cur tantum in superiori parte hoc factum indicauit Ioannes, cum in reliquis ita etiam se haberent, vt tam in humeris, quam hinc inde a lateribus fibulatæ essent? Desuper ergo contextam rectius explicarunt, quòd sursum versum texerentur: quales fuere vestes rectæ, quas patres, vt ait Festus, liberis suis conficiendas curabant ominis causa, sic dictas, quod in altitudinem sursum versus, & a stantibus texerentur. Quem morem apud Palestinos viguisse ex Theophylacto docti viri ostenderunt. Euthymius tradit, hanc tunicam fuisse a su- perioribus partibus contextam veluti sunt, inquit, apud nos capitis aut pedum hiemalia integumenta: nempe reticulatim fa- cta Perperam enim Casaubonus de vestimentis e lana coa- cta confectis, ea enim proprie non texebantur. Miror autem ab ijsdem viris doctissimis proditum, putasse omnes veteres acrecentiores, peculiare artificium, & texturæ spe- ciem non vulgarem in Domini tunicanotari a D. Ioanne. Nam non modo id non existimauit Baronius, sed etiam eos erroris accusauit, qui id putarunt. Non enim credibile esse, eius generis vestibus Dominum vsum esse, qui Ioannis sanctita- tem commendans dixerat: Qui mollibus vestiuntur, in domi- bus Regum sunt. Sed præstat Isidorum Pelusiotam audire lib. I. ep. LXXIV. Τίς δὲ αγνοεὶ τεω ἐυτέλειαν τις ἔδητος ἐκείνης, ἐν ποις οἰ ποξοὶ περχεωταί τῶν γαλιλαίων, πατρὸς παὶ μάλισα τὸ τοιχτὸ φιλεῖ γινεθ) ἐμάτιον, ως αὶ σηδοδεσμίδες ανάπουσαιν ὑφανόμων. Quis autem vestis illius vilitatem ignorat, vt qua Galilæorum pauperes vtantur? Apud eos enim maxime huiusmodi vestis genus fieri so- let, vt pectoralia, sursum versus contextum. Quod persuadet facilem factu fuisse, & sine vllo pectine, aut textoris opera mani- E e 2

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 221 We perhaps fail to understand the phrase for this reason, because the text is corrupt; or let those who know nothing explain it to us. What follows is the reason why John said: ἐν τῶν ἀγωδεν ὑφαντος δὲ ὑλον. desuper contexta per totum. They say that this was done because in the upper parts of the tunic the εαραί, or fastenings, would have a better place. I would ask about the remaining parts, which they maintain were not sewn together, but open at the sides or in the breast, whether they were held tight by clasps? If this is true, why did John indicate this only in the upper part, when in the rest it was also so, since both on the shoulders and here and there at the sides they were fastened by clasps? Therefore they explained it more correctly as woven from above, because it was woven upward; such were the straight garments, which fathers, as Festus says, had made for their children as an omen, so called because they were woven in height upward and from those standing. Learned men have shown from Theophylact that this custom prevailed among the Palestinians. Euthymius reports that this tunic was woven from the upper parts, just as, he says, among us are the winter coverings for the head or feet: namely, made in a net-like fashion. Casaubon was therefore mistaken about garments made of fulled wool, for these were not properly woven. But I wonder that the same very learned men have asserted that all the ancients and the more recent writers thought that a special craft and an unusual kind of weaving were indicated by St. John in the Lord's tunic. For not only did Baronius not think so, but he also accused of error those who thought it. For it is not credible that the Lord used garments of that kind, He who, commending the holiness of John, had said: “They that wear soft clothing are in kings’ houses.” But it is better to hear Isidore of Pelusium, book I, epistle LXXIV: Τίς δὲ αγνοεὶ τεω ἐυτέλειαν τις ἔδητος ἐκείνης, ἐν ποις οἰ ποξοὶ περχεωταί τῶν γαλιλαίων, πατρὸς παὶ μάλισα τὸ τοιχτὸ φιλεῖ γινεθ) ἐμάτιον, ως αὶ σηδοδεσμίδες ανάπουσαιν ὑφανόμων. But who does not know the cheapness of that garment, which the poor of Galilee wear? For among them this kind of garment is especially made, as pectoral coverings woven upward. This suggests that it was easy to make, and without any comb or the work of a weaver by hand— E e 2

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 223 mauult inaurium. Sed quid vitta, quæ erat fasciola, cum inauribus? Quis matronas inauribus a ceteris distinctas, iicut stola, & vitta distinguebantur, notauit? Non displicet ergo Lipij coniectura, modo veteribus libris nitatur; scilicet cum matronæ a Libertinis criniu[m] sertis discernerentur, quas solæ habere poterant, nouum discrimen a Senatu adiectum scilicet vittæ, siue fasciolæ, quibus & stola semper, præcipue a poetis, matronæ denotantur. Sertis autem crinibus, id est crinium sertis nubentes ornari solitas ex Festo notum. Quo ornatu non tantum a virginibus distinctæ, vt vult Lipsius, sed a libertinis, ac meretricibus, quibus nullus vittæ stolæque ius fuit. De stola etiam Vitruuius lib. 1. cap. 1. loquens de Caryatidibus: Itaque oppido capto viris interfectis, matronas eorum in seruitutem abduxerunt. Nec sunt passi stolas, neque ornatus mitronales deponere. Martialis etiam stolam simpliciter posuit pro matrona lib. x. ep. v. Quisquis stolæue purpuræue contemptor. Stolam autem ad talos, vt loquitur Flaccus, demissam, & instita ad oram ornatam docuit Turnebus lib. xxix. & ex eo plures. Vbi duo insignia in cultu matronarum notat, vittas, queis crines ligabantur, & talarem tunicam adsuta instita cultam. Secus in Libertinis, quæque viris morigera- bantur. Tibul. eleg. vi. --- quamuis non vitta ligatos Impediat crines, nec stola longa pedes. Ouidius. Este precul vittæ tenues insigne pudoris, Quæque tegis medios instita longa pedes. Et de Tristib. II. Ecquid ab hac omnes rigidas submouimus arte, Quas stola contingi, vittaque sumpta vetat? De instita Horatius: Quarum subsuta talos tegat instita veste. Vbi Acron. Qui matronæ stola vtuntur demissa vsq; ad imos pedes, cuius imam partem ambit instita subsuta. Quod instita subsueretur. Fallitur Acron vestis enim institæ subsueba- tur,

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 223 prefers earrings. But what has a vitta, which was a fasciola, to do with earrings? Who has noted matrons as distinguished from the rest by earrings, as they were distinguished by the stola and vitta? Therefore Lipsius’ conjecture is not displeasing, provided it rests on the ancient books; namely, that when matrons were distinguished from freedwomen by hair-garlands, which they alone could wear, a new distinction was added by the Senate, namely the vitta, or fasciola, by which both the stola, especially among poets, denotes matrons. But from Festus it is known that brides were accustomed to be adorned with garlanded hair, that is, with garlands of hair. By that ornament they were distinguished not only from maidens, as Lipsius wishes, but from freedwomen and courtesans, who had no right to the vitta or the stola. Vitruvius also, in speaking of the Caryatids in book 1, chapter 1, says of the stola: “And so, after the city was captured and the men killed, they led their matrons away into servitude. Nor did they allow them to lay aside their stolae or their matronal ornaments.” Martial also uses stola simply for “matron” in book X, epigram 5: “Whoever is a despiser of the stola or of purple.” Turnebus, in book xxix, taught that the stola was brought down to the ankles, as Flaccus says, and adorned with an instita at the edge; and many others followed him. There he notes two insignia in the dress of matrons: the vittae, with which the hair was bound, and the long-sleeved tunic adorned with a sewn-on instita. It was otherwise with freedwomen, and with those who made themselves pleasing to men. Tibullus, elegy vi: --- although no vitta binds their hair, Nor does a long stola hinder their feet. Ovid: Be near, thin vitta, emblem of modesty, And you, long instita, that cover the middle of the feet. And in the Tristia II: Have we not by this art driven far away all the stiff women, whom the stola forbids to be touched, and the vitta once assumed? Of the instita Horace: Whose sewn-on instita garment covers the ankles beneath the robe. There Acron says: “Those matrons use the stola, lowered down to the lowest feet, the lowest part of which is surrounded by the sewn-on instita.” For the instita was sewn on. Acron is mistaken, for the garment was sewn together with an instita,

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224 Octauij Ferrarij tur, quæ imam stolæ oram prætexebat. Rectius Porphyrio. Matronas significat. Hæ enim stola vtuntur ad imos pedes demissa, cuius imam partem ambit instita assuta. Ouidius in III. de Arte. Quid de veste loquar? non tam segmenta requiro, Nec quæ bis Tyrio murice lana rubet. Alibi nempe lib. II. Institam simpliciter ponit pro veste matronali. En iterum testor, nihil hic nisi legeremissum. Luditurin nostris instita nulla iocis. Quibus addendus Iuuenalis de Graccho nupturiente. Segmenta, & longos habitus, & flamea sumit. Vbi Vetus Interpres. Segmenta; Profusas vestes. Et longos. Fimbriarum. (Lege, fimbriatas) siue vittatas vestes, quibus matronæ nouæ nuptæ cooperiuntur. Et ad Satyr. VI. Segmenta dicit vittam pendentem de vestibus intextam auro. Recte autem Ouidius segmenta cum veste purpurea coniunxit. Fuisse enim falcias, siue virgas purpureas, & aureas, quæ vesti ad ornamentum insuerentur, notum est, idque solis matronis concessum. Valerius Maximus. lib. II. Ceterum vt non tristis earum & horrida pudicitia, sed honesto comitatis genere temperata esset, indulgentibus maritis, & auro abundanti, & multa purpura vsæ sunt. Idem. Permisit vtique eius purpurea veste, & aureis vti segmentis. Hinc vestis segmentata Isidoro libro. XIX. Zonis quibusdam, & quasi præcisamentis ornata. Scruius ad illud colloq. monile. Ornamentum gutturis, quod & segmentum dicunt, vt Iuuenalis segmenta & longos habitus. Licet segmentatas vestes dicamus, vt Ipse. Et segmentatis dormiscet paruula cunis. Stola inquam tota Purpurea fuit, ne quem decipiat Lambinus, qui ad illud Horatij, mirator cunni Cupiennius albi. Albati, inquit, quia matronæ albatæ id est stola amicte in publicum prodibant. Quod ante Lambinum Turnebo placuisse video. ex cuius aduersarijs ille plurima conuerrit Ex albo inquit lib. XI. c. VI. Horatius ingenuam intelligit. Ingenuæ autem mulieres albatæ erant, Libertinæ atratæ, nobiliores purpuratæ. Quod scilicet Artemidorus dicat, si in somnis Chlamys alba appareat, qui eam viderit, ductarus sit ingenuam,

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224 Octauij Ferrarij which projected over the lower edge of the stole. Better in Porphyrio. It signifies matrons. For these wear the stola, descending to the lower feet, the lower part of which is edged with an attached instita. Ovid in Book III of the Art of Love: Why should I speak of dress? I seek not so much the trimmings, Nor the wool that is dyed twice with Tyrian purple. Elsewhere, namely in Book II, he simply puts instita for matronly dress. See, I again testify: here there is nothing except what has been omitted in reading. “No instita is played with in our jests.” To these must be added Juvenal on Gracchus about to marry: “He puts on segmenta, long robes, and a flameum.” Where the Old Interpreter says: Segmenta; abundant garments. And longos; fringes. (Read, fringed) or striped garments, with which newly married matrons are covered. And to Satire VI, he says segmenta are a ribbon hanging from garments, woven with gold. But rightly Ovid joined segmenta with a purple garment. For there were, as is known, little strips, or purple and gold bands, which were sewn onto a garment as ornament, and this was granted to matrons alone. Valerius Maximus, Book II: “Moreover, so that their modesty might not be sad and stern, but tempered by an honorable kind of graciousness, they used, with their husbands’ indulgence, much gold and much purple.” The same author: “He certainly allowed him to wear his purple garment and golden segmenta.” Hence vestis segmentata in Isidore, Book XIX: adorned with certain bands and, as it were, cuttings. Servius on that phrase colloq. monile: an ornament of the throat, which they also call segmentum, as in Juvenal, segmenta and long robes. We may indeed say segmentated garments, as he himself: “And the little girl will sleep in segmentated cradles.” I say the stola was entirely purple, lest Lambinus deceive anyone, who on Horace’s line, “the admirer Cupiennius of the white cunni.” “White,” he says, because matrons, clad in white stolae, used to go out in public. I see that this had pleased Turnebus before Lambinus, from whose adversaries he gathered many things. “By white,” he says, Book XI, chap. VI, Horace means a freeborn woman. And freeborn women were white-clad, freedwomen black-clad, the nobler ones purple-clad. As, indeed, Artemidorus says that if in dreams a white chlamys appears, the one who sees it will be about to take a freeborn woman,

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 225 nuam, si atra libertinam, si purpurea nobilem. Nam vt concedamus ingenuas in veste alba, Libertinas in atra incessisse, quod falsu[m] est, quis enim hanc colore Libertinis adscripsit? verum in veste ingenuarum quæ libertatem adeptæ erant? Nobiliores ait Artemidorus purpurâ indutas: at istæ erant matronæ, non ergo albatæ. Horatium vero sectatores matronarum perstringere apparet. Sed fortasse Porphyrionem vterq[ue] secutus est, quiait, Alibi (l. albi) autem non pro candido videtur mihi dixisse, cum vtique possint & vulgares mulieres, etiam meretrices candidæ esse, sed ad vestem albam, qua matronæ maxime utuntur relatum est. Verum matronas numquam nisi in luctu veste alba vsas ostendimus: & si stola alba fuisset, quæ tamen erat purpurea, an sequitur etiam albâ eam parte fuisse, qua mulieres sunt, quæq[ue] stola velatur? Igitur matronalis locus albus dicitur Horatio, quod mundior, puriorque esset, quam publicarum libidinum receptacula, quæ fuit Britannici opinio: aut quod verius existimo, albus id est vetulus, ac canescens, quod scilicet ille matronarum sectator, veluti sepalchrorum incola vetularum noctibus testamenta matronarum captaret. Quare eximius matronarum Romanarum cultus fuit: quibus purpurea vestis aureis segmentis ornata. Et vsque ad Imperatores eo habitu insignes fuisse constat. Cæsarem modum purpuræ vsurpandæ statuisse, nonnisi certis personis, & per certos dies eius vsu permisso: eum deinde a Nerone omnino sublatum, post ab Aureliano concessum, ad Vopiscum Cl. Salmasius adnotauit. Ingenuarum ergo, & honestarum matronarum propria stola fuit, tunica scilicet manicata, siue manuleata ad plantas flucens, purpura, segmentis siue limbis aureis ornata, eademque multis rugis, ac plicis constricta. Martialis. Cum tibi trecenti Consules Vetustina Et tres capilli, quatuorue sint dentes, Rugosiorem cum geras stola frontem. Tunica inquam fuit, vt Isidorum falli necesse sit, qui stolam esse scribit matronale operimentum, quod cooperto capite, & sca-

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On Dress, Book III. 225 whether in black, if a freedwoman, if in purple, a woman of noble rank. For even if we grant that freeborn women went in white dress, and freedwomen in black, which is false—for who assigned this color to freedwomen? What about in the dress of freeborn women who had obtained freedom? Artemidorus says that women of higher rank were clothed in purple; but these were matrons, therefore not in white. It is clear that Horace, however, was censuring the followers of matrons. But perhaps each of them followed Porphyrion, because he says, elsewhere, “white” does not seem to me to mean “bright,” since ordinary women, even prostitutes, can be white in complexion, but it is referred to the white garment which matrons mostly use. Yet we have shown that matrons never used white dress except in mourning; and if it were a white stola, although it was in fact purple, does it follow also that the part by which women are women, and by which they are covered with the stola, was white? Therefore Horace calls the matronal place white, because it was cleaner and purer than the receptacles of public lust, which was Britannicus’ view; or, as I think more truly, “white” means old and gray, because that fellow, a follower of matrons, like an inhabitant of tombs, used to lie in wait at night for the wills of old matrons. Therefore the distinctive dress of Roman matrons was excellent: for them a purple garment adorned with gold borders. And it is established that even down to the emperors they were distinguished by this attire. Claudius Salmasius noted, in Vopiscus, that Caesar had prescribed the manner of using purple, permitting its use only to certain persons and on certain days; then Nero abolished it altogether, and afterward Aurelian restored the concession. So the proper dress of freeborn and respectable matrons was the stola, that is, a sleeved tunic, or manuleata, flowing to the feet, adorned with purple and gold borders or bands, and gathered up in many folds and pleats. Martial: Though you have three hundred consuls, Vetustina, And three hairs, or four teeth, You wear a stola on a brow more wrinkled. I say it was a tunic, so Isidore must be mistaken, for he writes that the stola is a matronal covering, which, with the head covered, and the-

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226 Octauij Ferrarij & scapula, à dextro latere in laeum humerum mittitur. Nam id proprium fuit pallæ, siue pallij muliebris. Quare subijcit. Eadem, & Recinium latino nomine appellatum, eo quòd dimidia eius pars retro rejiciatur. Recinium autem de pallio dictum, siue pallium fuisse, notum est. Ita autem demissa ad pedes stola totum corpus operiebat, vt nihil, quemadmodum ait Horatius, præter faciem appareret. Quare mirum est Bay- sium credidisse tunicarum muliebrium alas non fuisse con- sutas, sed more Spartanarum ad femora apertas, & Cum tamen id aperte neget Plutarchus in Lycurgo, cum ait attentiorem curam circa Virgines a Numa adhibi- tam quam a Lycurgo, cuius institutione cum virgines nudis femoribus incederent locum sermonibus præbuisse poetis, qui eas a nudis femoribus appellarunt, quod virginalis tunicæ alæ consutæ non erant ab inferiori parte, sed aperiebantur, simulque nudabant totum femur in inces- sus. Quem locum ipse Bayfius adducit. Nititur autem eo argumento tales fuisse tunicas Romanarum mulieru[m], quod Ouidius ait: Pallia si nimium terræ demissa iacebunt Collige, & immunda sedulus effer humo. Protinus officij pretium patiente puella Contingent oculis crura videnda tuis. Neq[ue] enim elato pallio potuisse crura apparere, si integra tunica fuisset, aliis vtrimque consutis. Sed hoc innuit ne- quitie magister, amante[m], dum lapsam pallij oram tollit, pos- se etiam permittente puella non anihil stolæ subducere, atq[ue] crurum aspectu beari. Similis locus est Amorum . Sed nimium demissa iacent tua pallia terræ: Collige, vel digitis en ego tollo meis. Inuida vestis eras, quæ tum bona crura tegebas, Quoque magis spectes, inuida vestis eras. Loquitur enim de puellis sedentibus in spectaculis, cum- que in sedendo tunica contraheretur, vt aliquid crurum appareret, si nimis pallium siue palla dimitteretur aspe- ctum

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226 Octauij Ferrarij & the shoulder, from the right side it is thrown over to the left shoulder. For this was peculiar to the palla, or woman’s mantle. Wherefore he adds: The same, and the garment called by the Latin name recinium, because its second half is thrown back. But recinium is known to have been said of a pallium, or to have been a pallium. And thus the stola, hanging down to the feet, covered the whole body, so that nothing appeared except the face, as Horace says. Wherefore it is surprising that Bay- sius believed that women’s tunics had not been sewn at the sides, but, like those of the Spartans, were open at the thighs; & yet Plutarch explicitly denies this in Lycurgus, when he says that more careful attention was given to virgins by Numa than by Lycurgus, by whose institution the virgins, walking with bare thighs, gave poets a subject for conversation, who called them from their bare thighs, because the wings of the maiden’s tunic were not sewn together at the lower part, but were opened, and at the same time laid bare the whole thigh in walking. This passage Bayfius himself cites. He relies on the argument that such were the tunics of Roman women, because Ovid says: If your cloaks lie too far down on the ground, Gather them up, and carefully lift them from the dirty earth. At once the girl, enduring the service, will let your eyes have thighs to behold. For if the cloak were raised, the thighs could not appear, if the tunic were whole, with seams on both sides. But this hints at the teacher of wickedness, that the lover, while lifting the fallen hem of the cloak, may even, if the girl permits, draw up a little of the stola, and be delighted by the sight of the thighs. A similar passage is in the Amores. But your cloaks lie too far down on the ground: Gather them up, or I myself lift them with my fingers. The garment was envious that then it covered your fine thighs, and the more you look, the more the garment was envious. For he is speaking of girls sitting in the theatre, and since in sitting the tunic would be drawn tight, so that something of the thighs might appear, if the cloak or palla were let down too much to the view

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 227 Ætum crurum inuidebat. qui igitur pallium tollebat eadem opera crurum aspectu fruebatur. Frustra autem Philippicarum nuperus Interpres Stolam Senatorij tantum ordinis putauit adductus verbis Plinij, quæ nec ipse, nec alius quod sciam assecutus est, lib. xxxiii. cap. III. de auro. Habeant foeminæ in armis, digitisque totis, collo, auribus, spiris: discurrant catenæ per latera, & inserta mar- garitarum pondera re collo deminarum pendeant: etiamne pedi- bus induitur, atque inter stolam plebemque hunc medium foemi- narum equestrem ordinem facit? Conqueritur Plinius ibi, au- rum pedibus etiam, & cruribus addi. Petronius: Iam pe- dum candor intra auri gracile vinculum positus Parium marmor exstinxerat. Seneca: Crura distincto reliqauit auro. Eas aureas compedes non a matronis, sed a libertinis gestatas, illud argumento est, quod matronæ fluente sto- la velatæ, non crura modo, sed & pedes veste contectos ha- bebant, & omnia, vt ait Horatius, præter faciem veste tege- bant: ita nullus auri ad ostentationem paratius in parte quæ latebat. At Libertinæ, quibusque Venus non imper- missa, cum altius tunicas succingerent, vt ex Ouidio & alijs scriptoribus liquet, crura, pedesque aureis circulis cultos ostentabant; quæ periscelides a plebe mulierum ob earum pretium non gestabantur: atque ita quemadmodum in viris aurum in annulis distinguebat a Curia, & a plebeio ordine equites, atque medium ordinem faciebat; ita in mulieri- bus aurum periscelio, compedeque gestatum distinguebat libertinas a stola, id est matronis honestis, & a plebe inope, sicque veluti medium quendam equestrem foeminarum or- dinem faciebat. Non alius eius loci Pliniani sensus esse vi- detur: quem alium enim potiorem Plinio interpretem da- bimus ipso Plinio? Is cap. v. ait. Argentum succedit ex re ali- quando & auro, luxu foeminarum plebis compedes sibi ex eo faci- entium, quas induere aureas nostritior vetat. Vbi innuit argen- teas compedes a plebe gestatas, cum iam aureæ fastidiri coepissent. Frustra docti calceorum ornatum explicant, quæ aureum in foeminis equestris ordinis fuisse falso ex Plinio colli-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 227 He envied the beauty of the legs. Therefore, whoever took away the cloak also at the same time enjoyed the sight of the legs. But the recent interpreter of the Philippics has wrongly understood a Stola to belong only to the Senatorial order, being led by the words of Pliny, which neither he himself nor, so far as I know, anyone else has ever properly grasped, book xxxiii, chapter III, on gold: “Let women have it on their arms and all their fingers, about the neck, the ears, the twists of the hair; let chains run along their sides, and let the weight of pearls inserted be hung from the necks of the women: is it even worn on the feet, and does it make this middle female equestrian order between the stola and the common people?” Pliny complains there that gold is also added to the feet and legs. Petronius: “Now the whiteness of the feet, placed within the slender bond of gold, had dimmed Parian marble.” Seneca: “He left the legs distinguished with gold.” That those golden fetters were worn not by matrons but by freedwomen is shown by the fact that matrons, covered with a flowing stola, had not only their legs but also their feet concealed by clothing, and, as Horace says, covered everything except the face with their dress: thus there was no more ready place for gold display than the part that was hidden. But freedwomen, and those to whom Venus was not forbidden, as is clear from Ovid and other writers, when they gathered up their tunics higher, displayed their legs and feet adorned with golden rings; such periscelides were not worn by women of the common people because of their cost: and thus, just as among men gold in rings distinguished senators from the Curia, and equites from the plebeian order, and made a middle order; so among women, gold worn on the leg-ring and fetter distinguished freedwomen from those of the stola, that is, respectable matrons, and from the poor common people, and thus made, as it were, a certain middle equestrian order of women. This seems to be the sense of that passage in Pliny: for what better interpreter of Pliny shall we give than Pliny himself? In chapter V he says: “Silver succeeds gold at times in place of it, from the luxury of women of the common people making fetters for themselves from it, which our women forbid themselves to wear as gold.” There he indicates that silver fetters were worn by the common people, when gold ones had already begun to be despised. Learned men explain this point in vain as an ornament of shoes, although from Pliny it is falsely inferred that gold among women of the equestrian order was on the collar...

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228 Octauij Ferrarij colligunt. Quasi equestris ordinis matronæ non & ipse stolatæ. Vel si alius sensus est, haud illum nobis inuideant, quos nihil effugit. Apud Macrobiu[m] mentio est libertinarum, quæ longa veste vterentur, cap. 6. Sat. 1. Lectisterniumque, ex collata stipe faciendum ita, vt libertinæ quoque quæ longa veste vterentur in eam rem pecuniam subministrarent. Quod de Libertinis intelligendu[m] existimo, quæ patronis nupissent, & ideo tamquam iustæ matresfamilias factæ longa veste id est stola matronali vterentur. Ceterum vt virilis tunica, ita & stola cingebatur. Id veteres statuæ ostendunt, & scriptores testantur. Ouid. Amorum. lib. 1. el. v. Ecce Corinna venit tunica velata recincta. Candida diuidua colla tegente coma. Recincta est dicincta, siue soluta. Idem lib. 1 1 1. el. 1. Per me decepto didicit custode Corinna Liminis obstricti sollicitare forem. Delabique toro tunica velata soluta Quamquam in alijs extet recincta. Erat autem tunc Corinna in interiore tunica, quæ vt primo cum de lecto surge-rent induebatur, nec cingebatur. Idem in lib. de Arte de Ariadna. Vtque erat e somno tunica velata recincta, Nuda pedem, croceas irreligata comas. At superior tunica siue stola zona cingebatur. Idem Amorum lib. 1. el. v 1 1. vbi a se pullatam amicam conque-ritur. Nonne satis fuerat timidæ inclamasse puellæ, Nec nimium rigidas insonnuisse minas? Aut tunicam summa deducere turpiter ora Vt mediam, mediæ zona tulisset opem. Sed locus corruptus est, quem viri doctissimi ita corri-gunt. Aut tunicam summa deducere turpiter ora Ad mediam, mediæ zona tulesset opem. Satis fuisse discindere tunicam ab summa ora, siue ab extremitate superiori vsque ad mediam, vbi zona cingeba-tur,

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228 Octavius Ferrarius they gather. As if matrons of the equestrian order were not themselves also clothed in the stola. Or if there is some other meaning, let those on whom nothing escapes not begrudge it to us. In Macrobius there is mention of freedwomen who used the long dress, chap. 6, Sat. 1. And for the lectisternium, to be made from a collected contribution, it is arranged thus: that freedwomen too, who used the long dress, should furnish money for that purpose. Which I think is to be understood of freedwomen who had married their patrons, and therefore, as if they had become lawful housewives, wore the long dress, that is, the matronal stola. Moreover, just as the male tunic, so too the stola was girded. This is shown by ancient statues, and writers attest it. Ovid, Amores, lib. 1, eleg. 5. Behold, Corinna comes, veiled in a loosened tunic, Her white neck covered by her flowing hair. Recincta means ungirded, or loosened. The same, lib. 1, 1, eleg. 1. Through me, her guardian deceived, Corinna learned To tempt the door of the barred threshold. And to glide from the couch, veiled in a loosened tunic, Though in other places recincta appears. But then Corinna was in her inner tunic, which, as they rose first from bed, they put on, and it was not girded. The same in the book On the Art, of Ariadne. And as she was from sleep, veiled in a loosened tunic, Barefoot, her saffron hair unbound. But the upper tunic, or stola, was girded with a belt. The same, Amores, lib. 1, eleg. 7, where he laments his beloved, made gloomy by grief. Was it not enough to have shouted at the timid girl, Nor to have thundered threats too severe? Or shamefully to draw the tunic down from the top edge To the middle, so that the belt might have brought aid to the middle. But the passage is corrupt, which the most learned men thus emend. Or shamefully to draw the tunic down from the top edge To the middle, so that the belt might have brought aid to the middle. It would have been enough to tear the tunic from the top edge, that is, from the upper extremity, down to the middle, where it was girded with the belt,

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230 Octavius Ferrarii Tab. XI

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230 Octavius Ferrarii Tab. XI

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De Re Vestiaræ Lib. III. 231 Pallium muliebre. Palla. Citharædicus ornatus. Palla Gallica. Cap. XVIII. T Vnicæ, siue stolæ mulieres honestæ injiciebant pal- lium, quod palla dicebatur. Virg. Pallam signis auroque rigentem. Seruius. Significat autem tunicæ pallium, quod secundum V arronem palla dicta est ab irrigatione, & mobilitate, quæ circa finem huiusmodi vestium, απὸ τὴ πᾶλλεν. Illæ autem rugæ ef- ficiebantur, quod cum pars eius in humerum sinistrum rei- ceretur, & sinistro brachio pars altera subduceretur, in ru- gas contrahebatur. Rigentem autem duram propter aurum, sicut & nouas vestes videmus. Idem ad illud. Prolongæ tegmine pallæ; Palla, inquit, proprie est vestis muliebris deducta vsque ad ve- stigia. Iudorus quadrum pallium interpretatur: quod de suo adiecit, quemadmodum quod affixis in ordinem gemmis distin- cta esset. Id enim Seruius non habet, a quo ille ad verbum accepit. Recte autem illud, dictam pallam απὸ τὴ πᾶλλεν, quod rugis vibrantibus sinuata crispetur. Ita Nonius Palla est honestæ mulieris vestimentum hoc est tunicæ pallium. Horatius ma- tronarum habitum describens Sat. lib. I. II. Ad talos stola demissa, & circundata palla. Et Ouid. lib. III. Amorum. el. XIII. Virginei crines auro gemmaque premuntur Et tegit auratos palla superba pedes. Idem pallium simpliciter appellat, de Arte lib. I. Pallia, si terræ nimium demissa iacebunt, Collige, & immunda sedulus effer humo. Et lib. III. Amorum. Sed nimium demissa iacent tua pallia terræ. Collige, vel digitis en ego tollomeis. Tam palla igitur, quàm stola, ita mulierum peculiares fuere, matrisque familiæ causa comparatæ, vt ijs viri non fa- cile vti possent sine vituperatione, vt loquior Vlpianus lib. XXIII.

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De Re Vestiaræ, Book III. 231 Women’s mantle. Palla. Ornaments of a cithara-player. Gallic palla. Chapter XVIII. Women of respectability used to throw over the tunic, or stola, a mantle called palla. Virg. “Pallam signis auroque rigentem.” Servius. It signifies the mantle of the tunic, which, according to Varro, was called palla from its flowing and mobility, which characterize the edges of garments of this kind, from απὸ τὸ πᾶλλεν. These folds were formed because, when part of it was thrown over the left shoulder and the other part was drawn under the left arm, it gathered into folds. “Rigentem” means stiff because of the gold, just as we see new garments. The same writer on that passage: “Prolongæ tegmine pallæ;” Palla, he says, is properly a women’s garment extending down to the feet. Iudorus interprets it as a square mantle; he added this on his own, as also that it was distinguished by gems fixed in a row. For Servius does not have this, though he took the word-for-word from him. And rightly is the palla said to be called from απὸ τὸ πᾶλλεν, because, swaying with waving folds, it ripples. Thus Nonius says: palla is the garment of an honorable woman, that is, the mantle of the tunic. Horace, describing the dress of matrons, Sat. Book I. II. “Ad talos stola demissa, & circundata palla.” And Ovid, Book III of the Amores, elegy XIII: “Virginei crines auro gemmaque premuntur Et tegit auratos palla superba pedes.” He also simply calls it a mantle, in the Art of Love, Book I: “Pallia, si terræ nimium demissa iacebunt, Collige, & immunda sedulus effer humo.” And Book III of the Amores: “But your mantles lie too far down upon the ground. Gather them up, or lo, I will raise them with my fingers.” Therefore both the palla and the stola were peculiar to women, and were prepared for the use of the mother of the family, so that men could not easily wear them without blame, as Ulpian says, Book XXIII.

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Octauij Ferrarij xxi I I. D. de auro arg. leg. Vbi pallæ, non pallia legendum esse, etsi ita extet in Pandectis Florentinis, idque tueatur Faber Semest. lib. I. cap. xv, ex eo apparet, quod pallia inter communia viris & foeminis vestimenta a Iurisconsulto infra recensentur, cum pallæ muliebria tantum fuerint. Communia sunt quibus promiscuè vtitur mulier cum viro, velut si eiusmodi penula palliumue est. Liuius lib. xxv I I. narrat, Ptolomeo Aegypti Regi dono a Senatu missam tunicam & togam purpuream, Cleopatrae Reginæ pallam pictam cum amiculo. Porro pallam eandem cum peplo Seruius facit ad illud: -- peplumque ferebant. Peplum proprie est palla picta foeminea Mineruæ consecrata. Vt Plautus. Numquam ad Ciuitatem venionisi cum infertur peplus. Et paulo ante. Cum Diomedes auxilio Mineruæ plurimos Troianorum fudisset, Helenus vates monuit, vt Mineruæ numen exoraretur, & cum precibus Deæ ponerent vestem, quam Regina speciosissimam habebat, id est peplum: unde post Mineruæ palla peplum appellata est. Iuuenalis etiam Troadibus pallam tribuit. -- scissaque Polyxena palla. Ouidius etiam Dianæ Met. lib. I I I. cum se lotura exueret. Alteræ depositæ subiecit brachia pallæ Et Ocyroe in equam conuersæ lib. I I. Longæ pars maxima pallæ Cauda fit. Palla inde ad citharodos, Tragædos, & saltatores translata est. De Citharædo Cornificius lib. IV. Vti citharædus cum procedit optimè vestitus, palla inaurata indutus cum cblamyde purpurea coloribus variis intexta. Et Lucianus aduersus indoctum tradit citharædum imperitum venisse Delphos veste auro insigni, & descendisse in certamen purpura auro contexta. Ouidius I I. Fastorum de Arione. Induerat Tyrio distinctam murice pallam. Propter quam causam ipse Apollo palla indutus a poetis producitur. Idem Amorum lib. I. el. VI I I. Ipse Deus vatum palla spectabilis aurea Tra-

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Octauij Ferrarij xxi II. D. on gold and silver, law V. Where pallae, not pallia, should be read, although thus it stands in the Florentine Pandects, and although Faber defends it in Semest. lib. I. cap. xv, this is evident from the fact that pallia are listed by the jurist below among clothing common to men and women, whereas pallae belonged only to women. Common are those garments which a woman uses indiscriminately with a man, as if such a penula or pallium is. Livy, lib. xxvii, relates that to Ptolemy, King of Egypt, the Senate sent as a gift a tunic and purple toga, and to Queen Cleopatra a painted palla with a small mantle. Moreover Servius identifies the same palla with the peplum in reference to the line: -- and they were carrying the peplum. The peplum properly is a painted female palla, consecrated to Minerva. Thus Plautus: Never do they come to the City unless the peplus is brought in. And a little earlier. When Diomedes, with Minerva’s help, had routed many of the Trojans, the seer Helenus advised that Minerva’s divinity be entreated, and that with their prayers they should place before the goddess the garment which the Queen had as her most splendid one, that is, the peplum; whence afterwards the palla of Minerva was called peplum. Juvenal also assigns a palla to the Trojan women. -- and Polyxena’s palla torn. Ovid too, in the Metamorphoses, lib. III, when Diana was about to bathe, she took off her garment. She laid her arms beneath the folded palla And Ocyroe, turned into a mare, lib. II. The greater part of the long palla Becomes a tail. From this the palla was transferred to citharodes, tragedians, and dancers. About the citharode Cornificius, lib. IV, says: A citharode when he comes forward, dressed most elegantly, is clothed in a gilded palla, with a purple chlamys embroidered in various colors. And Lucian, Against the Ignorant, relates that an unskilled citharode came to Delphi in a garment distinguished with gold, and entered the contest in purple woven with gold. Ovid, Fasti II, on Arion: He had put on a palla distinguished with Tyrian purple. For this reason Apollo himself is brought forward by the poets clothed in a palla. The same, Amores, lib. I, el. VIII: The god himself of poets, notable in a golden palla Tra-

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. Tractat inauratæ consona fila lyræ. Et Tibullus lib. III eleg. IV. de Phoebo. Ima videbatur talis illudere palla. Namque hæc in nitido corpore vestis erat. Artis opus raræ fulgens testudine & auro Pendebat laua garrula parte lyra. Sic Virgilius de Orpheo. Nec non Threicius longa cum veste sacerdos. Longa vestis est palla, vt apud Propertium: Pythius in longa carmina veste sonat. De Tragoedis Ouidius Amorum lib. III. el. XVIII. Sceptra tamen sumpsi curaque Tragædia nostra Creuit, & huic operi quamlibet aptus eram. Risit amor pallaque meam pictosque cothurnos Sceptraque priuata tam cito sumpta manu. Et lib. III. el. I. Venit & ingenti violenta Tragædia passus Fronte comæ torua, palla iacebat humi. De saltatorum palla animaduertit Turnebus libro XX. ex Plauto Menoechmis. Sed obsecro hercle salta sic cum palla postea. Qui autem saltatores molles & effoeminati, ideo infra ait Peniculus. Non ego te indutum foras Exire vidi palla? ME Vae capiti tuo Omnes cinædos esse cense's, tu quia es: Tun' me indu- tum fuisse palla prædicas? Eadem fabula, cum Menoechmus induisset pallam, quam vxi ori surripuerat, ait ad parasitum. Dic mihi nunquam tu vidisti tabulam pictam in pariete, Vbi Aquila catamitum raperet, aut vbi Venus Adoneum? Age me aspi- ce, ecquid assimulo similiter. Perro mihi mirum videtur, cum palla vestitus exterior muliebris esset, eamque Menoechmus parasito per iocum olfaciendam dedisset, illum aspernatum dicere. Summum me olfaclare oportet vestimentum muliebre. Nam & isioc loco spurcatur nasus odore illucibili. Nam si de tunica aut subu cula loqueretur credibilius esset. Sed iocus parasiticus est Horat.

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On De Re Vestiaria Book III. It plucks the concordant strings of the gilded lyre. And Tibullus, Book III, Elegy IV, on Phoebus. The hem seemed to mock it from below, such was the mantle. For this garment was on a shining body. A work of rare artistry, glittering with tortoiseshell and gold, the chatterbox lyre hung by the left side. Thus Virgil of Orpheus. And likewise the Thracian priest with his long robe. A long garment is a palla, as in Propertius: The Pythian sings his songs in a long robe. On tragedians Ovid, Amores Book III, elegy XVIII. Yet I took up the scepters, and our Tragedy grew in care, and for this work I was however well suited. Love laughed, and my mantle and painted buskins, and the private scepters so quickly taken up by my hand. And Book III, elegy I. Then violent Tragedy came with a great stride, with hair on her stern brow, and the mantle lay on the ground. Turnebus noted the mantle of dancers in Book XX, from Plautus, Menoechmi. But I beg you, by Hercules, dance thus afterward with the mantle. But because dancers are soft and effeminate, Peniculus therefore says below: Did I not see you go out dressed in a mantle? ME Woe to your head! You think they are all pathics, you because you are one: did you say I was dressed in a mantle? In the same play, when Menoechmus had put on the mantle, which he had snatched from his mistress, he says to the parasite: Tell me, have you never seen a painted panel on a wall, where an eagle carried off a catamite, or where Venus [carried off] Adonis? Come, look at me, do I resemble it in the same way? Yet it seems very strange to me, since the palla was an outer women’s garment, and Menoechmus had given it to the parasite to smell as a joke, that the latter should disdain to say: I ought to smell the upper women’s garment most of all. For in that place too the nose is defiled by a foul smell. For if he were speaking of a tunic or under shirt it would be more credible. But it is a parasitic jest of Horace.

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Octauij Ferrarij 234 Horat. Post hæc personæ, pallæque repertor honestæ Aeschylus. Hanc autem pallam longo syrmate humum verrisse, illa indicant, Traxitque vagus per pulpita vestem. Suetonius etiam de Caligula. Tres Consulares secunda vigilia in Palatium accitos, multaque & extrema metuentes super pulpitum collocauit, deinde repente magno tibiarum, & scabellorum crepitu cum palla tunicaque talari prosiluit, ac desaltato cantico abiit. Quod sane mirum videri potest, saltatores longis ac fluentibus tunica, pallaque velatos, cum habiliores succincti, & tunicati tantum futuri fuissent. Sed de habitu citharædorum infra, cum de chlamyde agemus. Palla etiam inter virilia vestimenta, sed barbarica. Curtius lib. III. Cultus Regis inter omnia luxuria notabatur: Purpureæ tunicæ medium album intextum erat: pallam auro distinctam aurei accipitres adornabant. Tabula XII. & XIII. Mar-

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Octauij Ferrarij 234 Horace. After these, Aeschylus, the inventor of the honorable mask and cloak. But that this cloak swept the ground with its long train, these lines show: “And he, a wandering man, dragged his garment through the stage.” Suetonius also says of Caligula: he summoned three consulares to the Palatium in the second watch, and, fearing many and extreme things, placed them upon the stage; then suddenly, with a great clatter of flutes and footstools, he sprang out wearing a cloak and a long tunic, and, after dancing through the song, went away. This indeed may seem surprising, that dancers, covered with long and flowing tunics and cloaks, should have been dressed so, when they would have been more agile if simply girded and wearing only tunics. But we shall speak below of the dress of citharœdi, when we come to the chlamys. The palla is also among male garments, but a barbarian one. Curtius, book III. The king’s attire was distinguished above all by luxury: the middle part of the purple tunic was woven with white; golden eagles adorned the cloak, which was set off with gold. Plate XII & XIII. Mar-

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236 Octavius Ferrarii Tab. XIII Ruffonus. f.

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236 Octavius Ferrarii Tab. XIII Ruffonus. f.

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 237 Martialis lib.1. Dimidiasque nates Gallica palla tegit Quo fortasse respexit Strabo lib. v. de habitu Gallorum διδοκελιον χιπονικον χιριδωνλες Φερεσι μεχει αιδοικον, καλ γληττον. Interpres magis sensum lecutus quam verba pallas vertit, cum tunicas apertas manuleatas debuisset, quæ tamen Gallis pallæ fuere ad pudenda pertinentes. De Amiculo. Cap. XIX. PRæter pallam etiam amiculum muliebre vestimentum fuit; licet commune cum viris. Quod genus vestimenta circumiectu dictum Festus interpretatur. Idque in viris non dissimile fuisse videtur chlamydi, siue paludamento. Nam Curtius lib. III. de Dario fugiente. Insignibus quoque Imperij, ne fugam proderent, indecore abiecitis. Subiicit paulo post: Vnus namque e captiuis spadonibus amiculum quod Darius, ne cultu proderetur, abiecerat in manibus eius, qui repertum ferebat, agnouit. Alibiait Alexandrum amiculo, cui adfueuerat ipse, solum, in quo corpus Cyri iacebat, velauisse. Et lib. VI. Philotas obsolete amiculo velatus inducitur. Idem Philippo Medico tribuitur. Nec aliter vnquam vestem superiorem militarem Curtius appellat. Val. Maximus lib. v. c. I I. Darius privatæ adhuc fortunæ amiculo Sylosontis Samij delectatus, curiosiore contemplatione fecit, vt vitro sibi, & quidem a cupido daretur. Quam rem narrans Aelianus Variæ lib. I v.ait ortum adagium, [ n]o[n] Συλόσωνλες χλαμις. Sil sentis chlamys. Fuisse tamen vestem muliebrem apparet. Curtius lib. v. Fæminarum conuiuia ineuntium in principio modestus est habitus: dein summa quæque amicula exuunt, paulatimq[ue] e pudorem prophanant. Isiderus lib. XIX. c. XXV. censet fuisse pallium meretricium lineum. Sed fallitur. nam & honestarum matronarum gestamen fuit. Liuius lib. XXVI. narrat missam a Senatu Cleopatræ Reginæ pall[iam] pietam cum amiculo purpureo. Et lib. XXXIV. Fæminis sumtaxat purpuræ vsum interdicimus, & cum tibi viro licat purpura in ueste stragula uti, matrem G g 2

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De Re Vestiaria, Book III. 237 Martialis, Book I. And a Gallic cloak covers the half of her buttocks. To this perhaps Strabo referred, Book V, on the dress of the Gauls: διδοκελιον χιπονικον χιριδωνλες Φερεσι μεχει αιδοικον, καλ γληττον. The translator, following the sense rather than the words, rendered it “cloaks,” when he ought to have said “open tunics with sleeves,” which among the Gauls, however, were cloaks pertaining to modesty. On the Amiculum. Chapter XIX. Besides the pallium, there was also the amiculum, a woman’s garment, though also common among men. Festus explains this kind of clothing as so called from being wrapped around the body. And in men it seems not unlike the chlamys, or paludamentum. For Curtius, Book III, on Darius fleeing, says: “Having also disgracefully cast aside the insignia of empire, lest they betray his flight,” and adds shortly afterward: “For one of the captive eunuchs recognized in the hands of the bearer the amiculum which Darius, lest he should be identified by his dress, had thrown aside.” Elsewhere he says that Alexander alone covered with an amiculum, with which he himself had become familiar, the ground on which the body of Cyrus lay. And in Book VI Philotas is introduced clothed in an old amiculum. The same garment is also attributed to Philip the physician. Nor does Curtius ever otherwise call the military outer garment anything else. Valerius Maximus, Book V, chapter II: Darius, when still in private fortune, being delighted with the amiculum of Syloson of Samos, through closer inspection caused it to be given to him, and indeed by a man eager for it. Relating this, Aelian, Varied History, Book IV, says that from this arose the proverb: “νο[n] Συλόσωνλες χλαμις. Siloson’s chlamys.” Yet it appears to have been a woman’s garment. Curtius, Book V: “When women begin to assemble at banquets, their dress at first is modest; then they remove their outer coverings one by one, and little by little throw off all sense of modesty.” Isidore, Book XIX, chapter XXV, thinks it was a linen cloak of prostitutes. But he is mistaken, for it was also worn by honorable matrons. Livy, Book XXVI, relates that a painted pallium was sent by the Senate to Queen Cleopatra together with a purple amiculum. And Book XXXIV: “We forbid the use of purple to women alone; and although it is permitted to you, a man, to use purple in a coverlet-like garment, the mother…” G g 2

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 239 Tunicam rallam, tunicam spissam, linteolum cæsicium Indusiatam, patagiatam, caltulam, aut crocotulam, Supparum, aut subminiam, ricam, basilicum, aut exoticum, Cumatile, aut plumatile, cerinum, aut melinum, gerræ maximæ. Cani quoque etiam ademptum est nomen. EP. Qui? PE. Vocant laconicum. Hæc vocabula auctiones subigunt vt faciant viri. Sed in plerisque standum est fide Nonij, qui fatali more vaticinatur. Regillam vestem diminutiuem a Regia dictam prodit, vt & basilica, & pro inducula tuniculam legit. Sed quænam vestis ista Regia Romæ, aut cuius formæ? Nam quod Lambinus eandem cum trabea facit, qua Reges, & Reginæ vtebantur, nullus veteru[m] trabeam foeminis adscripsit; & qui poterat, cum toga esset, eaque tantum meretricum. Heic autem Plautum etiam matronarum luxum perstringere certum est. Regillæ meminit Varro apud eundem Nonium Papia papæ. Collam procerum fictum leui marmore Regillam tunicam diffingitur purpura. Si tamen locus illo menda vacat. Certe Latinitas non constat. Sed Regilla haud dubie tunica est, quæ & recta, quod sursum versus a stantibus texeretur, de qua Festus. Regillis, tunicis albis, & reticulis luteis vtrisq[ue] rectis textis sursum versum, a stantibus pridie ruptaru[m] virgines diem indutæ cubitum ibant ominis causa, vt etia[m] in togis virilibus dandis obseruari solet. Cur aute[m] mendicula in hoc censu, & fastu, quam inde dictam, quod mendicis conueniret? Nam quod quidam meddiculam a voce Meddix, quæ magistratum teste Festo apud Oscos significat, dictum volunt, eadem somnia sunt. Præstat igitur aliqua ignorare, quam toties argutari. Sequitur impiuuiata: quam a colore sic dictum idem Nonius existimat. Impluuiatus color quasi fumato stillicidio implutus, qui est Mutinensis quem nunc dicimus. Sed quid sit stillicidium fumatum, & qui Mutinensis color, frustra quærimus. Turnebus lib. XIV. cap. XIX. a forma ita dictam interpretatur,

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De Re Vestiaria Book III. 239 A thin tunic, a thick tunic, a little linen garment of cæsicium, an undergarment, a patagiated one, a caltula, or a crocotula, a supparum, or a subminia, a rica, a basilicum, or an exotic one, a cumatile, or a plumatile, a cerinum, or a melinum, are very great trifles. Even the name has been taken away from the dog. EP. Which one? PE. They call it a laconicum. These words are enough to set auctions in motion, so that men may act. But in most things we must rely on the faith of Nonius, who prophesies in his fatal manner. He gives the diminutive Regilla as derived from Regia, and likewise basilica, and for inducula he reads tuniculam. But what sort of garment was this Regia in Rome, or of what shape? For Lambinus makes it the same as the trabea, which kings and queens used, but no ancient author assigned the trabea to women; and how could he, since it was a toga, and that only for prostitutes? Here, however, it is certain that Plautus is also touching on the luxuries of matrons. Varro mentions Regilla in the same Nonius: Papia papæ. With a light marble collar of the nobles the Regilla is distinguished by purple tunic. If, however, the passage there is free of corruption. Certainly the Latin does not hold together. But Regilla is unquestionably a tunic, which is also straight, because it was woven upright from top to bottom, of which Festus speaks. In Regillae, white tunics, and yellow reticula, both woven straight from top to bottom, young women, on the day before the breaking of the virgins' day, used to go to bed dressed, for the sake of an omen, just as is also customary to observe in the granting of men’s togas. But why should mendicula be included in this category of dignity and pride, since it is said to be so called because it suits beggars? For some who wish to derive meddicula from the word Meddix, which according to Festus signifies a magistracy among the Oscans, are dreaming the same dreams. It is therefore better to be ignorant of some things than to argue them out so often. Next comes impiuuiata: Nonius thinks it is so called from its color. The color impluuiatus is as if soaked with a smoky dripping, which is the Mutinense color that we now call it. But what a smoky dripping is, and what the Mutinense color is, we seek in vain. Turnebus, Book XIV, chapter XIX, interprets it as so called from its shape,

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Octauij Ferrarij 240 tur, scilicet a similitudine impluuij. Vt enim vites impluuiatæ, sic & vestem a forma impluuiorum dictam, quæ esset quaternata, id est quatuor quadrata lateribus vndique corpus ambiret, quæ est figura impluuioru[m] in cauædijs. Quam interpretationem quidam perperam Grutero adscripserunt. Sed num tunicam, aut pallium hac forma compacta vsui esse posset, videant docti. De Ralla, quæ eadem, & rara Ouidio dicitur, item de spissa nulla difficultas esse videtur: vt a ratione texturæ altera rara fuerit, altera densius texta. Glossę tamen veteres Rallam pro rasa accipiunt. Ralla ἡυσηρ. ἡυσος Rasus. Ita Ralla erit eadem ac rasa; spissa aute[m] pex, liue Phrygiana. Linteolum casicium Nonius explicat purum & canaidum, a cædendo, quod ita ad candorem perueniat, vel quod oras circumcisas habeat. Sed vndicunque dictum, sit cuiusue hoc Lin- teolum fuerit, hoc quoque ignoramus. Indusium siue intusium fuisse tunicam interioré, supra ostendimus. Sed quid tunica indusiata non facile dixerim. Et tamen pro ipso indusio ponit non solum Nonius heic, sed ipse Varro lib. iv. de L.I. Alterius, generis item duo, vnum quod foris, ac palam, pulla: alterum quod intus, a quo intusium, id quod Plautus dicit Intusiatam, patagiatam. Patagium aureum clauum interpretatur Nonius, qui pretiosis vestibus immitti solet. Vnde vestis patagiata. Porro patagiatum ἀπὸ τὸν πατάσων, παταγεῖν, clauus qui in materiam incuditur, vt docti monuerunt. Vt proprie clauus sit purpureus, patagium aureus. Tertullianus de pauone, Omni patagio inauratur. Festus. Patagium est, quod ad summam tunicam assui solet, quæ patagiata dicitur: & patagiari, qui eiusmodi opera faciunt. Ad quem locum non est audiendus Scaliger, qui verba Liuij lib. iv. sollicitat. Placet tollendæ ambitionis causa Tribunos legem promulgare, ne cui album in vestimentum addere petitionis causa liceret. Legit enim clauum, quem errorem ex corrupta scriptura clabum manasse ait. Sed cur claui petitionis causa addebantur vestimentis? Quis nescit vestitam ibi togam candidam, quæ petitorum pro- pria,

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Octauij Ferrarij 240 derived, namely from the likeness to an impluvium. For as the vines are “impluviate,” so too the garment is said to be named from the form of impluvia, because it was quaternated, that is, made of four square sides, so as to surround the body on every side, which is the shape of impluvia in the hollows. Some have wrongly attributed this interpretation to Gruter. But let the learned consider whether a tunic or cloak compacted in this form could be useful. As for ralla, which Ovid also calls the same as rara, likewise for spissa there seems to be no difficulty: namely, that by reason of the weaving one was rare, the other more closely woven. Yet the ancient glosses take ralla as the same as rasa. Ralla ἡυσηρ. ἡυσος Rasus. So ralla will be the same as rasa; but spissa will be pex, or Phrygian. Linteolum casicium Nonius explains as pure and clean, from cædere, because it thus comes to brightness, or because it has cut edges around it. But however it was so called, and whoever’s linteolum this may have been, we too are ignorant of this. Indusium, or intusium, was an inner tunic, as we showed above. But what a “tunica indusiata” may be, I would not easily say. And yet Nonius here, and Varro himself in book iv of De L.I., use it for the indusium itself: “Of another kind also two, one which is worn outside and openly, pulla; the other which is worn within, from which comes intusium, the very word which Plautus uses, intusiatam, patagiatam.” Nonius interprets patagium as a golden clauus, which is usually inserted into costly garments. Hence vestis patagiata. Moreover patagiatum comes from ἀπὸ τὸν πατάσων, παταγεῖν, a clauus which is worked into the material, as the learned have noted. Just as the clauus is properly purple, so the patagium is golden. Tertullian, on the peacock: “It is gilded all over with patagium.” Festus: “Patagium is that which is usually sewn onto the upper tunic, which is called patagiata; and patagiari are those who make such work.” In this place Scaliger is not to be listened to, since he tampered with the words of Livy, book iv. “For the sake of restraining ambition, the tribunes propose a law that no one be permitted to add white to a garment for the sake of a petition.” For he reads clauum, and says that this error arose from corrupted writing, clabum. But why were claui added to garments for the sake of petitioning? Who does not know that there the white toga of the candidates was meant, the proper garment of those seeking office,

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242 Octauij Ferrarij bre indumentum interpretatur. Ita Lucianus Baccho Sile- num inducit vehentem asino in Crocota. Inde Crocota saltatorum, ac pantominorum propria, vt viri do- ctimonuerunt. Ita Duris Samius apud Athenæum lib. iv. inducit Polysperchonta peritia rei militaris & auctoritate inter Macedonas præcipuum saltantem pensa trahentem in- ducit. Atheniensibus etiam bacchanalia agitantibus adscribuntur a Philostrato lib. iv. cap. vii. & quoniâ, vt alibi diximus, Crocotam appellatam Græci tradunt, quod croceo colore esset infecta; vnde infectores Crocotarij apud Plautum; hinc Turnebus illud Virgilij lib. ix. de Teucris. Vobis pecta croco, & splendenti murice vestis de Crocota interpretatur quæ effoeminatorum, & semiui- rorum propria. Crocotam etiam intellexit Ouidius lib. III. de Arte. Illa crocum simulat, croceo velatur amictu, Roscida Luciferos cum Dea iungit equos. Pergamus in Plauto. Supparum Nonius interpretatur Linteum femorale vsque ad talos pendens, dictum quod subtus ap- pareat. Nouius Pedio. Supparum purum, bellientem interim, escam meram. (Velientem interim Oscam meram Lipsius corri- git) Afranius epistola: Tace puella, non sum supparo, si induta sum. Varro Eumenid. Hic indutus supparum, coronam ex auro & gemmis fulgentem gerit. Festus vestimentum puellarum li- neum interpretatur, quod ea subucula diceretur. At Varro lib. iv. de L. L. a subucula distinguit, & abeo deducit quod est supra. Alterum genus inquit, quod subtus est: a quo supparus. Quod verisimilius est. Sienim interior vestis fuisset, quo- modo ille apud Afranium negaret se puellam esse, etsi sup- paro indutus, si vestis illa latuisset? Nonfuisse autem tantum puellarum, indicare videtur Lucanus lib. i i. de Marcia Ca- tonis matrimonium repetente. Humerisque hærentia primis Suppara nudatos cingunt angusta lacertos. Vbi

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242 Octauius Ferrarii bre interprets it as a garment. So Lucian makes Bacchus, carrying Silenus on an ass, dressed in a Crocota . Hence the Crocota was proper to dancers and pantomimes, as learned men have noted. Thus Duris of Samos, in Athenaeus book iv., introduces Polysperchon, outstanding among the Macedonians for military skill and authority, dancing while dragging a burden. Bacchanals among the Athenians are also assigned to it by Philostratus book iv., chapter vii. And since, as we have said elsewhere, the Greeks say it was called Crocota because it was dyed with saffron color; hence the dyers called Crocotarij in Plautus; from this Turnebus interprets that passage of Virgil, book ix., concerning the Teucrians: “You have your garments dyed with saffron, and your clothing with shining purple,” as referring to the Crocota , which was proper to effeminate men and half-men. Ovid too understood the Crocota , book III of the Art of Love : “She feigns saffron, veiled in a saffron mantle, and joins the dewy horses of Lucifer with the goddess.” Let us return to Plautus. Nonius interprets supparum as a linen girdle hanging down to the ankles, so called because it appears below. Novius in Pedius: “ Supparum pure, meanwhile a bustling, a mere morsel.” (Lipsius corrects “ Velientem interim Osca mera .”) Afranius, in an epistle: “Be quiet, girl, I am not under a supparum , though I am dressed in one.” Varro, in the Eumenides : “Here, dressed in a supparum , he wears a crown shining with gold and gems.” Festus interprets it as a linen garment for girls, because it would be called a subucula . But Varro, book iv. de L. L. , distinguishes it from the subucula , and derives it from that which is above. “Another kind,” he says, “which is below: from which comes supparus .” Which is more likely. For if it had been an inner garment, how could that man in Afranius deny that he was a girl, even though he was dressed in a supparum , if that garment had been hidden? That it was not only for girls seems to be indicated by Lucan, book ii., about Marcia seeking back the marriage of Cato: “Clinging to her upper shoulders, the narrow suppara cover her bare arms.” Where

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 243 Vbi & vestem superiorem fuisse apparet, & primis humeris hæsisse. Cur autem dicatur nudatos lacertos cinxisse, ea fortasse causa est, quod Marcia recens a funere Hortensij mariti nudis ad planctum pectore & lacertis veniebat. Subiicit enim Sicut erat moesti seruans lugubria cultus. Porro eleganter Tertullianus aduersus Gentes vexillorum vela transueris hastulis alligata suppara vocat, & stolas crucium appellat. Ceterum subminiam vocem nihili scioli intruserunt, & vel a minio, vel a minuendo interpretati sunt, cum apud Nonium disertim scriptum sit subnimium, nihilq[ue] certius doctorum virorum coniectura, allusum esse ad vocem præcedentem supparum, quæ est quasi subparum, atque ita oppositam per iocum vocem subnimium. Quemadmodum paulo ante tunicam mendiculam Regillæ opposuerat, & in voce impluuij, ac fundi luserat. De Rica hæc Nonius. Rica est quod nos sudarium dicimus. Serenus opusculo. lib. I. Aut zonulam, aut auem, aut ricam. Auem Pius interpretatur grue, qui color in veste foeminea. Ouidius. Albentesue rosas Threiciamue gruem. Sed durum videtur vestem coloris gruini auem appellatam. Nouius Pedio. Mollicinam crocotam, chiridotam, ricam, ricinium. Lucil. Sat. lib. I I. Ricini aurati, ricæ, & oraria mitræ. Turpilius Etera. Ducit me secum, postquam ad aedem venimus veneratur Deos. interea aspexit virginem iniectam in capite riculam indutam ostrinam. Pius in libris suis pro Iniectam, Instantem repperit & pro Ostrina, Mustelinam. Varro Prometheo lib. I. Aliæ mitram ricinam, aut mitram Melitensem. Festus, Vestimentum quadratum & fimbriatum interpretatur, quo flaminicæ pro palliolo vtebantur. Varro lib. IV. de L. L. a ritu dictam vult, quod Romano ritu sacrificium foeminæ cum faciunt capita velant. De recineo autem siue recinio non pauca a nobis in superioribus disputata sunt. Basilicum & Exoticum alteram Regiam, alteram peregrinam, vestem Nonius explicat, vt vox ipsa declarat. Sed quæ nam ca, H h

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On De Re Vestiaria, Book III, 243 Where it is apparent that there was an upper garment, and that it hung from the shoulders at first. But why it is said that she girded her bare arms, perhaps the reason is that Marcia, fresh from the funeral of her husband Hortensius, came with her breast and arms bare for lamentation. For he adds: As she was, preserving the sad garments of mourning. Moreover, Tertullian, elegantly, against the Gentiles, calls the sails of banners, fastened to transverse little spears, suppara, and calls crosses stolae. Besides, ignorant pedants have introduced the useless word subminia, and have interpreted it either from minium or from minuendo, whereas in Nonius it is expressly written subnimium, and nothing is more certain, by the conjecture of learned men, than that there is an allusion to the preceding word supparum, which is as it were subparum, and thus, by way of jest, the opposite word subnimium. Just as a little before he had opposed a little tunic to Regilla, and had played on the words impluvium and fundus. Nonius says this about rica: Rica is what we call a sudarium. In a little work by Serenus, Book I: Either a zonula, or an auis, or a rica. Pius interprets auis as a crane, which is a color in women’s clothing. Ovid: Albentesue rosas Threiciamue gruem. But it seems harsh to call a garment of crane color an auis. Novius to Pedio: Mollicinam crocotam, chiridotam, ricam, ricinium. Lucilius, Satires, Book II: Ricini aurati, ricae, and oraria mitrae. Turpilius, Etera: He leads me with him; after we came to the temple he worships the gods. Meanwhile he saw a virgin, with a little riculus thrown over her head, dressed in purple. Pius, in his books, found Iniectam instead of Iniectam, Instantem, and Mustelinam instead of Ostrina. Varro, in Prometheus, Book I: Others, mitra ricina, or the Melitense mitra. Festus explains it as a square, fringed garment, which the flaminicae used in place of a palliolum. Varro, Book IV of De Lingua Latina, wants it to be called from ritus, because when women perform sacrifice according to Roman ritual they veil their heads. But concerning recineo or recinium, many things have been discussed by us above. Nonius explains basilicum and exoticum as meaning one royal, the other foreign, garment, as the word itself declares. But what is the cause,

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Octauij Ferrarij ea, paricum ceteris fato ignoratur. Cumtilis color eidem dicitur, aut marinus aut cæruleus. Tractum a Græco, quasi fluctuum similis. Fluctus enim Græcæ nupæ- Tæ dicuntur. Titinius Setina. Et quem colos cumtilis deceat. Gruterus tamen existimat non ita vocatam esse hanc vestem ob colorem, sed texturam representantem fluctus, quæ & vndulata Varroni dicta apud Nonium. Sed cum detoga vn- dulata quærebamus, quam fuisse albam constat, quomodo vndarum textura in vestimento albo exprimi posset dubi- tauimus. nam quo nunc vestes aqua respersæ ac prælo su- biectę vndarum speciem exprimunt, nescio an veteribus no- tum artificium fuerit. Certe vndulatas vestes describit Ouidius. Hic vndas imitatur, habet quoque nomen ab vndis. Crediderim nymphas hac ego vesie tegi. At plumatile, aut clauatum, aut ex plumis factum, eidem dicitur. An vestis consici possit ex plumis haud scio. Verisi- milius est claus distinctam fuisse opere Phrygionis, qui plu- marum formam referrent. Vnde opus plumarium, de quo vi- ri docti dicere occuparunt. Cerinum a ceræ colore dictum idem obseruat, cumque in veteribus libris garinum legatur, recte Turnebus existimat esse pro carinum a Siculo nupos pro nupos, quod est cerini coloris. Vnde carinarios Plautus in Au- lularia appellat, qui eo colore vestes inficerent. Melinim omitit Nonius. Lambirus a melle hoc est mellei coloris cessim, tunc liquida duplicando. Alii melinum colo- rem, qui mali Cydonii pallorem imitetur. Alii candidum ex Plinio a Melo insula, vbi optimus habetur. Tandem Plautus ait cani ademptum nomen esse, cum genus vestis laconicum diceretur. Nam cum aliquicanes lacones, & Laconici dicerentur, ea vox ad vestes transit, quæ Laconi- cæ dictæ. Atque ita vno veluti fasce tot luxuriæ muliebris omnia in illa horrida antiquitate dedimus, quot fortasse non fuere, cum eadem luxuria frenos abrupisset. Alia

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Octauij Ferrarii it is, for the most part, unknown to the others by fate. The color called cumtilis is said to be the same, either sea-blue or light-blue. Derived from Greek, as if similar to waves. For waves are called nupæ in Greek. Titinius, Setina. And whom the color cumtilis suits. Gruter, however, thinks that this garment was not so called because of its color, but because of the texture representing waves, which Varro, as cited by Nonius, called vndulata . But when we were asking about the wave-patterned toga, which is known to have been white, we doubted how a texture of waves could be represented on a white garment. For just as now garments sprinkled with water and subjected to a press show the appearance of waves, I do not know whether that artifice was known to the ancients. Certainly Ovid describes wave-patterned garments. Here it imitates waves, and also takes its name from waves. I would believe that nymphs were clothed in this garment. But plumatile , or clauatum , or made of feathers, is said to be the same. Whether a garment can be made from feathers, I do not know. It is more likely that it was worked in a design by an embroiderer, one that would represent the form of feathers. Hence the term opus plumarium , about which learned men have taken up the discussion. Cerinum is noted by the same writer as being named from the color of wax, and since in ancient books garinum is read, Turnebus rightly thinks it should be carinum , from the Sicilian word nupos for nupos , which is of waxen color. Hence Plautus in the Aulularia calls those carinarii who dyed garments with that color. Nonius omits Melinim . Lambirus , from honey, that is, honey-colored, is declined by changing the last syllable and then doubling the liquid. Others take melinum to be a color that imitates the pallor of the Cydonian apple. Others, following Pliny, say it is a white color from the island of Melos, where the best kind is found. Finally, Plautus says that the name cani was removed when the kind of garment was called Laconicum . For since some were called canes , lacons , and Laconici , that word passed over to garments, which were called Laconica . And thus, as though in a single bundle, we have set forth all the countless forms of female luxury in that harsh antiquity, though perhaps there were not so many, since the same luxury had burst its reins. Other

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 245 Alia in Plauto, quæ ad muliebrm mundum pertinent, expenduntur. Cap. XXI. N On minor foeminei luxus insania ab eodem traducitur in Aulularia Ac. III. Sc. v. his verbis. Sed hoc etiam pulchrum est, præquam vbi sumptus petunt. Stat fullo, Phrygio, aurifex, lanarius, Caupones patagiarij, indusiarij, Flammearij, violarij, carinarij, Aut manularii, aut murrobathrarij, Propolæ, linteones, calceolarij, Sedentarij sutores, diabathrarij Solearij astant, astant molochinarij, Petunt fullones, sarcinatores petunt, Strophiarij astant, astant semizonarij, Iam hosce absolutos censeas: cedunt, petunt. Trecenti cum stant phylacistæ in atriis, Textores, limbolarij, arcularij ducuntur: datur. Aes. Iamque hosce absolutos censeas, Cum incedunt infectores crocotarij, Aut aliqua mala crux semper est, quæ aliquid petat. In quibus vtinam non toties diuinandum esset. Quid enim ipso statim initio hic caupones faciunt? Lambinus non esse eos qui vinum vendunt, sed qui rem quamlibet quam eme- runt pluris reuendunt. Sed hi paulopost propolę appellantur. Turnebus caupones dictos a copijs, vt sint mercato- res, & institores patagiorum. Sed cur soli patagiorum mer- catores caupones dicti? Veteres editiones habent ciniffo- nes. Verum hi potius in familia erant calefaciendis cala- mistris, & rutilandis crinibus destinati. De patagio atque indusio supra dictum est. Flammeum ve- lum fuisse, quo nouæ nuptæ caput nubebant. vnde & nu- ptiæ appellatæ notum est. Indi Flammearii. Alij tamen quod flammeo, ille rubro colore vestes tingerent dictos putant. Sicut violarios qui violæ, cerinarios qui ceræ colore vestes H h 2

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On Clothing, Book III. 245 Other matters in Plautus pertaining to women’s dress are considered. Chapter XXI. Not a lesser madness of female luxury is drawn by the same author from the Aulularia , Act III, Scene v, in these words: “But this too is splendid, before the expenses are sought. There stands the fuller, the Phrygian-dyer, the goldsmith, the woolworker, the shopkeepers of ribbons, the makers of undergarments, the dressmakers of flame-colored garments, the violet-dyers, the makers of satchels, the makers of gloves, or the makers of dark shoes, the retailers, the linen merchants, the shoemakers, the seated cobblers, the makers of sandals stand there, the makers of slippers stand there, the fullers seek, the tailors seek, the makers of neckbands stand there, the makers of half-belts stand there. You would now think these things settled: they give way, they ask. When three hundred cloak-menders stand in the courtyards, weavers, makers of borders, box-makers are led in: it is granted. Aes. And now you would think these things settled, when the dyers of saffron-colored robes come forward, or else some evil curse is always there, to ask for something.” In these lines I wish there were not so much need for guesswork. For what, in fact, do the shopkeepers do right at the beginning here? Lambinus says they are not those who sell wine, but those who resell at a higher price anything whatever they have bought. But a little later these same people are called propolæ . Turnebus says that caupones are so called from copiæ , so that they are merchants and dealers in ribbons. But why should only merchants in ribbons be called caupones ? The older editions have ciniffones . Yet these rather belonged to the household and were assigned to heating curling-irons and reddening the hair. It was said above about the patagium and the indusium . The flammeum was the veil with which brides covered their heads when they were married; hence it is well known that weddings were so called. Hence the Flammearii . Others, however, think they were so called because they dyed garments with the flame-colored, that is, red, color. Just as the violarii were those who dyed garments the color of violets, and the cerinarii those who dyed garments the color of wax. H h 2

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 247 Attulit, & pretio ingenti dat primitum paucos. Quæ verba egregie declarant, quid essent propolæ. Inter linteones, & lintearios hoc discrimen docti posuere, quod illi lintea texerent, hi venderent. Sed cur solos sutores sedentarios appellauerit, cum tamé omnes quos recensuit, & qui sequuntur artifices sellularij sint, incertum est. Ipse tamen etiam contra librorum fidem segmentarij legere ausim, id est aureorum segmentorum confectores, de quibus supra dictum est. Monet Lambinus in libris veteribus extare sedentarij sutates: vnde quibusdam placere sutantes, id est multum suentes, quod verbi monstrum est. Bapt. Pius sedentarios fuisse dicit, qui sedes & cathedras matronarum molli strato coopertas conficerent. Quod fortasse minus ineptum est, quam quod sutelates legit, id est sutelæ textores: sutelam autem fuisse tenuem & subtilem telam, ex Nonio: vnde & strophæ sutelæ dictæ sint. Diabathrarij quid essent declarat Festus, cum ait diabathra genus fuisse solearum Græcanicarum, quarum confectores diabathrarij. Neuius apud Varronem de L. L. lib. vi. Diabathra in pedibus habebat, & erat amictus Equiuoco. Sed cur id opus non fuit sntorum, aut calceolariorum quos supra posuerat, aut soleariorum, qui mox sequuntur? Molochinarios Nonius interpretatur infectores molochini coloris, quem similem fuisse flori maluæ. Cæcilius: Carbasina, ampelina, molochina. Ita color is inter purpureos a Plinio recensetur. Sed cur hoc opus vnius infectoris non fuit? Sarcinatoris inepta notatio apud Nonium, dictum scilicet a sarcina, quia plurimum vestium sumat. Quasi vero non etiam vna vestis, vestisque pars sarciatur. Malè etiam cum sutore confundit. nam licet sarcire sit suere, vt indicat Lucilius. Sarcinatorem esse summum, suere centonem optime. Sutoris tamen vox proprie de eo qui calceos suit. Strophium idem recte interpretatur breuem fasciam, quæ virginalem papillarum tumorem cohibet. Hinc strophiarij. Catullus. Non

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 247 He brought it, and at great cost gives a few at first. These words clearly show what propolae were. Among linen-weavers and linen-sellers, the learned have placed this distinction: that the former wove linen, the latter sold it. But why he should have called them only sedentary shoemakers, when all whom he has listed, and those who follow, are craftsmen of the bench, is uncertain. Yet I myself would even dare, contrary to the authority of the books, to read segmentarii, that is, makers of golden segments, concerning whom something has been said above. Lambinus notes that in old books sedentarij sutates survives: whence some prefer sutantes, that is, “much sewing,” which is a monstrosity of a word. Bapt. Pius says those were sedentarii who made the seats and chairs of matrons covered with soft padding. This is perhaps less absurd than the reading sutelates, that is, weavers of sutelae: and sutela was, according to Nonius, a thin and delicate web; whence strophae too were perhaps called sutelae. Festus explains what diabathrarii were when he says that diabathra was a kind of Greek sandals, and those who made them were diabathrarii. Naevius in Varro, De L. L. book 6: “He had diabathra on his feet, and was dressed in an ambiguous way.” But why was this not the work of sutores, or calceolarii, whom he had mentioned above, or of solearii, who follow shortly after? Nonius interprets molochinarii as dyers of the color molochinus, which was similar to the flower of the mallow. Caecilius: “Carbasina, ampelina, molochina.” Thus this color is listed among the purple shades by Pliny. But why was this work not that of a single dyer? An awkward note by Nonius on sarcinator, namely, that it is said from sarcina, because he takes in a great quantity of clothing. As if, indeed, not even a single garment, or part of a garment, were mended. He also confuses it badly with sutor. For although sarcire means to sew, as Lucilius indicates, “to be a sarcinator is to sew a mattress;” very well indeed. Yet the word sutor properly refers to one who sews shoes. He rightly interprets strophium as a short band, which restrains the swelling of the virginal breasts. Hence strophiarii. Catullus. Not

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 249 tenuibus fascijs vtendum erat. Scaliger propius veterem scripturam omaletides reponit. Sed vox vtraque nusquam quod sciam audita. Itaque contenti simus hoc Catone. De Varijs coloribus muliebris cultus. Caput. XXII. Matronas in Tyria aureis institis segmentata inces- sisse supra notauimus. At libertinæ, & quæcumq; apud Aediles licentiam stupri vulgauerant, quibus pur- pura interdictum, aliæ alijs vestium coloribus gaudebant. Varios enumerat peccandi magister Libro tertio. Cum tot prodierint pretio leuiore colores, Quis furor est census corpore ferre suos? Dixerat enim se non loqui de purpura dibapha matrona- rum, qui, quia preciosissima, integra patrimonia vno cultu gestata, indicat. Subjicit. Aeris ecce color tum cum sine nubibus aer, Nec tepidus pluuias coneitat Auster aquas. Ecce tibi similis qui quondam Phryxon, & Hellen Diceris Inois eripuisse dolis. Hic vndas imitatur, habet quoque nomen ab vndis. Crediderim Nymphas hac ego veste tegi. Ille crocum simulat, croceo velatur amictu, Rescida luciferos cum Dea iungit equos. Hic Paphias myrtos, hic purpureos amethystos, Albentesue rosas, Threiciamue gruem. Nec glandes Amaryllituæ, nec amygdala desunt, Et sua velleribus nomina cera dedit. Quot noua terra parit flores, cum vere tepenti Vitis agit gemmas, pigraque fugit hiems: Lana tot aut plures succos bibet: elige certos. Nam non conueniens omnibus omnis erit. Recenset deinde quis color in cultu quamque deceat. Primus ergo aeris color cum sudum est coelum, qui & cæruleus, & hyacinthinus, vulgo coelestis dicitur. Quidam Ca- sium eundem fecere, sed fuisse diuersos ex Cicerone docuit Thy-

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On the Art of Dress, Book III. 249 thin bands were to be used. Scaliger, coming closer to the old writing, restores omaletides . But I know of neither word having been heard anywhere. So let us be content with this Cato. On the various colors of women’s attire. Chapter XXII. We noted above that matrons in Tyrian dress used to appear in garments trimmed with gold bands. But freedwomen, and all who had publicly licensed themselves before the Aediles for lewdness, to whom purple was forbidden, took pleasure in other colors of clothing. The master of sin enumerates the various kinds in Book Three. Since so many colors have come forth at a lower price, what madness is it to carry one’s estate upon the body? For he had said that he was not speaking of the twice-dyed purple of matrons, which, because it is most costly, shows that whole inheritances are worn in a single outfit. He adds: Behold the color of bronze, when the sky is clear, and the south wind, not warm, is not stirring up rains. Behold for you one like that which once you are said, by Ino’s cunning, to have rescued Phrixus and Helle from. This one imitates the waves; it also takes its name from the waves. I could believe that Nymphs are clothed in this garment. That one imitates saffron, is covered in a saffron mantle, when the goddess, torn away, joins the morning horses. This one [imitates] the Paphian myrtles, this one purple amethysts, white roses, or the Thracian crane. Neither the acorns of Amaryllis, nor almonds are lacking, and wax gave their own names to fleeces. As many new flowers as the earth brings forth, when the earth in the warm spring stirs its buds and the sluggish winter flees: so much, or more, will wool drink in colors; choose the right ones. For not every color will suit everyone. Then he goes on to list which color suits each kind of dress. First, then, the color of bronze, when the sky is clear, which is also called blue, and hyacinth-colored, commonly called heavenly blue. Some people made Casia the same thing, but Cicero showed that they were different, by Thy-

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250 Octauij Ferrarij Thylesius, qui in primo de natura Deorum Cæsios oculos Mineruæ, coeruleos esse Neptuni dicit. Quod autem cæsium a cædo, vt qui cæsius sit cædem quodamodo oculis minari videatur, eius opinioni subscribere non possim, nisi alter dilutior, alter pressior fuerit, vtque a Cælo dictus. Quemadmodum in eo fallitur, quod coeruleum eundem cum Veneto facit, cum hic Ouidius cum ab Aerio distinguat, & fuerit proprie glaucus, qui ad viridem magis vergit, sed prasino dilutiorem. Doctissimus Alciatus lib. I I. Parergon cap. I. Cæsium magis fuluo hærere arbitratur, quod Catullus Cæsium Leonem dicat, & Terentius cæsiam virginem, id est coloris lentiginei, vt Seruius interpretatur, vel oculis felis, vt Donatus, ita vt Fronto apud Gellium cum Cæsiam quasi Celiâ dictam notat, de colore Cæli intellexerit, cum nubibus sole percussis aer nec serenus, nec limpidus est, & in glaucum vertitur. Alter color apud Ouidium est aureus, referens scilicet arietem, quo Phryxus cum sorore nouercæ insidias per freta fugit. Qui vero vndas imitatur glaucus siue viridis, Venerus, & thalassicus, quem etiam ferrugineum Plautus appellat. Hyalum etiam intelligi existimant, quod dicat Nymphas ea veste tegi, cum Virgilius in Georgicis, Milesia vellera Nymphæ Carpebant hyali saturo fucata colore. Quoniam autem cum colorem ab vndis vocari tradat poeta, nonnulli existinant Cumatilem siue vndulatum denotare: quam vocem ex Plauto supra exposuimus. Sequitur croceus quem Auroræ adscribit. Inde myrtens, post Amethistimus a gemma purpuræ violaceæ. Roseus ab albente rosa, vt distinguatur a sanguinea, qui color purpuræ tantum matronis concessæ. Tum gruinus ab aue, amygdalinus siue castanius a castaneis, cerinus a cera, cuius supra meminimus. Sed et alij colores in vestibus earum, quæ corporis sui vsuram non inuiderent: præcipue galbeus siue galbinus, quem viridem interpretatur Turnebus lib. XVII. cap. VIII. Nam inve-

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250 Octauij Ferrarij Thylesius, who in the first book On the Nature of the Gods says that the eyes of Minerva are cæsious, and those of Neptune blue. But as for deriving cæsium from cædo, as though one who has cæsious eyes seemed in some way to threaten slaughter with his eyes, I could not subscribe to that opinion, unless the one were lighter and the other deeper, and as though it were so named from Cælum. In the same way he is mistaken in making coeruleum the same as Venetian, whereas Ovid distinguishes it from airy blue; and properly it would be glaucus, which inclines more toward green, but lighter than prasinus. The learned Alciatus, in Parergon book II, chapter I, thinks that cæsium adheres more to yellowish-brown, since Catullus calls a lion cæsious, and Terence a cæsious virgin, that is, of a freckled color, as Servius interprets it, or with cat-like eyes, as Donatus says, so that Fronto, cited by Gellius, when he notes that Cæsius is as though derived from Cælia, understood it of the color of the sky, since when the clouds are struck by the sun the air is neither clear nor transparent, and turns to a greenish blue. Another color in Ovid is aureus, referring, of course, to the ram by which Phrixus fled with his sister across the straits from the snares of his stepmother. But the color that imitates waves is glaucus, or greenish, Venerus, and thalassicus, which Plautus also calls ferrugineous. They also think hyalus is meant, because he says that the Nymphs were covered with such a garment, as Virgil says in the Georgics, Milesian fleeces The Nymphs were gathering, dyed with a deep hyaline color. Since, however, the poet states that the color is named from the waves, some think it denotes cumatilis, or undulatus: a word which we explained above from Plautus. Next comes croceus, which he assigns to Aurora. Then myrtens, then amethystine, from the gem of violet purple. Roseus comes from the pale rose, so that it may be distinguished from blood-red, a color of purple permitted only to matrons. Then gruinus, from the bird; amygdalinus, or castaneus, from chestnuts; cerinus, from wax, which we mentioned above. But there were also other colors in the garments of women who did not begrudge the use of their own bodies: especially galbeus, or galbinus, which Turnebus interprets as green in book XVII, chapter VIII. For in-

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Octauij Ferrarij cularum instar cancellatim & reticulatim distinctus. Fuerunt & vestes versicolores, quæ & variæ & floridæ appellatæ, eæque mulierum propriæ. Quærit Plutarchus in Problematis Græciscur apud Coos Sacerdos Herculis pervæneatur evsedu[m]evo[n]s e[ss]e[n]t[a] fæmineam vestem indutus rem diui- nam faciat, & allata fabula subjicit, quia Hercules Alciopi filiam vxorem ducens av[e]lææ 50læv av[e]rdivæv induit floridam vestem hinc factum vt eius sacerdos, & sponsi muliebri veste induantur. Artemidorus lib. I I. cap. I I I. Suvæni de πομίλη, na[m]i av[e]rδηρα e[ss]e[n]t[ur] συμφέρει. Mulieri florida & varia vestis conducit, maxime meretrici, & opulentæ: illa enim ob quæstum, hæc ob delitias floridis vestibus vtitur. Clemens Alexand. lib. I I. Pacdag. cap. X. ai de τοις av[e]rδεσω ιομήαν e[ss]e[n]t[ur], Βαχχιοις, na[m]i τελεσιοις καταληπτει λήροις. A viris etiam aliquando vsurpatæ maxime in pompa ac triumpho. Dio lib. LIX, de Caligula sine victoria trium- phante. Comitabantur eum amici eius, & socij ev[e]r[e]e[n]t[ur] av[e]rδηρα[n]s, in vestibus floridis. Et lib. LXXIV. de ingressu Se- ueri in Vrbem. Nam vrbe tota floribus, & laureis corona- ta, na[m]i ιματιοις πομιλοις ornata. Sed de coloreis vestibus, & quas oxypæderotinas Vopi- scus appellat fuse ad eundem Vospiscum viri doctissimi di- sputarunt. De Veste Ancillari, & Meretricia. Iuuenalis, & Oui- dies explicati. Cap. XXIII. V Lpianus D. de iniurijs. Si quis Virgines appellasset, si ta- men ancillari veste vestitas, minus peccare videtur: mul- tominus si meretricia veste fæminæ non matris familias vestitæ es- sent. Ad quem locum Iurisconsultorum summi obseruarunt, quod pridem Manutius docuerat, matronas a meretricibus habitu discretas, quod illæ stola, id est, tunica talari assuta instita, & palla vterentur; At prostibulæ breuibus tunicis ad instar virilium, & toga vti cogerentur. Sed quæ vestis ancillaris esset, non est proditum. Verum cum matronæ stola,

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Octauij Ferrarij distinguished with lattice-like and net-like patterns. There were also multicolored garments, which were called various and flowered, and these were proper to women. Plutarch asks in the Greek Problems why, among the Coans, the priest of Hercules, when approaching the sacred rite, if he should put on a female garment, performs the divine service; and, after relating the story, he adds that because Hercules, when marrying the daughter of Alciopi, put on a flowered robe, from this it came about that both his priest and bridegrooms wear women’s clothing. Artemidorus, book II, chapter III. Suvæni de πομίλη, na[m]i av[e]rδηρα e[ss]e[n]t[ur] συμφέρει. A woman is well served by a flowered and varied garment, especially a courtesan and a wealthy woman: the former uses it for profit, the latter for delight. Clement of Alexandria, book II, Paedagogus, chapter X. ai de τοις av[e]rδεσω ιομήαν e[ss]e[n]t[ur], Βαχχιοις, na[m]i τελεσιοις καταληπτει λήροις. Such garments were also sometimes worn by men, especially in pomp and triumph. Dio, book LIX, on Caligula triumphing without victory. His friends accompanied him, and his companions, in flowered garments. And book LXXIV, on Severus’s entry into the City. For the whole city was crowned with flowers and laurels, and adorned with πομιλοις garments. But about colored garments, and those which Vopiscus calls oxypæderotinas, very learned men have argued at length in relation to the same Vopiscus. On the Servant’s Garb and the Courtesan’s Garb. Juvenal and Ovid explained. Chapter XXIII. Ulpian, D. de iniuriis. If anyone should call women “virgins,” yet if they were dressed in a servant’s garment, he seems to offend less; much less if women not dressed as mothers of families were in a courtesan’s garment. On this passage the highest jurists observed what Manutius had long before taught, that matrons were distinguished in dress from courtesans, because the former used the stola, that is, a long tunic sewn with an instita, and the palla; whereas prostitutes were compelled to wear short tunics like men’s, and a toga. But what kind of garment was the servant’s garb has not been handed down. Yet since the matron’s stola,

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Octauij Ferrarij rectionem confugerunt, & satis audacter. Quæ nullis longum ostendit ceruicibus aurum, reposuerunt contra receptam veterum editorum & manu exaratorum lectionem. Ego nescio ac Latinum sit gestare aurum nullis ceruicibus, pro nullum aurum ceruicibus ostendere. Illud ausim affirmare, nihil opus esse correctione, immo verbis illis vitæ liberioris mulieres denotari. Nam cum matronæ ita stola taliari, & manuleata opertę essent, vt nihil præter faciem appareret Horatius. Matronæ præter faciem nil cernere possis Cetera, ni Catia est, demissa veste tegentis. contra secunda classis, libertinarum dico, quæque licentiam stupri vulgauerant, non ceruice modo, sed humeris atque lacertis conspicuis, ac seminudis erant. Ouidius de Arte lib. III. Pars humeri tamen ima tui pars summa lacerti Nuda sit a læua conspicienda manu. Hoc vos præcipuè niueæ decet: hoc ubi vidi, Oscula ferre humero qua patet vsque libet. Ab his autem præceptis longe magistrum matronas submouisse, quid attinet inculcare? Non ceruix igitur solum nuda, sed & ima pars humeri, & quæ coniungitur prima lacerti in amatorum oculos incurrebat. Lacertus enim pars brachij humero proxima. Idem Amorum lib. I. el. VII. Ante meos humeris vellem cecidisse lacertos. Nuda ergo ceruice monile suspendebant, quibus stolæ cuncta operientis ius non erat. Sed quid opus coniectura? Clare idem Ouidius puellis auru[m] & gemmas tribuit, in quis tuta Venus, concessaque surta. Nam de remedio Amoris lib. I. sic canit. Proderit & subito cum se non finxerit vlli Ad dominam celeres mane tulisse gradus. Auferimur cultu: gemmis auroque teguntur Omnia: pars minima est ipsa puella sibi. Atqui paulo post subjicit. Thais

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Octauius Ferrarii have taken refuge in emendation, and quite boldly. He has put back, against the reading of the old printed editions and manuscripts, Quæ nullis longum ostendit ceruicibus aurum , I do not know whether it is Latin to say “to bear gold on no necks,” for “to show no gold on the necks.” I dare affirm that no correction is needed; indeed, by those words women of freer life are denoted. For when matrons were thus dressed in the stola, with the manulea covering them, so that nothing appeared except the face, Horace says: Matronæ præter faciem nil cernere possis Cetera, ni Catia est, demissa veste tegentis. On the other hand the second class, I mean the freedwomen, and those who had made prostitution commonplace, were not only with the neck, but with the shoulders and arms conspicuous and half-naked. Ovid, Art of Love , book III: Pars humeri tamen ima tui pars summa lacerti Nuda sit a læua conspicienda manu. Hoc vos præcipuè niueæ decet: hoc ubi vidi, Oscula ferre humero qua patet vsque libet. But what need is there to insist that the master has long since removed matrons from these precepts? Therefore it was not only the bare neck, but also the lower part of the shoulder, and the part first joining the arm, that met the eyes of lovers. For the lacertus is the part of the arm nearest the shoulder. The same writer, Amours , book I, elegy VII: Ante meos humeris vellem cecidisse lacertos. So they would suspend a necklace on the bare neck, they who had no right to the stola that covered everything. But what need is there for conjecture? Clearly the same Ovid assigns gold and gems to girls, in which Venus is safe, and theft permitted. For in On the Cure of Love , book I, he thus sings: Proderit & subito cum se non finxerit vlli Ad dominam celeres mane tulisse gradus. Auferimur cultu: gemmis auroque teguntur Omnia: pars minima est ipsa puella sibi. And yet a little later he adds: Thais

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. Thais in arte mea est, lascidia libera nostra est Nil mibi cum nupta, Thais in arte mea est. Sed quod magis mirum iure videbitur, ijsdem etiam purpuram, & quidem Tyriam adsignat, vestemq[ue] auratam de Arte lib. I I. Sed te, cuicumque est retinendæ cura puella Attonitum forma fac putet esse sua. Siue erit in Tyrijs, Tyrios laudabis amictus, Siue erit in Cois, Coa decere puta. Aurata est: ipso tibi sit pretiosior auro Gausapa si sumpsit, gausapa sumpta proba. Et tamen de vestibus scripturus Tyrias excipit tamquam matronarum. lib. I I I. de Arte. Quid de veste loquar? non iam segmenta requiro, Nec quæ de Tyrio murice lana rubet. Fortasse igitur nô fuit meretricibus purpure v[er]sus simpliciter interdictus, sed in stola id est tunica talari, sed sine aureis segmetis, sed sine vitta, qua coma ligabatur, quæ insignia matronarum semper apud Ouidium coniunguntur, numquam auri, ac gemmarum mentio, quibus a scortis distinguerentur. Aut quod verisimilius, est verbo docet artem fallendi liberiores amicas re ipsa matronis ac nuptis idem lenocinium conciliat. Certe nihil melius in præsentia succurrit. Plautus etiam auratâ meretricé inducit Epidico Act. II. Sc. I I. Sed vestita, aurata, ornata vt lepide! vt concinne! vt noue! Interim eorum error castigandus, qui lacernam vestimentum muliebre putant inducti verbis Iuuenalis: Ipse lacernata cum se iactaret amica. Quis enim paulo in literis versatus ignorat Satyricum ibi de Sporo loqui, quem vxoris loco habuit Nero, quemque ob hoc poeta lacernatam amicam vocat, quod lacerna vi-rorum tantum esset; quod idem est, ac si quis nunc amicam braccatam vocaret. Recte Vetus Interpres. Lacernata. Satyricæ, inquit, habitu virili fæminam describit. Non quidem fæminam, sed qui loco mulieris esset. Fortasse quis id ex Horatio firmari posse putet Serm. libr. I I. Sat. VI I. Sub clara nuda I i 3

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On the Art of Dress, Book III. Thais is in my art; wantonness is our freedom. I have nothing to do with a married woman; Thais is in my art. But what will be judged even more surprising is that he also assigns to them purple, indeed Tyrian purple, and a garment embroidered with gold. On the Art, Book II. But you, whoever it is whose care it is to keep a girl, make her so dazzled that she seems moved by her beauty. Whether she be in Tyrian dress, praise Tyrian garments, whether she be in Coan, think Coan attire becoming. She is clad in gold: may she be more precious to you than gold itself. If she has put on a gausapa, approve the gausapa when worn. And yet, when he is about to write about clothing, he excepts Tyrian garments as if for matrons. On the Art, Book III. Why should I speak of dress? I no longer look for embroidered borders, nor for wool dyed red from the Tyrian murex. Perhaps therefore the verse was not simply forbidden to prostitutes in purple, but in the stola, that is, the long tunic, yet without golden embroideries, but without the ribbon with which the hair was bound—those insignia of matrons which are always joined together in Ovid—never a mention of gold or gems, by which they were distinguished from harlots. Or, which is more probable, while the word teaches the art of deceiving it brings freer mistresses in fact to the same allurements as matrons and married women. Certainly nothing better occurs at present. Plautus also introduces a gilded prostitute in Epidicus, Act II, Scene II: “But how neatly dressed, how elegant, how fashionable!” Meanwhile, those are to be corrected who think that lacerna is a woman’s garment, being led astray by Juvenal’s words: “When his beloved flaunted herself in a lacerna .” For who, with even a little knowledge of literature, does not know that the Satirist there is speaking of Sporus, whom Nero kept in the place of a wife, and whom for this reason the poet calls a lacernata amica , because the lacerna was a garment for men only; which is the same as if someone were now to call a beloved one “breeched.” The old interpreter is correct. “ Lacernata ,” he says, “the satirist describes a woman in male attire.” Not indeed a woman, but one who was in the place of a woman. Perhaps someone might think this could be confirmed from Horace, Serm. Book II, Satire VII. Beneath the clear naked I i 3

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256 Octauj Ferrarj nuda lacerna, vt quidem nuperi ediderunt, & inepte interpretati sunt sub linea veste tam tenui, vt meretrix quasi nuda videretur. Sed omnino contra veteres libros scriptos & impressos, qui habent sub clara nuda lucerna. Nec attinet hunc morem prostandi sub lucerna satis alijs notatum retexere; Iuuenal. de Messalina à lupanari ad puluina rtranseunte. --- turpis fumoque lucerna. Et Martialis. Ludere teste lucerna. Vestis seruilis. Lipsii sententia reiecta. Interpres Luuenalis correctus. Fabri opinio expensa. Cap. XXIV. S Eruos, & ingenuos non eodem habitu cultuq; vsos cum togati Quirites fuerunt palam est, quòd nonnisi Romano ciui togæ ius esset. Suetonius Præfatione libri de claris Rhetoribus exemplum controuersiæ affert. Venality cum Erundusij gregem venalium enaui educerent formoso & pretioso puero, quod portitores verebantur, bullam & prætextam togam imposuere, facile fallaciam celarunt. Romam venitur, res cognita est: puer petitur, quod domini voluntate fuerit liber in libertatem. Vbi ad fallendos portitores siue publicanos portorium exigentes puer venalitius ingenuorum habitu bulla & toga prætexta ornatur. Idem Thema in Declamationibus Quintiliani a Pythæo editis. Qui voluntate domini in libertate fuerit, liber sit. Mango nouitium puerum per publica nostra iecit prætextatum: dicitur ille liber. Vbi per publicanos tra ecit recte a Rubenio emendatum est Elect. lib. 1. cap. xv 1. At postquam togæ depositæ sunt, tunc nullum in habitu discrimen inter seruos & ingenuos fuisse, quod sola toga faciebat, notauit Lipsius ex Appiano II. bellorum ciuilium. Cuius verba sunt. Nam urbana multitudo tam mixta est omnigenis exteris: & Libertini æquo iure degunt cum alijs ciuibus και ὑδελευων ἐτιτὸ ἧηματοῖς δεκατοις ὑμιστος. (χωρίς ὑδὲ τὴς βυλολημὴς ἐπικοιων.) Et serius cultu eodem 2 titur

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256 Octauus Ferrarius a naked lamp, as indeed recent editors have published it, and have awkwardly interpreted it under a linen garment so thin that a harlot might seem almost naked. But this is altogether contrary to the old manuscripts and printed books, which have sub clara nuda lucerna . Nor is it necessary to reopen this custom of making a display under the lamp, sufficiently noted by others; Juvenal on Messalina passing from the brothel to the bedchamber. --- turpi fumoque lucerna. And Martial. Ludere teste lucerna. Servile dress. The opinion of Lipsius rejected. Juvenal’s interpreter corrected. Fabri’s opinion examined. Cap. XXIV. That slaves and freeborn men did not use the same attire and dress, when the togated Quirites were publicly seen, is clear, because only the Roman citizen had the right to the toga. Suetonius, in the Preface to the book De claris Rhetoribus , gives an example of the controversy. Venality when the gang of slave-dealers from Erundusius were taking out by ship a handsome and valuable boy, because the carriers were afraid, they put on him the bulla and the pretexta toga, and easily concealed the fraud. They come to Rome; the matter is discovered: the boy is claimed, because by the master’s will he had been free in liberty. Here, in order to deceive the carriers, or rather the publicans collecting the toll, a boy for sale is adorned in the dress of freeborn youths with bulla and the pretexta toga. The same theme occurs in Quintilian’s Declamations edited by Pythaeus. He who has been in freedom by the will of his master shall be free. A slave-dealer led a new boy through our public ways dressed in the pretexta: he is said to be free. Where he passed through the publicans, the correction made rightly by Rubenius in Elect. lib. 1. cap. xv 1. But after the togas were laid aside, then there was no difference in dress between slaves and freeborn men, since the toga alone made the distinction, as Lipsius noted from Appian, book II of the civil wars. His words are these: For the urban multitude is so mixed with all kinds of foreigners; and freedmen live on equal terms with the other citizens, και ὑδελευων ἐτιτὸ ἧηματοῖς δεκατοις ὑμιστος. (χωρίς ὑδὲ τὴς βυλολημὴς ἐπικοιων.) And later, in the same dress 2 titur

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 259 didatus incedit. Sed postquam desiere vestiri togæ, nullum prorsus in colore discrimen. Pænulati omnes, ac lacernati, at hæ vestes fermè pulli coloris fuere. Suetonius de Au- gusto. Visa quondam pro concione pullatorum turba; Qui nam hi pullati? Ciues lacernas induti; Negotium dedit Aedilibus ne quem post hac paterentur in foro, circoue, nisi positis lacernis togatum consistere. Hinc pullata multitude, & pullatus circulus. Quod si serui tantum tunicati dicantur fuisse, etiam liberi vt populi fex in sola tunica, quod paulo ante diximus. Quare neque in eo audiendus Faber est, quòd seruum pro libero se gerentem apud Vlpianum interpretatur candidatum, & togatum. nam Vlpiani ætate togæ ex vsu communi abierant. Mulo minus seruos libertate donatos lacernam candidam induisse: nam eas fusci coloris fuisse precipue Romæ, cum in Gallia rufæ essent, in confesso est. Fuere & albæ ex, præcipuè quæ togæ superinduebantur: sed fuscarum vsus frequentior. Quare atra lacerna non tantum seruorum fuit, quod ille credit, sed & ingenuorum, vt Suetonij verba ante laudata conuincunt: nec contrarium innuit Flaccus Sat. VII. lib. II. Tu cum proiectis insignibus, annulo equestri, Romanoque habitu, prodis ex iudice Dama Turpis, odoratum caput obscurante lacerna: Non es quod simulas? Vt lateret ille insignia dignitatis, nempe annulum deposuerat, & libertatis, nempe togam, quæ Romanus habitus poetæ dicitur, & tunc in vsu erat saltem apud digniores, & sic in seruili habitu, nempe sine toga, quæ ingenuorum, præterea caput lacerna inuolutus vt lateret. Hoc enim indicat, caput obscurante lacerna, non quod seruorum lacerna atra esset. Quod vero subjicit, cucullum peculiarem seruorum fuisse, neque hoc præter culpam est. nam & ingenuorum fuit, vt Martialis verba ab eo mutilè adducta indicant: Pullo Mænius alget in cucullo: Qui tamen ingenuus erat. Idem poeta lib. XI. Non

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De Re Vestiaria, Book III. 259 goes about dressed. But after people ceased to wear the toga, there was absolutely no distinction in color. All wore paenulae and lacernae, and these garments were usually of a dark color. Suetonius, in the Life of Augustus, says: once a crowd of black-clad men was seen in public; “Who are these black-clad men?” Citizens wearing lacernae. He gave orders to the aediles that henceforth they should not allow anyone in the forum, or in the circus, to stand dressed in a toga unless he had laid aside his lacerna first. Hence the expressions pullata multitude and pullatus circulus. If, then, slaves are said to have worn only tunics, it is also possible that free men, as the common people, were in the habit of appearing in a single tunic, as we said a little earlier. Therefore Faber must not be listened to on this point, when he interprets, in Ulpian, a slave acting as if free as a candidate and toga-clad man; for in Ulpian’s time togas had fallen out of common use. Much less is it true that slaves who had been granted freedom wore a white lacerna; for it is admitted that these were of a dark color, especially at Rome, whereas in Gaul they were red. There were also white ones, especially those worn over the toga; but the use of dark ones was more common. Therefore the black lacerna was not worn only by slaves, as he believes, but also by free-born men, as the words of Suetonius cited above prove; nor does Flaccus imply the contrary in Satire VII, Book II: “You, with your badges thrown off, your equestrian ring, and your Roman dress, come forth from a judge, Dama, base man, while a dark lacerna hides your scented head: are you not what you pretend?” In order that his insignia of rank might be concealed, he had clearly laid aside the ring, and the badge of freedom, namely the toga, which the poet calls Roman dress, and which was then in use at least among men of rank; and thus, in slave-like attire, that is, without the toga, which belonged to free men, he had also wrapped his head in the lacerna so that he might be hidden. For this is what “a lacerna obscuring the head” indicates, not that the slaves’ lacerna was black. What he adds next, namely that the cucullus was peculiar to slaves, is also not without fault; for it belonged to free men as well, as the words of Martial, which he has quoted in mutilated form, show: “Menius shivers in a black cucullus,” although he was a free-born man. The same poet, Book XI. Non

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260 Octauij Ferrarij Non tecucullis asseret caput tectum Loquitur cùm homine libero, qui nulla ratione poterat basiatores effugere. Iuuenalis. Contentus illic Veneto, duroque cucullo. Quæ cum ita sint, illud potius statuendum, quod neque ipsi Fabro displicet, nulla lege, aut constitutione post togas seruilem habitum a liberali distinctum, sed ita more receptum, vt materia & colore ferme viliores seruorum vestes essent: quod tamen neque ab omnibus seruatum, nec satis vnquam ingenuos a seruis distinxit. Idque indicant Seneca, & Lampridius ab eodem laudati. Ille de Clementia. In Senatu dicta est aliquando sententia, vt seruos a liberis cultus distingueret; Deinde apparuit, quantum periculum immineret, si serui nostri numerare nos cepissent. Et Lampridius tradit, Alexandrum in animo habuisse omnibus officiis genus vestium proprium dare, & omnibus dignitatibus, vt a vestitu dignoscerentur, & omnibus seruis, vt in populo possent agnosci, ne quis seditiosus esset, simul ne serui ingenuis miserentur: sed hoc Vlpiano, Pauloque displicuisse dicentibus, plurimum rixarum fore, si faciles essent homines ad iniurias. Nihilominus paulo ante Lampridius retulerat, seruos suos Alexandrum semper cum seruili veste habuisse. Id quod hoc loco, quemadmodum apud Tacitum, devili, & obsoleta intelligendum, cum nullum post togas in libero, ac seruili vestitu discrimen fuisse appareat. Quotiescumque igitur libera republica, & togatis. Quiritibus occurrit aliquem seruilem habitum induisse, intelligendum est eum togam, & dignitatis insignia deposuisse sumpta lacerna vel penula, & cucullo, quæ vestimeta ingenuis, ac seruis communia. Sic Appianus lib. II. tradit instante bello ciuili Antonium & Cucionem ad Cæsarem in castra noctu contendisse vehiculo meritorio Θεραππον ἰδητας ἐν δικτες tectos seruili habitu. Eodem libro narrat Cæsarem, cum ipse destinasset latenter ad arcessendam classem traiicere, sumpsisse ἰδητα ἰδιότε, quod infra explicat ἐγνεκαλυμμὸς, quod non est stragulis tectus vt vertit Interpres, sed obuoluto capite siue cucullo tecto. Mox enim, cù se ad confirmandos nautas pr- deret

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260 Octauij Ferrarij He will assert a covered head not with tecucullis. He speaks with a free man, who by no means could escape the basiatores. Juvenal. Content with the Venetian there, and the rough cucullus. Since these things are so, that ought rather to be laid down, which neither Faber himself disapproves of: that by no law or constitution after the toga was a servile dress distinguished from a liberal one, but rather by custom it was received, so that in material and colour the garments of slaves were almost the meaner. Yet this was neither observed by all, nor did it ever sufficiently distinguish free men from slaves. And this is indicated by Seneca, and by Lampridius, praised by him. The former, in De Clementia. In the Senate a motion was once made that the dress should distinguish slaves from free men; then it appeared how much danger would threaten, if our slaves began to count us. And Lampridius reports that Alexander had in mind to give every profession its own kind of clothing, and to all ranks, so that they might be distinguished by dress, and to all slaves, so that they might be recognized in public, lest there be any rioter, and at the same time lest slaves should pity free men: but Ulpian and Paulus disapproved of this, saying that there would be very much quarrelling if men were too ready for insults. Nevertheless, a little earlier Lampridius had related that Alexander always kept his slaves in servile dress. That, in this place, as with Tacitus, is to be understood of shabby and worn clothing, since it appears that there was no distinction after the toga in free and servile dress. Whenever therefore, in a free commonwealth, and among togated Quirites, one comes across someone who has put on servile attire, it must be understood that he has laid aside the toga and the insignia of dignity, having taken up the lacerna or penula, and the cucullus, garments common to freemen and slaves alike. Thus Appian, book II, relates that at the outbreak of the civil war Antony and Cuiton hurried to Caesar in the camp by hired conveyance, covered as servants in servile dress. In the same book he tells that Caesar, when he had decided to cross secretly to summon the fleet, took ἰδητα ἰδιότε, which he explains below as ἐγνεκαλυμμὸς, which does not mean covered with blankets, as the translator renders it, but with the head wrapped up or covered by a cucullus. For soon after, when he was preparing to reassure the sailors, he

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 161 -deret, , id est caput aperiens. Idem lib. III. ait adductum Crassum ad , id est sine toga, atque ordinis insignibus. Ita cum tradit Dio lib. IX. seruos Saturnalibus de dominorum habi- tu indutos festum celebrare, de toga intelligendum est; cù co[n]tra ipsi domini per eos dies politis togis in co[n]natorijs incederent. Postquam autem togarum vsus sublatus est, non aliud, vt dicebamus, in vestitu inter seruos atque heros discrimé, quam a colore, ac vilitate tunicæ, lacernæ, ac pe- nulæ. Vt vestes istæ fermè pullæ & fuscæ essent, & crassiori lana, ac soloci filo co[n]textæ, licet quominus pretio[n]iores ge- starent nulla lex prohiberet. Quidam etiam birrum seruilem vestem fuisse putarunt, quod lex 1. Cod. Theod. de habitu quo vti oportet intra Vr- bem. Seruos sane, quorum tamen dominos sollicitudine militiæ constat non teneri, aut birris vti permittimus, aut cucullis. Quos merito reprehendit Salmasius ad Tertullianum de Pallio, birrosque & lacernas idem fere vestimenti genus fuisse o- stendit. Nam Chlamydem & birrum non eandem vestem fuisse, eadem lex innuit, quæ seruis militaribus birros non permittit, quibus Chlamys concessa erat. Sed de his in al- tera huius Operis parte cum Deo disputabimus. Deo gloria & Deipara Virgini.

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De Re Vestiaria Lib. III. 161 -deret, that is, opening the head. The same, lib. III, says that Crassus was brought that is, without a toga, and without the insignia of rank. Thus when Dio, lib. IX, relates that slaves at the Saturnalia, dressed in the attire of their masters, celebrated the festival, the toga must be understood; whereas, on the contrary, the masters themselves on those days went about in polished togas in the dining rooms. After the use of togas had been abolished, there was no other distinction in dress, as we said, between slaves and masters, than by the color and coarse quality of the tunic, cloak, and penula. So that these garments were generally dark and brown, and woven with coarser wool and soltus thread, although no law forbade them from wearing more costly garments. Some also thought that the birrus was a slave’s garment, because the law 1 Cod. Theod. de habitu quo vti oportet intra Urbem. As to slaves, whose masters, however, are not held by the obligations of military service, we permit them to wear either birri or hoods. This Salmasius rightly criticizes in his commentary on Tertullian, de Pallio, and he shows that birri and lacernae were almost the same kind of garment. For that the chlamys and the birrus were not the same garment is indicated by the same law, which does not allow birri for military slaves, although the chlamys was granted to them. But about these matters we shall dispute in another part of this Work, with God’s help. Glory to God and to the Virgin Mother of God.

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OCTAVII FERRARII DE RE VESTIARIA PARS ALTERA. LIBRI QVATVOR.

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Octavius Ferrarius On Clothing Second Part. Four Books.

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OCTAVII FERRARII DE RE VESTIARIA PARS ALTERA. LIBRI QVATVOR. PATAVII, MDCLIV. Typis Pauli Frambotti Bibliopolæ. Superiorum Permissu.

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OF OCTAVIUS FERRARIUS ON DE VESTIARIA SECOND PART. FOUR BOOKS. PADUA, 1654. Printed by Paul Frambotti, bookseller. With permission of the superiors.

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OCTAVIUS OCTAVIUS R E V E R A T I O N A L I A T I O N OCTAVIUS

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OCTAVIUS R E V E R A T I O N A L I A T I O N OCTAVIUS

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CHRISTINÆ AVGVSTÆ Octavius Ferrarius Bene rem gerere. Vod nuper Domina Germaniæ pe- plum non tam regio murice, quam tuæ ac paternæ imaginis fulgore irra- dians, totque victoriis intextum ac pi- ctum armatæ Palladis sacrario suspen- sum non auerso lumine adspexeris, sed inusitatis munificentiae exemplis exce- peris; ausus sum nouam telam, veterum mortalium habi- tum cultumque sacri gynæcei textrinis inferre, nouoque artificio pacatam Mineruam aduocare. Huic ego telæ. Augusta, quæ mea tenuitas est, & improsperæ valetudi- nis iniuriæ, solidos decem annos impendi: & nunc vereor ne Troiæ fatum labor iste sortiatur, aut pro elephanto musculus existat. Vtcumque sit, Ithaci matrona longo re- gulorum procatu claritudinem nacta vix annis viginti fal- lax pensum absoluit, cùm quod die confecerat opus nocte demum detexeret, ac pari coniugis erroribus mora, nec dissimili ingenio turbam iniuriosam eluderet. Ipse no- cturnam operam addere non semel coactus sum, ac bo- na Pars II.

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To CHRISTINA AUGUSTA Octavius Ferrarius wishes well. Since you have lately looked upon, Lady of Germany, a web not so much glowing with royal purple as with the splendor of your own and your father's image, and woven and painted with so many victories, hung up in the shrine of armed Pallas, not with averted gaze, but have received it with examples of unusual generosity, I have dared to bring a new web into the looms of the sacred gynaeceum, and by a new art to summon peaceful Minerva. This web, Augusta, according to my meager ability and the injury of my ill health, I have spent ten full years upon; and now I fear lest this labor suffer the fate of Troy, or that a mouse should appear in place of an elephant. However that may be, the matron of Ithaca, having gained renown by a long advance of rulers, scarcely in twenty years completed her deceitful task, since what she had finished by day she at last unraveled by night, and with equal delay in her husband's errors, and with no less ingenuity, eluded the troublesome crowd. I myself was more than once compelled to add nocturnal labor, and good Part II.

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na fide lucubrare, ut longa vetustate obrutum artificium in lucem euocarem. Immo geminato labore alienum opus, aut infectum, aut aduersa Minerua inceptum retexere, implexaq[ue]; aut incisa licia, nec cohærentem stami- ni tramam nouo pectine nouisque radiis redordiri. Postquam igitur natiuo colore ac vellere communes populis tunicas, atque hinc rerum dominam togam, illinc sapientiæ velamen pallium, sexusque alterius stolas, ac pallas pudoris & frigoris munimenta, simplicissimos mortalium cultus, pacisq[ue] habitus contextui, ac suam cui- que formam, & gestandi modos aptaui; horrentia saga, cruoreque infectas chlamydes cognata armis tegmina. Martisque spolia sub adspectum dedi. Facto inde gradu honoris insignia, ordinum discrimen prætextas, palmas, ac trabeas, nec uno aleno incocta paludamenta, Imperatorium coccum, ac veluti priuatarum comes totum augustale vestiarium, ac triumphali auro immixtam purpuram vestram populis adorandam exposui. Quin, ne quid argumento deesset, hac quoque parte fractos seculi mores notare, ac veluti luxui patrocinari coactus sum: ab orbe ultimo petitam frondium canitium, Coasque, & Assyrias bombyces, vermium saliuam, ac foeturam improbam, vestesque renudandis matronis inuentas, etiam maribus expetitas, ventum textilem, ac sericas nebulas prodendo. Vna laboris merces grandeque pretium, hæc qualiacumque non displicuisse ubi, Augusta, quæ ab rerum maximarum molimine, imperiique curis non pateris modo te auocari, sed iubes, ultroque ad ista descendis. Quippe literis non tam regiæ manus, quam inauditæ clementiæ LON

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to labor by night, so that I might bring to light an art buried by long neglect. Rather, with doubled toil, to unweave another man’s work, either unfinished or begun under an adverse Minerva, and, with new comb and new reeds, to reweave threads that had been cut and a web no longer holding together. After I had therefore fitted together for the people, in their native color and fleece, the common tunics, and here the toga, mistress of affairs, there the pallium, the covering of wisdom, and the stolas of the other sex, and the pallas, defenses of modesty and cold, the simplest garments of mortals and the dress of peace, each with its own form and way of being worn; after I had set out rough saga, and cloaks stained with blood, coverings akin to arms and the spoils of Mars, before the eye. From there I went on to the insignia of rank, the distinctions of orders, the bordered robes, the palms, and the trabeae, the paludamenta not dyed with one foreign color, the imperial scarlet, and, as it were the companion of private citizens, the entire Augustan wardrobe, and the purple mixed with triumphal gold, and displayed them for your peoples to adore. Indeed, lest anything should be lacking to the argument, I was compelled in this part too to mark the broken customs of the age, and, as it were, to seem to champion luxury: by disclosing the hair of leaves sought from the farthest edge of the world, the Coan and Assyrian silks, the saliva of worms and their evil brood, and garments invented to strip matrons naked, sought even by men, woven by wind, and silken clouds. The sole reward of my labor, and the great price, is that these, such as they are, have not displeased you, Augusta, you who, from the effort of the greatest affairs and the cares of empire, do not merely suffer yourself to be turned away, but command, and even descend of your own accord to such matters. For the letters are not so much from a royal hand as from unheard-of clemency LON

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non una nota insignibus nuper mandasti, ut si quid librorum viri eruditionis gloria præstantes publici iuris facerent, aut ieiunitas mea extunderet, ne cunctarer istuc transmittere. Quid ipse præstare possim iam vides: solam enim mihi te religiosius venerandi audaciam relictam esse. At viri magni aliquid te dignum concipient, quos noministui gloria ac liberalitas accendit. Nexile enim aurum, quo plumbea dicta atque humiles sonos rependisti, sicut quorundam oculosturbauit, palloremque suum in homines transfudit, ita multorum studia arrexit, ut quod in me fortuna fuit, ipsi virtute promereant. Neque tamen præter rem fecisse videbor, quod leuidense contextum soloci filo deductum obtulerim tibi, quæ utriusque Mineruæ numen occupasti: neque indecorum mihi opificio manus admouisse, quando, te literas ac bella eadem felicitate tractante, reliquum est, ut lanam ac calathos respiciant viri. Ipse certe si vita suppetat eam aliquando telam daturus sum, quæ si non Dædala, at fida manu te tibi reddat, tuosq[ue] ac giganteos patris triumphos exequatur. Tu noua quotidie argumenta suppeditabis. Vale, teque fatis ad summa vocantibus præbe. Patauii Kal. Februariis MDCLIV. Bene-

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You recently sent me, marked with no small sign, that if anything from books by men distinguished in learning should be made public, or if my own barrenness should draw it out, I should not hesitate to transmit it there. You now see what I myself can contribute: for it seems that only the boldness of revering you more devoutly has been left to me. But great men will conceive something worthy of you, whom the glory and generosity of your name kindle. For by the gold you have interwoven, with which you have repaid leaden sayings and humble sounds, just as it has troubled the eyes of some and spread its own pallor among men, so it has aroused the zeal of many, so that what fortune was in my case they themselves may earn by virtue. Nor, however, shall I seem to have done anything out of place in offering you this web, drawn out on a subtle thread, since you have occupied the power of both Minervas; nor is it unseemly for me to have laid hands to this work, since, with you handling letters and war with the same good fortune, what remains is for men to turn to wool and baskets. For my part, if life should be granted, I shall one day give that web which, if not Daedalean, at least with a faithful hand may restore you to yourself, and follow your triumphs and those of your giant father. You will supply new proofs every day. Farewell, and be ready for the fates calling you to the highest things. Padua, the Kalends of February 1654. Bene-

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Beneuole Lector. Arde immo penè iam sero vetus nomen ex- pungo, atque olim cæpti voluminis alteram partem repræsento. Præter virium tenuita- tem, totque annos morbis atque ærumnis vitæ exemptos, vitamque ipsam non semel extre- mis metis admotam, quæ tædio ac despera- tione sæpe opus manibus excusserunt, operis ipsius magnitudo ac difficultas, quæ summos viros hactenus absterruit, ægre mo- lientem ad hanc usque diem delassauit. Nam in prioribus li- bris ipsoq; argumenti vestibulo habui interdum quos sequerer, in his aucta licet cura intimos materiæ sinus ac recessus tentans vix a quibus dissentirem inueni. Adeo cuncta aut intentata, nulliusque trita solo, aut profundo vetustatis demersa cruenda fuêre, genusque omne scriptorum utriusque linguæ, ne quid ef- fugeret, ærumnabili labore non semel excutiendum fuit. Præ- ter hæc ea quoque diem proferendi causa erat, quod viros do- ctissimos aliquid contra iam edita parturire audieram, aut quia vere id agerent, aut quia ita credi quorundam intererat. Itaque menses aliquot editionem sustinui, ut eadem opera illis reponerem, atque ista publicarem. Non enim deerant, qui se modeste licet ac mollicer perstrictos inique ferrent. Inter quos qui nuper decessit Claudius Salmasius, vir in omni litera- rum genere eminentissimus, ac sine controuersia huius æui sum- mus. Sed quæsita meritis superbia immodicus sui æstimator, aliorum contemptor, omnisque sententiæ, cuius ipse auctor non esset, inimicus. Itaque dum à se vel petita venia & cum ho- nore dissentientes traducit, & carpit, rursusque æquo iure re- uacer

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Good Reader. I had almost already, and indeed now at last too late, buried an old name, and I present the second part of a work once begun. Besides the frailty of my strength, and so many years of life spent away in sickness and hardships, and life itself more than once brought to the very last limits, which often, through weariness and despair, wrested the work from my hands, the very magnitude and difficulty of the undertaking, which has hitherto deterred the most eminent men, has wearied me in my labor up to this day. For in the earlier books, and even at the very threshold of the subject, I sometimes had those whom I could follow; but here, though with increased care I probed the inmost hollows and recesses of the matter, I could scarcely find any from whom I should differ. So completely was everything either untouched, and trodden by no man's foot, or buried deep in antiquity and to be drawn forth; and every kind of writer in both languages, lest anything should escape me, had to be sifted more than once with labor that was painful to bear. Besides this, there was also as a reason for delaying publication that I had heard most learned men were preparing something against what I had already published, either because they were in truth doing so, or because it suited certain persons to make it be believed. And so for some months I held back the edition, that I might meet them with the same labor and then publish this. For there were not wanting those who, though modestly and softly, took it ill that they had been touched. Among them was Claudius Salmasius, who recently died, a man most eminent in every branch of learning, and without controversy the greatest man of this age. But pride, sought by merit, an overweening appraiser of himself, a despiser of others, and an enemy of every opinion whose author he was not himself. And so, while he denounces and attacks those who dissent from him, even when they ask pardon and do so with respect, and again with equal right he re- uacer

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lum. Si quis contra mutire ausus fuerit, imperioso eiusdem de- cretonumerum Criticorum augebit, qui glandes inuentis frugi- bus præferunt. Quis autem Salmasium Dictatorem nobis di- xit? Quis tyrannicam potestatem solis maledictis fultam in li- beros homines exercere permisit? Operæ pretium est paucis re- petere, quæ de Vestibus holoueris supra notauimus Lib. II. Cap. IX. ut quam nullam causam habuerit excandescendi Salmasius facile appareat. Nam cum eiusdem honorificentissime appel- lati opinionem ac notationem de holoueris non modo non impro- bassem, ut etiam ingeniosam esse affirmarem, subieci ius fasque esse quid & nos sentiremus aperire. Non enim eam vocem se- milatinam, sed puram Græcam contractam mox & corru- ptam ex Holoporphyris uideri, quod apud Isidorum Olophe- ra, siue Olofera, Holoporphyra explicaretur: idemq[ue] Papias exprimeret, nempe Holophoram vestem totam ex purpura: hancque si non veriorem, at simpliciorem notationem esse. Quid pote modestius? At ille tanquam acerbissime proscri- ptus quæsitam non semel ab Italo occasionem carpendi Salmasi nædixua, nædixæ indignatur. Bene se habet, quod quædam iu- ste reprehensa fatetur. quæ autem iniquè, cur non repercussit, aut cur certaminis gloriam inuidit? Ceterum ibi non aliud ad confirmandam opinionem suam attulit, quam aliquot scriptorum loca, qui holouerarum mencio- nem fecerunt, quæ nihil eum iuuant; non enim de voce, sed de vocis origine ambigitur. Neque hactenus me illius notationis pænituit, holoueras esse holoporphyras, quam viris doctissimis approbatam scimus. Nam ut demus colorem purpureum to- tum verum dictum esse, non solum colorem, sed etiam vestes totas veras dictas, durius certe videri debet etiam modice eru- ditis, quam holoueras esse ex holoporphyris conflatas. Quæ non ua

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If anyone should dare to mutter against it, the imperious decree of the same would increase the number of Critics, who prefer acorns to what is found by the frugal. But who made Salmasius dictator over us? Who allowed a tyrannical power, supported by mere abuse, to be exercised over free men? It is worth briefly recalling what we noted above concerning vestes holoueris, Book II, Chapter IX, so that it may readily appear how little cause Salmasius had for becoming inflamed. For when, with the utmost respect, I had not only not condemned his opinion and remark concerning holouerae, but had even affirmed that it was ingenious, I added that it was both right and proper for us also to disclose what we thought. For that word does not seem to be semi-Latin, but pure Greek, later shortened and corrupted from Holoporphyris, because in Isidore Olophera, or Olofera, is explained by Holoporphyra; and the same is expressed by Papias, namely Holophora, a garment wholly of purple. And even if this is not the truer derivation, it is at least the simpler one. What could be more moderate? Yet he, as though most bitterly attacked in print, grows angry that the occasion sought more than once by an Italian for picking at Salmasius is refused. It is well that he admits some things were justly criticized. But why did he not refute the others that were unjustly criticized, or why did he begrudge the glory of the contest? Moreover, there he brought forward nothing else to confirm his opinion except a few passages from writers who made mention of holouerae, which help him not at all; for the dispute is not about the word, but about its origin. Nor have I thus far regretted that explanation of mine, that holouerae are holoporphyrae, which we know has been approved by very learned men. For if we grant that a wholly purple color has been rightly so called, then not only a color, but also entire garments may rightly be so called; and it must surely seem even to those moderately learned to be harsher to say that holouerae are composed from holoporphyrae. Which not…

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ita mordicus unquam tueri cogitauimus, ut si quis alteram se- quatur cælum terræ misceamus, quasi in ea vocula Græciæ sa- lutem sitam existimemus. Ceterum in sequentibus libris, quos multis ante obitum Sal- masii mensibus impressos typis, sculptoris ægre æreas tabulas molliensis tard tate editione morante innumericiiues, & exte- ri viderunt, vix ullum caput exibit, in quo diuersa ab eo sen- tire non adigar, quanquam dissimulato nomine sola operis in- dicatura, ne a vetere instituto abscederem. Quid opus est ver- bis? Eum qui de pallio tam multa in Tertullianum commen- tatus est, quale pallium esset, quique illud gestandi modus igno- rasse, tam liquido apparebit, quam meridie lucet. Sed de his nimis fortasse multa, animo certe meo haudquaquam grata aduersus utcumque de nobis, at de literis optime meritum, & iam tum comp[er]situm. Itaque plura adscribere parcam, ne vi- dear cum laruis luctari. Cùm præterea querelæ ne tum qui- dem gratæ sint, cùm sunt necessariæ. Vale mi Lector, & faue. Pars II. 2 OCTA-

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We have never thought to defend it so tenaciously, that if anyone follows another, we should mix heaven with earth, as if we believed the salvation of Greece to lie in that little word. As for the following books, which many months before the death of Salmasius were printed, and which, through the slowness of the engraver, were delayed by the edition’s lingering, were seen by innumerable people and by foreigners, there will scarcely be any chapter in which I shall not be compelled to think differently from him, although, the name being omitted, the work itself alone will indicate it, so that I might not depart from my former practice. What need is there of words? It will be as clear as noonday that the man who wrote so much about the pallium to Tertullian did not know what sort of cloak it was, or what manner of wearing it was. But perhaps I have said too much about these matters, certainly with a mind by no means pleased toward one who, however, has deserved very well of us and of letters, and who was already then in a state of alarm. So I shall refrain from writing more, lest I seem to be fighting with ghosts. Since, moreover, complaints are not pleasant even when necessary. Farewell, my Reader, and be kind. Part II. 2 OCTA-

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INDEX CAPITVM LIB. I. Cap. I. Lacerarum usus quando primum Romæ inceperit. Cicero & Seneca explicati. Huius vetus lectio defensa contra Lipsi non unam correctionem. 1 VI. Lacernarum notatio incerta. Quod vestimenti genus esset. Marduas. Epespis. Herodiani Interpres notatus. 5 III. Quale vestimenti genus Lacerna fuerit. 7 IV. Lacernarum usus, & materia. 9 V. Lacernas pluuia causa in Vrbe gestatas. Plinius emendatus, & explicatus. 10 VI. De Lacernis, & reliquis vestimentis Gausapinis. 11 VII. Gausape quadratu. Martialis explicatus. 13 IX. Gausape Balanatum. Gausapatus. Persius, Seneca, Petronius explicati. 14 IX. De Lana, & reliquis vestimentis villosis. Amictus duplex. 18 X. De Chlæna. ἀπλεῖδες, παίδιπαί. ἔντωπας. Homerus atque Hesychius explicatus. χλαυίς, χλαυίδιον. 20 XI. De Endromide. Quæsitum de voce Trechedipna apud Iuuenalem. Eius Interpres emendatus. 23 XII. Tunicæ, ac Lacernæ Gausapinæ. 26 XIII. Lacernæ æstiuæ. Tritæ, ac leuiores. Iuuenalis,

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INDEX OF CHAPTERS BOOK I. Chapter I. When the use of lacernae first began at Rome. Cicero and Seneca explained. The old reading of this passage defended against several of Lipsius’ corrections. 1 VI. The notation of lacernae uncertain. What sort of garment it was. Marduas. Epespis. The interpreter of Herodian noted. 5 III. What sort of garment the lacerna was. 7 IV. The use and material of lacernae. 9 V. Lacernae worn in the city because of rain. Pliny emended and explained. 10 VI. On lacernae and other gausapine garments. 11 VII. Of the square gausape. Martial explained. 13 IX. Of the balanate gausape. Gausapatus. Persius, Seneca, Petronius explained. 14 IX. On wool, and other shaggy garments. A double covering. 18 X. On the chlaena. ἀπλεῖδες, παίδιπαί. ἔντωπας. Homer and Hesychius explained. χλαυίς, χλαυίδιον. 20 XI. On the endromis. An inquiry into the word trechedipna in Juvenal. Its interpreter emended. 23 XII. Tunics and gausapine lacernae. 26 XIII. Summer lacernae. Worn threadbare and lighter. Juvenal,

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Index Capitum. L I B. I I. Cap. I. Pænulæ notatio quæsita. 65 II. Pænulam itinerarium vestimentu[m] fuisse, & pluuiæ tempore sumptum. Quando primum illud intra Vrbem usurpatu[m] sit. 68 III. An Senatores sub Hadriano pænulati. A. Gellius explicatus. 70 IV. An Senatores in funere Principu[m] pænulati. 72 V. An Imperatores Pænulati. 74 VI. De Materia Pænularum. Pænulæ scortæ, Gausapinæ, Canusinæ. 76 VII. Pænularum Figura. 78 IX. De Colore Pænularum. Canusinæ, Fuscæ, ac Rufæ. 87 IX. Pænulæ inter Vestes muliebres. Eæ virilibus pretiosiores. 90 LIB. I I I. Cap. I. Diversæ Chlamydis species. Chlamys puerilis. Alicula. Velius Longus correctus. Martialis explicatus. 91 II. Chlamys muliebris. Dionis Interpres notatus. 96 III. Chlamys militaris. Eadem cum Sago. 97 IV. Chlamydem, & Paludamentum idem vestimentum fuisse. Cicero explicatus. 98 V. Sagum pro Paludamento, & contra scriptoribus p[er] situm. Appiani & Plutarchi inter-

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Index of Chapters. Book II. Ch. I. The designation of the pænula sought. 65 II. The pænula was a traveling garment, and worn in wet weather. When it was first adopted within the City. 68 III. Whether senators under Hadrian wore the pænula. A. Gellius explained. 70 IV. Whether senators wore the pænula at the funeral of princes. 72 V. Whether emperors wore the pænula. 74 VI. On the material of the pænulæ. Pænulæ of skin, gausapinae, Canusine. 76 VII. The shape of the pænulæ. 78 IX. On the color of the pænulæ. Canusine, dark, and red. 87 IX. The pænula among women’s garments. They are more costly than those for men. 90 BOOK III. Ch. I. Various kinds of chlamys. The chlamys of boys. Alicula. Velius Longus corrected. Martial explained. 91 II. The women’s chlamys. The interpreter of Dio noted. 96 III. The military chlamys. The same as the sagum. 97 IV. That the chlamys and the paludamentum were the same garment. Cicero explained. 98 V. The sagum used for the paludamentum, and vice versa, by the writers. Of Appian and Plutarch, inter-

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Index Capitum. terpretes notati. I 101 VI. Paludamentum Vestis Imperatoria. I 102 VII. De Sago. I 104 IX. Chlamydis, Sagi, Paludamenti forma. Valtrini non unus error in Re Vestiaria. I 105 IX. De Sago Gallico. Non fuisse fibulatum. Plutarchi Interpres notatus. I 111 X. Sagum Hispanicum, & Germanicum. I 113 XI. Sagochlamys. Chlamys Dardanica Mantuelis. I 115 XII. Sagi, Chlamydis, & Paludamenti Materia. I 116 XIII. Chlamys & Paludamentum auratum. Lacerna aurata. Habitus Citharoedorum. I 119 XIV. Tunicæ militaris color. Tertullianus explicatus. I 122 XV. Chlamydis, Sagi, & Paludamenti color. I 124 XVI. Gallici Sagi color. I 127 XVII. De Subarmali. I 128 LIB IV. Cap. I. Pallium Græcorum indumentum. Comædiæ palliatæ, togatæ, prætextatæ. Prolegomena in Terentium expenduntur. I 30 II. Pallium Græcè , . I 32 III. Pallium. Eius notatio. Vestis stragula Romænorum Amictus Græcorum. Pallium Proconsulare. I 36 IV. Pallium commune. Eius figura. I 39 Ma-

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Index of Chapters. interpreters noted. I 101 VI. Paludamentum, imperial garment. I 102 VII. On the Sagum. I 104 IX. The form of the Chlamys, Sagum, and Paludamentum. Valtrini's one error in Re Vestiaria. I 105 IX. On the Gallic Sagum. That it was not fastened with a buckle. Plutarch's interpreter noted. I 111 X. The Spanish and German Sagum. I 113 XI. Sagochlamys. Dardanian Chlamys, Mantuelis. I 115 XII. The material of the Sagum, Chlamys, and Paludamentum. I 116 XIII. Chlamys and Paludamentum gilded. Gilded Lacerna. Dress of cithara-players. I 119 XIV. The color of the military tunic. Tertullian explained. I 122 XV. The color of the Chlamys, Sagum, and Paludamentum. I 124 XVI. The color of the Gallic Sagum. I 127 XVII. On the Subarmale. I 128 LIB. IV. Chap. I. Pallium, a garment of the Greeks. Palliata, togata, and praetextata comedies. The prolegomena to Terence are examined. I 30 II. Pallium in Greek. , . I 32 III. Pallium. Its designation. A Roman coverlet; the cloak of the Greeks. The proconsular pallium. I 36 IV. The common pallium. Its shape. I 39 Ma-

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Index Capitum. V. Modus gestandi pallium. Brachium cohibere. Manum chlamyde inuoluere. 142 VI. Magna Veterum cura in pallio decorè, & ci- uiliter coponendo. Arassba[n]na[n]dae Πιδεξια. 147 VII. Pallium in humeros reiicere. Casauboni opinio expensa. Aristoph. Not. Interpres. 149 IX. Quando brachium pallio exerebatur. Επιδεξια: Επαρίσερα. Aristophanes explicatus. 152 X. An palliu[m] fibula necteretur Tertul. expl. 155 XI. Pallium cum crepidis. Tertul. explic. 160 XII. De Pallii materia. Vestimeta lanea. An lineæ vestes in usu. T hucyd. expl Linteæ loricæ. 161 XIII. Lineus Apollonii Thianæi vestitus. Byssus. Odion. Pollux notatus. 165 XIV. Pallium Philosophicum. Triboniu[m]. Philostrat. & Laertius explicati. p[ro]xenos, Pannus. 173 XV. Triboniu[m] non modo pauperiorum gestamen; sed uestis fore[s]is, ac Iudicial. Aristoph. expl. 178 XVI. Triboniu[m] non Cynicoru[m] modo, sed Philosoph. se- uerioris notæ palliu[m]. Ite[m] Sophist. Laert expl. 181 XVII. Pallii Philosophici color. Petron. correct. 187 XIX. Christianoru[m] Ascetaru[m] Tribon. Qua[n]do Tert. Lib. de Pallio ediderit. Triboniu[m] fuscu[m]. 189 XIX. Tribonium Cynicum. Modus illud gestandi. Pallium Ππλωσα. Duplex pannus. 194 XX. An Cynici interulam gestarent. Laertius ex- plicatus. Lius Interpres notatus. 200 XXI. Serui palliati. Plantus explicatus. Diphthera. Scortum. Festus emendatus. 206 XXII. Exemis. επερμαζαλος. ἀκανθέν. 209 XXIII. Pallio caput operire Palliolu[m]. Plaut tent. 210

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Table of Contents. V. Mode of wearing the pallium. To keep the arm constrained. To wrap the hand in the cloak. 142 VI. The great care of the ancients in wearing the pallium decorously and civilly. Arassba[n]na[n]dae Πιδεξια. 147 VII. To throw the pallium back over the shoulders. Casaubon’s opinion weighed. Aristoph. Not. Interpreter. 149 IX. When the arm was exposed from the pallium. Επιδεξια: Επαρίσερα. Aristophanes explained. 152 X. Whether the pallium was fastened with a brooch. Tertul. expl. 155 XI. The pallium with crepidæ. Tertul. explained. 160 XII. On the material of the pallium. Woolen garments. Whether linen clothes were in use. Thucyd. expl. Linen breastplates. 161 XIII. The linen garment of Apollonius of Tyana. Byssus. Odion. Pollux noted. 165 XIV. The philosophical pallium. Triboniu[m]. Philostratus & Laertius explained. p[ro]xenos, cloth. 173 XV. Triboniu[m] not only the attire of the poorer sort, but also a garment for outside and judicial use. Aristoph. expl. 178 XVI. Triboniu[m] not only of the Cynics, but also the pallium of the more severe philosophers. Also of the Sophists. Laert. expl. 181 XVII. The color of the philosophical pallium. Petron. corrected. 187 XIX. The tribon of Christian ascetics. When Tert. published the Book on the Pallium. Triboniu[m] dark. 189 XIX. The Cynic tribon. The manner of wearing it. The pallium Ππλωσα. Double cloth. 194 XX. Whether the Cynics wore an under-tunic. Laertius ex- plained. Lius noted as interpreter. 200 XXI. Servants in the pallium. Plautus explained. Diphthera. Courtesan. Festus emended. 206 XXII. Exemis. επερμαζαλος. ἀκανθέν. 209 XXIII. To cover the head with the pallium. Palliolu[m]. Plaut. tentative. 210

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. I. 5 rice, aut alio pretioso colore tincta esset. Quemadmodum autem malle se ait domum omni cultu instructam, quam pontem, ita pretiosas vestes, quam centunculum. Quid porro sint scapulæ fætentes, a doctis viris quæsitum est. Fortasse a tomenti Circensis de concisa palude confecti, cui pauperes incubabant ingrato ac turpi odore. Nec displicet quod se in libris reperisse tradit Lipsius: quam nudis scapulis, aut semitectis. Lacernarum notatio incerta. Quod vestimenti genus esset. Marduas. Ephesic. Herodiani Interpres notatus. Cap. 11. Primus igitur Lacernarum vsus in militia, sed quando coeperit haud mihi compertum: cum præter Propertium, Ouidium, ac Paterculum nullus veterum scriptorum earum mentionem fecerit in cultu militari, vt vox sub ipsum Reipublicæ interitum nata videatur. Sed vndenam, quæque eius notatio, multo mihi ignotius. Persij Interpres vetus ad Satyram 1. Lacerna pallium fimbriatum, quo olim soli milites vtebantur. Eadem Isidorus lib. xix. cap. xxiv. qui adijcit. Vnde & in distinguenda Castrensi, Urbanaque turba, hos togatos, illos lacernatos vocabant. Inde autem lacernæ, quasi amputatis capitibus fimbriarum, neque ita laxis, vt sunt penularum. Vt lacernam quasi laceram dictam putet: quod & Paulus Festi abbreviator innuere perobscure videtur. Lacerare, comminuere, diuidere. Lacerna quod minus capitio est. Sed notatio inepta, illudque de fimbrijs laxioribus, & minus laxis Grammaticorum est commentum, quid- ue capitium illud sit, quo minor est Lacerna, ne Oedipus quidem diuinauerit: nec tanti est hilce diutius immorari. Vnde cunque igitur nomen acceperit Lacerna, vestimentum militare initio fuit. Propterea Græcis scriptoribus Marduas, Klauis, & Ephesic dicitur. Artemidorus lib. I I. cap. I I I. Klauis de liu ενιοι mardulu oι de Ephesida, oι de βηριον παλου σι. Hesychio Marduas est ειδος ιματιον περσῶν πολεμικὸν ειςτε-

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book I. 5 rice, or if it had been dyed with some other precious color. But just as he says that he would prefer a house furnished with every kind of refinement rather than a bridge, so too precious garments rather than a patched cloak. What, moreover, the "foul-smelling shoulders" are, has been inquired into by learned men. Perhaps they were made from the stuffing of the Circus, fashioned from torn-up marshland, on which the poor would lie, with an unpleasant and foul odor. Nor is what Lipsius says he found in books displeasing: that is, bare shoulders, or partly covered. The derivation of lacerna is uncertain. What sort of garment it was. Marduas. The interpreter of Herodian's Ephesica noted. Chapter 11. The first use of the lacerna, then, was in the army; but when it began I have not ascertained, since, apart from Propertius, Ovid, and Velleius Paterculus, none of the ancient writers mentions it in military dress, so that the word seems to have been born just before the downfall of the Republic. But from where it came, and what its derivation was, is much more unknown to me. The old interpreter of Persius, on Satire 1, says: lacerna is a fringed cloak, which once only soldiers used. Isidore says the same, book xix, chapter xxiv, and adds: hence, in distinguishing the camp crowd from the city crowd, they called the one togati, the other lacerna-clad. From this, then, the lacernae were so called, as if their fringes had been cut off at the ends, and not so loose as those of penulae. So he seems to think that lacerna was called from lacer , as though torn: something which Paul, the abridger of Festus, seems to hint at very obscurely as well. To tear, to break in pieces, to divide. Lacerna, because it is less at the neck. But this derivation is foolish, and that about the looser and less loose fringes is a grammarians' invention; what the neck-opening itself is, by which the lacerna is smaller, not even Oedipus himself would have divined: nor is it worth while to linger on this any longer. From whatever source, then, the lacerna took its name, it was originally a military garment. For that reason in Greek writers it is called Marduas, Klauis, and Ephesic. Artemidorus, book II, chapter III: some call it klauis, some mardulu, some Ephesida, some berion palou si . In Hesychius, Marduas is an eidos himation of the Persians, a warlike garment for the defense of the body.

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. I. 7 eas Senatoribus tribuit in funere Seueri. εν μεν λαίω μέρετ πᾶσα [ν]οῦνπλισ μελαίναις ἐφεσίσι χρώμενοι. Ibi enim Senatores depositis luctus causa togis, in pullis lacernis siue penulis, nam hæc vox de vtroque vestimento vsurpatur, quod non multum dissimile esset, vt dicemus. Non igitur pro quouis vestimenti genere accipitur. Itaque non atris vestibus, sed pullis lacernis, aut penulis vertendum erat. De chlamyde & Byrrho erit infra dicendi locus. Quale vestimenti genus Lacerna fuerit, Cap. III. Lacernam a castris & militia in Vrbem licentia bellorum ciuilium traductam, & promiscuo Quiritium cultu assumptam diximus. Ea fuit amiculum siue pallium laneum, apertum, quòd ipsi quandoque togæ, & hac deposita ferme loco ipsius togæ inijciebatur tunicæ, necdebaturque fibula vel in humero, vel ad pectus, natiuo ipsius lanæ colore, aut varia infectura. Et quemadmodum Græcanico pallio breuior, atque angustior lacerna fuit, ita facile crediderim, postquam a militia in urbanum habitum concesserit, laxiorem ipsa chlamyde longioremque confici coeptam: quandoquidem arcendo frigori, immo & pluuiæ, toti denique corpori tegendo assumebatur, cum chlamys, vt in antiquis monumentis apparet, vix partem corporis regeret, nec ferè ad genua pertineret. Subiectas figuras lacernatas ex columna Traiana depromptas Roma misit Vir incomparabilis Cassianus a Puteo, cui bonam partem monumentorum veterum, quæ hoc opere edita sunt, non ipse solum, sed tota posteritas acceptam feret. Sed vt rem totam distincte, ac particulatim exequamur, primò de lacernarum materia verba faciemus, tum de eius ornamentis ac colore breuiter disseremus. Tabula XIV. Lacer-

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book I. 7 he assigns them to Senators at the funeral of Severus. ἐν μεν λαίω μέρετ πᾶσα [ν]οῦνπλισ μελαίναις ἐφεσίσι χρώμενοι. For there the Senators, after laying aside their togas because of mourning, were in dark lacernae or penulae, for this word is used for either garment, which would not be very different, as we shall say. It is therefore not to be taken for any kind of garment whatsoever. Accordingly it should have been translated not “black garments,” but “dark lacernae” or “penulae.” A place for speaking of the chlamys and the byrrhus will be given below. What kind of garment the lacerna was, Chapter III. We have said that the lacerna was brought from the camp and military service into the City by the license of the civil wars, and was adopted in the common dress of the Quirites. It was a cloak or woolen mantle, open, because it was sometimes thrown over the toga itself, and, this being laid aside, was put almost in its place over the tunic, and was fastened with a brooch either on the shoulder or at the chest; it was of the natural color of the wool itself, or dyed in various ways. And just as the lacerna was shorter and narrower than the Greek-style cloak, so I could easily believe that, after it had passed from military to urban dress, it began to be made looser and longer than the chlamys itself: since it was taken up for warding off cold, indeed also rain, and finally for covering the whole body, whereas the chlamys, as appears in ancient monuments, scarcely covered a part of the body, nor hardly reached to the knees. The accompanying figures of lacernae, taken from Trajan’s Column, were sent from Rome by the incomparable Cassianus a Puteo, to whom a good part of the ancient monuments that have been published in this work will be owed not only by himself, but by posterity as a whole. But so that we may examine the whole matter distinctly and point by point, first we shall speak of the material of the lacernae, then we shall briefly discuss its ornaments and color. Table XIV. Lacer-

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Octavius Ferrarius Tab. XIV.

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Octavius Ferrarius Plate XIV.

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. I. 9 Lacernarum vsus, & materia. Cap. IV. Q Viritium vestes omnes ex lana confectas, togas, tu- nicas, pallas, stolas aliàs ostendimus: idem de la- cernis dicendum. Mart. lib. II. Ep. XLVI. Sic tua suppositis perlucent præla lacernis, Siemicat innumeris arcula synthesibus: Atque vnam vestire tribum tua vellera possunt. Scilicet fere arcendi frigoris causa sumebantur, & togis su- perinduebantur. Iuuenal. Sat. IX. . . . . pingues aliquando lacernas Munimenta togæ, duri, crassique coloris Et male percussas textoris pectine Galli Accipimus. Viliori nempe materia, hoc est crassiore lana, & male textas, quales in Gallia conficiebantur. Martialis. Me pinguis Gallia vestit. Et lib. IV. Accipe Sequanicæ pinguem textricis alumnam. Colore autem pullo, vel rufo. Ex quibus patet, vt togas, ita & lacernas non eadem materia confectas, sed lana pre- tiosiore, aut viliore contextas, & quidem etiam viliore textura. Vetus Interpres Iuuenalis. Pingues lacernas: pin- gues vt ostendat grossas, ac per hoc pluuiales, quæ muniant a plu- nia, non quæ orment. Male percussas, male textas. Gallum autem textorem Venetum interpretatur, Venetumque cucillum intel- ligit ex eodem Poeta: Atque ibi contentus Veneto, duroque cucullo. Lacernæ igitur arcendo frigori, immo & pluuiæ, cum non- dum penulæ in Vrbem receptæ essent. Et vel tunicis, vel etiam ipsi togæ inijciebantur. Mart. lib. VIII. Ep. XXVIII. vbi togam sibi a Parthenio Domitiani cubiculario donatam commendat, sic colligit: O quantos risus pariter spectata mouebit Trita Palatina nostra lacerna toga. Pars II. B Futu-

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On Dress, Part II. Book I. 9 Use of the lacernae, and their material. Chap. IV. We have already shown that all Roman garments, the togas, tunics, pallae, stolae, and others, were made of wool; the same must be said of the lacernae. Martial, Book II, Epigram XLVI: Thus your presses shine with the cloaks laid over them, Your chest sparkles with countless outfits: And your wool can clothe a whole tribe. Clearly they were taken up chiefly for the purpose of warding off cold, and were worn over the toga. Juvenal, Satire IX: ... sometimes bulky cloaks, Defenses of the toga, of a harsh, coarse color, And poorly struck by the weaver Gallus’s comb we receive. That is, of cheaper material, namely coarser wool, and badly woven, such as were made in Gaul. Martial: Gaul, rich in wool, clothes me. And Book IV: Receive the plump offspring of the Sequanian weaver. They were also of a dark, or reddish, color. From this it is clear that, just as with togas, so too with lacernae, they were not made from the same material, but woven from wool that was either more costly or cheaper, and indeed from a cheaper weave as well. The old interpreter of Juvenal explains: “Plump cloaks”: plump, in order to show that they were thick, and therefore rainproof, so as to protect against rain, not to adorn. “Poorly struck,” that is, badly woven. But he interprets Gallus as a Venetian weaver, and understands the Venetian hood from the same poet: And there content with a Venetian, rough hood. Thus the lacernae were used to ward off cold, and indeed rain too, before the paenulae had yet been admitted into the City. And they were thrown over either tunics or even the toga itself. Martial, Book VIII, Epigram XXVIII, where he praises a toga given to him by Parthenius, the chamberlain of Domitian, concludes thus: Oh, what laughter our worn-out Palatine lacerna and toga, seen together, will raise! Part II. B Futu-

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Octauij Ferrarij Futuram enim rem ridiculam, si nouę pexæque togæ vilis & longo vsu detrita lacerna superindueretur. Idem lib. xiv. Ep. cxxxvii. Lacernæ Albae. Amphitheatrales nos commendamur ad vsus, Cum tegit algentes nostra lacerna togas. Ex quo apparet, non nisi albas lacernas togæ inditas, cum reliquę ferme pullæ essent: quod videretur indecorum & ridiculum, albæ niueæque togæ atri coloris vestimentum inducere: quod tamen nunc passim faciunt id genus hominum, qui habitu pias imitantur. Quo spectat iocus eiusdem Poetæ lib. iv. in Horatiumrqui cum solus nigris lacernis munus spectaret, Cæsare, & reliquis albatis, nium Cælo repente demissam, sicque & ipsum Horatium albis lacernis spectasse. Lacernas pluuiæ causa in Vrbe gestatas. Plinius emendatus, & explicatus. Cap. V. Lacernas munimenta togæ, & togæ ipsius succedaneas, nô modo arcendo frigori, sed & defendendo imbrige- statas, ex Plinio discimus lib. xvii i. cap. xxv. Hoc ipso Ver- giliarum occasu fieri putant. Aliqui ad III. Idus Nouembris, vt diximus seruant, quoniam id sidus etiam vestis institoris est, & est in cælo notatu facillimum. Ergo ex occasu eius de hieme augu- rantur, quibus est cura insidiandi negotiatoris auaritia. Nubilo occasu pluuiosam hiemem denuntiat, statimque augent lacerna- rum pretia: sereno, asperam, & reliquarum pretium accendunt. Læuinus Torrentius ad Suetonium legit. Quoniam id si- dus etiam vestis institor est. sic enim in scriptis libris extare, & inveteribus editis. Atque ita sidus illud, quo exorien- te æstas, occidente hiems ostenditur, quia vtroque tempo- re vestem mutamus, veluti institor, inquit, a Plinio dicitur. Ante Torrentium Sipontinus aliam causam attulit, cur Ver- giliarum sidus institor vestis dicatur, quod nempe vt pluris mimorisue vendatur vestis efficiat. Neuter ad Plinij men- tem, cuius vulgata lectio non mouenda, quam etiam præ- fert

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Octauij Ferrarij For it would be a ridiculous thing if a cheap newly woven and patched toga were put over a long-used, worn-out lacerna. The same, book xiv, Ep. cxxxvii. White Lacernae. We are recommended for theatrical uses, When our lacerna covers the shivering togas. From this it appears that only white lacernae were put on over the toga, when the others were almost all dark-colored: which would seem unbecoming and ridiculous, to put a black garment over white and snow-white togas; though now men of that kind do this everywhere, who in dress imitate the pious. To this point belongs the joke of the same poet, book iv, against Horatius, who, while alone and watching the show in black lacernae, with Caesar and the rest in white, had a snowstorm suddenly sent down from heaven, and thus Horatius himself also watched in white lacernae. Lacernae worn in the city for the sake of rain. Pliny corrected and explained. Chapter V. We learn from Pliny, book xviii, chapter xxv, that lacernae were protections of the toga, and substitutes for the toga itself, not only warding off cold, but also defending against rain. This, they think, happens at the very setting of the Vergiliae. Some observe it at the III Ids of November, as we said, since that constellation is also the shopkeeper’s star, and is very easy to notice in the sky. Therefore, from its setting they forecast the winter, and those who are concerned with ambushing the merchant’s greed. When it sets in cloudy weather it announces a rainy winter, and at once they raise the prices of lacernae; when it sets in clear weather, a harsh winter, and they drive up the prices of the other garments. Lævinius Torrentius, on Suetonius, reads: Quoniam id si- dus etiam vestis institor est. For so it is found in the written books and in the old editions. And thus that star, at whose rising summer is shown, at whose setting winter, is called the shopkeeper of clothing, because in either season we change our clothing, as if, he says, it were a shopkeeper, according to Pliny. Before Torrentius, Sipontinus offered another reason why the star of the Vergiliae is called the shopkeeper of clothing, namely, because it causes the garment to be sold at a higher price, or for a greater profit. Neither is in accordance with Pliny’s meaning, whose received reading should not be altered, which also prefers

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. I. fert vetus Veneta editio optima, cuius ope innumeras e Plinio mendas sustulimus. Sidus, inquit, Vergiliarum non tantum est agricolæ, siue ab agricola obseruatur pro tempore fementis faciendæ, sed etiam est sidus vestium institoris, siue ab institore vestis obseruatur: Quod sequentia explicant, quæ non recte intelligi possunt, nisi illud ponatur quid esset Negotiator, quidque Institor. Negotiatores enim erant mercatores locupletiores, qualem negotiatorem magnarium Apuleius lib. 1. appellat: hi mercaturam amplam, siue negotiationem exercebant, qualis negotiatio Sagaria Leg. LII. π. quidem D. pro socio. Item negotiatio lignaria apud Capitolinum. Ab his negotiatoribus Institores mercium partem emebant, quas minutim, & carius distraherent. Nam proprie Institor . Labeo. Etiam eos Institores dicendos placuit, quibus Vestarij & Lintearij dant vestem circumferendam, & distrahendam. Ergo Institores, ex occasu Vergiliarum qualis futura esset hiems coniecturam facientes, negotiatoris auaritiæ insidiabantur. nam si nubilus occasus fuisset, quod pluuiosa hiems immineret, plus lacernarum, quam reliquæ vestis emebant, earumque pretium augebant: sin vero serenus fuisset occasus, augurantes futuram frigore infestam, alias vestes, vt chlænas, endromides, Gausapinas emebant, quarum pretium intendebant. Hoc autem erat insidiari negotiatoris auaritiæ: lucrum nempe, quod ipse facere debuerat, auertere, & ex siderum coniectura negotiatoris auaritiam ferire, eas vestes tantum emendo, quas carius distracturi erant. Porro aliquem lacernarum vsum etiam domi fuisse arcendo frigori, indicare videtur Propertius lib. v. Eleg. IX. Imperat, & totas iterum mutare lacernas: Terque meum tetigit sulphuris igne caput. De Lacernis, & reliquis vestimentis Gausapinis. Cap. VI. Ex his apparet antequam pænulæ in Vrbem inducerentur, lacernas, & frigori arcendo, & pluuiæ causa B 2 gesta-

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On Dress, Part II. Book I. the old Venetian edition has it best, by whose aid we have removed countless errors from Pliny. “The star,” he says, “of the Pleiades is not only the farmer’s guide, if it is observed by the farmer for the proper time of sowing to be done, but it is also the star of the cloth merchant, if it is observed by the dealer in cloth.” What follows makes this clear, and cannot be rightly understood unless one first establishes what a Negotiator was, and what an Institor. For Negotiatores were wealthier merchants, such as Apuleius, book 1, calls a magnus negotiator: these carried on a broad trade, or business, such as the Sagarian business in Law 52, § indeed, D. pro socio. Likewise timber trade in Capitolinus. From these negotiatores the Institores bought a part of the goods, which they would retail in small quantities and at a higher price. For properly, an Institor, says Labeo. It was also deemed proper to call those Institores to whom clothiers and linen dealers give cloth to be carried about and sold. Therefore the Institores, from the appearance of the Pleiades, foreseeing what sort of winter there would be, laid traps for the merchant’s greed. For if the setting had been cloudy, indicating that a rainy winter was at hand, they bought more capes than of the other garments, and raised their price; but if the setting had been clear, foretelling a winter troubled by cold, they bought other garments, such as cloaks, endromides, and Gausapinae, and increased their price. This, then, was to lie in wait for the merchant’s greed: namely, to divert the profit which he himself ought to have made, and from the sign given by the stars to strike at the merchant’s greed, buying only those garments which they were going to sell dearer. Moreover, that there was also some use of capes at home, to keep off the cold, seems to be indicated by Propertius, book v, Elegy IX: “Again he orders the whole capes to be changed: Thrice did the fire of sulphur touch my head.” On Capes, and the other garments called Gausapinae. Chapter VI. From this it is clear that before pænulæ were introduced into the City, capes were used both to ward off the cold and on account of rain B 2 gesta-

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12 Octauij Ferrarij gestatas: quod ex pinguiori, ac crassiori materia confectas fuisse declarat. Eas fermè gausapinas fuisse existimo, dequibus non ab instituto alienum fuerit pauca præmisisse. In prima operis huius parte Plinij locum lib. VI I I. cap. III. ex veteri codice emendauimus, eorum errore perstricto qui Gausape stramentum militare praua loci illius interpunctione tradiderunt. Antiquis thorus e stramento erat, qualiter etiam nunc in castris gausape. Patris mei memoria coepere Amphimalla nostra. Legendum ex Veterimonuimus. Gausape patris mei memoria, coepere amphimalla nostra. Gausape, siue gausapina vestimenta ætate patris sui inducta, amphimalla se viuente coepisse tradit. Certe Ouidij ætate, quæ & Plinij parentieadem esse potuit, non incognita fuisse gausapa illa docent in Amoribus. Gausapa si sumpsit, gausapa sumpta proba. Ex quo Scaliger in Titium cap. XXI I I. colligit lacernas tam viriles quam muliebres gausapinas fieri solitas. Sed lacernam fuisse tantum vestimentum virile alias ostendimus. Ergo hæc gausapa vel fuere penulæ gausapinæ, quæ vtriq[ue] sexui communes, vel tunicæ, non lacernæ, quæ nunquam alteri sexui permisæ. Ceterum etiam Varronem fecisse gausapinaru[m] mentionem testantur Charisius, & Priscianus, vt obseruatum est doctissimo Vossio lib. I. de Analogia cap. XXXV. Meminere etiam Lucilius, Horatius, & Persius, vt de Martiali sileam. Gausapa igitur siue Gausape, & Gausapum, nam hæc tria Grammatici agnoscunt, fuit vestimentum ex pingui, ac densa lana compactum, tunica, lacerna, penula, ex vna tantum parte villosum: nam quod vtrinque villos habebat ex eo Amphimallum Græcè dictum est, eamque Græcam vocem fatetur Varro lib. IV. de L. L. Vt falli necesse sit qui Gausape, amphimallum verterunt, quos Plinius redarguit, qui Gausapina ante ætatem suam in vsu fuisse docet, Amphimalla memoria sua inducta. Gau-

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12 Octavius Ferrarius hemmed garments: which shows that they were made from a thicker, coarser material. I think that they were almost certainly gausapine ones, concerning which it would not be out of place to set down a few preliminary remarks. In the first part of this work, we corrected a passage of Pliny, book VIII, chap. III, from an old manuscript, exposing the error of those who have handed down gausape as a military blanket, through a faulty punctuation of that passage. Among the ancients the bedcover was of straw, just as even now in camps there is a gausape. In my father’s memory our amphimalla began. It should be read from the old note: “In my father’s memory, our amphimalla began.” He says that gausape, or gausapine garments, were introduced in his father’s lifetime, while amphimalla began in his own lifetime. Certainly in Ovid’s time, which could have been the same as Pliny’s parent’s age, those gausapa were not unknown, as his lines in the Amores show: Gausapa if she put on, let what is put on be gausapa. From this Scaliger, in Titius, chap. XXIII, infers that cloaks, both masculine and feminine, used to be made of gausapine material. But elsewhere we have shown that a lacerna was only a male garment. Therefore these gausapa were either gausapine penulae , which were common to both sexes, or tunics, not cloaks, which were never allowed to the other sex. Moreover, that Varro also made mention of gausapina garments is testified by Charisius and Priscian, as was noted by the very learned Vossius, book I of Analogia , chap. XXXV. Lucilius, Horace, and Persius also mention them, to say nothing of Martial. Gausapa, then, or Gausape, and Gausapum—for these three forms are recognized by the grammarians— was a garment made of thick and dense wool, a tunic, cloak, or penula shaggy on only one side; for that which had shag on both sides was called in Greek amphimallum , and Varro acknowledges that Greek word in book IV of De L.L. So those must be mistaken who have translated gausape as amphimallum , whom Pliny refutes, since he shows that gausapine garments were in use before his own time, while amphimalla were introduced in his memory. Gau-

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. I. Gausape quadratum. Martialis explicatus. Cap. VII. Nec lanea modo vestimenta, sed etiam linea, quæ villos haberent Gausapa dicta, eaque tegendis mensis adhibita, quæ & mantilia. Martialis lib. XIV. Gausapa villosa, vel mantile. Nobilius villosa tegant tibi linteà citrum, Orbibus in nostris circulus esse potest. Scilicet solæ citreæ mensæ, & pretiosiores mantili tegebantur, ne foedarentur, aut maculas traherent: at viliores orbis, siue mensæ, nam omnes tunc rotundæ, sine integumento erant, & ideo in ijs circuli non semel spectabantur, hoc est maculæ rotundæ, non quidem lagenis impressæ, vt censet Scaliger, nam in abaco vala vinaria prostabant, sed ij circuli lancium, ac patinarum positu ferme fiebant, vt Turnebus docuit. Quod autem omnes mensæ tum rotundæ erant, ita & mantile siue Gausape pariter rotundum fuit. Ad cuius distinctionem, Gausape quod lectis pro stragulo injiciebatur Gausape quadratum dicitur eidem Poetæ Epigrammate CLII. Gausape quadratum. Lodices mittet docti tibi terra Catulli: Nos Helicaonia de regione sumus. Lodices hoc est stragula leuiora mittet tibi Verona, densa ac villosa Gausapa Patauium suppeditabit. Talis enim lana Patauina. Idem de tunicis Patauinis. Vellera cum sumant Patauina multa trilices, Et pingues tunicas serra secare potes. Strabo lib v. Lanam mollem, & omnium longe optimam producunt loca circa Mutinam, & Scutanam flumen. Asperam Lygures & Symbri, ex qua plerique Itali familiæ vestimenta conficiunt. Trò de μεσλω οι περι Παταόνιν, ἐξ ἐνς οι τὰ πτελες οι πολυτελεις, παὶ γαυσάπαι, παὶ τὸ τοιοῦτον ἐἰδος πῶν, ἀμφιμαλλόν τε, παὶ ἐτερόμαλλον. Lanam mediam inter asperam, & mollem Patauina regio, ex qua fiunt pretiosè tapetes, gausapa, aliaque id genus,

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book I. Quadrangular Gausape. Explained by Martial. Chapter VII. Not only woolen garments, but also linen ones, which had shaggy nap, were called gausapa ; and these were used for covering tables, and were called mantilia . Martial, Book XIV: gausapa shaggy, or a tablecloth. Let the shaggy cloths of citrum cover you more nobly, A circle may be in our round tables. Certainly only citreous tables, and the more costly ones, were covered with a tablecloth, lest they be defiled or take stains; but the cheaper round tables, or tables—for at that time all were round—were without covering, and therefore circles were often seen upon them; that is, round stains, not indeed impressed by bottles, as Scaliger thinks, for wine-jars stood upon the sideboard, but these circles were formed almost by the placing of dishes and plates, as Turnebus has taught. But since all tables then were round, so also the tablecloth, or gausape , was likewise round. To distinguish from this, the gausape that was thrown over beds as a coverlet is called a square gausape in the same poet’s Epigram 152: Square gausape. The land of learned Catullus will send you coverlets; We are from the region of Aelia. That is, Verona will send you lighter coverlets; Patavium will supply thick and shaggy gausapa . For such is the wool of Patavium. The same is said of Patavian tunics: While they take much Patavian fleece, And you can cut the fat tunics with a saw. Strabo, Book V: the places around Mutina and the Scultenna River produce soft wool, by far the best of all. The Ligurians and those of the Sembra produce harsh wool, from which most Italian households make clothing. “Trò de μεσλω οι περι Παταόνιν, ἐξ ἐνς οι τὰ πτελες οι πολυτελεις, παὶ γαυσάπαι, παὶ τὸ τοιοῦτον εἶδος πῶν, ἀμφιμαλλόν τε, παὶ ἐτερόμαλλον.” The middle kind of wool around Patavium, from which costly carpets, gausapa , and other things of that sort are made, is between coarse and soft wool; from it are made costly carpets, gausapa , and other things of that kind,

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14 Octavij Ferrarij nus , vel ex vna tantum parte, vel vtrinque villosa. Gausapa scilicet quadrata sternendis lectis. At apud diuites erant stragula Gausapina purpurea. Martialis Ep. cXLVII. Cubicularia Gausapina. Stragula purpureis lucent villosa tapetis. Quid prodest sit congelat vxor anus? Vocat cubicularia, vt distinguat a tricliniaribus, quæ ferme leuiora, licet & ipsa purpurea. Quadratum ergo Gausape vt distingueretur a rotundo, quo mensæ sternebantur; Immo & Gausape easdem mensas tergebant, quod villosum erat, & quidem luxuriæ causa purpureum. Lucilius apud Priscianum lib. VII. Purpureo tersit tunc lautas Gausape mensas. Quod expressit Horatius lib. II. Sat. VI II. His vbi sublatis puer alte cinctus acernam Gausape purpureo mensam præter sit. Gausape Acron mappam villosam interpretatur. Apparet tamen mensam illam non fuisse Gausape instratam. Quid enim opus fuisset detergere? Ceterum mantilia, siue mappas villosas in vsu fuisse apud veteres docet Seruius ad illud Tonsisque ferunt mantilia villis. Et ideo tonsis interpretatur vel minutis, vel compositis, vt tonsa coma pressa corona. Constat enim inquit maiores mappas habuisse villosas. Gausape Balanatum. Gausapatus. Persius, Seneca, Petronius explicati. Cap. VIII. V ad Gausape, siue vestem Gausapinam reuertamur, quam densam fuisse diximus, & ex vna parte villosam, frigorisque causa lumptam, eam peregrinam fuisse, immo & barbaricam certum est, nec nisi sub Augusto Romæ cognitam. Glossæ Veteres. Gausapa Baepapinor παιλιον. Et alibi. Gausarus. Eudopouis. Lege. Gausapus, vel Gausapum, Endromis. Messala de statuis Antonij. Armenij Regis spolia, Gausapæ. Persius Sat. VI. Iam

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14 Octavius Ferrarius nus , either shaggy on one side only, or on both sides. That is to say, gausapa used for making beds. But among the wealthy there were purple gausapine coverlets. Martial, Ep. CXLVII. Cubicularia Gausapina. Shaggy coverlets gleam with purple tapestries. What good does it do if an old wife is frozen? He calls them cubicularia, to distinguish them from triclinium-coverings, which are generally lighter, though also purple. Thus the square gausape was distinguished from the round one, with which tables were spread; indeed, they also used gausape to wipe those same tables, because it was shaggy, and, for luxury’s sake, purple. Lucilius apud Priscian, book VII. Then with purple gausape he wiped the elegant tables. Which Horace expressed, book II, Sat. VI VIII. After these had been removed, a servant, girded high, let the fir-wood table pass by with purple gausape. Acron interprets gausape as a shaggy cloth. Yet it seems that that table was not spread with gausape. For what need would there have been to wipe it clean? Moreover, Servius, on the line They bring table-cloths with shorn nap, shows that among the ancients napkins or shaggy cloths were in use. And therefore he interprets tonsis either as “shorn” or “cut short,” as in a shorn head under a pressed crown. For, he says, the older ones had napkins with shag. Gausape Balanatum. Gausapatus. Persius, Seneca, Petronius explained. Chapter VIII. To return to Gausape, or the gausapine garment, which we said was thick, and shaggy on one side, and taken for the sake of protection against cold, it is certain that it was foreign, indeed barbarian, and was not known at Rome until the time of Augustus. Ancient Glosses. Gausapa Baepapinor παιλιον. And elsewhere. Gausarus. Eudopouis. Read: Gausapus, or Gausapum, Endromis. Messala, on the statues of Antony. The spoils of the Armenian king, Gausapae. Persius Sat. VI. Now

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16 Octauij Ferrarij Idem, quod villosum vestimentum id esset, audaci translatione barbam densam, & hircinam, balanatum gausape appellat Sat. iv. Tu cum maxillis balanatum gausape pectas: Neque enim Casauboni interpretatio placere potest, qui balanatu gausape intelligit comam & cæsariem prolixam, maxillas autem interpretatur n[ost]era [n]o[n]sunt[ur] o[mn]i dentatum pectinem. Sugillat hic Persius, quos & Iuuenalis perstringit, tristes nempe, obscænos, fictosque Curios, qui ad captandam seueritatis famam propexam barbam alebant, sed plantaria, & infernas partes vellere non erubescebant. Intonsa erant barba, brachia, ac crura fruticante pilo siluescebant, in reliquis locis foedam silicem runcabant. Duplici igitur nomine insectatur hunc poeta, quod barbam pasceret, reliquum corpus læuigaret, quodque hirtam illam ac veluti muscarium balano, siue vnguento perfunderet. Nec de coma capiendum Persium maxillæ vox declarat: quam si quis cum Casaubono pro pectine accipiat, Persius diceret comam pectere pectine. Interpres Vetus. Tu cum maxillis balanatum. Balanum genus vnguenti, vnde Horatius. Pressa tuis balanus capillis. Et hoc dicit cum barbam nutrias, & vnguento madidam pectas, quare inquina tua psilothro denuas? Item Gausape dixit propexam barbam. Idest, cum pexa barba delectoris, quam in maxillis tuis velut gausape habeas vnguentatam, & defricatam balano, cur pubem vulsam habes? Sed hæc prætereuntes. Gausapæ etiam meminit Seneca epist. LIII. Memor artificij mei veteris mitto me in mare quomodo Psichrolutam decet, gausapatus. Lipsius notat, qui in Gymnasijs exercebantur, itemque balneis, eos ferè lodicula, aut gausapina leuiter obuolutos fuisse, & circa verendas maxime partes, vt Petronianus Trimalcio coccinea gausapa inuolutus. Gausapam autem ad manum fuisse, quia & nautis earum vsus. Sed gausapa in gymnasijs, & balneis, nec lodiculæ fuere, nec leuiter tegebant, neque verendas modo partes, sed arcendo frigori totum corpus villose, ac crassæ inuoluc-

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16 Octavius Ferrarius The same thing, that this was a shaggy garment, by a bold metaphor calls a thick and goat-like beard a balanatum gausape , Sat. iv. “You, with your cheeks, comb a scented gausape.” Nor can Casaubon’s interpretation please, who understands balanatu gausape as long hair and flowing locks, while he interprets the cheeks as what we now call a tooth-comb. Persius here ridicules those whom Juvenal also attacks, namely the gloomy, obscene, and affected Curii, who, in order to win a reputation for austerity, wore their beards long, but were not ashamed to pluck the hair of their legs and groins. Their beard was untrimmed, their arms and legs were overgrown with bristling hair, and in the remaining places they were scraping away the foul stubble. Therefore the poet attacks him with a double charge: that he fed his beard, while smoothing the rest of his body, and that he drenched that hairy, almost fly-swarming thing with balanum , that is, ointment. Nor should Persius’ word maxillæ be taken to mean the hair of the head: for if anyone, with Casaubon, should take it as a comb, Persius would be saying that he combs the hair with a comb. The Old Interpreter: “You, with your cheeks, scented.” Balanum is a kind of ointment; hence Horace: “The balanus pressed by your hair.” And this is what he says: while you nurture your beard, and comb it wet with ointment, why do you strip your groin with depilatory paste? Likewise he used gausape for a luxuriant beard. That is, while you caress the smooth beard, which you have in your cheeks like a gausape, anointed and rubbed with balanum, why do you have your pubes plucked? But let us pass over these matters. Seneca also mentions the gausapæ , Epistle LIII: “Remembering my old craft, I send myself into the sea, as befits a psichrolutes , gausapatus.” Lipsius notes that those who exercised in the gymnasia, and likewise in the baths, were generally lightly wrapped with a small coverlet or gausapine, especially around the private parts, as Petronius’ Trimalchio was wrapped in a scarlet gausape. But the gausapa was kept at hand because sailors also made use of them. Yet in the gymnasia and baths, the gausapa were neither small coverlets nor did they cover lightly; nor did they cover only the private parts, but, in warding off the cold, they enveloped the whole body with a shaggy and thick wrapping.

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18 Octauij Ferrarij Meminit & gausapæ Martialis lib. XIV. Epigr. XXIX. Gausapa. In Pompeiano tectus spectabo Theatro. Nam ventus populo vela negare solet. Lipsius de Amphitheatro, titulum inuertit & Causia legit, pileumque Thessalicum interpretatur. Sed omnes editiones Gausapa constanter retinent. Itaque malim lacernam gausapinam interpretari, cum cucullo aduersus solem, & pluuiam, quibus arcendis vela extendebantur. Ait enim in Pompeiano Theatro sessurum se cum lacerna gausapina, cuius cucullus velivicem præstet aduersus coeli, solisque iniurias. De Læna, & reliquis vestimentis villosis. Amictus duplex. Cap. IX. N On modo igitur lodices, stragula, & mappæ, sed omnia vestimenta quæ villos haberent Gausapa, iue gausapæ, & gausapina dicta sunt, lænæ, chlænæ, tunicæ, lacernæ, penulæ. De quibus singillatim dicendum est. Et Lænam quidem non fuisse togam alias docuimus, sed indumentum apertum, densum, ac villosum: quod tunicæ, aut etiam togæ superinduceretur, & quidem olim peculiari ritu a Flaminibus in sacrificijs adhibitam, Ciceronis ac Seruii testimonio comprobauimus, mox promiscuo vsu, & cum toga, & sine eadem gestatam. Varro lib. IV. de L. L. Lænam dictam existimat quod de lana multa esset, sed credibilius est, quod & Festus existimat, Græcam vocem esse, a chlæna Græcorum dictam auctoritate Plutarchi in Numa. Verè quidem multa lana, eaque densa conficiebatur. Nam idem Varro ait fuisse adinstar duarum togarum. ex quo Seruius duplicem togam dixit, Festus duplicem amictum; Quod intelligendum de crassa, ac densa materia, quæ æque grauis esset, ac duæ togæ, aut duæ aliæ vestes. Nam quod aliqui duplicem amictum interpretati sunt, qui totum hominem vtrimque operiret, cum simplex vnam tantum corporis partem; id repugnat primo vocis amictus nota.

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18 Octauius Ferrarius He mentions the gausapæ in Martial, Book XIV, Epigram XXIX. Gausapa. “I shall sit covered in the Pompeian Theatre. For the wind is wont to deny the people the awnings.” Lipsius, in De Amphitheatro , has inverted the title and reads Causia , interpreting it as a Thessalian cap. But all editions consistently retain Gausapa . Therefore I would rather interpret it as a lacerna gausapina , with a hood against the sun and the rain, for warding off which awnings were stretched out. For he says that in the Pompeian Theatre he will sit with a lacerna gausapina , whose hood may serve in place of sails against the injuries of the sky and of the sun. Of the læna , and the other woolly garments. Double attire. Chapter IX. Not only therefore rugs, coverings, and tablecloths, but also all garments that had woolly nap were called Gausapa , or gausapæ , and gausapina : namely, lænæ , chlænæ , tunics, cloaks, and mantles. These must be discussed separately. And indeed we have elsewhere shown that the læna was not a toga, but an open, thick, and woolly garment: one which was worn over a tunic, or even over a toga; and which was once, in a special rite, used by the Flamines in sacrifices, as is proved by the testimony of Cicero and Servius, and later was worn in ordinary use, both with the toga and without it. Varro, Book IV of De Lingua Latina , thinks it was called læna because it was made of much wool; but it is more likely, as Festus thinks, that it is a Greek word, derived from the Greek chlæna , on the authority of Plutarch in Numa . Indeed it was made from much wool, and that closely packed. For the same Varro says that it was the equivalent of two togas. From this Servius called it a double toga, Festus a double garment; which must be understood of the thick and dense material, which would be as heavy as two togas, or two other garments. For when some have interpreted it as a double garment, one that would cover the whole man on both sides, whereas a simple one would cover only one part of the body, this is contrary to the first meaning of the word amictus .

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. I. 21 -cet omnibus obuia eo retuli, vt intelligeremus quid du- plex vestimentum esset, duplex læna, duplexue amictus, crassius scilicet indumentum, ac duplici filo contextum si- ue : non quod totum hominem vtrimque velaret, nam & chlæna simplex totum corpus operiebat: & simpli- ces quidem sine villis, duplices villosæ fuisse videntur. nam Homerus Odyssæ. . Alibi etiam non semel chlænas villosas appellat, quæ lectis inji- ciebantur. Apud eundem eodem libro Priamus lugens Hectora in- ducitur . Vbi multa Græci Interpretes. Mihi placet Hesychij explicatio. . Nam qui pallio se strictim inuoluit, illud ita corpori applicat, & adstringit, vt ipsius corporis typus, siue figura exprimatur, magisque appareat, quam cum laxe fluit, caditque. Subjicit doctissimus Grammaticus: . Quod in luctu faciem iniecta chlæna obuelarent. quod dum sieret, pallium, siue chlæna corpori ad stringebatur, manus- que ori opponebatur. Inepte Latinus interpres togam Priamo dat, eumque toga inuolutim tectum inducit. Nec minore ineptia Circem, veluti aliquod Romanum scortum, togatam inducit Odys. K. quasi toga sit, non pallium, siue stola candida tenuis, & decora. Nec absimile schema Telemachi in conuiuio Menelai parentem lugentis Odys. . Nisi hoc ideo factum a Telemacho putemus, vt conuiuas lugens lateret. Nec chlænas modo induendi, atque amiciendi, led & in- ternendi, & incubandi causa sumptas, ex eodem vate ap- paret eodem libro vltimo Iliados, vbi Achilles iubet Pria- mo lectum sterni, stragulaque purpurea injici. Et

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book I. 21 I have referred everything brought forward in this way, so that we might understand what a double garment was, a double cloak, or a double covering, namely a thicker garment, woven with a double thread; not because it covered the whole person on both sides, for even a simple chlaena covered the whole body. And the simple ones seem to have been without pile, the double ones shaggy. For Homer, in the Odyssey, elsewhere too, more than once calls shaggy chlaenae those which were thrown over beds. In the same writer, in the same book, Priam grieving for Hector is introduced. There the Greek interpreters differ. I am pleased by the explanation of Hesychius. For he who wraps himself tightly in a mantle applies it to the body and draws it close in such a way that the very outline, or shape, of the body is expressed, and becomes more apparent than when it hangs loosely and falls. The learned grammarian adds: That in mourning they covered the face with the chlaena thrown over it. When this was done, the mantle, or chlaena, was drawn tight to the body, and the hands were placed before the mouth. The Latin translator foolishly gives Priam a toga, and represents him as covered up, wrapped in a toga. With no less stupidity he dresses Circe, as if she were some Roman prostitute, in a toga in Odyssey K., as though it were a toga, and not a mantle, or rather a thin, graceful white stola. Nor is the figure of Telemachus at Menelaus’ banquet, grieving for his parent, unlike this in the Odyssey. Unless we think that Telemachus did this for that reason, so that he might conceal his mourning from the guests. That chlaenae were used not only for putting on and wrapping oneself, but also for spreading over and lying upon, appears from the same poet in the last book of the Iliad, where Achilles orders a bed to be made for Priam and purple coverlets to be thrown over it. And

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Octauij Ferrarij Et Odys. tertio. Nestor vetat a se discedere Telemachum, qui in nauibus pernoctare volebat. Sibi enim esse molliter dormiendi copiam, & hosp itibus. non enim esse pauperem, se. ὑπεῖνει χλαῦναι δε παῖν ὑπήκα ποῦλι ἔνὶ ομων. Cui neque chlaenæ neque operimenta multa in domo. Theocritus etiam chlaenæ, que lecto insternebatur, meminit. Idyllioxviii. Závos τοι δυγάτηρ υπὸ ταῦμιαν ὑχετο χλαῦναν. Nam filia Ionis tecum vnum subit stragulum. Ita & Romæ cubicularia gausapina in eundem vsum fuere. Martialis. Cubicularia Gausapina. Stragula purpureis lucent villosa tapetis Quid prodest, site congelat vxor anas? Atqui chlaena tenuior, ac mollior χλαυîs dicta, & χλαυίδον. Quod Grammatici veteres ἰμάτιον λεπτον interpretantur, nostri Lænulam. Quale vestimenti genus Ciceroni gestatum exprobrat Calenus apud Dionem lib. xlv i. τὴς μεν γαρ ὑνχ ὑφα σοῦ τὰ λεπτὰ ταυλὰ χλαυίδια; si tamen aliquid Greceulo illi credendum est. Sane vt par summorum Oratorum fatum videatur etiam Demostheni. ἀμετη χλαυîs, παὶ μαλανεὶ χιτωνισκοὶ vitio dati teste Gellio lib. i. cap. v. Menander apud Athenæum lib. iv. inducit Etelippum hominem luxu perditum sic cum vxore loquentem. Καίτοι νεος πῶτ' ἐγενόμενος παῦσο γύναι Αλλὰ ὑνχ ἐλεύμενοι πεντάνις τὴς ἐμέρας Τοῦ αλλὰ νῦν ὑνδεὶ χλαυίδεν ἐχον αλλὰ νῦν. Quamuis iuenis aliquando vxor fuerim. Non tamen quinquies lani quotidie illa ætate, sed nunc. Nec tum lænulam habui, sed nunc. Male Interpres. Chlamydem: quam gestare non erat indecorum: at lenula, siue chlenula probro habebatur. Philoskratus de Isco, quem ait adolescentiæ tempus voluptatibus impendisse. παὶ λεπτὰ ἐμπίχελο. hoc est χλαυίδια, tenumia vestimenta. Porro inter χλαῦναν & χλαυίδα hoc fuisse discrimen notat Ammonius ex Tryphone, quod chlenę vestimenta essent crassa, quæ & lectis injicerentur, chlenulę molliores. Chlenæ,

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Octauij Ferrarij And in Odyssey 3, Nestor forbids Telemachus to depart from him, for he wished to spend the night in the ships. For he had room enough to sleep softly, and for his guests. For he was not poor. “ὑπεῖνει χλαῦναι δε παῖν ὑπήκα ποῦλι ἔνὶ ομων.” To whom neither cloaks nor many coverings were in the house. Theocritus also mentions the chlaena, which was spread on the bed, Idyll. xviii. “Závos τοι δυγάτηρ υπὸ ταῦμιαν ὑχετο χλαῦναν.” For the daughter of Ion covers you with one blanket. Thus also at Rome cubicularia gausapina were used for the same purpose. Martial: Cubicularia Gausapina. “Stragula purpureis lucent villosa tapetis Quid prodest, site congelat vxor anas?” But chlaena was a thinner and softer garment, called χλαυîs and χλαυίδον. What the ancient grammarians interpret as ἰμάτιον λεπτον, our writers call a lenula. What sort of garment Cicero was said to have worn is reproached to Calenus by Dio, book xlv. “τὴς μεν γαρ ὑνχ ὑφα σοῦ τὰ λεπτὰ ταυλὰ χλαυίδια?” if indeed anything is to be believed of that little Greek. Certainly, as if the fate of the greatest orators should be the same, even Demosthenes was accused of “ἀμετη χλαυîs,” and “παὶ μαλανεὶ χιτωνισκοὶ,” as Gellius testifies, book i, ch. v. Menander, in Athenaeus book iv, introduces Eteleippus, a man ruined by luxury, speaking thus to his wife: “Καίτοι νεος πῶτ' ἐγενόμενος παῦσο γύναι Αλλὰ ὑνχ ἐλεύμενοι πεντάνις τὴς ἐμέρας Τοῦ αλλὰ νῦν ὑνδεὶ χλαυίδεν ἐχον αλλὰ νῦν.” Although I was once young, wife. Yet not five times a day at that age, but now. Nor then had I a little cloak, but now. The translator is at fault. It was a chlamys, which it was not unbecoming to wear; but a lenula, or chlenula, was considered disgraceful. Philostratus, on Iscus, says that he spent the time of youth in pleasures. “παὶ λεπτὰ ἐμπίχελο,” that is, χλαυίδια, thin garments. Moreover, between χλαῦναν and χλαυίδα, Ammonius notes from Trypho that there was this difference: that chlenae were thick garments, which were also thrown on beds, whereas chlenulae were softer. Chlenae,

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24 Octauj Ferrarij liare. Obuium est Martialis Epigramma xIX. lib. IV. Hanc tibi Sequanicæ pinguem textricis alumnam Quæ Lacedæmonium barbara nomen habet: Sordida sed gelido non adspernanda Decembri Dona peregrinam mittimus endromida. Seu lentum ceroma teris, tepidumue trigona, Siue harpasta manu puluerulenta rapis. Plumea seu laxi partiris pondera follis, Siue leuem cursu vincere quæris Atham. Ne madidos intret penetrabile frigus in artus, Neue grauis subita te premat Iris aqua: Ridebis ventos hoc munere tectus & imbres. Non sic in Tyria sindone tutus eris. Alibi etiam pauperis munus idem esse ait, sed non vsum pauperis, cum a diuitibus in Gymnasijs adhiberetur. Sumptam autem præcipuè ad pellendum frigus Iuuenalis docet. Sat. III. . . . igniculum brumæ si tempore poscas. Accipit endromiden. Vet Interpres. Endromidem lodicem, qua se cooperiat. Nam quemadmodum Gausape, chlæna, sic & endromis quà amiciendo, quà insternendo adhibebatur. Idem cum mulieres perstringit, que cum viris in palæstra exercebantur, ait Endromidas Tyrias, & famineum ceroma Quis nescit? Vbinon recte Tyrias molliores explicari videmus. Nam omnes omnino endromides pingues, crassæque erant, quippe arcendo frigori. Sed diuites, vt saltem colore distinguerentur, eas absurdo luxu purpura suebant, quales purpureas Homericorum Heroum chlænas fuisse scimus, qualem & Petronij coccinam gausapinam, & apud eundem Iuuenalem coccinam lænam. Ceterum Græcis endromidas non pro vestibus, sed pro calceis accipi docti pridem obseruarunt ex Polluce lib. III. cap. vltimo. Endromidas appellant cursorum calceamenta. Hinc

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24 October Ferrarij liarre. The epigram of Martial, xIX. book IV, occurs: This, the nursling of Sequanian looms, I send to you, Which bears the barbarous name of Lacedaemon: Though mean, yet not to be despised in the cold December, We send a foreign endromis as a gift. Whether you wear away the slow ceroma, or the warm trigones, Or snatch the dusty harpastum with your hand. Or divide the feather-light weight of the loose ball, Or seek to win the race by speed. Lest the penetrating cold enter your wet limbs, Or a sudden shower of rain press heavily upon you: You will laugh at winds and showers, protected by this gift. Not so shall you be safe in Tyrian linen. Elsewhere too he says that this same gift is that of a poor man, but not for the use of the poor man, since it was employed by the rich in the gymnasia. Juvenal teaches, moreover, that it was especially taken up to drive away the cold. Sat. III. . . . if you ask for a little fire at the time of winter. He receives an endromis. The old interpreter: an endromis, a blanket with which one covers oneself. For just as gausape and chlaena, so also the endromis was used both for wrapping oneself and for spreading over something. The same author, when he inveighs against women who exercised with men in the palaestra, says: Who does not know Tyrian endromides and feminine ceroma? Here we see that Tyrian is not rightly explained as meaning softer. For all endromides were altogether thick and coarse, since they served to keep off the cold. But the rich, so that they might at least be distinguished by color, sewed them with purple in absurd luxury, such as we know the purple chlaenae of Homeric heroes to have been, such as also Petronius' scarlet gausapum, and in Juvenal the same man's scarlet laena. Moreover, learned men long ago observed from Pollux, book III, chapter last, that among the Greeks endromides were not taken for garments, but for shoes. They call the footwear of runners endromides. Hence

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. I. 25 Hinc Vir doctus illud Iuuenalis Rusticus ille tuus sumit trechedipna Quirine. Trechedipna, Galliculas interpretatur parasitoru[m] ad coenam currentium. Quod Vet. Interp. habeat. Trechedipna vestimenta parasitica, vt Galliculas Graias currentium ad coenam. Sed in veteribus constanter est Rechedinna, quam & V. Interp. tuetur neq; tamen satis explicat. Verba eius afferam, vt meliora reddam. Rechedipna vestimenta parasitica, vt caligulas Graias currentium ad coenam. Niceteria. Vestes peregrinas victis conuenientes; Vel Rechedipna est ipse, qui coenam facit, vt sit ordo. O Quirine ille tuus rusticus rechedipna sumit, & fert niceteria collo ceromatico, & est sensus. En tibio Romulerustici tui in omnem diffundi luxum iam didicerunt, & palæstris frui, & syllaterijs. Nam & niceteria syllateria sunt, quæ ob victoriam fiebant, & de collo pendentia gestabantur. Infra. Niceteria vestes peregrinas victis (Pithoeus victoribus) conuenientes. Lege. Vitijs conuenientes, quod tunc Græcanicis vitijs corrupti Quirites essent. Illud autem Syllaterijs recte idem Pithoeus phylacterijs emendat, nam paulo ante fracterijs. Licet ineptè Interpres, quod niceteria collo gestarentur ideo phylacteria credidit, siue amuleta victorię causa sumpta, quæ collo gestabantur, & hodie gestantur. Sed quod ad Trechedipna attinet, licet Græci Trechedipnos appellarint parasitos, vestes tamen aut caligas ita appellatas non memini: neque apud Iuuenalem vlla conuiuij mentio, sed palæstræ, ac ceromatis. & ideo V. Interpres ait. Ecce in quantum Romani rustici didicerunt luxuriam, & palæstris vti & fracterijs, vt athletæ ad vincendum. Quare Turnebus lib. I I I. cap XVI. Trechedipna vestes Gymnicas interpretatur, & Endromidem intelligit, quod Iuuenalis alibien-dromidem, & ceroma coniuxerit. Inde autem dicta censet, quod Romani adeo Gymnasticis exercitationibus dediti fuerint, vt ad eas tanqua[m] ad coenam currerent. Quæ notatio vt placere non potest, nec tamen melior luccurrit, ita Trechedipna malim vestes Gymnasticas, quam calceos paraliticos interpretari. Nam quod Rutgerlius in Varijs Lectio- D nibus

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On Dress, Part II. Book I. 25 Hence the learned man cites this line of Juvenal: “Your rustic fellow takes up trechedipna, Quirine.” Trechedipna is interpreted by the old translator as the clothing of parasites running to dinner. He has: “Trechedipna, parasitic garments, as Galliculae are the Greek garments of those running to dinner.” But in the old manuscripts it is consistently Rechedinna , which the old translator also supports, though he does not sufficiently explain it. I shall quote his words, so that I may give a better rendering. “Rechedipna: parasitic garments, as Gallic shoes of those running to dinner. Niceteria: foreign clothes suitable for the defeated; or Rechedipna is the very man who gives the dinner, so that the order may be preserved. O Quirine, that rustic fellow of yours takes up rechedipna and wears niceteria on a perfumed neck,” and that is the sense. Behold, your Roman rustics have now learned to wallow in every sort of luxury, and to enjoy the palestra and syllateria. For niceteria and syllateria are also things of victory, and were worn hanging from the neck. Below: “Niceteria, foreign garments suitable for the defeated” (Pithoeus: for the victors). Read “suitable for vices,” because then the Quirites were corrupted by Greek-like vices. And there Pithoeus rightly corrects syllateriis to phylacteriis , for a little before there is fracterijs . Although the interpreter foolishly thought that niceteria were worn around the neck and therefore were phylacteries, or amulets taken up for the sake of victory, which were worn around the neck and are worn so even today. But as for trechedipna, although the Greeks called parasites Trechedipnoi, I do not remember garments or shoes being so called; nor in Juvenal is there any mention of a dinner-party, but rather of the palestra and of ceroma. And therefore the old translator says: “Behold to what extent the Roman rustics have learned luxury, and to use the palestra and fracteria, like athletes aiming at victory.” Wherefore Turnebus, book III, chapter XVI, interprets trechedipna as gymnastic garments, and understands an endromis, because Juvenal elsewhere has joined endromis and ceroma. He thinks it was so called because the Romans were so devoted to gymnastic exercises that they would run to them as if to dinner. This explanation, while it cannot be pleasing, nor does a better one readily present itself, makes me prefer interpreting trechedipna as gymnastic garments rather than as athletic shoes. For as to what Rutgerius in the Variae Lectiones ...

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26 Octau ij Ferrarij nibus vestes peculiaribus familiarum coloribus distinctas intelligit, quas Liureas appellant, nimis argutatur. Tunicæ, ac Lacernæ Gausapinæ. Cap. XII. H Acc Gausapinorum vestimentorum causa dicta sunt. Sed & tunicæ, lacernæ, penulæ gausapinæ fuerunt. De penulis Gausapinis infra dicemus. Plinius lib. VIII. cap. XLVIII. ait ætate sua tunicam Laticlaui capisse texi in modum gausape. quod indicat, & alias tunicas asemas, & vulgares gausapinas fuisse. cum enim laticlauia alijs tunicis superindueretur, ex vsu vitæ magis fuit interiores tunicas, & corpori propiores hirtas fuisse, & villosas, quam exteriores quæ ornando magis, quam tuendo corpori sumebantur. Fuere & ventralia gausapina, de quibus intelligendus Plinius eodem loco, cum ait ætate sua in vsum venisse ventralia villosa. De quibus suus erit dicendi locus. De lacernis gausapinis Martialis l. VI. Ep. LIX. Et dolet & queritur sibi non contingere frigus Propter sex centas Baccara gausapinas. Optat, & obscuras luces, ventosque, niuesque Odit & hibernos, si tepuere, dies. Quid fecere mali nostræ tibi, sæua, lacernæ, Tollere de scapulis quas leuis aura potest? Quanto simplicius, quanto est humanius illud, Mense vel Augusto sumere gausapinas? Quod de penulis viri docti interpretantur non aliosanè argumento, quam quòd penularum gausapinarum alibi meminerit Martialis. Non tamen hoc obstat, quin & lacernæ gausapinæ fuerint. Primo quia ætate Martialis nondum penulæ in promiscuo vsu urbano fuere, sed tantum in itinere sumptæ: & gausapinæ quidem cum sudum erat, scortæ pluuia causa. Præterea iocose queritur Martialis lacernas suas tenues, ac detritas veluti per iniuriam a lacernis gausapinis expelli, dicturus alioqui penulas suas leues a gausapinis Baccaræ pænulis extrudi. Quod compro- bat

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26 Octau ij Ferrarij he is being too subtle in understanding by this those special garments of families, distinguished by their colors, which they call Livreae. Tunicæ and Gausapine Lacernæ. Chap. XII. These are so called on account of their gausapine garments. But tunics, cloaks, and penulæ were also gausapine. We shall speak below of the gausapine penulæ. Pliny, lib. VIII, cap. XLVIII, says that in his own day the laticlavian tunic began to be woven in the manner of a gausapum. This indicates that other tunics too were unshorn and common gausapine ones. For since the laticlavian was worn over other tunics, from the practice of life it was more likely that the inner tunics, and those closer to the body, were rough and shaggy than the outer garments, which were taken up more for adornment than for protecting the body. There were also gausapine ventralia, of which Pliny in the same passage must be understood when he says that in his time shaggy ventralia had come into use. Of these there will be a proper place to speak. On gausapine cloaks Martial, book VI, Epigram LIX: And he grieves and complains that cold does not befall him because of six hundred Baccaran gausapines. He longs for dim lights, and hates winds and snows, and hates the winter days, if they are only warm. What harm have my cloaks done to you, cruel one, that you should strip from my shoulders what a light breeze can carry off? How much simpler, how much more humane it is to take gausapines in the month of August! Scholars interpret this passage as referring not to any other thing, except that Martial elsewhere mentions gausapine penulæ. Yet this does not prevent cloaks too from having been gausapine. First, because in Martial’s time penulæ were not yet in general urban use, but were worn only when traveling; and gausapines indeed were worn when the weather was dry, and were protective against rain. Furthermore, Martial jokingly complains that his thin and worn cloaks are, as it were by injustice, driven out by gausapine cloaks, as though he were otherwise saying that his light penulæ are forced out by Baccaran gausapine penulæ. This proves

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28 Octauij Ferrarij reflandam, atque implendam aperit. Magnus Aegyptij vernæ luxus fuit, qui lacernas Tyrias id est dibaphas gestaret, sed maior, & non ferendus, quod plures in die lacernas mutaret, easque Tyrias. Hoc est, humerum reuocare lacernas, quemadmodum Zoilus apud Martialem toties in hora syntheses mutabat. Sicut autem togas & tunicas alias pexas fuisse diximus, alias vsu detritas, idem de lacernis dicendum. Martial. lib. I. Ep. xciii. Cerea si pendet lumbis, & trita lacerna. Vbi cerea est amillo candore flauescens, & colore ceram referens, vt Turnebus: quod ante Domitius adnotauerat. Idem. O quantos pariter risus spectata mouebit Trita Palatina nostra lacerna toga! Item aliæ longiores, breuiores aliæ fuere. Idem in superiori Epigrammate. Cerea si pendet lumbis. Idest non vltra lumbos cadit, quemadmodum & tunica eiusdem Mamuriani. Dimidiasque nates Gallica palla tegit? Et lib. I I. Ep. XLVI. Tu spectas hiemem succincti lentus amici. Idest breues & tritas lacernas induti. Non quod lacernæ succingerentur, sed quod tunica succincta breuior esset soluta, ita & breuiores lacernas indutum succinctum appellat. De Amphimallis: Amphitapæ. Isidorus correctus. Cap. XIV. Qvod ad lacernas, ac reliqua vestimenta gausapina attinet his contenti esse poteramus, nisi gausapina cum Amphimallis a viris doctis perperam confundiveremus. Amphimalla, enim ex Polluce lib. VII. vestimenta vtrimque villosa recte explicarunt; nollem tamen adiecissent talia esse gausapa villosa apud Martialé, & Gausapinas pænulas. Nam diuersa a Gausapis Amphimalla fuisse

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28 Octavius Ferrarius opens a path to the further explanation and completion of the matter. The great luxury of the native Egyptians was this: they wore Tyrian cloaks, that is, double-dyed ones; but a greater and intolerable luxury was that they changed their cloaks several times in a single day, and that Tyrian ones at that. This is, as it were, to change one’s cloak as often as one changes one’s shoulder-covering, just as Zoilus in Martial changed his outfits so many times in an hour. And just as we have said that some togas and tunics were well-carded, while others were worn threadbare by use, the same must be said of cloaks. Martial, Book I, Epigram 93: If the worn cloak hangs from the loins, and is threadbare. Where cerea means yellowish with an ivory whiteness, and in color resembling wax, as Turnebus says; this had already been noted by Domitius. The same author: O how many laughs alike shall our well-observed worn Palatine cloak-toga stir up! Likewise there were some longer, others shorter. The same in the preceding Epigram: “If the worn cloak hangs from the loins.” That is, it does not fall below the loins, just as in the case of the tunic of that same Mamurianus: And does the Gallic mantle cover the half of the buttocks? And in Book II, Epigram 46: You watch the winter of your neatly girded friend with calm indifference. That is, men wearing short and worn cloaks. Not because cloaks were themselves girded up, but because a girded tunic was shorter than a loose one; thus he calls a man wearing shorter cloaks “girded.” On Amphimalla: Amphitapa. Isidore corrected. Chapter XIV. As for cloaks and the other gausapine garments, we could have been satisfied with these remarks, had we not wrongly confused gausapina with amphimalla, as learned men have done. For amphimalla, as explained correctly from Pollux, Book VII, are garments shaggy on both sides; yet I should not wish them to have added that such shaggy gausapa are found in Martial, and gausapine pænulæ. For amphimalla were different from gausapa.

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Octauij Ferrarij Lacernarum Forma. Cap. XV. E Thæc de Lacernarum materia satis dicta sint. Earum formam nobis antiqua monumenta repræsentant. Vt lacerna pallium fuerit Græcanico breuius, ac strictius; chlamyde laxius, ac futius. Alias nullum inter Græcorum pallium, lacernam, & chlamydem discrimen fuisset. Nam licet initio, vt ante diximus, lacerna nihil aliud fuit, quam vestis militaris, hoc est ipsa chlamys, credibile tamen est postquam in vsum vrbanum concessit, & decori causa quod toge loco sumeretur, & quia ad propulsandum frigus, latiorem longioremque chlamyde fieri coeptam, vt chlamys vix ad genua pertineret, & fere posterioré corporis partem velaret, lacerna totum corpus tegeret, & infra genua caderet. Alioqui Martialis Mamurianum non notasset quod trita lacerna lumbis penderet: id est, non vltra lumbos caderet. Fuisse aute[m] pallium Græcanico breuius, & strictius præter veteres figuras ex eo apparet, quod cum Romæ multi palliati Græcoritu essent, multi etiam in prouincjis lacernati, cum omnes tunicati essent, hoc vnum discrimen debuit esse inter Romanum, & peregrinum vestitum. Præterea lacernam vestem fuisse strictam, & angustam docet Artemidorus lib. I I. cap. I I I. cum ait si quis in somnis videat chlamydem, quam alij Mandulu, alij , alij vocant, pertendere angustias, & litigantibus damnationem , quod corpus circu[m] amplectatur, & stringat. Idemque penulam simile vestimenti genus significare. De Fibulis. An insigne Tribunitium fuerint. Martialis locus expensus. Cap. XVI. Q Voniam autem pallia aperta, & reliqua amicula, quæ tunicæ iniiciebantur ne humeris defuerent, fibula nectebantur: qualiter chlamydes veteres nummi, ac statuæ referunt, ita & lacernas fibula iunctas credi par est

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Octavius Ferrarius On the Form of the Lacerna. Ch. XV. Enough has now been said about the material of the lacernae. Ancient monuments represent their form to us. The lacerna was a cloak shorter and tighter than the Greek-style pallium; looser and fuller than the chlamys. Otherwise there would have been no distinction among the Greek pallium, the lacerna, and the chlamys. For although at first, as we said above, the lacerna was nothing other than a military garment, that is, the chlamys itself, it is nevertheless credible that after it came into civilian use, and was taken up in place of the toga for reasons of decorum, and because, in order to ward off the cold, it was made broader and longer than the chlamys, the chlamys scarcely reached the knees and covered only the back part of the body, while the lacerna covered the whole body and fell below the knees. Otherwise Martial would not have censured Mamurianus because his worn lacerna hung at his loins, that is, did not fall below the loins. That the pallium was shorter and tighter than the Greek style appears, apart from ancient figures, from the fact that when in Rome many people in Greek dress wore the pallium, and many also in the provinces wore the lacerna, since all wore tunics, this alone must have been the distinction between Roman and foreign dress. Moreover, Artemidorus, Book II, Ch. III, shows that the lacerna was a tight and narrow garment, when he says that if someone in dreams sees a chlamys, which some call Mandulu, others by other names, it portends hardships and, for litigants, condemnation, because it embraces and constrains the body. And he says the same of the penula, indicating a similar kind of garment. On the Fibulae. Whether they were a Tribunician insignia. A passage of Martial examined. Ch. XVI. Since, then, open outer garments and the other cloaks thrown over the tunic, lest they should fall from the shoulders, were fastened with a fibula, just as ancient coins and statues show the chlamydes, so too it is to be believed that the lacernae were joined with a fibula.

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32 Octauij Ferrarij pro veterum testimonio stare possit. Saniores Plinium aduocant qui lib. xxxIII. cap. III. conqueritur auri luxum adeo in militia quoque dura illa, atque horrida adoleuisse, vt M. Bruti in Philippicis campis Epistolæ repertæ sint fre- mentes fibulas Tribunitias ex auro geri. Quæ quidem ex opposito sententiam Alexandri oppugnant. Sienim extrema Rep. fremebat Brutus aureas fibulas gestari: non ergo illæ insigne Tribunatus fuere. Cum præterea non constet ex Martiale Didymum fuisse Tribunum. Brodæus hic censet fibulas Trabearu[m] fuisse. Sed cum Trabeæ togæ fuerint, nullus in toga fibulæ vsus. Quamquam non ita præter rem fuerit aliquem fibulæ locum in Trabea dare, ad eam nempe cum in equis transeherentur contrahendam. Cum Dionysius in trabeis saliorum fibulam agnoscat lib. I I. Tae TnErras εμπεπορπημενοι. Et si alias, nec recte, togam Salijs a Dionysio dari dixerimus, & trabeas in tranuictione Gabino cinctu non fibula suspensas dixerimus. Verisimilius est, fibulas aureas militari luxuætate Bruti a Tribunis vsurpatas inualuisse per bella ciuilia, vt postea Tribunitium insigne fuerint. Didymum autem Tribunum fuisse honorarium, vt & Martialis Vidit me Roma Tribunum. Sed adhuc incertum fibula ea aurea in chlamyde fuerit, an lacernis, an in baltheo militari. Quidquid sit, non parum falli eos necesse est, qui tradunt Tribunos primum vetusto more aureas fibulas gestasse, deind e pueros, mox ciues, postea milites gregarios, demum ijs donatos Equites a Senatoribus claui qualitate distinctos. De Tribunis falsum, ex Plinio ostendimus. Quod pueri, & ciues, id longe a vero abit. Apuleius notat puerum ephebica chlamyda indutum sinistrum tegente humerum. Sed nulla ibi fibula. Quæ si adfuisset, vtrumque humerum chlamys operuisset. Solus Aurelianus earum vsum manipularibus indulsit. Et equestri ordini donatas, nullus quod sciâ tradidit. Na Liuius loquitur de equitibus in exercitu: quos exequestri ordine no[m] omnes fuisse nemo ignorat. Fibu-

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32 Octavius Ferrarius if he can stand by the testimony of the ancients. More sensible scholars cite Pliny, who in book XXXIII, chapter III, complains that luxury in the use of gold had grown so far, even in the army, that in those stern and rough times letters were found among the camp of M. Brutus complaining that tribunitian clasps were being worn in gold. These indeed, by contrast, attack Alexander’s opinion. For if Brutus, at the very end of the Republic, was complaining that golden clasps were being worn, then those clasps were not, after all, the badge of the Tribunate. Moreover, it is not certain from Martial that Didymus was a Tribune. Here Brodaeus thinks that the clasps were part of the trabea. But since the trabea was a kind of toga, there was no use for a clasp in a toga. Nevertheless, it would not be entirely beside the point to assign some use for a clasp in the trabea, namely for drawing it together when they were passing over on horseback. Since Dionysius recognizes a clasp in the trabeae of the Salii, book II, Τὰ ΤnErras εμπεπορπημενοι. And if we should otherwise, and not correctly, say that Dionysius gives the Salii a toga, and that the trabeae in the Gabinian mode of girding were suspended not by a clasp. It is more likely that the golden clasps used by Brutus in military extravagance became common among the Tribunes through the civil wars, so that later they became a tribunitian badge. But Didymus was a Tribune only as an honorary title, as Martial also indicates: “Didymus, Tribune, saw me at Rome.” Yet it is still uncertain whether that golden clasp was on a chlamys, or on a cloak, or on a military belt. Whatever the case, those must be reckoned to be not a little mistaken who report that Tribunes first wore golden clasps according to ancient custom; then boys, next citizens, afterward common soldiers, and finally the Equites, who were granted them and distinguished from Senators by the rank of the latus clavus. As for Tribunes, we have shown from Pliny that this is false. That it was boys and citizens is far from the truth. Apuleius notes a boy clad in an ephebic chlamys, with the left shoulder covered. But there was no clasp there. If one had been there, the chlamys would have covered both shoulders. Only Aurelian granted their use to the manipular soldiers. And no one whom I know has stated that they were given to the equestrian order. For Livy speaks of horsemen in the army: not all of whom were of the equestrian order, as no one is unaware. Fibu-

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. I. 33 Fibulæ Vestiaræ figura. Quintilianus explicatus. Pollionis locus expensus. Cap. XVII. Varias fibulę Vestiarę figuras attulit doctissimus Io. Rhodius in libro de Acia, quem operę pretium fuerit consulere. Maior earum pars adinstar arcus fuit, vt fibula oblonga fuerit & incuruua, acus recta, neruum in arcu exprimen. Quare facile fuerit intelligere cur apud Quintilianum lib. VI. cap. III. Iunius homo longus, niger, macerque & pandus appellaretur fibula ferrea. nam quod pandus esset, siue incuruus figuram fibulę, quod macer tenuitatem, quod niger ferricolorem exprimebat. In Lentulo cui Spinther cognomentu inditum est, diuersa res fuit. nam quod Spintheri histrioni simillimus esset ita appellatus est. Plinius lib. VI I. cap. XII. Eiusdem familiæ Scipioni cognomen Salutio nimus dedit, sicut Spinter secundarum, tertiarumque Pamphilus collegio Lentuli, & Metelli Consulum. Nam cum Spinteri secundarum partium in com[m]odia simillimus esset Scipio Lentulus, Spinter inde dictus est, quemadmodum Metellus, quod similis esset Pamphilo tertiarum partium, Pamphilus dictus est. In quo perquam importune subjicit Plinius fortuitum hoc quoque fuit duorum simul Consulum in scena imagines cerni. Veteres libri habent Spinter Secundanus, Retiarlusque, quæ res impulit doctissimum Barbarum, vt de gladiatoribus Plinium interpretaretur, neque animaduertit nullum fuisse in scena gladiatoribus locum. Secundarius & Tertiarius est, quod nuperi reposuerunt secundarum, & tertiarum partium histrio in com[m]odia: nec erat cur vetus lectio moueretur. Ceterum spintherem fibulam in humeris, aut armillam veteres Grammatici in Plauti Menæchmis interpretantur. Festus: Armillæ genus, quod mulieres gestare solebant in brachio sinistro. Quod autem ex armillæ annulis iungerentur inde Tiberianos spinthrias infando opere tres inuicem colligatos Iosephus Scaliger dictos recte putauit. E Quod Pars II.

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book I. 33 The shape of the vestiarian fibula. Quintilian explained. Pollio’s passage examined. Chapter XVII. The most learned Io. Rhodius, in his book De Acia, which is well worth consulting, has presented various forms of the vestiarian fibula. The greater part of them was in the shape of a bow, so that the fibula was oblong and curved, the pin straight, the string being represented in the bow. For this reason it will be easy to understand why, in Quintilian, Book VI, chapter III, “a tall, dark, thin, and bent young man” was called a “iron fibula.” For because he was bent, or curved, this expressed the shape of the fibula; because he was thin, its slenderness; because he was dark, the color of iron. In the case of Lentulus, to whom the cognomen Spinther was given, the matter was different. For he was called this because he was very like the actor Spinther. Pliny, Book VII, chapter XII. To Scipio of the same family, Salutio gave the cognomen, just as Spinther did to Lentulus among the second and third parts, and Pamphilus among the consuls Metellus. For since Scipio Lentulus was very like Spinther in the second role in a comedy, he was thence called Spinther, just as Metellus was called Pamphilus because he was like Pamphilus in the third role. In this passage Pliny very awkwardly adds that by chance the images of two consuls were also seen on the stage together. The old books have “Spinther Secundanus and Retiarius,” which led the most learned Barbarus to interpret Pliny as referring to gladiators, though he did not notice that there was no place on the stage for gladiators. “Secundarius” and “Tertius” are what recent editors have restored as “an actor of second and third parts in a comedy”; and there was no reason to disturb the old reading. Moreover, the fibula called a spinther is interpreted by the ancient grammarians in Plautus’ Menaechmi as a shoulder-brooch, or an armlet. Festus: a kind of armlet, which women used to wear on the left arm. And since the rings of the armlet were joined together, Joseph Scaliger rightly thought that the Tiberian spinthriae, three joined together in a shameful act, were so called. E Quod Part II.

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34 Octauij Ferrarij Quod autem ad vestiaras fibulas attinet in antiquis mon- umentis fere omnes orbiculari figura apparent in medio ad instar bullarum protuberantes, vt scilicet in interiori parte duobus vncinulis vtraque vestis pars necteretur. Si- ue duo semicirculi, aut virgulæ in curuæ vestimentis hinc inde aptarentur, quæ comitterentur, & iniecta acu iun- gerentur. Philostratus in Vita Apollonij lib. 1. Puellæ am- bus oculos, marito alterum effodit acubus ad id facinus vsa, qui- bus vestimentorum fibulas nectebat. Ita Oedipum sibi fibulis oculos cruentasse ex Tragicis docti adnotarunt. De fibu- la insignis est Trebellii Pollionis locus in Zenobia. Ad con- ciones galeata processit cum limbo purpureo gemmis dependenti- bus per vltimam fimbriam, media cochlide veluti fibula mulie- bri adstricta, brachio sepè nudo. Vulgatæ editiones habent, media in Cyclade. Ex manu exaratis, & veteribus libris duo summiviri Cochlide reposuerunt, quod & Egnatius agno- scit. Id vt rectum sit, ita minime expeditum videtur quid sit ibi limbus. Vir doctissimus non posse pro vestis extremitate accipi obseruat, sed pro veste ipsa quæ limbum pur- pureum haberet: quam vestem non fuisse cycladem rotundam, & clausam ex eo conijsit quod indecorum videatur ad milites zenobiam cum veste muliebri processisse, cum & galeata esset. Sed hercules maior luxus, & notabilior in gemmis quam in veste militaris foeminæ, quæ sexus pro- pria, & muliebriter culta. Atqui in cyclade, quæ clausa, & rotunda nullus fibulæ locus. Quare existimat fuisse sagum vel Imperatoriam chlamydem, quæ cochlide pro fibula nexa. Porro mediam interpretatur fimbriam quæ in me- dio fibula clauderetur. Sed numquam fimbria nisi pro extre- ma vestium parte accipitur, & si sagum, vel chlamys in me- dio pectore clausa, quomodo brachium exeri potuit? Qua- re verisimile mihi videtur vestem muliebrem fuisse cycla- dem scilicet rotundam, & clausam, quæ ne longius flue- ret, ac pedes more matronali perfunderet, fibula in pecto- re constricta reuocaretur, & suspenderetur: qualis apud Poetam Penthesilea. Aurea

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34 Octauij Ferrarij But as for dress clasps, in ancient monuments they appear almost all of a round shape, swelling in the middle like little bosses, so that, in the inner part, the two sides of the garment might be fastened together with two little hooks. Or else two semicircles, or little rods, were fitted here and there to curved garments, which were joined together and united by a pin inserted through them. Philostratus in the Life of Apollonius, book 1, says: a girl, using the pins with which she fastened her garments, drove one of them into her husband’s eyes. Thus the learned among the tragedians have noted that Oedipus blinded himself with clasps. Concerning the clasp there is a notable passage in Trebellius Pollio about Zenobia. She came forth to the assemblies helmeted, with a purple border hanging with gems along the very edge, fastened in the middle by a sort of female clasp, and often with her arm bare. The common editions read, in the middle of the Cyclade. Two men, from manuscripts in the hand of the author and from old books, restored Cochlide, which Egnatius also acknowledges. If this is correct, it nevertheless seems by no means clear what is meant there by limbus. A very learned man observes that it cannot be taken for the edge of a garment, but for the garment itself, which had a purple border; and he inferred that this garment was not a round, closed cyclas, because it would seem unbecoming for Zenobia to have gone to the soldiers in female attire, since she was also helmeted. But, by Hercules, there was greater luxury, and something more conspicuous in the gems than in the garment of a military woman, who was proper to her sex and dressed in feminine fashion. Besides, in a cyclas, which is closed and round, there is no place for a clasp. Therefore he thinks it was a sagum or an imperial chlamys, fastened with a cochlea as a clasp. Moreover, he interprets media as the fringe, which was fastened in the middle by the clasp. But fringe is never taken except for the outer edge of garments; and if a sagum or chlamys were fastened in the middle of the chest, how could the arm have been exposed? Wherefore it seems to me more likely that the garment was a female cyclas, that is, round and closed, which, so that it might not flow too far and drench the feet in matronly fashion, was drawn in and suspended by a clasp fastened on the breast: such as Penthesilea in the poet. Aurea

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. I. 35 Aurea subnectens exertæ cingula mammæ. Posse autem vocem muliebri abesse crederem. nam glos- sema olet, & non extare in Regio codice Casaubonus no- tat. Sed nimis fortasse minuta ista sunt, atque anxia, qua- re alio orationem vertamus. De Fibula Theatrali. Martialis explicatus. Cap. XVIII. ET quoniam in Fibulæ mentione versamur, pauca de Fi- bula Theatrali adiecisse non omnino præter rem fue- rit. Eius vsum apud veteres fuisse, vt Cantores, & qui- cumque in Theatro voce placebant, a Venere arcerentur omnes sciunt. Sed qualis ea fuerit non ita compertum est. Communior sententia est, cui Doctissimus Rhodius adsti- pulatur, fuisse annulum æreum, vel argenteum quo trajicie- batur cuticula, eam partem operiens quam exerceri nole- bant. Non quidem, vt falso creditum est, quibusdam totum membrum vnde procreamur transigens: sed tantum cu- tem glandis velamen. Quo modo & pueros custoditos sci- mus, ne pubescens ætas in virilitatem præcipitaretur. Pli- nius lib. XXXI I I. iam vero & pædagogia ad transitum virilitatis custodiuntur argento. Quare Romanæ matronæ cantorum con- cubitus summopere appetebant, magnoque redimebant. Iuuenalis. Solutur his magno Comædi fibula, sunt quæ Chrysogonum cantare vetent. Hi namque homines, cùm maiori pretio gratificarentur matronis, quam vocem venderent, patiebantur se refibu- lari, etiamli vox deterior fieret. Martialis. Fibula. Dic mihi simpliciter Comædis & citharædis Fibula quid præstat? carius vt. . . . Quidam tamen fibulam non annulum, sed thecam & va- ginam fuisse dixerunt moti auctoritate Martialis, qui lib. XI. Ep. LXXVI. memorat Cæliam, cum promiscuè lauaretur, adduxisse nihilominus serum, qui ænea theca virorum par- E 2 tes Pars II.

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book I. 35 But I should think that the feminine voice could be omitted; for it smells of a gloss, and Casaubon notes that it does not appear in the Royal codex. But perhaps these things are too minute and too anxious, so let us turn the discourse elsewhere. On the Theatrical Fibula. Martial Explained. Chapter XVIII. And since we are occupied with the mention of the fibula, it would not be entirely beside the point to add a few words about the Theatrical Fibula. Everyone knows that among the ancients its use was that singers, and whoever pleased by their voice in the theater, might be kept from Venus. But what sort of thing it was is not so certainly known. The more common opinion, to which the most learned Rhodius subscribes, is that it was a bronze or silver ring through which the foreskin was drawn, covering that part which they did not wish to exercise. Not indeed, as has been falsely believed, passing through the whole member by which we are begotten, but only the skin covering the glans. In this way we know that boys were also protected, so that puberty might not rush on into manhood. Pliny, Book XXXIII, says that even the training of boys, and their passage to manhood, are guarded with silver. Wherefore Roman matrons greatly desired the company of singers, and paid highly for it. Juvenal. The fibula is removed from these at great cost, there are those who forbid Chrysogonus to sing. For these men, since they gave the matrons greater pleasure at greater price than they sold their voice, suffered themselves to be refastened, even if their voice became worse. Martial. Fibula. Tell me plainly, what does the fibula do for comedians and citharists? It makes them dearer to . . . Some, however, have said that the fibula was not a ring, but a case and sheath, moved by the authority of Martial, who in Book XI, Epigram LXXVI, mentions Cælia, who, though bathing promiscuously, nevertheless had brought with her a servant who, with a bronze case, the parts of men ... Part II.

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36 Octauij Ferrarij tes tegebat, quam infra appellat fibulam? Ergo ne videaris inuidere Seruo Cælia fibulam remitte. Salse hoc idem in alia matrona perstringit lib. VI I. Ep. XXXIV. cui ait quoties calidis aquis foueretur præsto fuisse seruum succinctum inguina nigra aluta: subjicit. Sed meus, vt de me taceam Lecania, serius Iudæum nulla sub cute pondus habet. Cur seruus tuus fibulam habet, cum nec ego, nec seruus meus, nec quicunque in balneo est eam habeat? quam Iudæum pondus appellat, quod circumcisi ad velandam gentis infamiam membrum tegerent, quod præcidebant. Præterea Epig. LXXXI. eiusdem libri. Menophili penem tam grandis fibula vestit, Vt sit Comædis omnibus vna satis. Hunc ego credideram, nam sæpe lauamur in vno, Sollicitum voci parcere Flacce suæ. Dum ludit media populo spectante palæstra, Delapsa est misero fibula: Verpus erat. Quo loco notant Interpretes duo fibularum genera fuisse: Indumentum quo comprimebantur simul, & tegebantur verenda, tum filum æneum, argenteumque præputio traiectum. Vtrumque falsum. Nam neque filum fuisse Celsus indicat, qui a filo fibulam distinguit, & filo exempto fibulam inditam docet: neque vestimentum fuit, quomodo enim eo comprimi, & coerceri pudenda potuere? Annulus ergo fuit promiscuus ex ære, in pædagogiis ad luxum argenteus: isque ne facile solui posset a fabro igne glutinabatur, & ab eodem cum opus esset resibulabatur, siue soluebatur. Quid ergo theca illa & aluta, fibulaque penem vestiens apud Martialem fuit? Nempe subligaculum, & vagina quædam, cuius vsus non ad custodiendam vocem. qui enim fieri poterat, si tam facile remouebatur, & sponte cadebat? sed honestatis causa adhibebatur, præcipue a Iudæis, ad celandam præcisionem qui tamen non infibulati, nec enim poterant, cum pellicula carerent, quæ

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36 Octauii Ferrarii did it cover, which he calls below a fibula? Therefore, lest you seem to envy your slave, Caelia, give back the fibula. He pokes fun at the same thing in another matron, lib. VI. I. Ep. XXXIV, where he says that whenever she was warmed by hot waters there was at hand a slave girt up, with black leather over the groin; he adds: But mine, that I may say nothing of myself, Lecania, is later still: the Jew has a weight under no skin. Why does your slave have a fibula, when neither I, nor my slave, nor anyone who is in the bath has one? what he calls a Jewish weight, because the circumcised, to conceal the shame of the race, covered the member which they had cut off. Moreover, Epig. LXXXI of the same book: A fibula so large clothes Menophilus’ penis, that it is enough for all the catamites together. I had believed this man, for we often bathe together, Flaccus, anxious to spare his own voice. While he plays in the middle of the palaestra, with the people watching, the poor man’s fibula slipped off: he was a verpus. At this point the Interpreters note that there were two kinds of fibula: a garment by which the genitals were at once compressed and covered, and then a bronze or silver wire passed through the prepuce. Both are false. For neither was it a wire, as Celsus indicates, who distinguishes the fibula from the wire, and teaches that when the wire is removed the fibula is put on; nor was it a garment, for how could the pudenda be compressed and restrained by it? Rather it was a common ring, made of bronze, and in the case of boys’ slaves of silver for luxury: and so that it might not easily be undone, it was welded by the smith with fire, and when needed was by the same man re-fastened, or rather loosened. What then was that case and leather covering, and the fibula clothing the penis in Martial? Certainly a loincloth, and some sort of sheath, whose use was not for preserving the voice; for how could that happen, if it was so easily removed, and fell off of itself? But it was employed for decency’s sake, especially by Jews, to conceal the circumcision, who nevertheless were not infibulated, nor indeed could they be, since they lacked the skin, which

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. I. 37 quæ trajiciebatur, quod Iosepho Scaligero negotium faces- sebat: sed quia fermè, qui insibulati erant, etiam thecam huiusmodi, & alutam gestabant, siue vt laterent, siue ne nimio motu, atque incussu annulus cutem læderet, siue aliam ob causam, propterea improprie eam Martialis fi- bulam appellauit, quæ fibula non erat, sed potius fibulę ipsius tutamen, certe nullus in ea fibulę vsus, qui erat Ve- nerem arcere: atqui huiusmodi theca, siue vagina exaluta, & remouerifacile poterat, & sponte labebatur. Cum prę- terea Celsus fibulam meliorem dixerit quo leuior: at hæc quæ ad celandum inuenta adeo grauis, vt Iudæum pondus Martialis appellauerit, quo recutitorum inguina traheban- tur. Hæc igitur vel subligaculum fuit, vel non multum sub- ligaculo dissimilis, aut campestri. Sed in viam redeamus. De Fimbruÿs. Cap. XIX. G Rammatici veteres Lacernam pallium fimbriatum esse dixerunt; Penulam autem pallium cum fimbrijs longis. Sed vereor ne id suo Marte commenti sint, cum in antiquis monumentis quæ lacernas, ac penulas præferunt nulquam huiusmodi fimbriæ breues aut longæ appareant. Et tamen Isidorus ideo lacernas dictas putat, quasi amputa- tis capitibus fimbriarum, neque ita laxis vt sunt penula- rum, vt lacernę quasi laceræ dictæ sint. Somnia. Nam quæ sunt ista fimbriarum capita? Et quomodo minus laxa quàm in penulis? Vtut sit, veteres teste Varrone Fibrum dicebant extremum, vnde fibræ ieoris, & viscerum extremita- tes: ita a fibro fimbrias in sagis extremitates esse dictas subjicit. Nonius etiam fimbriam extremitatem vestium explicat. Fimbria sunt omnis extremitas. Næuius Lycurgo. Vt videam Vulcani opera hæc flammis fieri flora. Gotofredus: Fim- bruÿs fieri florida. Sed lacunam doctissimus Mercerus depre- hendit, & defectum, quod Næuij locus ad aliam notam per- tinet, nempe Flora. cuius exemplum e Neuii Lycurgo pe- rit, exemplum fimbriarum librarij incuria omissum sit. Iudo- rus:

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book I. 37 which was being discussed caused trouble for Joseph Scaliger: but because those who were fastened by the fibula commonly also wore a case of this kind and a leather covering, either so that they might be concealed, or lest by excessive movement and jolting the ring should injure the skin, or for some other reason, therefore Martial improperly called it a fibula, when it was not a fibula, but rather the protection of the fibula itself; certainly there was in it no use of a fibula, which was to ward off Venus. Yet a case of this kind, or a leather sheath, could easily be removed, and slipped off of itself. Moreover, since Celsus said that the better fibula is the lighter one, whereas this thing, invented for concealment, was so heavy that Martial called it a Jewish weight, by which the groins of the circumcised were dragged down. This, therefore, was either a subligaculum, or not much different from a subligaculum, or from a campestris. But let us return to our subject. On Fringes. Chapter XIX. The ancient grammarians said that a lacerna was a fringed cloak; a paenula, however, a cloak with long fringes. But I fear they invented this on their own, since in the ancient monuments which display lacernae and paenulae, no such short or long fringes ever appear. And yet Isidore thinks they were called lacernae because the heads of the fringes had, as it were, been cut off, and because they were not as loose as those of paenulae, so that lacernae were said to be as it were lacerated. Nonsense. For what are these heads of the fringes? And how are they less loose than in paenulae? However it may be, the ancients, according to Varro, used fibra for the extremity, whence the ends of the liver and viscera are called fibrae: thus he adds that from fibra the fringes in cloaks were so called, as being the ends. Nonius likewise explains fimbria as the extremity of garments. Fimbria is every extremity. Naevius in Lycurgus: As I see the works of Vulcan made by these flames, Flora. Gothofred: Fimbriis fieri florida. But the most learned Mercerus detects a lacuna and a defect, because Naevius’ passage belongs to another note, namely Flora; and its example has perished from Naevius’ Lycurgus, while the example of fringes has been omitted through the carelessness of the copyists. Iudorus:

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38 Octauij Ferrarij rus: Fimbriæ vocatæ ora vestimentorum, hoc est fines, ex Græco vocabulum trahentes. Græci enim terminum [n]o[n] p[ro]ov vocant. Vbi non vnde fimbriæ, sed oræ vestimentorum dictæ sint indicatur. Quod si fimbriæ non aliud quam vestium extremitates fuere, ineptum esset aliquod vestimentum fimbriatum appellare, cum omnia extremitates habeant. Sed fimbriarum tanquam ornamentorum scriptores meminerunt. Marcellinus lib. xiv. Vt longiores fimbriæ tunicæ perspicua luceant varietate liciorum effigiatæ in species animalium multiformes. Sueconius in Cæsare: Et cultu notabilem ferunt. Vsum enim lato clauo ad manus fimbriato. Ad quem locum Beroaldus & Sabellicus virætatis suæ doctissimi quid essent fimbriæ ex Plinio docuerunt, qui fimbriata vrticæ folia esse tradit, & alibi fimbriatam auellane nucis barbam, multifariam scilicet in ora recisam. Fimbriæ ergo in extrema vestimentorum parte fila fuerunt, flocciq[ue] dependentes quas nos Frangias appellamus; item ipsa vestium extremitas, minutim concisa capitibus in acutum desinentibus adinstar pinnarum, quos ideo merlos dicimus. Cicero in Pisonem. Madentes cincinnorum fimbriæ. Capilli enim ferro vibrati & in cincinos torti in extremitate cùm soluuntur fimbrias referunt. Porro Cæsaris Dictatoris latum clauum ad manus fimbriatum dupliciter Casaubonus interpretatur. Tunicam laticlauiam manicas ad manus vsque habentem, easque fimbriatas; vel tunicam simpliciter [n]o[n]tulor, id est ea longitudine, vt brachia tegeret. Quod quomodo fieri potuerit, non satis scio. Tunica enim [ n]o[n]tulor Plutarcho dicitur breuissima tunica. cumque communes tunicæ brachia ad manus vsque non tegerent, multo minus breuiores & angustæ. Duplex igitur Cæsaris luxus notatur, quod manuleatam & chiridotam tunicam laticlauiam gestaret, quodque eæ manicæ fimbriatæ essent: quale ornamentum minime viros deceret. Nec vestibus modo, sed & stragulis mappisque fimbriæ addebantur. Plinius inter signa letalia recenset fimbriarum curam

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38 Octauij Ferrarij rus: Fimbriæ are the edges of garments, that is, the borders, taking the word from Greek. For the Greeks indeed call a boundary [n]o[n] p[ro]ov. Here it is shown not from whence fimbriæ, but from what the edges of garments were so called. But if fimbriæ were nothing other than the extremities of clothing, it would be foolish to call any garment fringed, since all garments have extremities. Yet writers have mentioned fringes as ornaments. Marcellinus, book xiv: So that the longer fringes of the tunic, shining brightly with a variety of threads, are fashioned into the shapes of many kinds of animals. Suetonius in Caesar: And they say he was notable for his dress. For he used a broad stripe, fringed at the sleeves. On this passage Beroaldus and Sabellicus, most learned men of their time, explained from Pliny what fringes were, when he states that the leaves of nettles are fimbriata, and elsewhere the beard of a hazelnut, cut in many places along the edge. Therefore fringes on the outer part of garments were threads and tufts hanging down, which we call Frangias; likewise the very edge of garments, cut into small points ending sharp like feathers, which for that reason we call merlos. Cicero, In Pisonem: The fringes of dripping curls. For hair, when worked with iron and twisted into curls, when loosened at the extremity, resembles fringes. Moreover, Casaubon interprets Caesar the Dictator's broad stripe fringed at the sleeves in two ways: either a tunic with the broad stripe having sleeves down to the hands, and those sleeves fringed; or simply a tunic [n]o[n]tulor, that is, of such length that it covered the arms. How this could have been done, I do not know well enough. For a tunic [n]o[n]tulor is called by Plutarch a very short tunic. And since ordinary tunics did not cover the arms down to the hands, much less shorter and narrower ones. Thus Caesar's double extravagance is noted, that he wore a tunic with sleeves and a broad purple stripe, and that those sleeves were fringed: a kind of ornament that least of all became men. Nor were fringes added only to garments, but also to coverlets and cloths. Pliny among the signs of death reckons concern for fringes

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. I. 41 Idem Ep. cxxix. Cuculli Liburnici. Iungere nescisti nobis, o stulte, lacernas: Indueras albas, exue callaicas. Mirum est nullum Interpretum veram sententiam assecutum esse. Alij enim togas tinctas rufo colore, cum parum eum retinerent, superindutas lacernas infecisse: quasi togæ communes alio colore, quam albo essent, aut cucullum haberent. Alij pallia cucullata dixerunt, quasi lacernis pallia imponerentur: Alij demum contrario sensu albas lacernas cucullis Liburnicis superindutas, cum cuculli lacernis ipsis injicerentur. Sed cucullus capitis tegmen fuit, vt & partem humerorum velaret, quales a sacris hominibus hodie gestari videmus. Ii cum lacernis sumebantur, vel pluuiæ arcendæ, cum nondum penulæ in vsu intra vrbem essent, vel latendi causa, ita tamen vt separari a lacernis possent, atque amoueri. Vnde ait Martialis Si possem, totas cuperem misisse lacernas, Nunc tantum capiti munera mitto tuo. Porro cuculli Liburnici dicti sunt, quod Liburnica lana co[n]ficerentur: de qua Plinius lib. vii. Illos igitur non bene cum lacernis albis iunctos tradit Martialis, quod colorem male retinentes eundem lacernis affricarent, vt pro albis callaicæ exuerentur. Callaicas autem ab auri colore rutilas dici quidam existimant, alii callainas, id est cæruleas a gemmæ colore instar sapphiri. Cucullus igitur capitis, atque humerorum tegmen densum, ac villosum ad frigus atque imbrem arcendum sumebatur, & ipsi lacernæ, cum opus esset, injiciebatur. Iuuenalis Sat. III. de Curio Dentato. Fictilibus cænare pudet, quod turpe negabit Translatus subito ad Marsos mensamque Sabellam Contentus illic Veneto duroque cucullo. Vet. Int. duroque aut crassobabitu, aut quales cucullos habent Perusini. Veneto a colore, aut a provincia. Quod autem vi- let tegumen esset, & precipue ad latendum, propterea noctu fume- F Pars II.

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On Dress, Part II. Book I. 41 The same, Ep. cxxix. Liburnian hooded cloaks. You knew not how to join cloaks for us, fool: You had put on white ones; take off the Callaic ones. It is surprising that none of the interpreters has attained the true sense. For some say that the white cloaks, being dyed with a red color, and retaining it only poorly, stained the cloaks worn over them; as though ordinary togas, if they were of any color other than white, or had a hood, were in question. Others have said that hooded mantles were meant, as though cloaks were placed over mantles. Others, at last, in the opposite sense, white cloaks were said to have been put on over Liburnian hoods, when the hoods themselves were thrown over the cloaks. But the cucullus was a covering for the head, so as also to cover part of the shoulders, such as we see worn today by religious men. These were used with cloaks, either to ward off rain, since cloaks had not yet been brought into use within the city, or for hiding, yet in such a way that they could be separated from the cloaks and removed. Hence Martial says: If I could, I would wish to have sent you whole cloaks; now I send only gifts for your head. Moreover, the Liburnian hoods were so called because they were made from Liburnian wool; concerning which Pliny, book vii. Martial therefore does not report well that they were joined with white cloaks, because, not retaining their color properly, they rubbed the same onto the cloaks, so that the white ones were to be taken off and replaced by Callaic ones. Some think that the Callaicae are so called from the color of gold, reddish; others, callainae, that is, bluish, from the color of the gem like sapphire. The cucullus, then, a thick and shaggy covering for the head and shoulders, was used to ward off cold and rain, and was also thrown over the cloak itself when necessary. Juvenal Sat. III. on Curio Dentatus. It is shameful to dine from earthenware, which, when suddenly transferred to the Marsi and to a Sabellian table, he would not deny to be sordid, content there with a Venetian and coarse hood. The old interpreter: or in a rough garment, or such hoods as those the people of Perusia have. Venetian, from the color, or from the province. But since it was a vile covering, and especially for hiding, therefore at night smoke- F Part II.

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42 Octauij Ferrarij sumebatur in discursationibus, & ad dissimulandam personam. Idem poeta de Messalina petente lupanar. Sumere nocturnos meretrix Augusta cucullos, Sed nigrum flauo crinem abscondente galero. Vbi aliares fuit cucullus, alia galerus, quamuis vtrumque capitis tegmen. Nam galerus est capillamentum adscititium, quod & galericulum. Rotundum muliebre capitis tegumentum in modum galeæ factum Vetus Scholastes interpretatur, quo vtebantur meretrices. Quod vero adjicit, ideo flauum sumptum, quia nigro crine matronæ vtebantur, Grammatici deliramentu est. Quis enim credat matronas omnes nigro, meretrices flauo crine fuisse? & tamen huc Seruius tantus vir misere impegit. Nam ad illud Nondum illi flauum Proserpina vertice crinem Abstulerat. Numquam matronis ait flaua coma dabatur, sed nigra, mox Iuuenalis versum adducit. Quasi Elise, quod futura impudica esset, flaui crines initio prouenissent. Tam in contrariam labitur sententiam. Aut Flauum inquit quia in Cato ne legitur de matronarum crinibus: Flauo cinere vnectitabant vt rutilæ essent. Sed credibile est flauum crinem a poeta Elise datum ad augendam eius pulchritudinem, & Messalinam, cum nigris capillis esset, flauum galerum sumpsisse, siue ne dignosceretur, siue vt formosior amantibus videretur. Lacerna pro Cucullo. Item birrbus pro eodem. Bardocucullus. Iuuenalis explicatus. Cap. XXI. Vcullum ferme latendi causa sumptum diximus. Capitolinus in Vero. Vagabatur nocte per tabernas, & lupanaria obtecto capite cucullione vulgari viatorio. Iuuenal. Sat. VI. Illa iubet iuuenem sumpto properare cucullo. Ne scilicet dignosceretur in itinere, cum matronæ fucum factum properaret. Quia autem, vt diximus, simul cum lacerna

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42 Octavii Ferrarii was used in conversations, and to disguise one’s identity. The same poet, on Messalina seeking a brothel: The Augusta prostitute takes up nocturnal hoods, But with a black hood hiding her blond hair. Where the one is a cucullus, the other a galerus, though both are head-coverings. For the galerus is an artificial headpiece, also called a galericulum. The old scholast author interprets it as a round woman’s head covering made in the shape of a helmet, which prostitutes used to wear. But what he adds, namely that it was taken as blond because matrons wore black hair, is nonsense from the grammarians. For who would believe that all matrons had black hair and prostitutes blond? And yet Servius, a man of such great reputation, miserably stumbled here. For on that line: Not yet had Proserpina taken from her brow Her blond hair. He says that blond hair was never given to matrons, but black; then he brings in a verse of Juvenal, as if for Elissa, because she was to become shameless, blond locks had originally been bestowed. So he slips into the opposite opinion. Or, he says “blond” because in Cato there is no mention of matrons’ hair: they used to color it with blond ash so that they might be reddish. But it is credible that the blond hair was given by the poet to Elissa to increase her beauty, and that Messalina, when she had black hair, took a blond galerus, either so that she might not be recognized, or so that she might appear more attractive to her lovers. Lacerna in place of cucullus. Likewise birrus for the same. Bardocucullus. Juvenal explained. Ch. XXI. We said that the cucullus was generally taken for the purpose of concealment. Capitolinus, in the life of Verus: He wandered at night through taverns and brothels, his head covered with a common travel cucullion. Juvenal, Sat. VI: She orders the youth to hurry, taking up his cucullus. So that he would not be recognized on the journey, while hurrying in the disguise of matrons. And because, as we said, together with the lacerna

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. I. 43 cerna sumebatur, ideo lacerna pro cucullo, & capitis tegumento sumitur apud Horatium Turpis odoratum caput obscurante lacerna. Et quia lacerna, & birrhus, vt dicemus, eadem res fuit, inde birrhus pro pileo, fiue cucullo. Iuuenalis Sat. VI I. quo te nocturnus adulter Tempora Santonico velas adoperta cucullo? Vet. Interpres Birrum Gallicum explicat. nam apud San- tonas Galliæ oppidum conficiebantur. Fulgentius lib. III. aduersus Monimum. Itaque cum Arrianus quidam ali- quando in Africa cum Catholico de his verbis Ioannis disputaret accepto de capite Catholici pileo, & manu tenens interrogabat. Hic Byrrhus, sic enim appellabat, est ne in me, an apud te? Inde birretum profluxit. Porro idem vetus Iuuenalis Scholia- stes Santonicum cucullum explicat galerum fuscum & horri- dum Ardeliunculum, quales sunt latrunculatorum, aut ex lu- cerna turpi intinctum. Quodquid sit, diuinare non possum, nec Rutgersio assentiri, qui Albelionem legit. Illud certum est bardo cucullum hic a Iuuenale notari. Martialis. Gallia Santonico vestit te bardocucullo Cercopithecorum penula nuper erat. Quo vilissimum tegumenti genus fuisse apparet, vt per ludibrium eam simiorum penulam fuisse dicat. Quod lib. I. Ep. IV. confirmat: Sic interpositus vitio contaminat vnceto Vrbica Lingonicus Tyrianthina bardocucullus. Vbi placet quod docti reposuerunt, villo contaminat vnceto. Nam lacernis vrbanis purpureis Gallicum cucullum vil- losum, & vncetum opponit. Sed incerta nominis notatio. Turnebus, & alij a Bardeis Illyrii populis deducunt ex Vetere Glossario. Quod si pla- cet, dicendum est, vestem in Illyrico inuentam post apud Gallos texi, atque in vsu haberi coeptam. Nam qui a Bar- dis Gallorum vatibus, aut a bardis fatuis & stolidis origi- nem trahunt, nae illi parum a bardis absunt. Huc quidam trahunt illud Martialis: Pars II. F 2 Lassi

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On Dress, Part II. Book I. 43 the cerna was used; therefore the lacerna is taken for a hood, and a covering for the head in Horace: “An ugly cloak darkening the fragrant head.” And because the lacerna and the birrhus , as we shall say, were the same thing, hence birrhus is used for a cap, or hood. Juvenal, Sat. VI. VII.: “Where do you cover your temples with a Santonic hood, you nocturnal adulterer?” The old interpreter explains birrum as a Gallic garment; for they were made at Santones, a town of Gaul. Fulgentius, book III, against Monimus. Accordingly, when a certain Arrianus once in Africa disputed with a Catholic about these words of John, having taken the Catholic’s cap from his head, and holding it in his hand, he asked: “This Byrrhus , as he called it, is it on me or on you?” Hence birretum has come down. Moreover the same old scholiast on Juvenal explains the Santonic hood as a dark and shaggy galerum , an ardeliunculum , such as those of thieves, or stained from an unseemly lamp. Whatever the case, I cannot guess, nor agree with Rutgersius, who reads Albelionem . It is certain that here by Juvenal the bard’s hood is meant. Martial: “Gaul clothes you in the Santonic bard’s hood; it was lately a cloak of monkeys.” From which it appears that it was a very cheap kind of covering, so that he says by way of mockery that it was a cloak of monkeys. Which book I, Ep. IV, confirms: “Thus placed in between, the urban Lingonic bard’s hood, sullied with grease, with Tyrian dye, contaminates the fault.” Where I approve what the learned have restored, “sullied with grease and wool.” For he contrasts the Gallic hood, shaggy and greasy, with urban purple cloaks. But the derivation of the name is uncertain. Turnebus and others derive it from the Bardei, an Illyrian people, from the Old Glossary. If this is accepted, it must be said that a garment invented in Illyria was afterwards woven among the Gauls, and began to be in use. For those who derive it from the Bards, the poets of the Gauls, or from bardi , meaning fools and simpletons, are themselves not far from bardi . Some refer here that passage of Martial: Part II. F 2 Lassi

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44 Octauij Ferrarij Lassi Bardiacus quod euocati. Vt sit bardiacus, siue vt alij habet Bardaicus cucullus, siue sagum militare ex piliscaprarum, quo milites in castris vtebantur, quod sentit Domitius. Non tamen grauem bardiaci odorem, quod pili hircini male oleant, sed ex sudore, & sordibus manipularis defatigati. Eadem vox apud Iuuenalem extat Sat. xvi. Bardaicus Index datur hæc punire volenti, Calceus, & grandes magna ad subsellia suræ. Veteres interpretes, quos sequitur Vir Doctissimus ad Historiam Augustam, calceum bardaicum intelligunt Sed verior Britanici interpretatio de sago, siue cucullo bardaico, idq; ex sententia poetę. Datur Iudex Bardaicus grandisq; calceus, id est caliga, vel cápagus, & grandes surę, per quæ omnia describitur Tribunus, vel Centurio. Vet. Interpres. Bardaicus Index Centurio, qui quasi apud illos militauit habentibus stationem apud Bardos. est autem gens Galliæ, vel qualis fuit Bardus. Corruptè. Rutgersius legit qui Oasis inter illos militauit, sed reliqua repugnant: nam Oasis in Aegypto. Turnebus militarem Gallicum interpretatur; siue a Bardis Galliæ, siue a Bardis Illyrii. Simplicior sententia est Bardaicus Index, id est bardo cucullo vestitus, siue ille ex crassiore lana, siue ex caprarum pilis, & cilicio confectus. Qualem propterea Centurionem fortasse hirsutum capellam audacter appellat idem poeta alibi, non tam quod capillis, ac barba promissa, sed quod sago hirsuto atque villoso indueretur. Gemina Claudiani; sententia Lib. 1. in Rusinum Mærent captiue pellito Iudice leges. Bardaici cuculli meminit & Capitolinus in Pertinace. Auctio rerum Commodi in his insignior fuit. Vestis subtegmine serico aureis filis insignior per tunicas, penulasque, lacernas, & chiridotas Dalmatarum, & cirratas militares, purpureasque chlamydes Græcanicas, atque castrenses: & cuculli Bardaici, & toga, armaque gladiatoria gemmis auroque composita. Celaubonus corrigit Vestes s. s. a. f. insigni opere tunicas &c. quo loco

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44 Octauij Ferrarii Lassi Bardiacus quod euocati. Whether it is bardiacus, or, as others have it, bardaicus: a hood, or military sagum, made of goat hair, which soldiers used in camp, as Domitius thinks. Yet not the foul smell of the bardiacus, because goat hair smells badly, but from the sweat and dirt of the exhausted rank-and-file. The same word occurs in Juvenal, Sat. xvi. Bardaicus Index datur hæc punire volenti, Calceus, & grandes magna ad subsellia suræ. The ancient interpreters, whom the very learned writer on the Historia Augusta follows, understand bardaicus as a shoe. But the truer British interpretation is of a bardaicus cloak, or hood, and this according to the poet’s opinion. “A Bardaicus judge is given, and a big shoe,” that is, a caliga or cápagus, “and large calves,” by all of which a tribune or centurion is described. Vet. Interpres. Bardaicus Index: a centurion, who, as it were, served among those having their station among the Bardi; and this is a people of Gaul, or such as Bardus was. Corruptly. Rutgersius reads, “who served among them in Oasis,” but the rest is inconsistent: for Oasis is in Egypt. Turnebus interprets it as a military Gallic garment; either from the Bardi of Gaul, or the Bardi of Illyria. The simpler view is Bardaicus Index, that is, one clothed with a bardic hood, whether that made of coarser wool, or composed of goat hair and haircloth. For that reason the same poet elsewhere perhaps boldly calls a centurion a “hairy little goat,” not so much because of long hair and beard, but because he was clothed in a shaggy and hairy sagum. A similar passage in Claudian, book 1, against Rufinus: Mærent captiue pellito Iudice leges. Capitolinus also mentions the bardaicus hood in Pertinax. The auction of Commodus’ property was especially distinguished among these things. Clothing more remarkable for its silk lining and golden threads: tunics, penulae, lacernae, and chiridotae of the Dalmatae, and military cirrated garments, and purple Grecian and camp cloaks; and Bardaicus hoods, and gladiatorial arms and weapons set with gems and gold. Celaubonus corrects “Vestes s. s. a. f. insigni opere tunicas &c.” where

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. I. 45 loco intelligendum putat Salmasius vendidit. Sed cuculli Bardaici & toga armaque in recto casu sunt, nec ad vendidit referri possunt. Ego nihil mutandum censerem. Vestis insignior fuit subtegmine serico aureis filis per tunicas penulasque &c. quod omnes h[uius] vestes recensitæ aurea trama & serico stamine (hoc enim subtegmen hic significare Salmasio assentior) contextæ essent. Tum sic interpunge. Chlamydes Græcanicas, atque Castrenses. Cuculli Bardaici. & reliqua. Quid enim insigne in his vestibus fuisset, nisi quod contra morem Romanum auro, & serico confectæ erant? Ita Caligulam tradit Tranquillus solitum pictas gemmatasque penulas gestare. Quod autem hæ vestes partim in quarto casu legantur, partim in recto non aliam causam afferre scio, quâ culpam eius, qui incuriose has vitas confarcinauit. Non recte autem idem Causabonus in sententiam Fabri concedit existimantis mendum esse in voce toga, & reponentis sagum, quod nullus in gladiatorio vestitu togæ locus. Falso. Nam gladiatores togati per pompam incedebant, cum in arenam inducebantur. Cucullus Monachorum. Eius figura. Cadurcum. Luuenalis explicatus. Cap. XXII. N On bardocucullus modo, sed quicunque cucullus vilissimum tegmen fuit. Martialis: Pullo Mæuius alget in cucullo: Cocco mulio fulget Incitatus. Quam causam fuisse puto, vt Faber seruilem vestem crediderit, quem satis antea refutauimus. Vere etiam serui cucullati. Sed & liberi, vt ex allatis poetarum locis & alijs pluribus liquet. Martialis de Manncio, qui non modo ingenuus, sed etiam pro equite se venditabat. lib. v. Ep. XIV. Illic cucullo prospicit caput tectus, Oculoque ludos spectat indecens vno. De seruis Columella lib. I. cap. VIII. Cultam vestitamque familiam magis vtiliter, quam delicate habeat, munitam diligen-

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On De Re Vestiaria Part II, Book I, 45 Salmasius thinks that vendidit should be understood in that place. But bardaici cuculli and toga and armaque are in the nominative case, and cannot be referred to vendidit . I should think that nothing ought to be changed. The garment was more distinguished, because it was woven with a silk lining, with golden threads through tunics and penulae, etc.; that is, because all the garments mentioned were made of gold weave and silken warp (for I agree with Salmasius that subtegmen here means that). Then punctuate thus: Chlamydes Græcanicas, atque Castrenses. Cuculli Bardaici. and the rest. For what would have been distinguished in these garments, unless the fact that, contrary to Roman custom, they were made with gold and silk? Thus Suetonius says that Caligula used to wear embroidered, jewel-studded penulae. But as for the fact that these garments are read partly in the accusative case, partly in the nominative, I know of no other cause than the fault of the man who carelessly pieced together these lives. Nor is Casaubon right in agreeing with Faber’s opinion, who thinks there is a corruption in the word toga , and restores sagum , because there is no place for a toga in gladiatorial dress. Wrong. For gladiators, when led into the arena, used to go in procession dressed in togas. The Monks’ Cowl. Its form. Cadurcum. Juvenal Explained. Chapter XXII. N Not only the bardocucullus, but any cowl at all was a very cheap covering. Martial: Mevius shivers in a dark cowl; the groom Incitatus shines in scarlet. I think this was the reason why Faber believed it to be a servant’s garment, a view we have already sufficiently refuted. Truly, too, servants wore cowls. But free men also, as is clear from the quoted passages of the poets and many others. Martial, of Mannicius, who was not only freeborn, but even passed himself off as a knight. Book V, Epigram XIV. There, his head covered by a cowl, he looks on and watches the games with one eye in an unseemly way. On slaves, Columella, Book I, chapter VIII: “Let him keep his household, both well-clothed and well-attired, more usefully than delicately, fortified with dili-”

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46 Octauij Ferrarij ligenter a vento, frigore, pluuiaque, quæ cuncta prohibentur pellibus manicatis (id est tunicis scorteis manuleatis) centonibus confectis, vel sagis cucullis, vbi malim cucullatis. Propter eandem causam antiquis Ascetis, ac Monachis cucullus adhibitus arcendo scilicet frigori, coelique iniurijs. Aliam affert D Hieronymus. Sedentes autem cucullis capita sua velent, ne alter alterum aspiciat manducantem. Nunc Monachi Capitium a tegendo capite vocant: sed Capitium, teste Varrone, alia res veteribus fuit. Scotorum doctissimus non illepide in genus quoddam hominu[m] ludit, quod sexus ignoratione barbaræ, ac præposterè cucullam appellent, & sic veluti naturam inuertant. Sed vt arbitror istis latinitatis osoribus cuculla est contracte vestis cucullata, siue habens cucullum, qualis Benedictinorum. Nec eadem apud omnes nunc cuculli forma, alijs acuminata, alijs rotunda. Mirorque tantum otij viris graubus, & vanitatis contemptum professis superasse, vt longis, atque aculeatis commentationibus disputauerint Diui Franciscicucullus acuminatusne fuerit, an rotundus: quasi in hoc Christianæ Reip. salus niteretur. Sanè veterum cuculli oblongi, & in acumen desinentes. Nam per similitudinem cucullos appellauerunt chartæ inuolucra, quibus thus, piper, & alia odoramenta tegebantur Martial. lib. III. Ep. II. Cuius vis fieri, libelle, munus? Festina tibi vindicem parare. Ne nigram cito raptus in culinam Cordyllas madida tegas papyro: Vel thuris, piperisque sis cucullus. Eorum autem forma etiam hodie oblonga, & in acutum inuoluta. Porro cucullum Græcæ notationis esse facile Doctissimo Salmasio assentior. Nam Kónnos est Galea, vel Galerus. Hesychius. Kónnos περιμεφαλαία λέφος. Vnde Cucus, & per diminutionem cucullus, vnde & cucullio, cuius mentio apud Capitolium in Vero. Figuram cuculli infra, cum de- pænu-

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46 Octauius Ferrarii easily protected from wind, cold, and rain, all of which are warded off by sleeves made of skins (that is, leather tunics with sleeves), blankets made of patchwork, or hoods, or, as I would prefer, hooded garments. For the same reason hoods were used by the ancient Ascetics and Monks, namely to ward off cold and the injuries of the sky. D. Jerome gives another reason. But those seated with their hoods cover their heads, lest one see the other while eating. Now the Monks call a Capitium a covering for the head: but Capitium , according to Varro, was something else among the ancients. The most learned Scotus rather wittily jokes about a certain kind of men, who, through barbarous ignorance of gender, and quite perversely, call it cuculla , and thus as it were reverse nature. But, as I judge, for those haters of Latin, cuculla is a contracted form meaning a hooded garment, or one having a hood, such as that of the Benedictines. Nor is the shape of the hood now the same among all; with some it is pointed, with others round. And I marvel that men of such great leisure, and professing contempt for vanity, have gone so far as to debate in long and sharp-witted commentaries whether the hood of St. Francis was pointed or round: as though the safety of the Christian commonwealth depended on this. Indeed, the hoods of the ancients were oblong and ended in a point. For by analogy they also called the wrappers of papers, with which frankincense, pepper, and other aromatics were covered, cuculli . Martial, Book III, Epigram II. What gift would you like, little book? Hasten to prepare a patron for yourself. So that you may not, snatched away too soon, cover the black cordylas in damp papyrus for the kitchen: Or be a hood for frankincense and pepper. But even today their form is oblong and rolled to a point. Moreover, I readily agree with the most learned Salmasius that cucullum is of Greek derivation. For kónnos is a helmet, or galero. Hesychius: kónnos περιμεφαλαία λέφος. Hence Cucus , and by diminutive cucullus , and hence also cucullio , mention of which occurs in the Vero in the Capitol. The figure of the hood below, with the- pænu-

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48 Octavii Ferrarii per nouem dies foeminæ secubarent, si per eos dies martimatrimonij ius vsurparent a sacerdotibus petenda erat concubitus venia, magnaq[ue] poena debebatur violato lecto, siue cadurco. Miror autem viros doctos prodidisse horum carminum sententiam a nemine rectè explicatam. Nam Britanicus Interpretum Iuuenalis doctissimus ante multos annos violatum cadurcum, non seruatam castitatem interpretatus est lecticoniugalis, per nouem dies, quibus sacra Isidis peragebantur. Idque ex Propertio: Tristia iam redeunt iterum solemnia nobis Cinthia iam noctes est operata decem. Cadurcum autem lectum ex lino Cadurcensi. Plinius enim lib. xx. Nullum est candidius linum, lanæue similius: sic culcitis præcipuam gloriam Cadurci obtinent Galliarum. De Colore Lacernarum. Martialis non vno in loco explicatus. Cap. XXIII. Lacernas pulli coloris fuisse credit Manutius in Quæsitis. Nam Suetonius tradit Augustum visa pro concione pullatorum turba indignabundum exclamasse: En Romanos rerum dominos gentemque togatam! Negotiumque Aedilibus dedisse, ne quem postea paterentur in foro, circoque, nisi positis lacernis togatum consistere. & paulo post. Sanxit ne quis pullatorum in media cauea sederet. Non omnes tamen lacernas fuisse pulli coloris nemo potest dubitare, qui & albas, & Bæticas, & coccineas, & Tyrias apud Martialem, & alios legerit. Solæ tenuiorum, ac pauperum lacernæ pullæ fuerunt: has solas vetuit Augustus, cum alterius coloris in promiscuo vsu essent. Iocum Martialis supra retulimus in Horatium, qui cum solus nigris lacernis spectaret, omni populo cum Cæsare, ac Senatu albato, commodum coelo nix decidit, atque ita etiam Horatius albis lacernis spectauit. Alibi de lacernis: Indueras albas, exue Calaicas. Coccineæ, etiam & Tyriæ siue dibaphæ in promiscuo vsu sub

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48 Octavius Ferrari for nine days women would lie apart, if, during those days, they were using the rights of married life; permission for intercourse was to be sought from the priests, and a great penalty was due for a violated bed, or couch. But I wonder that learned men have reported the meaning of these verses as having been correctly explained by no one. For Britannicus, the most learned of the interpreters of Juvenal, many years ago interpreted the violated couch, or unpreserved chastity, as the marriage bed, for nine days, during which the rites of Isis were celebrated. And this from Propertius: Now sad solemnities return to us again Cynthia has now kept watch through ten nights. But the couch called cadurcum is a bed of Cadurcian linen. Pliny indeed, book 20: “There is no flax whiter, or more like wool: thus in sheets the Cadurci hold the chief glory among the peoples of Gaul.” On the Color of the Lacernae. Martial, explained in more than one place. Chapter XXIII. Manutius, in the Quaestiones, believes that the lacernae were of a dark color. For Suetonius relates that Augustus, when he saw a crowd of dark-clad men before an assembly, cried out in indignation: “Behold the Romans, masters of the world, and the togated race!” And he gave the aediles the business of not permitting anyone afterward to stand in the forum or circus unless, with the lacerna laid aside, he appeared in a toga. And a little later: “He decreed that no one wearing dark clothing should sit in the middle of the cavea.” Yet not all lacernae were of a dark color, as no one can doubt who has read in Martial and others of white, Baetican, scarlet, and Tyrian cloaks. Only the lacernae of the lower classes and the poor were dark; these alone Augustus forbade, when those of other colors were in common use. We have cited above Martial’s jest against Horace, who, while he alone watched in dark cloaks, with all the people, Caesar, and the Senate in white, just then snow fell from the sky, and so Horace too watched in white cloaks. Elsewhere on cloaks: “You had put on white ones; take off the Calaic ones.” Scarlet ones, and also Tyrian, or double-dyed ones, in common use

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. I. 49 sub Imperatoribus fuerunt etiam vilissimorum hominum, & peregrinorum. Iuuenalis Sat. I. Cum pars Niliacæ plebis, cum verna Canopi. Crispinus Tyrias humero reuocante lacernas. Id est dibaphas, & bistinctas, & ideo pretiosiores. Idem alibi indignatur Græcorum fecem conchyliatam incedere. Sat. III. Horum ego non fugiam conchylia? Id est lacernas conchyliatas. Vet. Interpres Vestem fucatam. Mox subijcit & toga erubescendæ fucatos habitus. Sed fallitur. nulla enim in togis communibus purpura. Quæ sequuntur etiam corrupta sunt. In capitium purpuram, quasi conchylia signant. Georgius Valla, qui veterem interpretem Probum vocat, & ex eo pleraque sumptit, vsus fortasse meliori libro sic legit. Conchylia, capitia purpurea ita flagrantia, vt conchylia ipsa videri possint: vbi capitia sunt lacernæ cum cucullo siue capitio. Martialis lib. II. Ep. LVII. Hic quem videtis gressibus vagis lentum: Amethystinatus media qui secat septa, Quem non lacernis Publius meus vincit. Et lib. v. Ep. VIII. Dum laudat modo Phasis in Theatro, Phasis purpureis ruber lacernis. Et lib. IX. Ep. XXIII. Vt lutulenta linat Tyrias mihi mula lacernas. Libro x. appellat municipes Cadmi, id est Tyrias, & inter dona natalitia mitti solitas docet lib. XIII. Murices Sanguine de nostro tinctas ingrata lacernas Induis, & non est hoc satis, esca sumus. Hinc ingens earum pretium. Idem lib. IV. Ep. LXI. Dum fabulamur, millibus decem dixti Emptas lacernas munus esse Pompillæ. Et lib. VIII. Ep. X. Emit lacernas millibus decem Bassus Tyrias coloris optimi. Vt obiq[ue] ducentis & quinquaginta florenis stetere lacernæ. G Sene- Pars II.

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Lib. I. 49 under the Emperors there were also men of the lowest sort, and foreigners. Juvenal Sat. I. With part of the Nilotic rabble, with the native of Canopus. Crispinus, his shoulder bearing back Tyrian cloaks. That is, garments twice dyed, and therefore more costly. The same elsewhere is indignant that the dregs of the Greeks go about clothed in conchyliated purple. Sat. III. Shall I not avoid their purple garments? That is, conchyliated cloaks. The old interpreter: a dyed garment. Then he adds also “fucatos habitus,” dyed disguises of the toga. But he is mistaken, for there is no purple in ordinary togas. What follows is also corrupt. “In capitium purpuram,” as if they indicated conchylia. Georgius Valla, who calls the old interpreter Probus, and from him took most things, perhaps using a better book, read thus: “Conchylia, capitia purpurea ita flagrantia, ut conchylia ipsa videri possint,” where capitia are cloaks with a hood or cowl. Martial, book II, Ep. LVII. Here is the man whom you see with wandering steps, slow: Amethystine, who cuts through the middle of the courts, whom my Publius does not surpass in cloaks. And book V, Ep. VIII. While Phasis is just now praising in the Theater, Phasis, red with purple cloaks. And book IX, Ep. XXIII. That my mule may smear the Tyrian cloaks with mire. In book X he calls them citizens of Cadmus, that is, Tyrian, and teaches that they were accustomed to be sent among the birthday gifts in book XIII. Murices You put on cloaks dyed with our blood, ungrateful man, and this is not enough; we are your food. Hence their great price. The same, book IV, Ep. LXI. While we were talking, you said that cloaks bought for ten thousand were a gift from Pompilla. And book VIII, Ep. X. Bassus bought cloaks for ten thousand, Tyrian, of the best color. Thus they stood everywhere at two hundred and fifty florins. G. Sene- Part II.

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. I. 31 tius nimius illirigor, & seueritas obiecta sit. nam quod in mares pronior fuerit, nihil ad mollitiem, nec id vnius Galbæ vitium. Lacernæ Coccineæ. Coccina. Martialis, & Quintilianus explicati. Cap. XXIV. L Acernæ igitur purpureæ Tyriæ scilicet, Amethistinæ, item coccineæ in vsu fuerunt apud ditiores, ac lautiores. Id est, non semel sed sæpius purpura infectæ. Et toga non tactas vincere iussaniues. Vbi apparet etiam purpureas togæ albæ superinductas. Et epigram. XLIII. Misit Agenoridæ Cadmit tibi terra lacernas: Non vendes nummis coccina nostra tribus. Ex quibus constat inferioris pretij fuisse lacernas cocco, quam purpura infectas. Nam coccineas & pauperiores gestabant, & quidem vix tribus nummis taxatas, vt iocatur Martialis hic inuidiose. Coccinearu[m], quæ & simpliciter Coccina dicebantur meminit idem lib. XIV. Lacernæ coccineæ. Si Veneto Prasinoque faues, qui coccina sumis? Ne fias ista transfuga sorte vide. Qui enim Circi factionibus fauebant, factionum colores vestimentis præferebant, & Venetorum studiosi coeruleas, Prasinorum virides gestabant. Quamuis autem inferioris pretij coccineæ purpureis, nihilominus, & coccineæ, siue Coccina in pretio. Iuuenalis. Cauet hunc quem coccina lana Vitari iubet, & comitum longissimus ordo. Et Martialis lib. v. Cum sibi redire de patruelibus fundis Ducenta clamet coccinatus Euclides. Alibi. Cocco mulio fulget incitatus. Pars II. G 2 Et

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book I. 31 too much strictness and severity may be objected. For if it was more inclined toward men, that has nothing to do with softness, nor is that the fault of Galba alone. Scarlet cloaks. Coccina. Martial and Quintilian explained. Chap. XXIV. Cloaks, then, purple, namely Tyrian, amethyst-colored, likewise scarlet, were in use among the richer and more luxurious. That is, dyed with purple more than once, not just once. And the toga, not touched, was ordered to prevail. Where it appears that even white togas were overlaid with purple. And in epigram XLIII: “From Cadmus’ descendant Agenor’s land I sent you cloaks: You will not sell my scarlet for three coins.” From which it is clear that cloaks dyed with scarlet were of lower price than those dyed with purple. For scarlet cloaks were also worn by poorer people, and indeed were valued at scarcely three coins, as Martial jokes here with malice. He likewise mentions scarlet cloaks, which were also simply called Coccina, in Book XIV: “Scarlet cloaks. If you favor the Blue and the Green, why do you wear scarlet? Take care lest you become a turncoat in that faction.” For those who supported the factions of the Circus displayed the colors of the factions in their clothing, and the supporters of the Blues wore blue garments, those of the Greens green. Although the scarlet cloaks were of lower price than the purple ones, nevertheless scarlet, or Coccina, was also held in esteem. Juvenal: “This man, whom scarlet wool bids be avoided, and the very long train of attendants.” And Martial, Book V: “When Euclides, dressed in scarlet, cries aloud that he is returning from his paternal estates in the country, two hundred coins.” Elsewhere: “The muleteer shines, spurred on with scarlet.” Part II. G 2 And

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52 Octauij Ferrarij Et lib. iv. iocatur in Bassum, quem ait indutum fuisse herbarum colores, virides scilicet, galbeos, & similes, dum promiscue in Theatro sederetur: at postquam Domitianus legem Rosciam reuocauerit, vt Equites tantum in Quatordecim sederent, Bassum, vt videretur Eques, purpuream, aut coccineam lacernam gestasse. Non nisi vel cocco madida, vel murice tineta Veste nites, & te sic dare verba putas. Quadringentorum nullæ sunt Basse lacernæ: Aut meus ante omnes Cordus haberet equum. Posset videlicet Eques esse quicumque coccinam, aut purpuream haberet lacernam. Alio loco ait a Zoilo fingi morbum, vt occasionem haberet ostentandi coccina stragula. Demum alibi Coccina famosæ donas & Ianthina mæebæ. Cur ergo poeta lacernas suas coccinas, siue coccina opponit purpureis, & vix tribus nummis vendi posse ait? Qui-dam Ironicè locutum putant. Sed nullus hic Ironiæ locus. Lacernæ tunc omnes commodiorum ferè purpureæ erant, aut coccineæ: vt propterea, & coccina dicerentur. Martialis lacernæ, vt poetam decebat, longo vsu obsoletæ erant, ac detritæ. Alibi Quare ergo habes tam malas lacernas? Et ideo, licet coccineas vix tribus nummis æstimari potuisse dicit: potuere etiam alterius vilioris coloris esse, vt rufii, & subrutili, & improprie coccinas appellare. Quod autem lacernæ vulgo coccinæ essent, testatur Quintilianus lib. x i I. cap. x. loco insigni, sed perobiculo, quæ totu[m] adscribam, vt facilius intelligatur. Falluntur enim, inquit, plurimum, qui vitiosum, & corruptum dicendi genus, quod aut verborum licentia resultat, aut puerilibus sententiolis lasciuit, aut immodico tumore turgescit, aut inanibus locis bacchatur, aut casuris si leuiter excutiantur flosculis nitet, aut præcipitia pro sublimibus habet, aut specie libertatis insanit, magis existimant populare, atque plausibile. Mox subijcit: Vbi vero quid exquisitius dictum accedit auribus imperitorum, qualecumque id quod modo

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52 Octauij Ferrarii And in book iv. he jokes about Bassus, saying that he was dressed in the colors of herbs, namely green, yellowish-green, and the like, while seating was shared indiscriminately in the Theater; but after Domitian had revived the Roscian law, so that only the Equites sat in the Fourteen Rows, Bassus, so that he might appear to be an Eques, wore a purple or scarlet cloak. Not unless drenched with scarlet, or dyed with murex, You shine in your dress, and think you can thus impose on people. Bassus has no cloaks worth four hundred; my Cordus would rather have a horse before all others. Indeed, anyone who had a scarlet or purple cloak could be an Eques. In another place he says that a disease is feigned by Zoilus, so that he may have an excuse for displaying scarlet coverlets. Finally elsewhere: You give scarlet gifts and purple coverlets to the famous maiden. Why then does the poet set his scarlet cloaks, or rather scarlet ones, against purple cloaks, and say that they can scarcely be sold for three coins? Some think he spoke ironically. But there is no place for irony here. At that time almost all cloaks of more comfortable quality were purple or scarlet: for that reason they were also called scarlet. Martial’s cloaks, as befits a poet, were worn out by long use and frayed. Elsewhere: Why then do you have such bad cloaks? And therefore, although he says that scarlet ones could scarcely be valued at three coins, they could also have been of another cheaper color, such as reddish and pale reddish, and thus improperly called scarlet. That cloaks were commonly scarlet, Quintilian testifies in book xii, chapter x, in a remarkable but troublesome passage, which I shall quote in full, so that it may be more easily understood. For, he says, they are greatly mistaken who think that a corrupt and faulty style of speaking, which either resounds with verbal license, or plays with childish little sentiments, or swells with excessive pomp, or revels in empty commonplaces, or shines with little flowers that would fall away if lightly shaken, or takes precipices for heights, or raves under the appearance of freedom, is more popular and more applauded. He then adds: But when something more refined is said, to the ears of the unlearned, whatever that is which only

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. I. 53 modo se ipsi posse desperent, habet admirationem. Neque immerito, nam ne illud quidem facile est. Sed euanescunt hæc atque emoriuntur comparatione meliorum, vt lana tincta fuco citra purpuram, placet: at si contuleris etiam lacernæ, conspectu melioris obruatur, vt Ouidius ait. Si vero iudicium his corruptis acrius adhibeas, vt buccinis purpuram, iam illud quod fefellerat exuat mentitum colorem, & quadam vix ennarrabili foeditate pallescat. Ait magnus Rhetor corruptum, & vitiosum dicendi genus imperatorum auribus esse plausibile. Sed si cum recto, & meliore comparetur, non secus euanescere, quam lanam fuco tinctam, si aut cum lacernæ cocco, aut cum Tyria purpura componatur. Fucus enim erat herba marina rubens, qua lana inficiebatur. Plinius lib. xxvi. cap. x. Præcipue vero liberato malo phycos thalassio, id est fucus marinus lactucæ similis, qui conchylijs substernitur. Tria autem genera eius, latum, & alterum longius quadantenus rubens cortium crispis folijs, quo in Creta vestes tinguntur. Seruius etiam ad illud: Spiramenta linuntur, fucoque & floribus oras: Genus est herbæ, vnde tinguntur vestes. Quadantenus igitur rubebat fucus, eoque viliorum lana tingebatur. Sed quia ad purpuræ colorem accedebat, siue mentiebatur, inde mentitus ille color pro fraude accipi cæpit. Hinc facere fucum mulieri apud Terentium, quod fraudem, & insidias, sub quibus occultatur veritas, Donatus interpretatur. Sine fuco, id est simpliciter & aperte, & merx sine fuco apud Horatium. Idem Quintilianus lib. I. cap. xv. Mangonum, qui colorem fuco, & verum robur inani sagina mentiantur. Inde vnguenta, & medicamina, quibus natium ruborem feminæ mentiuntur, fucus dictus est. Hinc vitia corporis fuco occultare. Et fucare formam, & similia. Lana igitur inquit Rhetor fuco tincta citra purpuram, (id est minime comparata ad vestes purpureas,) placet: quod si contuleris lacernæ, (id est si cum lacernis, quæ vulgo cocco tingebantur,) comparetur conspectu melioris obruitur, nec placere potest; multo minus, si cum buccini purpura (ita enim legendum est) componatur: tunc enim mentitus ille color tæde

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On De Re Vestiaria Part II. Lib. I. 53 if they themselves despair of being able to do it, it has its charm. Nor is it without reason, for even that is not easy. But these things fade and die away in comparison with better things, as dyed wool with woad, without purple, pleases; but if you compare it even with a cloak, it is overwhelmed by the sight of something better, as Ovid says. But if you apply a keener judgment to these corrupted things, as to trumpets with purple, then that which had deceived will cast off its feigned color, and with a kind of ugliness scarcely to be described will grow pale. The great Rhetor says that a corrupt and faulty style of speaking is pleasing to the ears of commanders. But if it be compared with what is straight and better, it no more fades away than wool dyed with woad, if it is matched either with a cloak of scarlet or with Tyrian purple. For woad was a reddish marine herb with which wool was dyed. Pliny, lib. xxvi. cap. x. Especially the sea-weed phycos thalassio , that is, marinus fucus, similar to lettuce, which is laid beneath conchylian dye. There are three kinds of it, the broad, and another somewhat longer, reddish for four fingers’ breadth, with crisp leaves, by which garments are dyed in Crete. Servius also on that passage: The openings are smeared, and the edges with woad and flowers: It is a kind of herb from which garments are dyed. Thus woad was reddish for four fingers’ breadth, and with it wool of lesser quality was dyed. But because it approached the color of purple, or rather simulated it, from this that feigned color began to be taken for deceit. Hence in Terence, to put on woad for a woman, which Donatus interprets as fraud and snares, under which truth is concealed. Without woad, that is, simply and openly, and merchandise without woad in Horace. The same Quintilian, lib. I. cap. xv., [speaks of] the traffickers, who by woad counterfeit color and by empty stuffing feign true firmness. From this the word fucus was also applied to ointments and cosmetics, by which women counterfeit the redness of the cheeks. Hence to conceal bodily defects with fucus . And to color the form, and the like. Therefore the rhetor says that wool dyed with woad, without purple, that is, not at all compared with purple garments, pleases; but if it is compared with a cloak, that is, if it is matched with cloaks, which were commonly dyed with scarlet, it is overwhelmed by the sight of something better, and cannot please; much less if it is compared with purple of the buccinum (for so it must be read): for then that feigned color is ashamed

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54 Octauj Ferrarij fæde pallescebat. Nam purpura, siue murex marinus coc- co pretiosior: buccinum autem præstantissimum, auctore Plinio, licet eodem teste solum damnaretur, quod fucum re- mitteret, id est tincturam, & ideo pelagio admiscebatur. Recta igitur lectio est, rectaque sententia. Si vero iudicium his corruptis (fucatis) adhibeas, vt buccini purpuram (cum fu- co conferas) iam illud quod fefellerat, exuat mentitum colo- rem, & quadam vix enarrabili fæditate pallescat. Quamquam fucum postea pro omni tinctura etiam purpuræ scriptoribus vsurpatum satis constat. Licet autem in vsu Tyriæ essent, ac coccineæ, reprehensi tamen qui eas gestarent. Martialis loco laudato: Qui coccinatos non putat viros esse Amethistinasque mulierum vocat vestes. Seneca Ep. exiv. Quod vides istos sequi, qui aut vellunt bar- bam, aut interuellunt, qui labra pressius tendent, & abradunt, qui lacernas coloris improbi sumunt. Improbum colorem recte Lipsius interpretatur purpureum, vel coccineum: quod insolens is color tempore Senecæ. Immo & Martialis lib. v. Ep. VIII. Illas purpureas & arrogantes lussit surgere Lectius lacernas. Recte inquam Lipsius, quem immerito reprehendit Ra- mirelius: nec recte interpretatur Masambertius colorem improbum, id est iteratum. Nam improbus color qui viris modestis, ac probis haud probabatur. Cum tamen vt diximus in promiscuo vsu essent. Et vi- dentur Tiberij æuo coepisse, quod nô tam lege, quam ex- plo eius coercitum. Dio lib. LVII. Nam cum multi vestem pur- puream (intellige lacernam) gestarent, quamquam vetitum, nec reprehendit, nec multauit quemquam: sed pluuio tempore in ludis , atq; sic effecit, ne quis alius vestem inconcessam sumere auderet. Vbi male Interpres, & Lipsius penulam verterunt. Nam proprielacerna. & sic eam Artemidorus appellat, & a penula distinguit. Nec ætate Tiberij penulæ in vsu Urbano fuere, & vt fuerint, non in tan-

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54 Octauj Ferrarij faded. For purple, or the marine murex, is more precious than scarlet; but the most excellent buccinum, according to Pliny, though by the same witness it was condemned only because it gave back the fucus, that is, the dye, and for that reason was mixed with the pelagium. Therefore the proper reading is the proper sense. But if you apply judgment to these corrupted things, so that you compare the purple of the buccinum with fucus, then that very thing which had deceived, casting off its lying color, will grow pale with a certain scarcely describable foulness. Although it is sufficiently established that fucus was later used by writers for every kind of dye, even for purple. But although they were in use in Tyre, and likewise the scarlet garments, those who wore them were nevertheless blamed. Martial, in the passage cited above: He does not think men who wear scarlet and calls amethyst-colored garments women's clothing. Seneca, Ep. 114: What you see these men following—those who either pluck their beard, or trim it, who stretch their lips more tightly and shave them, who wear cloaks of a shameless color. Lipsius rightly interprets shameless color as purple, or scarlet: for that color was unusual in Seneca's time. Indeed, also Martial, book 5, Epigram 8: He ordered those purple and insolent cloaks to rise up, Lectius. Lipsius is right, I say, though Ramirelius unjustly criticizes him; nor does Masambertius correctly interpret improbum color as repeated. For improbum color means a color that was not approved by modest and upright men. Yet, as we said, they were in common use. And they seem to have begun in the age of Tiberius, because they were restrained not so much by law as by his example. Dio, book 57: For when many wore purple clothing (understand, a cloak), although it was forbidden, he neither rebuked nor fined anyone: but at the public games in rainy weather he did this, and thus brought it about that no one else dared to put on the forbidden garment. Here the translator, and Lipsius, wrongly rendered it as penula. For it is properly a lacerna, and Artemidorus calls it that too, distinguishing it from a penula. Nor, in the age of Tiberius, were penulae in use in the city; and even if they were, not in such a way that

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56 Octauij Ferrarij de Tranquillitate cap. I. Non ex arcula prolata vestis, non mille ponderibus, aut tormentis splendere cogentibus pressa. Idem togam prælo pressam perlucentem appellat Epist. CXIV. Qui lacernas coloris improbi sumunt, qui perlucentem togam: id est prælo splendentem, non sericam, aut bombycinam, vt interpretatur Lipsius. Nam aliud est hominem pellucere, aliud ipsam vestem. Homo per vestem sericam, ac bombycinam pellucebat, vt Creticus apud Iuuenalem. At vestes prælo pressæ splendebat ipsæ, quamuis densæ, & ex lana. Prælorum meminit Ammianus lib. xiv. ac pressoria vocat. Solitis pressorijs vestes luce nitentes arbitra diligenter explorant. Recte Lipsius solutis. Vulgo tamen lacernæ fuscae, aut pullæ vsurpatæ: vnde pullatus circulus, & pullata plebs. Præcipuè autem ex lana Canusina fiebant, cuius natius color turbato mulso similis, vt ait Martialis lib xiv. Ep. cxxv I I. Canusina fuscae. Hæc tibi turbato Canusina simillima mulso Munus erit, gaude: non citi fiet anus. Nam licet docti ibi Canusinas penulas interpretentur, potest etia illud de lacernis accipi. Nam hinc Canusini Birri dicti sunt, qui lacernæ fuerunt, non penulæ. Vopiscus in Carino. Donati sunt ab Atrebatis Birri petiti: donati Birri Canusini. Porro fulcus color, non niger est, sed ex fuluo, rufoque mixtus, quem castaneum, & subnigrum appellant, Venetiroanum obscurum, Insubres tanetum, quali castanetum. Præter Canusinas fuscas fuere & rufæ tam lacernæ, quam penulæ. Idem paulo infra. Canusina rufæ. Roma magis fuscis vestitur, Gallia rufis: Et placet hic pueris, militibusque color. Lacernæ Canusinæ fuscae magis in vsu Romæ erant, in Gallia rufæ; licet hoc colore Romæ etiam pueri & miltes gauderent. Fuere quidem penulæ Canusinæ, de quibus infra. Lanam enim canusina penulis vtilem Plinius commendat lib. VIII. cap. XLVI.

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56 Octavius Ferrarius On Tranquillity, chap. I. Not a garment taken out of a chest, not pressed down by a thousand weights, or by a press compelling it to shine. He likewise calls a toga “pressed by the press, and translucent” in Epist. CXIV: “Those who wear cloaks of an unbecoming color, those who wear a translucent toga,” that is, one made to shine by the press, not silk or bombyx, as Lipsius interprets it. For it is one thing for a man to show through, and another for the garment itself. A man showed through a silk and bombyx garment, as the Cretian in Juvenal. But garments pressed by the press shone of themselves, although thick and made of wool. Ammianus mentions presses in book XIV and calls them pressoria. Arbiters carefully inspect garments gleaming with the usual pressings. Lipsius is right in taking it as “loosened.” In common usage, however, dark or black cloaks were worn; hence the “black-clad circle” and the “black-clad common people.” Especially, however, those made of Canusine wool were used, whose natural color is similar to turbid mulsum, as Martial says, book XIV, epigram CXXVII, “Canusina fuscae.” “This Canusine one, very like turbid mulsum, will be your gift; rejoice: it will not make you an old woman too soon. For although learned men there interpret Canusine penulae, that too can be understood of cloaks. For hence Canusine birri were called those which were cloaks, not penulae. Vopiscus in Carinus: “They were given birri asked for from the Atrebates: given Canusine birri.” Moreover, a dusky color is not black, but mixed from tawny and reddish tones, which they call chestnut and darkish black; the Venetians call it dark, the Insubres tanetum, as though chestnut-colored. Besides the dark Canusine garments, there were also red ones, both cloaks and penulae. The same author a little below: “Canusina rufae.” “Rome is more dressed in dark colors, Gaul in red ones: and this color pleases both boys and soldiers.” Canusine dark cloaks were more in use at Rome, in Gaul red ones; although at Rome boys and soldiers too liked this color. There were indeed Canusine penulae, of which he speaks below. For Pliny recommends Canusine wool as useful for penulae in book VIII, chapter XLVI.

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. I. 57 De Birrhis. Atrebatici vnde dicti. Alij alijs pretiosiores. Cap. XXV I. Sed quia temporum successu ferme lacernæ rufi coloris vulgo vsurpabantur, inde simpliciter Birrhi dictæ sunt. Isidorus lib. XIX. cap. XXIV. Birrus a Græco vocabulum trabit, illi enim birrum birrum dicunt. lege πυρρὸν. Nam πυρ- ρὸς rufus, rutilus. Plato in Timæo: πυρρὸν δὲ ζαυδῶ τε, καὶ φαίν ἀράσει γίνεται. Φαίνὸν δὲ λευμή τε καὶ μελανος. Seruius ad illud: primoque in limine Pyrrhus. Pyrrhus inquit a colore comæ dictus: qui Latinè byrrus dicitur. Quidam πυρρὸν fuluum, interpretati sunt, vt ex flaui ac fusci commixtione conficere- tur. Sed rectius est H. Stephani sentencia rufum inter- pretari, cum Plini, qui illud Aristotelis de regibus apum, ο μὲν βελτίων πυρρὸς ο δὲ τερος μὲλας, καὶ ποιμιλώτερος, vertit me- lior rufus quam niger, variusque. Festus. Burannica potio ap- pellatur lacte commixtum sapa a rufo colore, quem burram vo- cant. Burrum dicebant antiqui, quod nunc dicimus rufum, vn- der rustici burram appellant bucculam quæ rostrum habet rufum. Glossæ Isidori. Birrus, rufus. Πυρρὸς igitur siue rufus color lacernis Birri, siue Birrhi nomen dedit, vt pluribus docuit ad illud Vopisci in Carino Cl. Salmasius. Donati sunt ab Atrebatis birri petiti: donati birri Canuisini, Horu color, vt paulo ante notanimus, turbato mul so similis, flauo scilicet, & subnigro temperatus. Fuisse autem Birrhos lacernas, non penulas, docet Arte- midorus. lib. I I. cap. I I I. Χλαμις δὲ λευτιοι μανδυλεω, οι δὲ ἐφερίδα, οι δὲ βύριν παλοῦσι. Vet. Interpres Perli, Scis comi- tem horridulum trita donare lacerna. Scis birrum inquit attri- tum comiti condonare. Et Suidas in voce Ατραβατικὸς, qui chla- mydes appellat. ἐν δὲ τὰις ποιαίς συνόδις χλαμύδας ενδύοντο ἐναμπελίνας, ἀς ἐκάλκην Ατραβατικὰς ἀπὸ τὴν χρώματος. τὸ γὰρ μὲλαν ἀπρὸν παλῶσι. Inepte Atrebaticas ab atro colore di- ctas putat. nam Atrebaticæ a populis Atrebatibus dictæ. Vopiscus in Carino. Donati sunt ab Atrebatibus birri petiti. H Appel. Pars II.

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On Vestiary Matters, Part II. Book I. 57 On Birri. So called from the Atrebates. Some more precious than others. Chapter XXVI. But because, in the course of time, cloaks of a reddish color were commonly used, they were simply called Birri. Isidore, book XIX, chapter XXIV: “Birrus” derives its word from Greek, for they call it birrum. See πυρρὸν. For πυρρός means red, ruddy. Plato in the Timaeus: πυρρὸν δὲ ζαυδῶ τε, καὶ φαίν ἀράσει γίνεται. Φαίνὸν δὲ λευμή τε καὶ μελανος. Servius on the line “primoque in limine Pyrrhus”: Pyrrhus, he says, is named from the color of the hair; which in Latin is called byrrus. Some have interpreted πυρρὸν as tawny, as if made up from a mixture of yellow and dark. But the opinion of H. Stephanus is more correct, namely to interpret it as red, as does Pliny when he translates Aristotle’s words about the kings of the bees, ο μὲν βελτίων πυρρὸς ο δὲ τερος μὲλας, καὶ ποιμιλώτερος, as “the better one red, the other black, and more varied.” Festus: “Burannica potion” is a drink called sapa mixed with milk, from its reddish color, which they call burrus. The ancients used burrum for what we now call rufum; hence country folk call a cow with a red snout burram bucculam. Glosses of Isidore: Birrus, red. Therefore the color πυρρὸς, or red, gave its name to the cloaks called Birri or Birrhi, as Cl. Salmasius explained at length on Vopiscus in Carinus. “They were given birri by the Atrebates”: “birri of the Canuisini were given”; their color, as we noted a little before, resembles fermented mulsum, that is, tempered with yellow, and somewhat blackish. That Birri were cloaks, not penulae, is shown by Artemidorus, book II, chapter III: Χλαμις δὲ λευτιοι μανδυλεω, οι δὲ ἐφερίδα, οι δὲ βύριν παλοῦσι. The old interpreter of Persius: “Scis comitem horridulum trita donare lacerna.” “You know,” he says, “to present a threadbare birrus to a companion.” And Suidas, in the word Ατραβατικὸς, who calls them chlamydes: ἐν δὲ τὰις ποιαίς συνόδις χλαμύδας ενδύοντο ἐναμπελίνας, ἀς ἐκάλκην Ατραβατικὰς ἀπὸ τὴν χρώματος. τὸ γὰρ μὲλαν ἀπρὸν παλῶσι. He wrongly thinks they were called Atrebaticas from a black color; for Atrebaticæ were so named from the people, the Atrebates. Vopiscus in Carinus: “They were given birri, chosen by the Atrebates.” H. Appel. Part II.

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58 Octauij Ferrarij Appellat autem Chlamydas Xerampelinas, quod eo colore essent, qui est foliorum vitis arecentium, rufus scilicet ex flauo, & fusco temperatus. Nam qui atrum colorem, siue pulliginem interpretantur, cum Suida decipiuntur. Xerampelinarum meminit Iuuenalis Sat. VI. Et Xerampelinas veteres donauerit ipsi. Vet. Interpres. Vestes ampelini coloris, qui inter coccinum, & muricem medius est, quod scilicet coccineus color clare rubesceret, muricis pressior esset, ac suboscurus, vt Xe- rampelinus sit rufus ex flauo & fusco temperatus. Birri igitur lacernæ fuerunt rufi coloris. & quemadmodum lacernæ materia, & colore aliæ alijs pretiosiores, ita & birri. Quare falli eos necesse est qui vestem semper pretiosam dixerunt, meritoque Zonaram, & Balsamonem reprehendit Salmasius, quod ad Canones B[ur]ras opinæs [con]du[n]tæs exposuerunt, sericas vestes. nam licet fuerint lacernæ, & birri serici, non tamen omnes tales fuerunt. Nec est quod Turnebum sententiæ pæniteat, qui lib. XVII. cap. XXVI. ait se olim credidisse birrum crassum vestimentu fuisse, sed mutasse sententiam, fortasse quia Birrum apud Zonaram, & Balsamonem repererat. nam lib. XXII. cap. XXX. ait birros, non esse beros, quod in Gallia sericum non texeretur: ita & Pithæus diuersos birros a beriscenset, sed eadem res fuerunt, & alij ex lana, alij serici. Neque verba Concilij Gangrensis Can. XI I. ostendunt birros vestes pretiosas fuisse. Si quis amictu pallij vtitur, & eos qui cum reuerentia birris vtuntur despicit, anathema sit. Birrus enim siue lacerna communis vestis erat: Christiani securiores, vt idem vir doctissimus ad Tertullannum de pallio obseruat, cum triboniu gestarent reprehendebant eos, qui in communiveste erant, id est birro, siue lacerna: hos canon anathemate ferit. Ludouicus Cerda aliam affert rationem, quod birri monachis essent interdicti, sed non propterea erant pretiosi. nam cum habitu secernerentur monachia ceteris hominibus, etiam ijs vestes vulgares interdictæ. Iudorus in Regula. Linteo non oportet monachum uti= ora

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58 Octauius Ferrariius He calls them chlamydes xerampelinae , because they were of that color which belongs to withering vine-leaves, namely a reddish hue tempered with yellow and brown. For those who interpret it as a dark color, or blackness, are mistaken together with Suidas. Juvenal mentions xerampelinae in Sat. VI: And let him have bestowed upon himself even old xerampelinae. The ancient interpreter: garments of the color of the ampelinus, which lies midway between scarlet and purple, for the scarlet color would be brightly red, while purple would be deeper and somewhat darker; thus xerampelinus is a reddish hue tempered with yellow and brown. Therefore birri were cloaks of a red color. And just as among cloaks some were more costly than others in material and color, so too were birri. Accordingly, those must be mistaken who said that it was always a costly garment; and rightly does Salmasius reproach Zonaras and Balsamon, because they explained the garments mentioned in the canons as silk garments. For although there were silk cloaks and silk birri, not all were such. Nor is there reason for Turnebus to regret his opinion, who in book XVII, chapter XXVI, says that he once believed the birrus to have been a thick garment, but later changed his view, perhaps because he had found the term birrus in Zonaras and Balsamon. For in book XXII, chapter XXX, he says that birri are not beri , because silk was not woven in Gaul; and thus also Pithaeus distinguished different birri from beriscenset , but they were the same thing, and some were of wool, others of silk. Nor do the words of the Council of Gangra, canon XI, show that birri were costly garments. “If anyone uses the mantle as a cloak, and despises those who wear birri with reverence, let him be anathema.” For the birrus, or lacerna, was a common garment. Christians were more carefree, as that same most learned man observes concerning Tertullian’s De pallio , when they wore the tribonium ; they criticized those who were in common dress, that is, in the birrus or lacerna: the canon strikes these with anathema. Ludovicus Cerda gives another reason, namely that birri were forbidden to monks, but that does not mean they were costly. For since monks were distinguished by their habit from the rest of men, ordinary garments were also forbidden to them. Iudorus in the Rule: “A monk ought not to use linen...” ora

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. I. 39 orarium, planetas, birros, non est fas induere. hæc autem com- munia vestimenta erant, neque tam e pretiosa. Verè & bir- ri fuerunt, quorum materia, & color in pretio. Ita Cassia- nus lib. I. cap. VII. birrorum pretia simul, ambitionemque de- clinant. Nouit hanc differentiam Augustinus sermone Li. de diuerlis. Nemo clericorum det birrum, vel tunicam lineam, seu aliquid nisi in commune. Offeratur mihi birrum pretiosum, for- te decet Episcopum. Vbi vulgare permissum, sed in com- mune. pretiosum repudiatum. Alia veterum testimonia de birro attulit Salmasius ad Tertullianum, ex queis illud notabile in actis S. Cypriani exuit lacernum birrum, quod ide est, ac lacerna rufa. Non re- cte enim Baronius lacernum birrum interpretatur birrum in modum lacernæ factum. Nec propterea quod vestis Episcoporum fermè dicatur, ideo pretiolior. nam tunc Episcopi in communi vestitu, in quo etiam diu sacra peregerunt. Vulgaris ergo ferme ve- stis fuit, & ideo seruis etiam concessa. Lex I. codicis Theo- dosiani de habitu, quo vti oportet intra Vrbem. Seruos sa- ne, quorum tamen dominos sollicitudine militia constat non tene- ri, aut birris vti permittimus, aut cucullis. Neque propterea vestis seruilis, vt alias indicauimus. Quæ lex præterea de- clarat chlamydem & birrum non omnino eandem vestem fuisse. nam chlamys permittitur seruis militaribus, birrus nequaquam. Verè inter chlamyde, & lacernam aliquod di- scrimen fuisse notauimus. Immo inter birrum & lacernam videtur distingvere Sulpitius Seuerus Dialog. lib. I. cap. xiv. Hæc charis viduis & familiaribus mandat tributa Virgini- bus, illa vt birrum rigentem, hac vt fluentem texat lacernam. Vt scilicet omnes birri fuerint lacernæ; non contra, cum & alio colore, quam ruso conficerentur. Fortasse etiam lon- giores & laxius fluentes lacernæ, quam birri. Vet. Inter- pres Iuuenalis. Santonicum cucullum, birrum Gallicum expli- cat, & ideo rigentem, & breuiorem. Adderem fortasse birrum fuisse lacernam cum cucullo, nisi lex Theodosiana birros a cucullis distingueret. Pars II. H 2 An

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Lib. I. 39 orarium, planetas, birros, it is not lawful to wear. But these were common garments, and not so much precious. Indeed, birri were such, whose material and color were valued. Thus Cassian, lib. I, cap. VII, at once rejects the costliness and the ambition of birri. Augustine knew this distinction in sermon Li. de diversis: “Let no cleric give a birrum, or a linen tunic, or anything except for common use. Let a costly birrum be offered to me, perhaps it is fitting for a bishop. Where an ordinary one is permitted, but only for common use, the costly one is rejected.” Salmasius brought forward other ancient testimonies about the birrus in his notes on Tertullian, among which this is notable from the Acts of St. Cyprian: “he took off the lacernum birrum,” that is, a red lacerna. For Baronius does not interpret lacernum birrum correctly as a birrum made in the manner of a lacerna. Nor, because it is said to be almost a bishop’s garment, is it therefore more costly; for at that time bishops also wore common dress, in which they even long performed sacred rites. Therefore it was almost a vulgar garment, and for that reason even allowed to slaves. Law I of the Theodosian Code, concerning the dress that ought to be used within the City: “Slaves, indeed, whose masters are not bound by the obligation of military service, we permit either to wear birri or cuculli.” Nor was it therefore a servile garment, as we have elsewhere indicated. Moreover, that law declares that the chlamys and the birrus were not altogether the same garment; for the chlamys is permitted to military slaves, but the birrus not at all. We have noted that there was indeed some distinction between the chlamys and the lacerna. Indeed, Sulpicius Severus seems to distinguish between the birrus and the lacerna in Dialogues, lib. I, cap. xiv: “This she assigns to dear widows and to the familiar women, that to virgins, that they may weave a stiff birrum, this a flowing lacerna.” That is, all birri were lacernae, but not conversely, since they were also made of another color besides red. Perhaps too the lacernae were longer and flowed more loosely than the birri. The old interpreter of Juvenal explains “Santonicum cucullum” as “Gallic birrus,” and therefore stiff, and shorter. I would perhaps add that the birrus was a lacerna with a hood, unless the Theodosian law distinguished birri from cuculli. Pars II. H 2 An

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60 Octauij Ferrarij An Lacerna vestis seruilis fuerit. Martialis explicatus. Cap. XXVII. Q Vidquid sit, nec birrus, nec lacerna vestis solum seruilis fuit, vt contra doctissimorum opinionem alias disputauimus. Quos nihil iuuant Horatij verba lib. I I. Sat. VII. Tu cum proiectis insignibus, annulo equestri, Romanoque habitu prodis ex Iudice Dama Turpis, odoratum caput obscurante lacerna. Non es quid simulas? Non quia lacerna caput tegebat seruus credebatur, quod Fabrum secutus Pisonianæ nuperus enarrator statuit, verum quod insignia, & dignitatis nempe annulum, & ingenuitatis scilicet togam deposuerat. Caput autem lacerna, siue cucullo viliori, & coloris atri inuoluerat: quod tegmen, omnibus commune, & ferme a seruis gestabatur. Fuisse autem cucullum, quo abditus moecharetur, testatur & Acron. Inuebitur in equitem Romanum, qui deposito habitu ne cognoscatur exit de adulterio obiecto capite. Ex quo apparet lacernas cum cucullo lumptas communes seruorum & ingenuorum, nisi quod, vt alias diximus, seruiles viliori materia, & colore erant, ac fermè cucullatæ. Non es quod simulas? Simulabat seruum deposita ingenuorum veste, & verè fædum voluptatis mancipium erat. Sed & Martialem in partes vocant, vt ostendant lacernas fuisse vestimentum seruile. lib. XI I. Ep. XXVI. Nec venit ablatis clamator verna lacernis: Accedit gelidam seruus ad auriculam. Sed haud vidi magis. Conqueritur ibi poeta Vrbis proceres, ac Senatores salutationis matutinæ officium morose peragere per totam Vrbem discursantes; se autem vide-ri desidiosum, quod nô terat tot limina, nec tantum vagetur per vrbem; sed illis pro præmio officij Consulatus esse, Pro-

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60 Octauij Ferrarij Whether the lacerna was a slave’s garment. Martialis explained. Chapter XXVII. Question: Whatever the case may be, not only the birrus but also the lacerna was a slave’s garment, as we have elsewhere argued against the opinion of the most learned men. Horace’s words avail them nothing, lib. II. Sat. VII: “You, when you have cast off the insignia, the equestrian ring, and come forth in Roman dress from being Judge Dama, a disgrace, your perfumed head hidden by a lacerna . Are you not what you pretend?” It was not because the slave was thought to be such when the lacerna covered his head, as the recent expositor of Fabri on Pisonian matters has decided, but because he had laid aside the insignia, namely the ring, and, of course, the toga, the sign of free birth. He had also wrapped his head in a lacerna , or in a cheaper hood of dark color; this covering, common to all, was worn almost by slaves. And that there was also a hood with which he might conceal himself while committing adultery, Acron likewise testifies: he attacks a Roman knight who, having laid aside his dress so as not to be recognized, goes out from the adultery with his head covered. From this it appears that lacernae worn with a hood were common to slaves and freeborn men, except that, as we have said elsewhere, the slaves’ were of cheaper material and color, and were almost hooded. “Are you not what you pretend?” He was pretending to be a slave, having laid aside the dress of freeborn men, and was truly a foul slave of pleasure. But they also summon Martial to their side, in order to show that lacernae were a slave’s garment, lib. XII. Ep. XXVI: “Nor did the household slave come with his lacernae taken away: the slave bends to the cold ear.” But I see no more. There the poet complains that the leading men and senators of the city perform the duty of the morning greeting sluggishly, running about through the whole city; while he seems idle because he does not tread so many thresholds, nor wander about the city so much; but for them the reward of this duty is the consulship, Pro-

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. I. 61 Proconsulatus, & Præturas, sibi nihil expectandum cum fracto calceo, decidente pluuia nô habeat lacernas quis im- brem propulset. Sed tu purpureis, vt des noua nomina Fastis, Aut Numidum gentes, Cappadocumque petas. At mihi quem cogis medios abrumpere somnos, Et matutinum ferre, patique lutum. Quid petitur? rupta cum pes vagus exit aluta, Et subitus crassæ decidit imber aquæ: Nec venit ablatis clamator verna lacernis: Accedit gelidam seruus ad auriculam. Et rogat vt cænes secum Lætorius inquit, Viginti nummis non ego malo famem? Hæc attuli vt sani homines intelligerent, numquid ex his lacernas vestem seruilem fuisse deprehendi possit. Recte viridocti pridem emendarunt: Nec venit allatis clamatus verna lacernis. Vt sit sensus. Cum decidit imber, non præsto est voca- tus verna, qui alias afferat lacernas, quibus imbre madidas mutem. Sed Raderus omnes codices Clamator, habere ait, tum lepidam interpretationem subjicit, clamatorem esse conuiuij vocatorem, quasi opus clamore esset advocandos conuiuas, aut vnquam vocatores clamatores dicti sint. Immo subjicit Martialis accessisse seruulum, & clam in auri- culam vocationem ad conuiuium insusurrasse. Etsi igitur omnes libri veteres repugnent, optima emendatio est: cla- matus verna lacernis. Nam clamatus est vocatus Martia- li. lib. I. Ep. I. I. Vocabitur venator & veniet tibi Conuiua clamatus propè. Et Ouidio I I. Met. Aspicit hanc, visamque vocat, clamata refugit. De

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De Re Vestiaria, Part II. Book I. 61 For a proconsulate, and praetorships, one must expect nothing for oneself when, with a broken shoe and rain falling, one has no cloak to drive off the shower. But you, in purple, so that you may give new names to the Fasti, Or seek out the Numidian peoples and the Cappadocians. But for me, whom you compel to break off the middle of my sleep, And to bear the morning, and endure the mud. What is being asked? When my torn shoe gives way and my wandering foot comes out, And a sudden heavy rain of water falls: Nor does the slave, having taken away the cloaks, come as caller: The slave comes to one’s cold ear. And asks that you dine with him, says Laetorius, Do I not prefer hunger to twenty coins? I have brought these things so that sensible men may understand whether from them it can be perceived that cloaks were a servant’s garment. Learned men long ago rightly emended: Nor does the summoned slave come with the brought cloaks. So that the sense is: when the rain falls, the summoned slave is not at hand to bring other cloaks, with which I may change my rain-soaked ones. But Rader says that all the manuscripts have Clamator, and then adds a neat interpretation, that clamator means the inviter of a dinner party, as though guests had to be summoned with shouting, or as though inviters were ever called clamatores. Rather, he adds that Martial says a little slave came up and whispered the invitation to dinner into the ear. Although, therefore, all the old books are against it, the best emendation is: clamatus verna lacernis. For clamatus means “invited” in Martial, book I, Epigram 1. The hunter will be summoned and will come as a guest near you. And in Ovid, Book II of the Metamorphoses: He looks at her, and, having seen her, calls her; when called, she flees. De

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64 Octauij Ferrarij aut Dominici, aut Apostolici præcepti auctoritate fiunt: huiusmodi enim non religioni sed superstitioni deputantur, affectata, & coacta, & curiosi potius quam rationalis officij, certe vel eo coercenda, quod gentibus adæquent. Vt est quorundam positis, pænulis orationem facere. sic enim adeunt ad Idola nationes. Finis Libri Primi. OCTA-

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64 Octauij Ferrarij or by the authority of either the Lord’s or the Apostolic command are done: for such things are attributed not to religion but to superstition, being affected and forced, and more the concern of curiosity than of rational duty; certainly they ought to be restrained for this reason too, that they make themselves equal to the Gentiles. As when some, having put on cloaks, pray; for thus the nations approach their idols. End of Book One. OCTA-

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66 Octavij Ferrarij eludit, nam & lacernæ, & chlamydes ita corpori adpressæ erant, vt membra exprimerent: & ideo Artemidorus inter illas enumerat, quæ pressuram, & angustias significant. Multo minus audiendi, quibus [n]o[n] Φαυόλις χιτῶν, translucens, & pellucida tunica. nam nihil minus de vestimenti genere crasso, duroque, quodq; itineris, & pluui[us] causa sumebatur, dici poterat, quam quod transluceret, aut pelluceret. H. Stephanus existimat Græcam vocem a Latina factam, vt tenuis in adspiratam sit mutata, & a penula Φαυόλις, vel Φενόλις dicta sit. Quod mihi maxime affine vero videtur. Nam apud Athenæum lib. III. Vlpianum Cynal- cus perstringit, quod voc[um] nouam & insolentem inuexerit, [etc] [etc] inquit, [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n], [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] 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Transcription: Translated (English)

66 Octavii Ferrari deceives, for both the lacernæ and the chlamydes were so closely fitted to the body that they outlined the limbs; and for this reason Artemidorus counts them among those which signify pressure and narrowness. Far less should be listened to are those who say [that] not Φαυόλις χιτῶν, a translucent and pellucid tunic. For nothing could be said less about a garment of the thick, hard kind, one that was worn for travel and because of rain, than that it was translucent or pellucid. H. Stephanus thinks the Greek word was formed from the Latin, so that the smooth breathing was changed into an aspirate, and that from penula it was called Φαυόλις, or Φενόλις. This seems to me most closely akin to the truth. For in Athenaeus, book III, Ulpian reproaches Cynalcus for having introduced a new and unusual word, [etc] [etc] he says, [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n], [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [etc] [etc] [n]o[n] [n]

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Transcription: ATR-1

De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. II. 67 ; eo porro die pulchram illam Canusinam fures surri- puerunt, magno risu in balneis oborto, αχρίσον Ζντομίενον φαυόλι cum noua & nondum vsu detrita penula quæreretur. Nam vestis Canusina est penula: cuius Martialis, & alij memine- re. Antiquiorem quidem Vlpiano eam vocem apparet, etia[m] ex loco D. Pauli Epistola I I. ad Timotheum. Τὸν Φαιλόντω δὲ απελιπτον. Sed pro Φαυόλων Φαιλέτω habet. Et quid hoc fuerit ambigitur, & si vestis fuit, nihil tamen inde trahi, Græcæne, an Latinæ originis fuerit. Nec mirum propterea est vllum Romanæ historiæ Græcum scriptorem quod sciam ea voce vsum, quod scilicet nô Græca esset, sed a Latina fa- cta, verum vel μανδών, vel ἐφεσρίδα posuisse. Hinc etiam factum, vt quia voce vsi sunt modo Φελόντω, ac Φελώντω dixerint, modo Φερόλων, ac Φαυόλων, vt apud Latinos pæ- nula, & penula, variasque interpretationes addiderint. Hesychius. Φαυόλας τὸ ὑφασμα. Πήνδων. ἔχοισα πανόν Φαυόλαν. Vt cum locum ex Polluce viri docti emendarunt, & Φαιλόνης ἐιλητάριον μεμβραίνον ἐγλωασόνομον. A quo Suidas Φαιλώνης ἐι- λιτον τομάριον, μεμβραίνον. ἐγλωασόνομον. Et paulo post: Φαυόλης χιτωνίσκος. ὑδὲ Πεπαλαιοὶ ἐφεσρίδα. ηαὶ χιτων ἐρατι- κὸς. ἐν Φαυόλης ὃ απατεῖον. Siue ergo a Penula Φαυόλης dedu- catur, siue contra Latinæ voci Græca originem dedit, vtri- usque notatio incerta, nec tanti est in ea peruestiganda de- sudare. Ita & quando primum apud Romanos in vsu esse coeperit, haud mihi compertum. Tertullianus inuentum La- cedæmoniorum scribit in Apologetico. Et ne voluptas im- pudica frigeret Lacedæmonij penulam ludis excogitarunt. Quod si verum est, vtique & vox Græcæ originis fuerit. Sed cum nullus veterû Græcorû, aut Latinoru[m] hoc tradat, maxime in gente seueras, & frigoris tolerantissima, suspicor aut deceptu[m] Tertullianum, aut penulam pro endromide posuisse, quam inuentum Lacedæmoniorum ex Martiale notum, vsusque maxime in palæstra fuit. Neque tamen summo Viro qui nu- per Tertullianum edidit assentiri possum legenti Primi La- cedæmonij odium penulæ ludis excogitarunt. Quod scilicet La- cedæmonij gens dura & bellicosa ad militares potius expe- ditio; Pars II. I a

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book II. 67 ; and on that same day thieves stole that fine Canusian garment, to the great laughter that arose in the baths, when the νέw and not yet worn-out penula was being sought. For the Canusian garment is a penula , which Martial and others mention. The word appears to be older in Ulpian, and also from the passage in St. Paul’s First Epistle to Timothy. Τὸν Φαιλόντω δὲ απελιπτον. But in place of Φαυόλων it has Φαιλέτω. And what this means is doubtful; and if it was a garment, nothing can be inferred from it, whether it was of Greek or Latin origin. Nor is it therefore surprising that no Greek writer, so far as I know, used that word in Roman history, since it was not Greek, but made from Latin; rather they would have used either μανδών or ἐφεσρίδα. Hence also it came about that, because they used the word now Φελόντω and Φελώντω, now Φερόλων and Φαυόλων, as the Latins say paenula and penula , they added various interpretations. Hesychius: Φαυόλας τὸ ὑφασμα. Πήνδων. ἔχοισα πανόν Φαυόλαν. As when learned men corrected a passage from Pollux, and Φαιλόνης ἐιλητάριον μεμβραίνον ἐγλωασόνομον. From which Suidas: Φαιλώνης ἐιλιτον τομάριον, μεμβραίνον. ἐγλωασόνομον. And a little later: Φαυόλης χιτωνίσκος. ὑδὲ Πεπαλαιοὶ ἐφεσρίδα. ηαὶ χιτων ἐρατικὸς. ἐν Φαυόλης ὃ απατεῖον. Whether therefore Φαυόλης is derived from penula , or conversely gave Greek origin to the Latin word, the explanation of both is uncertain, and it is not worth the effort to toil over it further. Nor do I know when it first began to be in use among the Romans. Tertullian writes in the Apologeticus that it was an invention of the Spartans: “And lest immodest pleasure grow cold, the Spartans devised the penula for the games.” If this is true, then the word too must certainly be of Greek origin. But since none of the ancient Greeks or Latins records this, especially of a people so austere and most tolerant of cold, I suspect either that Tertullian was deceived, or that he put the penula for the endromis , which is known from Martial as an invention of the Spartans, and was used especially in the wrestling school. Nor, however, can I agree with that very great man who recently published Tertullian, when he reads, “The first Spartans devised hatred of the penula for the games.” For, of course, the Spartan people, hard and warlike, to military expeditions rather than to… Part II. 1a

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68 Octauij Ferrarij ditiones hieme obeundas, quam ad ludos & Theatra penu- las graues, ac præ pondere odiosas excogitasse. Itaque hoc ridiculi causa à Tertulliano positum. Sed non conueni- unt sententiæ huic Tertulliani verba, qui credidit à Lace- dæmonijs primum inuentam penulam, & quidem ne ludis uoluptas impudica frigeret. In quo cum aliud cogitasse omni pignore contenderim. Penulam itinerarium vestimentum fuisse, & pluuie tempore sumptum. Quando primum illud intra Vrbem vsurpatum sit. Cap. II. Diuersum omnino vestimenti genus fuisse a lacerna penulam scriptores produnt. Artemidorus lib. I I. cap. I I I. Vbi chlamydem, quam alij , alij alij Bupior vocant, significare ait vexationem, & angustias, & litigantibus damnationem, propterea quod corpus cir- cum amplectatur. Subijcit: to de autò nae o lezopievos Cawolus. Idem significat & quæ vocatur penula. Athenæus loco lauda- to, cum penulæ mentionem fecisset, paulo infra id est lacernam ponit. Sic Latini poetæ, sic quicumque Romani vestitus meminere. Fuisse autem vestimentum itinerarium quod supra tuni- cam acciperetur, & pluuiæ causa adhibitum nemo ignorat. Nonius. Penula est vestis, quam supra tunicam accipimus. Pomponius Panuceatis. Penulam in caput induce, ne te noscat. non enim in caput induci potuisset nisi vestimentum exte- rius fuisset. Varro. Non quærenda est homini, qui habet vir- tutem, penula in imbri. Lucilius: Penula si quæris, cantherius, seruus, segestre Vtilior mihi, quam sapiens. Cicero ad Atticum lib. XIII. Epist. XXXIII. De Varro- ne loquebamur: Lupus in fabula. Venit ad me & quidem id temporis, vt retinendus esset. Sed ego ita egi, vt non scinderem penulam, memini enim tui, & multi erant nosque imparati. Pau- lo post. Caius Capito cum C. Carinate. Horum ego vix attigi pe- nulam,

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68 Octauius Ferrarius to imagine cloaks to be worn in winter, and heavy cloaks, and, because of their weight, disagreeable, for games and theaters. And so this was inserted by Tertullian for the sake of a joke. But the words of Tertullian do not agree with this opinion, for he believed that the penula was first invented by the Lacedaemonians, and indeed so that unchaste pleasure at the games might not grow cold. In this matter, since I contend with every pledge that he thought otherwise, The penula was a traveling garment, and was used in wet weather. When this was first employed within the City. Chapter II. Writers report that the penula was altogether a different kind of garment from the lacerna. Artemidorus, book II, chapter III. Where he says that the chlamys, which others, others call Bupior, signifies vexation and distress, and for litigants condemnation, because it envelops the body. He adds: to de autò nae o lezopievos Cawolus. The same also signifies what is called the penula. Athenaeus, in the passage cited above, having mentioned the penula, a little below sets down the lacerna, that is. So Latin poets, so whoever made mention of Roman dress. Now that it was a traveling garment, worn over the tunic, and used on account of rain, no one is ignorant. Nonius: The penula is a garment which we put on over the tunic. Pomponius Panuceatis: Put the penula over your head, so that he may not recognize you. for it could not have been put on over the head unless it had been an outer garment. Varro: A cloak in the rain should not be sought by a man who has virtue. Lucilius: If you are looking for a penula, a cantherius, a slave, a rug, is more useful to me than a wise man. Cicero to Atticus, book XIII, letter XXXIII. We were speaking about Varro: “A wolf in the fable. He came to me, and indeed at such a time that he had to be kept back. But I acted in such a way that I did not tear my penula, for I remembered you, and there were many of us and we were unprepared.” A little later. “Gaius Capito with Gaius Carinate. I scarcely touched their penula,”

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. II. 69 nulam, & tamen remanserunt. Et pro Milone. Quid minus promptum ad pugnam, quam penula irretitus, rheda impeditus, vxore penè constrictus? Vnde & muliones in penula, quæ in- de mulionia. Idem pro Sextio. Sensit rusticulus non incau- tus suum sanguinem quæri: mulioniam penulam arripuit, cum- qua primum Romam ad comitia venerat. Seneca Ep. LXXXV I I. de itinere suo. Culcita in terra iacet, ego in culcita. Ex duabus penulis altera stragulum, altera opertorium facta est. Ita tamen, vt no[n] nisi extra Vrbem & pluuiæ causa adhiberentur penulæ. Sed quandonam primum intra Vrbem earum vsus coeperit, non constat. Si Dioni credimus lib. LVII. Tiberio imperitante. Tradit enim cum multi vestem purpuream licet interdictam gestarent, Tiberium neque id reprehendisse, neq[ue] mulctasse, tantum ludis, cum plueret pæn pæd pædulæ indutum effecisse, ne quis alius vestem inconcessam vsurparet. Interpres cum Lipsio pædulæ penulam reddidit. sed fuisse lacernam docti pridem obseruarunt. Vestes purpureæ, quæ gestabantur contra morem, fuere lacernæ. nullæ enim pænulæ purpureæ fuerunt. has vt tolleret Tiberius, ipse lacernam fuscam siue pullam induit. Nam pluuio tempore lacernas intra Vrbem gestatas diximus. Sub Flauijs pænulæ intra Vrbem gestatæ videtur. sed pluuiæ tantum causa. Iuuenalis Sat. v. de salutatore, qui etiam fædis imbre diebus Aue matutinum portabat. Scilicet hoc fuerat, propter quod sæpè relicta Coniuge per montem aduersum: gelidasque cucurri Esquilias, fremeret laua cum grandine vernus Iuppiter, & multo stillaret penula nimbo. Hoc etiam docet iocus Galbæ apud Quintilianum, qui pænulam roganti, Non possum commodare inquit: domi maneo: cum Canaculum eius perplueret. Et paulo infra. Non pluit, non est opus tibi: si pluit ipse vtar. Quæ satis indicant, non nisi pluuio tempore p[er]cunlas gestatas. Paulatim tamen in promiscuo vsu, etiam cum sudum esset, esse coeperunt, & quod maxime mirum est, etiam ab oratoribus cum causas agerent

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Lib. II. 69 none at all, and yet they remained. And in Pro Milone: What is less suited to fighting than when one is entangled in a penula, hindered by a carriage, almost bound fast by a wife? Hence also muleteers in a penula, from which comes mulionia . Likewise in Pro Sestio: The rustic fellow, not altogether unaware, sensed that his blood was being sought; he snatched up the muleteer’s penula, with which he had first come to Rome for the elections. Seneca, Ep. LXXXVII, on his journey: The cushion lies on the ground, I am on the cushion. From two penulae, one was made a blanket, the other a coverlet. Thus, however, the penulae were used only outside the City and for the sake of rain. But when their use first began within the City is not certain. If we believe Dio, book LVII, in the reign of Tiberius. For he says that, while many wore purple clothing though forbidden, Tiberius neither rebuked nor fined them, but merely caused a man at the games, when it was raining, to be dressed in pæn pæd pædulæ , lest anyone else should use an unlawful garment. The interpreter, with Lipsius, rendered pædulæ as penula; but scholars long ago observed that it was a lacerna . Garments of purple, worn against custom, were lacernae ; for there were no purple penulae. To abolish these, Tiberius himself put on a dark or black lacerna . For we have said that in wet weather lacernae were worn within the City. Under the Flavians, penulae seem to have been worn within the City, but only for rainy weather. Juvenal, Sat. V, speaks of the morning greeter, who even on filthy, rainy days carried his morning “Ave.” Clearly this was the reason why, often leaving behind my wife, I hurried over the opposite hill and the cold Esquiline, when the spring Jupiter roared with hail and the penula dripped with heavy rain. This is also shown by Galba’s jest in Quintilian, who, when asked for a penula, said, “I cannot lend one: I am staying at home,” since his upper room was leaking through. And a little below: “It is not raining; you have no need of it: if it does rain, I shall use it myself.” These things sufficiently show that penulae were worn only in rainy weather. Gradually, however, they came into common use even when it was clear, and, what is most surprising, even by orators while they were pleading cases

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. II. 71 dam solum inter omnes nigris lacernis munus spectasse Cum plebs & minor ordo, maximisque Sancto cum duce candidus federet. Id est, in lacernis albis, quæ in spectaculis adhibebantur. Idem lib. XIV. Ep. cxxxvII. Lacernæ albæ. Amphitheatrales nos commendamur ad vsus Cum tegit algentes nostra lacernatogas. Præterea paulo infra ipse Castritius fatetur huiusmodi vestitum de multo iam vsu ignoscibilem esse. Lacernas nempe. Non hoc ergo reprehendebat Rhetor. Sed quod cum la- cernis gallicis essent calceati, cum calceos gestare debuis- sent. Subijcit enim. Sed si hic vester huiuscemodi vestitus, de multo iam vsu ignoscibilis est, soleatos tamen vos Pop. Romani Senatores per Vrbis vias ingredi nequaquam decorum est, non hercle vebis minus, quam illitum fuit, cui hoc M. Tullius pro turpi crimine obiectauit. (Antonium intelligit.) Hoc autem cal- ceos a caligis, gallicis, crepidis, soleisque diuersos fuis- se notum est, quod calcei totum pedem & dimidium ferè crus vestirent, caligè soleæque, ac gallicæ pedis plantam re- gerent. Ita cum togæ gestari delijssent & in earum locum successere lacernæ, calceos nihilominus retétos apparet ex hoc loco, quod indecorum videretur ita nudis pedibus in- cedere per Vrbem: deinde quod cum calcei Senatorum lunati essent, id insigne in solea spectari non poterat. At extra Vrbem depositis calceis, soleæ adhibitæ. Mar- tialis de vita rustica: Lunata nusquam pellis, & nusquam toga. Reprehendit igitur Castritius Senatores, quod contra morem, & decus magni ordinis pro calceis gallicas gesta- rent. Soleatos tamen vos Pepoli Rom. Senatores per Vrbis vias ingredi nequaquam decorum est. Quod autem Gallicæ soleæ essent idem ostendit. Plerique tamen inquit ex ijs, qui audie- rant, requirebant cur soleatos dixisset, qui gallicas, non soleas haberent. Sed Castritius scite, atque in corrupte locutus est. Om- nia enim fermè id genus, quibus plantarum calces tantum infimè reguntur, cetera propè nuda, & teretibus habenis vincita sunt, so- leas

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book II. 71 that alone among all to have viewed the spectacle in black cloaks when the common people and the lower class, and the highest ranks were united with the holy leader in white. That is, in white cloaks, which were used at spectacles. The same, book XIV, Ep. 137. White cloaks. We are commended to the uses of the amphitheater when our cloaks cover the freezing togas. Moreover, a little below, Castritius himself admits that this kind of dress had long been, by much use, no longer blameworthy. Namely, cloaks. So therefore the Rhetor was not criticizing this. But that when they were shod with Gallic cloaks, when they ought to have worn shoes. For he adds: But if this dress of yours, since it has long been so much in use that it is no longer blameworthy, nevertheless for you, Senators of the Roman People, to go about the streets of the City in sandals is by no means proper; nor indeed is it less disgraceful than it was for the man to whom M. Tullius objected this as a shameful crime. (He means Antony.) But it is known that shoes were different from buskins, Gallic shoes, slippers, and sandals, for shoes covered the whole foot and almost half the leg, while buskins, sandals, and Gallic shoes covered the sole of the foot. Thus, when togas were discontinued and cloaks took their place, it appears that shoes were nevertheless retained from this passage, because it would seem improper to walk through the City with bare feet in that way; moreover, because when the senators’ shoes were moon-shaped, that insignia could not be seen on a sandal. But outside the City, when the shoes had been laid aside, sandals were used. Martial on rustic life: Nowhere the moon-shaped shoe, and nowhere the toga. Therefore Castritius rebukes the Senators because, contrary to custom and the dignity of a great order, they wore Gallic shoes instead of shoes. Nevertheless, it is by no means proper for you, Senators of the Roman People, to go about the streets of the City in sandals. And that the Gallic shoes were the same he shows. Yet, says he, most of those who heard it asked why he had said sandals, when they had Gallic shoes, not sandals. But Castritius spoke shrewdly and correctly. For nearly all things of that kind, by which only the heels of the feet are covered underneath, while the rest is almost bare and bound with slender straps, are sandals

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72 Octauij Ferrarij leas dixerunt, nonnum quam græca voce crepidulas. Gallicas autem verbum esse opinor nouum non diu ante ætatem M. Ciceronis vsurpari cæptum. Itaque ab eo positum est in secunda Antonianarum. Cum gallicis inquit & lacerna cucurristi. Nondum tamen difficultas omnis exhausta est. Cur enim dixit Castritius. Pigitum est cinctos saltem esse, & penulatos. Quasi honestius pænularum gestamen esset, quam lacernarum, contra veterum scriptorum fidem. Sed neque hoc vir eruditi cœperunt. Non est hæc Castritij sententia. Sed quando mallent gallicis, quam calceis vti, rectius atque honestius ipsos facturos fuisse, si etiam cincti, & penulati esseut. Nam cum penula vestis viatoria esset, & soleæ cum ea gestarentur, non cum lacernis, aut toga, magis decorum futurum fuisse dixit, si penulati incessissent, quasi iter paulo post facturi. Quemadmodu[m] indecens nunc videretur, si quis ocreas, & calcaria cum longa veste per vrbem gestaret, nequaquam si accinctus, & penulatus. Ideo autem cinctos dixit, no[n] solum quia omnes iter facturi præcipue in equo altius cincti, sed cum tunicæ senatorum, vt alias diximus, siue laticlauiæ sub toga & lacerna non cingerentur, iter facturi præcipue equo necesse habebant longiores tunicas cingulo suspendere: & ideo cincturam cum pænula coniunxit, non quod pænula cingeretur, vt quibusdam visum est, & infra refellemus. Non igitur ante Seueri Alexandri ætatem Senatores intra Vrbem nisi pluuiæ causa penulati. Id primum illis Alexander concessit, vt supra posuimus. In vulgatis est. Pænulis intra Vrbem frigoris causa, vt senes vterentur permisit. Recte Lipsius pro Senibus, Senatores subiecit, vt ante Lipsium Britanicus ad Iuuenalis. Sat. v. An Senatores in funere Principum pænulati. Cap. IV. Senatores in funere Cæsarum pænula vsos scribit Lampridius in Commodo. Ipse autem, inquit, prodigium non leue sibi fecit. Nam cum in gladiatoris occisi vulnere manum misis-

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72 Octavius Ferrarius they said, not often, using a Greek word, crepidulae. But the word for Gallic ones, I think, is a new term, begun to be used not long before the age of M. Cicero. And so it was used by him in the Second Philippic against Antony. For he says, “You ran about with Gallic ones and a lacerna.” Yet the difficulty is not yet entirely exhausted. For why did Castritius say, it is a shame that at least they should be girt and wearing a paenula? As if the wearing of paenulae were more respectable than that of lacernae, contrary to the evidence of the ancient writers. But neither did this occur to learned men. This is not the opinion of Castritius. Rather, since they would rather use Gallic shoes than regular shoes, he thought it would have been more correct and more proper if they had also been girt and wearing a paenula. For since the paenula was a traveling garment, and sandals were worn with it, not with the lacerna or toga, it would have been more seemly, he said, if they had gone about in paenulae, as though they were soon to set out on a journey. Just as it would now seem inappropriate if someone should carry greaves and spurs with a long garment through the city, though not at all if he were girded and wearing a paenula. He therefore said girt, not only because all who are about to travel, especially on horseback, are more tightly girt, but because the senators’ tunics, as we have said elsewhere, whether broad-striped, when worn under the toga and lacerna, were not girt; and those who were about to travel, especially by horse, had to suspend their longer tunics with a belt: and for that reason he joined girding with the paenula, not because the paenula itself was girded, as has seemed to some, and we shall refute below. Therefore, before the age of Severus Alexander, senators within the City wore paenulae only because of rain. Alexander first granted this to them, as we have noted above. In the printed editions it reads: “He permitted them to use paenulae within the City because of cold, as old men would.” Lipsius rightly substituted “senators” for “old men,” as before Lipsius the British commentator on Juvenal, Satire 5: “Were senators at the funeral of princes in paenulae?” Chapter IV. Lampridius writes, in his Life of Commodus, that senators used the paenula at the funeral of the Caesars. He himself, however, says, made no slight prodigy for himself. For when, in the wound of a slain gladiator, he put his hand into the

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. II. 73 misisset, ad caput sibi detersit, & contra consuetudinem pænulatos iussit spectatores, non togatos ad munus conuenire, quod funeribus solebat ipse in pullis vestimentis præsidens. Omnino cum Casaubono legendum. Pænulatos iussit Senatores, non togatos. Nec enim spectatores in muneribus togati omnes, nec pænulati. qui enim id fieri poterat in minuto, ac tunicato populo cui nec togæ erant, nec pænulæ, nec lacernæ? Sed Senatores, cum in spectaculis togati essent, iussit eos pænulatos conuenire: quo habitu non nisi funera Principum frequentabant. Id tradit Dio lib. lxxI. I rem eandem narrans. His perfectis rebus inquit, magnum nobis solatium dedit, quod cum esset rursus gladiatorum more pugnaturus nos (scilicet Senatores. nam & ipse senator erat, & de periculo in quo omnes fuerant Senatores paulo ante narrauerat) ἐν τετὴς 50λην ἀππαδι, καὶ ἐν ταίς μανδύας εἰς τὸ θεατρὸν ἐισελθεῖν. Equestri veste & lacernis indutos venire in theatrum. Quo habitu nunquam ante Theatrum ingredi consueueramus, nisi princeps e vita decessisset. Sed cum μανδύλω καὶ ἐφεσπίδα proprie lacernam appellauerint Græci scriptores, vt diximus, Salmasio assentimur, qui Lampridium pænulas pro lacernis posuisse censet. Neque tamen omnino verum est μανδύας & πιπάδα 50λω ἐν παραλήλε posita esse, & μανδύαν id est lacernam equitum vestem fuisse; nec equitum tantum, sed & popularium, quod toga per ea tempora in solis senatoribus substitisset. Nam si lacerna popularis etiam fuit, quomodo vestis equestris hîc dicitur? Vestis equestris, vt alias docimus, fuit tunica equitum angusticlaui: quam deposito latoclauo senatores in luctu sumebant. Nam duo luctus insignia Patres vsurpabant, tunicam equestrem, & lacernas pullas. De lacernis pullis in funere Herodianus de funere Seueri. πᾶσα ἐ Σύγπλιτος μελαίναις ἐφεσπίσι χρώμενος. Senatus omnis in pullis lacernis. Nunquam igitur ante Alexandri tempora, nisi pluuiæ, aut itineris causa, senatores pænulati, sed togati, maxime in publico conuentu: tantum in funeribus, ac gladiatorijs muneribus, quæ mortui Principis causa e debantur, in equestri veste, & lacernis pullis, licet Lampridius Pars II. K

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book II. 73 had sent it, he wiped his head with it, and contrary to custom ordered the spectators to come to the performance in pænulæ, not in togas, since at funerals he himself used to preside in dark clothing. It is altogether to be read, with Casaubon, Pænulatos iussit Senatores, non togatos . For in performances the spectators were not all togati, nor all pænulati. For how could that be done among a small, tunic-clad populace, for whom there were neither togas, nor pænulæ, nor cloaks? But the Senators, when they were togati in spectacles, he ordered to come in pænulæ: a dress in which they attended only the funerals of princes. Dio records the same thing, Book lxxi, recounting the same matter. “When these things had been accomplished,” he says, “he gave us great consolation, because, when he was about again to fight in the manner of gladiators, we should enter the theatre in equestrian dress and cloaks.” He means, of course, the Senators; for he himself was also a senator, and had just before narrated the danger in which all the Senators had been. “Ἐν τετὴς 50λην ἀππαδι, καὶ ἐν ταίς μανδύας εἰς τὸ θεατρὸν ἐισελθεῖν.” To come into the theatre in equestrian dress and cloaks. In such attire we had never before been accustomed to enter the Theatre, unless the prince had died. But since Greek writers properly called the cloak μανδύα and ἐφεσπίδα, as we said, we agree with Salmasius, who thinks that Lampridius used pænulæ for cloaks. Yet it is not entirely true that μανδύας and πιπάδα 50λω are placed in parallel, and that the μανδύα, that is, the lacerna, was the dress of knights; not only of knights, but also of common people, since in those times the toga had remained only among senators. For if the lacerna was also popular dress, how is it here called equestrian dress? Equestrian dress, as we explain elsewhere, was the tunic of the knights with a narrow stripe; this the senators, after laying aside the broad stripe, wore in mourning. For the Fathers used two signs of mourning: the equestrian tunic and dark cloaks. On dark cloaks at a funeral, Herodian writes of the funeral of Severus: “πᾶσα ἐ Σύγπλιτος μελαίναις ἐφεσπίσι χρώμενος.” The whole Senate in dark cloaks. Therefore, before the time of Alexander, senators were never pænulati, except because of rain or travel, but togati, especially in public assembly; only at funerals, and at gladiatorial games given because of a dead prince, in equestrian dress and dark cloaks, although Lampridius

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. II. 75 veste, sed ipsius Imperatoris. Qiare legendum existimat: Sine pænulis togati, vel attogati videntur. Simplicius erit si le- gatur sine pænulis, ac togati videntur. Nam Imperatores non modo in salutationis officio, sed vbique sine pænulis videbantur, & præterea togati. Quasi nunquam viderentur Imperatores nisi cum Auematurinum illis portaretur. Et si aliquando pænulas gestassent, domi certe sumptas nemo dixerit cum arcendo frigori, & plures tunicas, to- gasq; & si placet lacernas induere possent: pænulæ domi, ne a priuatis quidé gestarentur, nisi si cui, vt Galbæ illi, coena- culum perplueret. Quid ergo opus erat tempus tantum salutationis a Spartiano notam, quo Imperatores sine pænulis viserentur, cum diserte tradat nunquam ab ijs gestatas? Recta igitur emendatio est quam nullus salutator, aut togatus loco mouebit. Sine pænulis, ac togati videntur. Quod scilicet prodente hæc Spartiano Imperatores nunquam vterentur pænulis, & togati incederent. Nam videri est in publicum procedere, & palam adspici. Nec dicere attinet illud sine pænulis redundare, quod qui togati sunt vtique pænulati non sunt. Nam contrapo- test aliquis esse sine pænulis, & tamen non togatus, lacernatus, paludatus, chlamydatus. Innuit ergo Spartianus, cum pænulis Principes abstinerent, nihilominus togam retinuisse, & togatos intra Vrbem visos esse. Non ita facile tamen animum inducent, vt credant viri docti, nunquam pænulas ab Imperatore gestatas, quod tradit D[omi]no Tiberium pænula vsum. Sed pædibus ibi lacernam esse, non pænulam, dictum est: & si semel redarguendo purpurearum vestium vsu induerit, non efficit Principem pænulas in vsu habuisse. Præterea Alexander Seuerus auctore Lampridio vsus est togis, ac pænulis communibus. Verum non gestatas intra Vrbem pænulas a Principibus, in itinere pluuiæ causa adhibitas credimus, quas Lampridius intellexit. Idem affirmandum de altero scriptoris eiusdem loco, quem supra adduximus. Concessum ab Alexandro, vt senatores pænulas frigoris causa haberent: & tamen aiunt, K 2

Transcription: Translated (English)

On Dress, Part II. Book II. 75 not the garment, but that of the Emperor himself. Therefore he thinks it should be read: “Sine pænulis togati, vel attogati videntur.” It will be simpler if it is read: “sine pænulis, ac togati videntur.” For the Emperors were seen not only in the duty of receiving salutations, but everywhere without pænulæ, and moreover in togas. As though the Emperors were never seen except when they were being carried on an Awematurinum. And if they had ever worn pænulæ, no one would surely say that they were put on at home, since for warding off cold they could wear several tunics, togas, and, if you like, cloaks; pænulæ were not worn at home even by private persons, unless, like that man Galba, it should rain into the dining-room. What need was there, then, for Spartianus to note only the time of salutation, when the Emperors would be seen without pænulæ, since he expressly states that they were never worn by them? Therefore the correct emendation is the one which no salutator or togatus will displace: “Sine pænulis, ac togati videntur.” That is to say, Spartianus indicates by this that the Emperors never used pænulæ, and walked about in togas. For “to be seen” is to go out into public and be openly observed. Nor is it worth saying that the phrase “sine pænulis” is redundant, since those who are in togas are certainly not in pænulæ. For a man may be without pænulæ and yet not be togatus, but wearing a lacerna, a paludamentum, or a chlamys. Spartianus therefore intimates that, while the rulers abstained from pænulæ, they nonetheless retained the toga, and were seen in togas within the City. Yet learned men will not so easily be persuaded to believe that pænulæ were never worn by the Emperor, since it is reported of Tiberius that he used a pænula. But there it was said that it was a lacerna, not a pænula; and if, by once refuting the use of purple garments, he wore it, that does not prove that the Princeps made pænulæ his regular wear. Moreover, Alexander Severus, according to Lampridius, used ordinary togas and pænulæ. However, we believe that pænulæ were not worn within the City by the Princes, but were employed on journeys because of rain, which is what Lampridius understood. The same must be affirmed of another passage in that same writer, which we cited above: that Alexander allowed senators to have pænulæ on account of the cold; and yet they say, K 2

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76 Octauij Ferrarij aiunt, Tribuni qui Senatores erant multo ante sub Adria- no ferebant pænulas. Sed quis non videt Tribunos, & Se- natores reliquos pluuiæ tempore, vt ait Spartanus, induis- se pænulas: at Alexandrum permisisse, vt die sereno frigo- ris causa a Senatoribus gestarentur, quibus ante illud tem- pus impermissum. Nam Gellij locum satis ante examina- uimus. Neque tamen verum est, has pænulas fuisse lacernas. nam lacernarum promiscuus vsus quolibet tempore. At pænulas pluuio tantum tempore a senatoribus adhibi- tas tradit Spartanus. non ergo fuere lacernæ, quarum vsus nullo tempore interdictus. Ita quibus pænulis communi- bus vsus dicitur Alexander, pænulæ fuere, non lacernæ: præterea quas donare Macrinus rosei coloris populo vo- luerat in honorem filij, pænulæ fuere, nô lacernæ. non enim credibile scriptores, & si parum curiosos, tamen diversa vestimenta confundere voluisse. Solus Lampridius Græcâ apud Dionem vocem puer dum pænulam interpretatus est, quæ erat lacerna. Et si daremus recte interpretatum esse, & senatores illos in funere pænulatos fuisse, parum re- ferret; & nihilominus verum esset, quod tradit idem, sena- tores ante Alexandri æuum nunquam pænulis nisi pluuiæ causa vsos. De Materia Pænularum. Pænulæ scortæ, Gausapinæ, Canusinæ. Cap. VI. Pænularum vsum indicauimus, restat vt materiam formam, ac colorem demonstremus. Pænulas du- plicis generis fuisse, alias scortas, alias laneas, & gausa- pinas peruulgatum est. De scorteis Martialis. lib. xiv. Ep. cxxx. Pænula scortea. Ingrediare viam cælo licet vsque sereno: Ad subitas nunquam scortea desit aquas. Seneca in quæst. naturalibus lib. iv. cap. vi. Hicum signum dedissent adesse iam grandinem, qvid expectas, vt homines ad pænulas discurrerent, aut scortas? Hæ pænulæ expelle con- fectæ.

Transcription: Translated (English)

76 Octauij Ferrarii They say that Tribunes, who were Senators, wore pænulas long before Hadrian. But who does not see that Tribunes, and the rest of the Senators, in rainy weather, as Spartianus says, put on pænulas; and that Alexander allowed them to be worn by Senators on a clear day for the sake of the cold, though before that time it had not been permitted? For we have already examined Gellius’s passage sufficiently. Nor is it true, however, that these pænulas were lacernæ, for the use of lacernæ was common at any time. But Spartianus records that pænulas were used by Senators only in rainy weather. Therefore they were not lacernæ, whose use was forbidden at no time. Thus, in the pænulæ commonly said to have been used by Alexander, they were pænulæ, not lacernæ. Moreover, the pænulas of rose-colored cloth which Macrinus had wished to give to the people in honor of his son were pænulæ, not lacernæ. For it is not credible that writers, even if not very exact, nevertheless wanted to confuse different garments. Only Lampridius, in interpreting the Greek word in Dio as puer dum pænula, took it to mean a lacerna. And if we granted that he interpreted it correctly, and that those senators at the funeral were clothed in pænulæ, it would make little difference; and it would still remain true, as the same writer relates, that senators before the age of Alexander never used pænulæ except because of rain. On the Material of Pænulæ. Pænulæ of leather, gausapinae, Canusinæ. Chap. VI. We have indicated the use of pænulæ; it remains for us to show their material, shape, and color. It is well known that pænulæ were of two kinds, some leather, others woolen, and some gausapinae. On the leather kind Martial, Book XIV, Epigram 130: “Leather pænula.” “Though you may travel under a perfectly clear sky, let a leather one never fail you in sudden showers.” Seneca, in the Natural Questions, Book IV, chapter 6: “When this sign has already given notice that hail is near, what are you waiting for, that men should rush off for pænulæ, or leather ones? These pænulæ are made of beaten hide.”

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. II. 77 fectæ. Quia vt ait Festus omnia expellibus facta scortea appellabantur. vnde & meretrices scorta dictæ, quod tanquam pelliculæ subigantur. Scortæ etiam meminit Nonius de Improprijs loco corrupto. Pænulam abusine omne quicquid tegit nobilissimi veteres transtulerunt. Varro Manio: & cum corrigia disrupta tenet aridum reliquum pedem pænula scortea pertegere. Ita Vetus editio. Sunt qui legant: & cu[m] corrigia disrupta tonat aridum. Fortasse. Cum corrigia disrupta tonat horridum. Nam quod aliqui legunt Tentet aridum reliquum pedem pænula scortea pertegere: id est, tentet pænulam, qua indutus est, ad pedes dimittere, ne videlicet calceus detritus appareat, parum proficiunt. nam talaris pænula non fuit, nec pedes stantis pertegere potuit. Sed hæc non sunt tanti. Non solum autem expelle, sed etiam ex lana pænulæ conficiebantur: exque duplicis generis fuere. Nam aut breui villo, quæ & Canusinæ: aut villosæ, quæ gausapinæ dictæ. Illæ pluuiæ tempore adhibitæ etiam intra Vrbem, cum fere scortæ tantum in itinere: gausapinæ per hiemem causa frigoris sumptæ. De primis Plinius lib. VIII. cap. XLVII. initio. Lana autem laudatissima Appula, & quæ in Italia Græci pecoris appellatur: tertium locum Milesiæ ones obtinent. Appulæ breues villo nec nisi pænulis celebres: circa Tarentum Canusimumque summam nobilitatem habent. Non nisi autem pænulis celebrem huiusmodi lanam tradit, propter villi breuitatem. nam villosæ vestes potius imbre trahunt, qua[m] excutiunt. Istæ igitur pluuiæ tepore adhibitæ a Canusio Canusinę appellatę, quaru[m] duplex color, de quo infra dicemus. Sed alteræ gausapinę fuerunt longiori scilicet villo, exq[ue] etiam cum sudum esset frigoris causa intra vrbem adhibitæ, quanquam & lacernas gausapinas in visu fuisse dixerimus. Martialis. Pænula gausapina. Is mihi candor inest, villorum gratia tanta Vt me vel media sumere messe velis. De hac capiendus Horatius lib. I. Ep. XL. Incolumi Rhodos, & Mitylene pulchra facit quod Pænula solstitio, campestre nivalibus auris Per

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book II. 77 made. Because, as Festus says, whatever was made of hides was called scortea . Whence prostitutes too were called scorta , because they are, as it were, worked like skins. Scorta is also mentioned by Nonius in an Improprius place that is corrupt. The pænula, by abuse, the ancients of the highest rank used for everything that covers. Varro to Manius: “and with the strap broken, he keeps the dry remainder of the foot covered with a leather pænula.” So the old edition reads. There are those who read: “and with the strap broken it covers the dry.” Perhaps, “with the strap broken it covers the rough.” For what some read, “it attempts to cover the dry remainder of the foot with a leather pænula,” that is, it attempts to let down the pænula, which he is wearing, to the feet, lest, of course, the worn shoe should appear, they make little progress. For the long pænula was not so, nor could it cover the feet of a standing man. But these things are not of such importance. Moreover, pænulæ were made not only of hides, but also of wool; and there were two kinds. For either they had a short nap, and these were also called Canusinæ; or they were shaggy, and these were called gausapinæ. The former were used in wet weather, even within the City, when almost only scortæ were for travel; the gausapinæ were taken up in winter because of the cold. Pliny speaks of the first, Book VIII, chapter XLVII, at the beginning. But the wool most highly praised is Apulian, and that which in Italy is called Greek fleece: the Milesian sheep occupy third place. The Apulian wools are short in nap and famous only for pænulæ; around Tarentum and Canusium they have the highest reputation. He says that this kind of wool is famous only for pænulæ, because of the shortness of the nap; for shaggy garments rather draw in the rain than shake it off. These, then, being used in wet weather, were called Canusinæ from Canusium, of which there was a double color, of which we shall speak below. But the others were gausapinæ, with a longer nap, and they were also used inside the city when it was cold, even when the weather was clear, although we have said that gausapine cloaks were also seen. Martial: “The pænula gausapina.” Such whiteness is in me, such is the favor of the wool That you would wish me to take it up even in the middle of harvest. Horace must be consulted on this, Book I, Epistle XL. “Well does Rhodes, and beautiful Mitylene, unhurt, make this, which the pænula does at midsummer, the campestre in snowy breezes For”

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Octauij Ferrarij Per brumam Tyberis, Sextili mense caminus. Pænula scilicet gausapina inepta solstitio æstiuo. Nisi quis malit quamlibet pænulam, quæ æstate non necessaria cum minimum pluat. Acron de gausapina interpretatur. Nihil frigiditatis in æstate affert, quia spissa & crassa est. Campestre nihil caliditatis in hieme, qui atenuo est. Pænularum Figura. Cap. VII. L Acernas pænulis breuiores fuisse, cetera similes veterum Grammaticorum testimonio viri docti tradiderunt. Sed solus, quod ego sciam, Persii Interpres ait lacernam fuisse pallium fimbriatum, Pænulam pallium cum fimbriis longis. Quod Grammatici illius commentum existimo. Quis enim veterum in pænula aut lacerna fimbriarum meminit? Deinde potest vestimétu[m] aliquod alio breuius esse, licet longiores fimbrias habeat. Verisimilius est, pænulas lacernis breuiores fuisse, vestimentum scilicet viatorium, equitanti accomodatum, lecticarijs, cursoribus, & id genus hominibus aptum. Quidquid sit magnum in eo, totumque discrimen erat, quod lacernæ apertæ, & quæ fibula necetebantur; pænulæ clausæ fuerunt, rotundæ, quæque togæ instar corpori inijcerentur, illudque ambirent, nisi quod strictiores erant, ac breuiores, præterea cum in toga dextrum brachium per summâ oram exereretur, pænula vtroque brachio subducebatur. Id mihi diu ignoratum est, donec subiectas alteram Mercurij alteram militis pænulati effigies Roma transmisit nunquam nobis, populisque nepotum silendus Eques Cassianus a Puteo, in Romana luce totius antiquitatis assertor felicissimus, idemque fugientium literarum Stator, quem vnum comitatis, ac magnificentia simulachru[m] exterae quoq[ue] gentes colunt, magna pars propter hunc vnum Vrbem inuisunt. Absque eo foret adhuc pænulam ignoraremus. Tabula XVI. XVII. XVIII.

Transcription: Translated (English)

Octavius Ferrarii For winter, the Tiber in the month of Sextilis is a furnace. A gausapine paenula is, to be sure, absurd for the summer solstice. Unless one prefers any sort of paenula, which in summer is not necessary unless it rains a little. Acron explains gausapina. It brings no coldness in summer, because it is thick and heavy. A field garment brings no warmth in winter, because it is thin. The Shape of Paenulas. Chapter VII. L Learned men have handed down, from the testimony of the ancient grammarians, that lacernae were shorter than paenulas, though otherwise similar. But, so far as I know, only the Interpreter of Persius says that a lacerna was a fringed cloak, and a paenula a cloak with long fringes. I think that this is the grammarian’s invention. For who among the ancients makes mention of fringes on a paenula or a lacerna? Moreover, one garment can be shorter than another, even though it has longer fringes. It is more likely that paenulas were shorter than lacernae, namely a traveling garment, suited to a rider, fitting for litter-bearers, couriers, and men of that sort. Whatever the case, the main thing in it, and the whole difference, was that lacernae were open and fastened with a clasp; paenulae were closed, round, and were thrown over the body like a toga, surrounding it, except that they were tighter and shorter; furthermore, whereas in the toga the right arm was brought out through the upper edge, the paenula was drawn over both arms. This was long unknown to me, until the Eques Cassianus a Puteo sent from Rome the two accompanying images, one of Mercury and the other of a soldier wearing a paenula; never to be silenced by us or by future generations, the happiest defender of all antiquity in the Roman light, and likewise the pillar of fleeing letters, whom alone foreign peoples too honor for his courtesy and magnificence of character; a large part visit the City because of him alone. Without him we would still be ignorant of the paenula. Plates XVI, XVII, XVIII.

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. II. 72 Tab. XVI. [Engraved Figure] [Geo. Georg. sculps.]

Transcription: Translated (English)

On Clothing, Part II. Book II. 72 Tab. XVI. [Engraved Figure] [Geo. Georg. sculps.]

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30 Octauij Ferrarij Tab. XVII. Geo. Georg. sculps.

Transcription: Translated (English)

30 Octauij Ferrarij Tab. XVII. Geo. Georg. sculps.

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. II. 81 Tab. XVIII. Pars II. L Geo. Georg. sculps.

Transcription: Translated (English)

On Clothing, Part II. Book II. 81 Plate XVIII. Part II. L Geo. Georg. sculpt.

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. II. 83 starent. Nam nulla in lacernis lasciuia, & omnes Senato- res discincti fuerunt. Atqui apud Petronium: superuenit cinædus myrtea subor- natus gausapina, cinguloque succinctus. Sed ibi gausapina tu- nica est, vt Donius recte obseruat, coloris myrtei: exole- ti in tunica succincti, conuiuiis scilicet adhibiti. Seneca de breuitate vitæ; Cum videam quam solliciti argentum ordi- nent, quam diligenter exoletorum suorum tunicas succingant. Et si gausapina illa pænula fuit, cingulo tunicam succin- ctus erat. Alij pænularum nomine tunicas venisse obser- uant. Falso. Nam tunicatus populus non quod lacerna- tus esset, aut pænulatus dictus, sed quod in sola tunica. Et licet in Veteri Glossario Scortea explicetur , non tamen pænula scortea tunica fuit. nam & tunica scortea es- se potuit, siue ex corio, loroque confecta, vnde & loricia, & loricatunica ex loris. Ita & lacerna siue pænula loricia. Falsum item milites, & populum tunicis lineis superinduis- se pænulam, quæ fuit tunica superior. nam tunicæ mani- cas cubito tenus habebant, ex quis brachia exerebantur, & ideo cingi poterant, at pænula vtrumque brachium pre- mebat, & ipsi tunicæ superinjiciebatur. Neque Hierony- mus tunicam pro pænula dixit ad Iulianum. Iam dimisso synthemate equus publicus sternebatur, & nobilem iuuenem pu- nicea indutum tunica baltheus ambiebat. Cur enim tunicam eam pænulam fuisse dicamus? Sed quid opus est verbis? Si quis pænulati figuram adspiciat, facile intelliget nullo modo pænulas cingi potuisse, alioqui vtrumque brachium, quod pænulæ subiectum, eodem cingulo constrictum, & colligatum fuisset. Porro in Tabula xv i i i. cucullus pænu- læ appensus apparet, & quidem acuminatus, sicut & in sub- iecta Icuncula, vt opinor Aegyptiaca, quam habuimus be- neficio splendissimi Equitis Ioannis de Lazara, qui singula- ri comitate, harumque literarum cultu, & totius antiquita- tis peritia, sed præcipue instructissimo Numismatum Mu- sæo non vetustissimam modo familiam vrbemque hanc, sed totam Italiam collustrat. Tab. XIX. L 2 At

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book II. 83 They would stand out. For there was no wantonness in the cloaks, and all the Senators were ungirded. And yet in Petronius: there comes in a cinaedus adorned with myrtle, in a gausapina, and belted with a girdle. But there the gausapina is a tunic, as Donius rightly observes, of a myrtle color: exoleti in tunics girded up, that is, admitted to banquets. Seneca, On the Brevity of Life: When I see how carefully they arrange the silver, how diligently they gird up the tunics of their exoleti. And if that gausapina was a paenula, he was girded in a tunic with a belt. Others observe that tunics came under the name of paenulae. Wrong. For the people were called tunicati, not because they wore a lacerna or a paenula, but because they wore only a tunic. And although in the Old Glossary scortea is explained, still a paenula was not a scortea tunic. For a tunica scortea could exist, whether made of leather or of thongs, whence also lorica, and lorica-tunica from thongs. So too a lacerna, or paenula, may have been a lorica. It is likewise false that soldiers and the people wore linen tunics over the paenula, which was an outer tunic. For tunics had sleeves only to the elbow, from which the arms were exposed, and therefore could be girded; but the paenula covered both arms and was thrown over the tunic itself. Nor did Jerome use tunica for paenula in his letter to Julian. Now, when the formula was dismissed, the public horse was brought forward, and a belt encircled the noble youth, clad in a scarlet tunic. Why then should we say that that tunic was a paenula? But what need is there for words? If anyone looks at the figure of the pænulatus, he will easily understand that paenulae could in no way have been girded, otherwise both arms, which were beneath the paenula, would have been constrained and bound by the same belt. Moreover, in Plate XVIII the hood of the paenula appears hanging down, and indeed pointed, just as also in the figure below, which I think is Egyptian, and which we obtained through the kindness of the most splendid Knight Giovanni de Lazara, who by his singular courtesy, his devotion to these studies, and his knowledge of all antiquity, but especially by his very well-stocked Museum of Coins, sheds light not only on a most ancient family and this city, but on the whole of Italy. Plate XIX. L 2 At

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. II. 85 At pænulæ puerilis effigiem exhibet duplex marmor Pa- tauinum editum a Cl. Equite-Sertorio Orsato. Tabula XX. XXI. Tab. XX. Ruffonus F. DE

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On the Subject of Clothing, Part II. Book II. 85 It also exhibits the figure of a child’s paenula in a double Paduan marble published by the distinguished Knight Sertorius Orsato. Plate XX. XXI. Pl. XX. Ruffonus F. DE

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86 Octavius Ferrarij Tab. XXI. Ruffonus. F.

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86 Octavius Ferrarij Tab. XXI. Ruffonus. F.

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88 Octauj Ferrarij rum, & militum peculiarem facit. Sed Romæ serui, aut sine pænulis in sola tunica, aut pænulas fusca olim induti. Nam præter pueros & milites vulgus in fuscis pænulis, teste Martiali. Crescente mox luxu ditiores seruis luis pænulas Canusinas rufas induxere, præcipuè lecticariis. Martialis lib. IX. Ep. XXIII. Vt Canusinatus nostro Syrus assere sudet. Et quia is colori militibus vsurpatus, ideo Seneca dixit lecticarios in militarem cultum subornatos. Suetonius tanquam Neronis profusione dignum tradit cap. XXX. Eum nunquam carrucis minus mille fecisse iter, soleis mularum argenteis, canusinatis mulionibus. Magnæ autem id lautitiæ fuit, etiam propter lanæ nobilitatem, quam a marito emi libi postulat sumptuosa vxor apud Iuuenalem. Interea calet, & regnat, poscitque maritum Pastores, & onem Canusinam, vlmosque, Falernas. Vt luxus non vulgaris argumentum fuerit seruorum pænulas ex nobilissima lana scilicet Canusina confectas: quales ab ingenuis vulgo gerebantur, præterea rufo colore, vt militari cultu mancipia incederent. Non ergo pænula militum vestis peculiaris fuit, sed communis et paganorum. Vt minus audiendi sint, qui ad Spartanum obseruant, cum lacerna militum esset & diceretur, postquam ea ab Vrbanis vsurpari coeperit, ad habitus distinctionem pænulas militum dictas esse. Nam semper pænula commune vestimentum fuit Quiritium, & militum, omnis sexus, omnis ætatis. Meminere & pænulæ militaris scriptores, sed non tanquam id peculiare vestimentum militiæ esset. Suetonius Nerone. Irrumpenti Centurioni & pænula ad vulnus apposita. Idem Galba. cap. VI. Postridie quam ad legiones venit, solenni forte spectaculo plaudentes inbibuit, data tessera, vt manus pænulis continerent. Seneca de benef. cap. XXIV. lib. v. Meministi quoque sub quadam arbore minimum vmbra spargente, cum velles residere feruentissimo sole, quemdam ex commilitonibus pænulam suam substrauisse. Quæ verba solum declarant etiam milites pænulam habuisse.

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88 Octauj Ferrarij rum, and makes a special distinction for soldiers. But in Rome, slaves either went without pænulæ, in a single tunic, or wore pænulæ of dark color. For, besides boys and soldiers, the common people wore dark pænulæ, as Martial testifies. As luxury soon increased, the wealthier among the rich introduced red Canusian pænulæ for their slaves, especially for chair-bearers. Martial, book IX, Ep. XXIII. Ut Canusinatus nostro Syrus assere sudet. And because that color was also used by soldiers, Seneca therefore said that chair-bearers were outfitted in military dress. Suetonius, as deserving of Nero’s extravagance, relates, chap. XXX, that he never traveled with fewer than a thousand carriages, with mule-harnesses of silver, and muleteers in Canusian dress. But this was considered great luxury, also because of the nobility of the wool, which a costly wife asks her husband to buy for her in Juvenal. Meanwhile she burns, and reigns, and demands from her husband shepherds, and a Canusian fleece, and elm trees, and Falernian wine. So much so that it was a mark of no ordinary luxury for slaves to have pænulæ made from the noblest wool, namely Canusian; such garments were commonly worn by freeborn men, moreover in a red color, so that their slaves might walk about in military dress. Therefore the pænula was not a special garment of soldiers, but a common one, also among civilians. So those who appeal to the Spartan example are to be listened to less, for they say that the lacerna was a soldier’s garment, and that, after it began to be used by city dwellers, the pænulæ were called soldiers’ because of the distinction of dress. For the pænula was always a common garment of the Quirites and of soldiers, of every sex, of every age. Writers also mention the military pænula, but not as though it were a garment peculiar to the army. Suetonius, on Nero: as a centurion burst in, he put on a pænula over the wound. The same, in Galba, chap. VI: The next day, when he came to the legions, by chance at a formal spectacle he restrained those applauding, after the signal had been given, by ordering them to keep their hands inside their pænulæ. Seneca, On Benefits, chap. XXIV, book V: You also remember that beneath a certain tree casting only a little shade, when you wished to sit down in the hottest sun, one of your comrades spread his pænula beneath you. These words show only that even soldiers had the pænula.

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OCTAVII FERRARII DE RE VESTIARIA PARS SECUNDA. LIBER TERTIVS QVI EST DE VESTE MILITARI. Diuersæ Chlamydis species. Chlamys puerilis. Alicula. Velius Longus correctus. Martialis explicatus. Cap. I. Estimenta militaria apud Græcos, & Romano- nos fuere, Chlamys, Sagum, Paludamen- tum. Nam tunica communis etiam paga- nis fuit. Quæ licet diuersa nomine, re ta- men eadem indumenta, aut non multum diuersa fuerunt. Chlamydem Græcæ o- riginis esse, nec aliud quàm , hoc est vestimen- tum quod tunicæ superindueretur, & quidem ferè militare, scriptores consentiunt. Vt quemadmodum toga pacis, ita chlamys belli insigne esset. Philostratus lib. v. cap. xiv. Chlamydem, & militarem vi- tam adamauit. An vero quemadmodum , quod hie- me frigus arceret, dicta sit, Grammatici vi- derint. Porro diuersæ chlamydis species apud scriptores ocur- runt. Puerilis, Muliebris, ac Virilis. Rursus hæc vulgaris, & Imperatoria, de quibus singillatim aliqua nobis adnotan- da sunt. Vlpianus D. de auro arg. leg. Puerilia vestimenta esse ait, quæ ad nullum alium vsum pertinent nisi puerilem, ve- luti toga prætexta, Aliculæ chlamydes, pallia, quæ filijs nostris com- paramus. Iuris consulti non infimæ notæ, qui quid essent Aliculæ non intellexerunt, Alicubi, aut Caligula reposuerunt voces nihili. Doctissimus Hottomannus legendum putat Pars II. M 2 Ali-

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OCTAVII FERRARII ON THE ART OF CLOTHING PART TWO. BOOK THREE WHICH IS ABOUT MILITARY DRESS. Various kinds of the chlamys. The chlamys of boys. The alicula. Velius Longus corrected. Martial explained. Chap. I. Military garments among the Greeks and Romans were the Chlamys, the Sagum, and the Paludamentum. For the tunic was also common among civilians. Although differing in name, they were nevertheless the same, or not very different, garments. Writers agree that the chlamys is of Greek origin, and that it is nothing other than that is, a garment worn over the tunic, and indeed almost a military one. For just as the toga was the emblem of peace, so the chlamys was the emblem of war. Philostratus, book v, chapter xiv. He loved the chlamys and military life. But whether it was so called because it kept off the cold in winter, let the grammarians judge. Moreover, various kinds of the chlamys occur in the writers: boyish, feminine, and manly. Again, there is the common chlamys and the imperial one, concerning each of which some things must now be noted separately. Ulpian, in the Digest On Gold and Silver, says that boyish garments are those which serve for no other use than a boy’s, such as the toga praetexta, the chlamydes, the aliculae, the pallia, which we buy for our children. Some jurists of no small note, who did not understand what the aliculae were, substituted the worthless words Alicubi or Caligula. The most learned Hottomannus thinks it should be read

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. III. 93 prehendo, quum tamen elegantiores etiam veementer di- cerent, quod ibi sine aspiratione scribendum est. Inseruis- se etiam se in verbo reprehendit secundum primam positionem, scilicet prendo (cum post additum sit Re) prendo enim inquit dicimus, non prehendo. Subjicit præpoluisse se vocibus, vt hostis, harena, halica, halicula. Sententia veteris Grammatici est, H. literam velut in alienam possessionem irrupisse, & minime necessario præpositam vocibus, quæ ea carere poterant. Affert inter alia exemplum Alica, & Aliculæ, quarum si altera ab alendo, altera ab aliis deducatur, quid opus aspiratione? Subijcit enim: Hortus quoque non desiderabat aspirationem, quod ibi herbæ oriantur. Totus igitur ille locus ita constituendus est. Et de H. li- tera quæritur, quæ se cum his aut inseruit vocibus, aut præposuit. Inseruit, in his vehemens, reprehendit, cum elegantiores, & veementer dicant: in reprehendit secundum primam positionem: prendo enim dicimus non prehendo. At præposuit, vt cum dicas Hostis, Harena, Halica, Halicula: cum ab alendo possit Alica dici, & Aliculam existiment dictam, quod alas nobis iniecta contineat. Hæc ille. Verum neque Arena neque Alica neque Alicula aspirationem retinuere. Vt in viam redeamus, si Aicula dicta est, quod alas nobis iniecta contineat, Aicula vtique toga esse non potest, quod opinatur Cuiacius, quæ rotunda, & clausa alas habere non potuit. Fuit igitur Aicula chlamys, & quidem puerilis, & inter vestimenta puerilia a Iuris consulto recensita. Infantes enim olim, ac pusiones, aut nudi, aut chlamydula semitecti incedebant. Herodianus lib. 1. narrat Commodum, quum familiarium nomina, quos neci destinauerat, libello inscripsisset, eum libellum a puerulo, quem habebat in delitijs foras elatum totum negotium aperuisse. Erat autem inquit puerulus adhuc infans ex ijs, qui vestitu cætero nudi, sed auro, gemmisque ornati solent delicatioribus oblectamento esse. Reliqui ferme chlamydula humeris iniecta seminudi. Talem Mercurium suum describit Martianus initio operis: Ac

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book III. 93 prehendo, though nevertheless the more polished writers even strongly said that it must be written there without aspiration. He also reproves himself for having inserted it in the word according to the first formation, namely prendo (since Re has been added afterward): “for,” he says, “we say prendo, not prehendo.” He adds that he had put forward words such as hostis, harena, halica, halicula. The opinion of the old Grammarian is that the letter H had as it were burst into another’s possession, and had been prefixed to words where it was by no means necessary, since they could do without it. Among other things he gives the example of Alica and Alicula, of which, if one is derived from alendo and the other from aliis, what need is there of aspiration? For he adds: “The garden too did not require aspiration, because herbs spring up there.” The whole passage, therefore, must be arranged thus. And concerning the letter H, which either inserted itself into these words or was prefixed to them, it inserted itself, in words such as vehemens, reprehendit, whereas the more polished writers say veementer; in reprehendit according to the first formation: for we say prendo, not prehendo. But it was prefixed, as when you say Hostis, Harena, Halica, Halicula; since from alendo Alica can be said, and they think Alicula is derived, because it contains wings enclosed for us. So far that author. Yet neither Arena nor Alica nor Alicula retained the aspiration. To return to our subject: if Aicula was so called because it contains wings enclosed for us, Aicula certainly cannot be a toga, as Cuiacius supposes, for a round and closed garment could not have wings. Therefore Aicula was a chlamys, and indeed a child’s chlamys, and among the garments of children mentioned by the jurist. For in former times infants and little boys either went naked, or half-covered with a small chlamys. Herodian, in Book 1, relates that Commodus, when he had written down in a list the names of those of his household whom he had marked for death, a little boy whom he had in special affection carried the whole business outside by taking the list out. And he says that the little boy was still an infant, one of those who, while otherwise naked in clothing, but adorned with gold and jewels, are usually a delight to the more delicate. The rest were almost half-naked with a little chlamys thrown over their shoulders. Martianus describes his Mercury in such a way at the beginning of the work: Ac

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98 Octauij Ferrarij sagis apud Ciceronem & alios. Græci scriptores sumere chlamydes dixerunt. Dio lib. XLVI. Tàs te γλαμύδας tàs sφατιωτικὰς πάντες naî ὑμ ἐκςφατεύσαντες ἑμπεχοντο. Chlamydes autem militares (siue saga) etiam ij, qui non proficiscebantur in bellum, sumpserunt. Chlamydem & Paludamentum idem vestimentum fuisse. Cicero explicatus. Cap. IV. Nec chlamys modo, ac sagum eadem res fuit, sed chlamys, ac paludamentum. ex quo illud sequitur, etiam sagum, & paludamentum idem indumentum fuisse. Nonius. Paludamentum est vestis, quæ nunc chlamys dicitur. Nam licet paludamentum peculiaris Imperatorum vestitus fuisse videatur, sagum, siue chlamys militum, nihilominus etiam Imperatores chlamyde sagoque vsos apparet. Et de Græcis quidem Ducibus, atque Imperatoribus non est dubitandum, quin chlamyde in bello vsi sint. Plutarchus in Quæst. Conuiualibus lib. I. Problem. IV. de Pericle. ὑμὴν περιπλής ὑσάπις ἑρημένος στατηρὸς ανελάμβανε τὴν χλαμύδα. Idé in eius vita narrat quemadmodum classem in hostem educaturus, cum subita solis defectione consternatus esset gubernator triremis, sublatam chlamydem ori eius opposuerit, rogitans num illud dirum quid, aut horrendum videre tur. Illo abnuente, quid igitur, inquit, interest, nisi quod maius chlamyde est, quod nunc tenebras agit. Idem Plutarchus de Alcibiade τὴν ἀρισερὰ χειρὶ αἰτιῶν ἔαυτὶς χλαμύδα περιελήας. Idem Philopæmenis chlamydem, siue chlamydulam tenuem, & detritam memorat, propter quam ab hospita vns ex famulis creditus est: atque eundem in carcer, cum illi venenum carnifex attulisset, chlamyde obuolutum refert. Aelianus quoque variæ Hist. lib. XIV. cap. X. memorat dictum Demadis, qui ambitu Phocioni prælatus fuerat. Accedens enim ad Phocionem χρησόν μοι ἐφη τὴν ἐν παρὰν χλαμύδα τὴν ἔνώθεις φορεῖν περὶ τὴν στατηριαν. Romanos etiam Imperatores chlamyde vsos constat. Dio lib.

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98 Octavius Ferrarius On sagis in Cicero and others. Greek writers said that they were called chlamydes . Dio, book XLVI: “Τὰς τε γλαμύδας τὰς σφατιωτικὰς πάντες ... ἐκσπατεύσαντες ἐμπεχοντο.” Military chlamydes, however (that is, saga ), were also worn by those who were not going out to war. That chlamys and paludamentum were the same garment. Cicero explained. Chapter IV. Not only was the chlamys the same thing as the sagum , but the chlamys and the paludamentum were also the same; from which it follows that the sagum and the paludamentum were likewise the same garment. Nonius: “The paludamentum is the garment which is now called the chlamys .” For although the paludamentum seems to have been a special dress of commanders, nevertheless the sagum , or military chlamys , was also worn by emperors. And indeed, in the case of Greek commanders and emperors, there is no doubt that they used the chlamys in war. Plutarch, in the Quaestiones Convivales , book I, Problem IV, on Pericles: “ὑμὴν περιπλής ... τὴν χλαμύδα.” He also relates in his life how, when he was about to lead the fleet against the enemy and the helmsman of the trireme had been frightened by a sudden eclipse of the sun, Pericles held up his chlamys before his face and asked whether he saw in it anything dreadful or terrible. When the man answered no, he said, what difference is there then, except that what is greater than the chlamys now casts the darkness? The same Plutarch, on Alcibiades: “τὴν ἀριστερὰ χειρὶ ... χλαμύδα περιελάψ.” He also mentions Philopoemen’s chlamys , or rather a thin and worn-out little chlamydion , because of which he was taken by the hostess for one of the servants; and he relates that the same man, when the executioner brought him poison in prison, wrapped himself in his chlamys . Aelian too, Var. Hist. book XIV, chapter X, mentions the saying of Demades, who had been given preference over Phocion in gaining influence. For approaching Phocion, he said: “χρήσον μοι ἐφη τὴν ἐν παρὰν χλαμύδα τὴν ἔνώθεις φορεῖν περὶ τὴν στατηριαν.” It is also established that Roman emperors used the chlamys . Dio, book...

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. III. 99 lib. IX. de Claudio. 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[con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum 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Transcription: Translated (English)

On Dress, Part II. Book III. 99 Book IX. On Claudius. However my o[mn]ium [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum [con]tum 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Transcription: ATR-1

De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. III. 101 χλαμύδι διαχρύσω ἔκωσμεῖτο. Plinius hîc retulit. Nos vidimus Agrippinam Claudij Principis edente eo naualis prælij spectaculum adsidentem ei indutam paludamento auro textili, sine alia materia. Sagum pro Paludamento, & contra scriptoribus positum. Appiani & Plutarchi Interpretes notati. Cap. V. QVemadmodum Sagum & Chlamys, Chlamys & Paludamentum, ita Paludamentum & Sagum pro eodem vestimento ponitur. Sallustius lib. II. Histor. apud Nonium. Occurrere duci, & prælium accendere, adeo vti Metello in sagum, Hirtuleio in brachium tela venirent. Tunc autem Metellus Imperator. Horatius lib. Epodon. IX. de M. Antonio Imperatore. Terra, marisque victus hostis Punico Lugubre mutauit sagum. Vbi Porphiryon: Hoc est, deposuit coccineam chlamydem Antonius, qua scilicet Imperator vtebatur, & accepit lugubrem, id est nigram, & vtrum ob luctum victarum partium hoc facit, an vt in fuga lateat. Hirtius de bello Africano: Cum Scipio sagulo purpureo ante luba Regis aduentum vti solitus esset. Ita Senatus Romanus Masanissæ Regimunera mittit apud Liuium lib. xxx. Sagula purpurea duo cum fibulis aureis singulis, & lato clano tunicis. Vt sagum pro paludamento, ita hoc pro illo vsurpatum inuenio. Liuius lib. I. de Horatij sorore. Cognitoque super bumeros fratris paludamento, quod ipsa confecerat. At Curiatius miles manipulariserat. Lictores etiam paludati, id est cum sagulis. Idem lib. XI. C. Claudius Cos. veritus, ne forte ea res prouinciam, exercitumque sibi adimeret, non votis nuncupatis, non paludatis lictoribus, nocte profectus præceps in prouinciam abijt. Et alibi. At lictores cum sagis. Cicero in Pisonem. Togulæ lictoribus ad portam præsto fuerunt, quibus illi acceptis sagula reiecerunt. Male tamen illud Appiani in Punicis huc do- -cti

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book III. 101 was adorned with a golden chlamys. Pliny mentioned this here. We have seen Agrippina, while Claudius the Prince was giving a spectacle of a naval battle, sitting beside him, clad in a paludamentum woven with gold, without any other material. Sagum for Paludamentum, and used contrary to writers. Interpreters of Appian and Plutarch noted. Chap. V. Just as Sagum and Chlamys, Chlamys and Paludamentum, so Paludamentum and Sagum are put for the same garment. Sallust, book II of the Histories, in Nonius. “To meet the general, and inflame the battle, so that weapons came against Metellus in the sagum, against Hirtuleius in the arm.” But then Metellus was the commander. Horace, book of Epodes IX, on M. Antonius the commander. “The enemy, defeated on land and sea, changed his mournful sagum for a Punic one.” Where Porphyrion says: that is, Antony laid aside the scarlet chlamys, which, of course, the commander used, and took up a mourning one, that is a black one, whether he did this on account of grief for the defeated side, or so that he might hide in flight. Hirtius, On the African War: “Since Scipio was accustomed to use a purple sagulum before the arrival of King Juba.” Thus the Roman Senate sends gifts to Masinissa, according to Livy book XXX: two purple sagula with single gold clasps, and tunics with a broad stripe. As sagum is used for paludamentum, so I find this used for that. Livy book I, on the sister of Horatius. “And recognizing upon her brother’s shoulders the paludamentum, which she herself had made.” But Curiatius was a common soldier. The lictors also were paludati, that is, with sagula. The same author, book XI: “Consul C. Claudius, fearing lest perhaps that matter should deprive him of the province and the army, not after vows had been pronounced, not with the lictors paludati, departed by night and rushed headlong into the province.” And elsewhere: “But the lictors with sagula.” Cicero, Against Piso: “Togas were at hand for the lictors at the gate, which, when they had received them, they threw away their sagula.” Yet that passage of Appian in the Punic affairs is badly ex-

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Transcription: ATR-1

De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. III. 103 rannicum in Vitellio notauit Suetonius cap. XI. Quod Vr- bem ad clasicum introierit paludatus, ferroque succinctus inter signa, atque vexilla, sagulatis comitibus, ac detectis commilitonum armis. Xiphilinus lib. lxxiv. de Seuero ingrediente primo Vrbem cum Imperator factus esset narrat, quum vsque ad por- tas Vrbis inequo sedisset, na[m] e[ss]e [sigma]δυτι [pi]πικη, εντεῦδεν δὲ τὴν τε πολιτικὴ απαξαμενος. Vbi pro veste equestri & Vrba- na rectius erit, paludamentum, & togam interpretari. Nun- quam igitur intra vrbem Duces paludati. Atqui si Dionis Interpreti credimus inter reliquos honores Pompeio ab- senti decretos ille etiam fuit, vt diebus festis paludamen- tum laureatus gestaret, vestem triumphalem in equestri- bus certaminibus. Verba Dionis sunt: Δαφνοφορεῖν τε αυτον πατὰ πᾶσας αειτὰς παρηγμεῖς, na[m]i τὴν 50λλω, τὴν μὲν αρχινὴ εν πᾶσας αυτῶς τὴν δὲ Ππικινον εν τὸς τῶν Ππτων αγῶσω εν δύεν. Atqui 50λη αρχινὴ est vestis Consularis siue prætexta, non paludamentum. Dio autem paludamentum modo vertit ιμάτιν purpureum, vt lib. xlii. de Cæsare, qui apud Aegy- ptum in mare deciderat, & cum grauaretur paludamento, cumque, quod esset purpureum, Aegyptiorum iaculis impe- teretur, illud abiecit: quanquam Suetonius mordicus illud tenuisse dicit, ne spolio potiretur hostis. Partim χλαμύδα ςφατωτικῶν vocat, vt lib. iL. de Poliæno, qui, vt in fuga late- ret, χλαμύδα τὴν σφατωτικῶν abiecit: partim simpliciter Φόωμα, vt lib. xlv. de prodigijs, quæ Pansæ Cos. initio belli cuenerunt: Καὶ τὴς εν τὸνιο Φόωμα αυτῶ προσφέρων, in effuso cruore lapsus, τὸν Φόωμα επιανεν. Vbi τὸν Φόωμα verten- dum est paludamentum. Ergo σελι ἀρχινὴ non est paluda- mentum, quod olim credebamus, sed est vestis magistra- tuum, siue prætexta, qua S.C. vti poterat Pompeius, etiam si in magistratu non esset, sicut Triumphali in certamini- bus equorum, hoc est Circensibus. Eum tamen, quæ fuit vir moderatio, semel tantum hoc honore vsum, idem Dio tradit. De

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaria Part II. Lib. III. 103 Suetonius noted this about Vitellius, chap. XI: that he entered the City at the trumpet-call, wearing the paludamentum and girded with a sword among the standards and banners, with cloaked attendants and with the arms of his fellow-soldiers uncovered. Xiphilinus, book 74, relating Severus’s first entrance into the City after he had become Emperor, says that when he had ridden as far as the gates of the City on horseback, ... Where, in place of “equestrian” and “urban” dress, it will be more correct to interpret paludamentum and toga. Therefore generals never entered the city in paludamenta. And yet if we trust Dion’s interpreter, among the other honors decreed to Pompey in his absence there was also this one: that on feast days he should wear a laurel-crowned paludamentum, the triumphal dress, at equestrian contests. Dion’s words are: “Δαφνοφορεῖν τε αυτον πατὰ πᾶσας αειτὰς παρηγμεῖς ...” But “σολη αρχινὴ” is the consular dress, or praetexta, not the paludamentum. Dion, however, sometimes translates paludamentum simply as “purple robe,” as in book 42, concerning Caesar, who had fallen into the sea near Egypt and, as he was weighed down by the paludamentum, and because it was purple, was attacked by the spears of the Egyptians, he threw it off; though Suetonius says that he held it fast in his teeth, so that the enemy might not get possession of the spoil. At other times he calls it χλαμύς of the cavalry, as in book 2, concerning Polyainos, who, in order to hide himself in flight, cast off the χλαμύς of the cavalry; at still other times simply “φόωμα,” as in book 45, concerning the prodigies that happened at the beginning of the war under the consul Pansa: “Καὶ τῆς εν τὸνιο Φόωμα αυτῶ προσφέρων, in effuso cruore lapsus, τὸν Φόωμα επιανεν.” Here τὸν Φόωμα must be translated “paludamentum.” Therefore “σελι αρχινὴ” is not paludamentum, as we formerly believed, but the garment of magistrates, that is, the praetexta, which Pompey could wear by decree of the Senate, even though he was not in office, just as he could wear the triumphal dress at equestrian contests, that is, the circus games. Yet Dio himself relates that he, being a man of moderation, used this honor only once. De

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Octauij Ferrarij De Sago. Cap. VII. S Agum non tantum pro veste militari, sed pro quouis tegumento vsurpatum, notauit Casaubonus ad Capi- tolinum de L. Verie quo Volucre, quem sagis fuco tinctis coo- pertum in Tiberianam ad se adduci iubebat. Vbi ex artis Vetere- rinariæ magistris equos sagis coopertos fuisse demonstrat. Nos vestem militarem exsequimur. Quemadmodum ergo paludamentum proprie loquen- do fuit vestis Imperatoria in bello, ita sagum, siue chlamys, vestis militaris, qua tamen omnes milites, non tam gregales, & manipulares, quam ordinum duces, Centu- riones, & Tribuni vtebantur. Suetonius Vitellio cap. XI: Vrbem denique ad classicum introiit paludatus, ferroque succin- ctus inter signa, atque vexilla, sagulatis comitibus. Capitoli- nus in Marco Philosopho: Per Brundusium veniens in Italiam togam & ipse sumpsit, & milites togatos esse iussit, nec vsquam fuerunt sagati sub eo milites. De Centurionibus Suetonius Augusto XXVI: Cum quidem cunctante Senatu Cornelius Centu- rio princeps legationis, reiccto sagulo ostendens gladij capulum, non dubitasset in Curia dicere. Hic faciet, si vos non feceritis. Liuius lib. VII. Hæc omnia Tribunus sagulo gregali amictus, Centurioni- bus item manipularium militum habitu ductis, ne ducem circum- ire hostes notarent, perlustrauit. Vbi tamen apparet, fuisse ali- quod discrimen inter saga Tribunorum, Centurionumque, & manipularium militum, quod infra expendemus. Milites ergo in bello sagati. Suetonius Iulio XLVII. Conuiuatum assidue per prouincias duobus triclinijs, uno quo saga- ti, palliatiue, altero quo togati cum illustribus prouinciarum dis- cumberent Torrentius cum Turnebo Sagatos Gallos inter- pretatur, quod Galli sagum gestarent: sed simplicius fue- rit, sagatos milites dicere, qui in comitatu Cæsaris. Quod & Casaubono placet, qui palliatos etiam interpretatur Græ- cos, qui in ministerio & comitatu Cæsaris, vt medicos & cruditos. Sed cum Suetonius loquatur de prouincijs per qu. s

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Octauius Ferrarius On the Saga. Chap. VII. agum was used not only for military dress, but for any kind of covering, as Casaubonus noted on Capitolinus in the case of L. Verus, where Volucer, covered with dyed saga, was ordered to be brought to him in the Tiberian palace. There he shows from the masters of veterinary science that horses were covered with saga. We are dealing with military dress. Just as, therefore, the paludamentum, strictly speaking, was the imperial garment in war, so the sagum, or chlamys, was a military garment, which all soldiers nevertheless wore, not so much the rank-and-file and ordinary infantrymen as the leaders of the units, centurions, and tribunes. Suetonius, Vitellius XI: “At last he entered the city at the signal for battle, girded with iron, among standards and flags, with his companions in sagula.” Capitolinus, in Marcus the Philosopher: “On coming by way of Brundisium into Italy, he himself took the toga, and ordered the soldiers to be toga-clad, and nowhere under him were there soldiers in sagula.” On centurions, Suetonius, Augustus XXVI: “When the Senate was indeed hesitating, Cornelius, a centurion and leader of the embassy, throwing back his sagulum and showing the hilt of his sword, did not hesitate to say in the Curia: He will do this, if you do not.” Livy, book VII: “All these things the tribune, clothed in the common soldier’s sagulum, and the centurions likewise, led in the attire of ordinary soldiers, inspected, so that the enemy might not notice the commander being surrounded.” Yet it appears here that there was some distinction between the saga of the tribunes and centurions and those of the ordinary soldiers, which we shall examine below. Soldiers, therefore, wore sagum in war. Suetonius, Julius XLVII: “He dined continually throughout the provinces in two dining rooms, one where the sagati and palliati, the other where the togati with the distinguished men of the provinces sat down.” Torrentius, with Turnebus, interprets sagati as Gauls, because the Gauls wore the sagum; but it would be simpler to say that they were sagati soldiers, who were in Caesar’s retinue. Casaubonus also approves this, and interprets palliati as Greeks, who were in Caesar’s service and retinue, such as physicians and learned men. But since Suetonius is speaking of the provinces through wh

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106 Octavius Ferrarij Tab. XXIII Ruffonus. f.

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106 Octavius Ferrarij Tab. XXIII Ruffonus. f.

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. III. 107 Tab. XXIV. Hadriani Hadriani Hadriani FIDES EXERC. SC FID EXERCIT. O 2 Pars II.

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On Clothing, Part II. Book III. 107 Plate XXIV. Hadrian Hadrian Hadrian FIDES EXERC. SC FID EXERCIT. O 2 Part II.

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108 Octauij Ferrarij Et quia aperta erat, ideo in humeris, vel ad ceruicem fibula necdebatur, vt ex veterum monumentis apparet. Oui dius lib. xiv. Metamorph. Phæniceam fuluo chlamydem comprensus ab auro. Et paulo infra de eodem Pico in auem conuerso: Purpureum chlamydis pennæ traxere colorem Fibula, quod fuerat, vestemque momorderat aurum, Pluma fit, & fuluo ceruix præcingitur auro. Statius: Emicat, & torto chlamydem diffibulat auro. Codicis lib. xi. Tit. xi. lib. I: Fibulis quoque in chlamydibus his viantur, quæ solo auro, & arte pretiosæ sunt. Sagum item vestimentum apertum & insibulatum, quodque reliquis vestimentis superindueretur. Silius lib. xvii: Humeris imponit honorem Fulgentis saguli. Cæsar lib. I: Sinistras sagis inuoluunt. Inde etiam patet, apertum fuisse, quod eo extenso homines per ludibrium in sublime iactabantur. quod a Nerone factitatum tradit Sue[n]tonius, & Martialis lib. I. Ibis ab excusso missus in astra sago. Suetonius Othone cap. II. Ferebatur, & vagari noctibus solitus, atque inualidum quemque obuiorum, vel potulentum corripere, ac distento sago impositum in sublime iactare. Plinius lib. xvI. de Visco: Sacerdos candida veste cultus arborem scandit, falce demetit, candido id excipitur sago. Quod autem fibulam haberet, Varro apud Nonium. Quum neque aptam mollis humeris fibulam sagus ferret. At sagulum breuius sagum fuit. Tacitus de moribus Germanorum: Nudi, aut sagulo leues. Neque tamen audiendus Vualtrinius de re militari, qui contendit sagum fuisse vestimentum talare: quod Trebellius in Saturnino: Huius inquit insigne est, quod in conuiuio discumbere milites, ne inferiora denudarentur, cum sagis iussit, hieme grauibus, æstate perlucidis. Hoc enim solum indicat saga fuille tunicis longiora, non autem talaria. Nam cum tunicæ militum breuiores

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108 Octavius Ferrarius And because it was open, it was therefore fastened on the shoulders, or at the neck, with a fibula, as appears from ancient monuments. Ovid, book xiv of the Metamorphoses: Phoenician cloak, seized by the golden brooch. And a little below, of the same Pygmies turned into a bird: The feathers of the bird drew the purple color of the cloak; What had been a clasp and had bitten into the garment was gold; It becomes a plume, and the neck is girded with golden yellow. Statius: It flashes, and unclasps the cloak with twisted gold. Codex, book xi, title xi, book I: In these cloaks, too, brooches are used, which are precious by gold alone and by workmanship. Likewise sagum, an open garment and one fastened with a brooch, which was worn over the other garments. Silius, book xvii: He places on the shoulders the honor Of the shining sagulum. Caesar, book I: They wrap their left arms in sagis. Hence it is also clear that it was open, because when it was spread out men were tossed aloft in mockery, which Suetonius relates was done by Nero, and Martial, book I: Sent into the stars from the shaken sagum. Suetonius, Otho, chapter II: It was said that he was accustomed to wander by night, and to seize any weak or drunken passersby, and, having placed them on a stretched sagum, to toss them into the air. Pliny, book XVI, on the mistletoe: The priest, adorned in white garments, climbs the tree, cuts it down with a sickle, and it is received in a white sagum. As for its having a fibula, Varro apud Nonius: When the sagum was not fitted with a brooch suited to the soft shoulders. But the sagulum was a shorter sagum. Tacitus, on the customs of the Germans: Naked, or lightly clad in a sagulum. Nor however should Vualtrinius, on military matters, be listened to, when he maintains that the sagum was a garment reaching to the heels: as Trebellius in Saturninus says: Its distinguishing feature, he says, is that he ordered the soldiers to recline at banquets in their sagis, lest their lower parts be exposed; in winter heavy, in summer translucent. For this only shows that the saga were longer than tunics, but not that they reached to the heels. For since the tunics of soldiers were shorter

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De Re Vestidria Pars II. Lib. III. III De Sago Gallico. Non fuisse fibulatum. Plutarchi Interpres notatus. Cap. IX. N On omnia tamen saga fibulata fuisse, declarant ver- ba Claudii ad Regillianum apud Trebellium: Ar- cus Sarmaticos, & duo saga ad me velim mittas: sed fibulatoria, cum ipse miserim de nostris. Sed quinam populi gestarent saga minime fibulata, non ita certum est. Viri docti talia fuisse Gallorum saga existimant ex Polyæno. Iuætiæ δὲ χρήδαι σισύρα ἡαλατηνὴ. ηαὶ ὑφῶτος ἐνεπορπήσαιο σισύρη μὲ- λαναν. Sed si Romanorum sagum fibulatum fuit ex Varro- ne: Hispanorumex Appiano, vt infra dicturi sumus: Illy- ricorum, vt ex Claudii verbis intelligimus, Germanorum ex Tacito, qui ait spina sagulum infibulare solitos: Gallorum ex Poliæno; vix inuenire erit, apud quas gentes sagum non in- fibularetur. Mihi Gallorum saga sine fibula fuisse viden- tur. In quo etiam falli Torrentium apparet, qui ad Sueto- nium tradit sagum a Gallis ad Romanos venisse: nam Gal- licum sagum, quantum coniectura assequi possum, a Roma- no diuersum. Hoc apertum, & fibulatum: at Gallicum ad- instar tunicæ, & quidem manicatum, qualia nostra saga sunt, & Saii appellancur. Tacitus lib. 11. Hist. de Cecinna: Ornatum ipsius municipia, & coloniæ in superbiam trahebant, quod versicolore sagulo, braccas tegmen barbarum indutus toga- tos alloqueretur. Si Romanum sagum id fuisset, hoc est Im- peratorium paludamentum, non fuisset mirum, aut inso- lens, si Romano militari habitu municipia, & togatos ho- mines adiisset. Sed totus ducis cultus Gallicus fuit: brac- cæ, siue femoralia, & sagum manicatum. Plutarchus in Othone rem eandem narans: ἡαλατικῶς ἀναζηρίσι, ἀπιειρί- σω ἔνσκησκενασμένος σημεῖος, ἀπι ἀρχεσι ἡωμαῖνοι διαλεγόμενος. Vetus Interpres Gallicis subligaculis, thecisque ornatum Ce- cinam producit. Rectius Cruserius manicas vertit. Sed quæ nam illæ? nempe sagi. nam in tunica infames, ac pro- brosæ fuerunt. Quare Cecinna barbaro cultu incessit brac- cis, & versicolore sagulo, quod Gallorum proprium, & quidem manuleatum. Præter saga Celtas gestasse loco tu- nicæ vestes scillas & manuleatas vsque ad pudenda tradit Stra-

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On Vestments, Part II. Book III. III On the Gallic Sagum. That it was not fastened with a clasp. Note on Plutarch’s Translator. Chap. IX. Not all saga, however, were clasped, as the words of Claudius to Regillianus in Trebellius show: “I would like you to send me Sarmatian bows and two saga; but fastened ones, since I have myself sent some from our own.” But which peoples wore saga that were not fastened is not so certain. Learned men think that such were the Gallic saga from Polyænus. Iuætiæ δὲ χρήδαι σισύρα ἡαλατηνὴ. ηαὶ ὑφῶτος ἐνεπορπήσαιο σισύρη μὲ- λαναν. But if the Roman sagum was fastened, from Varro; the Spanish, from Appian, as we shall say below; the Illyrian, as we understand from the words of Claudius; the German, from Tacitus, who says that they were accustomed to fasten the sagulum with a thorn; the Gallic, from Polyænus: it will be hard to find among what peoples the sagum was not fastened. To me the Gallic saga seem to have been without a clasp. In this also Torrentius appears to be mistaken, when, in his note on Suetonius, he states that the sagum passed from the Gauls to the Romans; for the Gallic sagum, so far as I can infer, was different from the Roman one. The latter was open and fastened; but the Gallic was like a tunic, and indeed had sleeves, such as our saga are, and are called Saii. Tacitus, Book 11 of the Histories, on Cæcina, says: “His appearance the municipia and colonies were made to resent, because, clad in a parti-colored sagulum and breeches, a barbarian garment, he addressed men in togas.” If this had been the Roman sagum, that is, the imperial paludamentum, it would not have been surprising or unusual for him to have visited municipia and men in togas in Roman military dress. But the whole attire of the general was Gallic: breeches, or femoralia, and a sleeved sagum. Plutarch, telling the same story in the Life of Otho, says: ἡαλατικῶς ἀναζηρίσι, ἀπιειρίσω ἔνσκησκενασμένος σημεῖος, ἀπι ἀρχεσι ἡωμαῖνοι διαλεγόμενος. The Old Translator renders Cæcina as adorned with Gallic subligacula and thecas. Cruserius translates “sleeves” more correctly. But what sleeves were those? Certainly those of the sagum; for in a tunic they were infamous and disgraceful. Wherefore Cæcina went about in barbarian dress, with breeches and a parti-colored sagulum, which is proper to the Gauls, and indeed sleeved. Besides saga, the Celts are said by Stra-

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. III. 113 manis: Non igitur ea fibulatoria. Ceterum Isidorus lib. xix. cap. xxiv. ait Sagum Gallicum nomen esse: dictum autem sagum quadrum, eo quòd apud eos primum quadratum, siue quadruplex fuerit. Vnde hæc acceperit Isidorus haud scio. nusquam enim apud veteres lagi huius quadri, aut quadruplicis mentio. Nam quod sa- gum cum diploide confundit, id est cum pallio Græcanico, illudque Horatij Contra quem duplici panno patientia velat. de sago, & veste militari interpretatur, solens vaticinatur. Sagum Hispanicum, & Germanicum. Cap. X. N On Gallorum modo, sed Hispanorum, & Germano- rum sagum gestamen fuisse constat. Saguli Hispanici meminit Val. Maximus. lib. III. cap. II. de Pireso Celtibero. Nec erubuit gladium ei suum & sagulum vtroque exercitu spectante tradere. Et lib. v. cap. I. exemplo XI. & ultimo Punici sagi mentionem facit. Strabo lib. III. de Lu- sitanis: . Appianus Ibericis: . Sagum Hispanico ritu infibulauit. Sed qualis esset iste Ibericus infibulandi ritus, sicut quomo- do hæc saga a chlamyde communi differrent, haud facile dixerim. Nisi illa duplicia, & vtramque corporis partem tegentia, ac crassa: hæc leuior, & humeros fere operiens. Illud sane constat, & apertum sagum fuisse, & fibulatum. Germanos quoque sagum gestasse tradit Tacitus, idque quandoque spina fibulæ vicem nexum. Porro hæc saga ar- gento variegata fuisse, ex Herodiano ostendimus. Qui ait Caracallam sæpe Romana chlamyde deposita Germa- norum indumenta sumpsisse. " . Sagum Germanicum ex Cluuerio viro in- comparabili huc transferri curauiimus. Tabula XXVI. P Sago

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book III. 113 manis: Therefore it is not that fibulatoria. Moreover, Isidore, book xix, chap. xxiv., says that Sagum is a Gallic name: but it is called sagum quadrum, because among them it was first square, or fourfold. Whence Isidore took this I do not know. For nowhere among the ancients is there mention of this garment as square, or fourfold. For what he confounds the sa- gum with the diploid, that is, with the Greek cloak, and interprets Horace’s line Against whom patience covers him with a double cloth. as referring to the sagum and military dress, he is accustomed to prophesy. Sagum Spanish, and German. Chap. X. It is known that the sagum was worn not only by the Gauls, but also by the Spaniards and Germans. Valerius Maximus mentions the sagulum of the Spaniards, book III, chap. II, in the case of Piresus the Celtiberian. Nor was he ashamed to hand over to him his sword and sagulum before both armies watching. And in book V, chap. I, example XI, he also mentions the Punic sagum, and the last. Strabo, book III, on the Lu- sitanians: . Appian on the Iberians: . He fastened the sagum in the Iberian manner. But what sort of Iberian manner of fastening this was, and how these sags differed from the common chlamys, I could not easily say. Unless those were double, and covering both parts of the body, and thick: these lighter, and almost covering the shoulders. This much is certain, that the sagum was both open and fastened with a clasp. Tacitus also reports that the Germans wore the sagum, and that sometimes a thorn served the place of a clasp. Moreover, that these sags were variegated with silver, we have shown from Herodian. He says that Caracalla, after often laying aside the Roman chlamys, took up the garments of the Germans. " . The German sagum from Cluverius, a man incomparable, we have taken care to transfer here. Table XXVI. P Sago

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114 Octavius Ferrarij Tab. XXVI. Ruffon. F.

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114 Octavius Ferrarij Tab. XXVI. Ruffon. F.

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. III. 115 Sagochlamys. Chlamys Dardanica Mantuelis. Cap. XI. Sagum, & chlamydem diuersa fuisse vestimenta merito quis arguerit, quod Trebellius inter dona dari iussa Claudio recenset sagochlamydes. Sagochlamydes, inquit annuas duas. Casaubonus interdum ex duplici genere vestium vnum confectum fuisse demonstrat, quod vtriusque figuram participaret. Sic chlamydem mantuelem idem auctor nominat: sic tunicam palliolatam Vopiscus in Bono- so recenset. Si ergo sagochlamys ex chlamyde & sago composita, quod discrimen inter vtramque vestem fuit? Quidam existimant inter sagum, & chlamydem eandem differentiam fuisse, quæ inter chlenam, & chlamydem, quas Grammatici Græci figura diuersas tradiderunt, quod chlaena quadratum pallium esset, chlamys autem in inferiori parte committeretur. Sed nonnisi chlamys Macedonica, vt ijsdem tradunt clausa erat in infima ora; & Romanorum, & reliquarum gentium chlamydes totæ apertæ, vt vetera monumenta demonstrant. Sed esto fuerint chlamydes omnes in inferiori parte commissæ. Velim mihi dice- rent, quæ forma sagochlamydis. Si tota clausa, nihil ex sago habuerit, quod apertum: si solum in parte inferiori, tantum chlamys fuerit. Ita res magis implicatur, & obscura fit. Fortasse igitur sagochlamys ex vulgarichlamyde, & sago Gallico composita fuit, ita vt adinstar tunicæ, vt de Gallorum sago diximus, indueretur, & manicas haberet, ceterum ad latera hinc inde pendulas alas adinstar chlamydis haberet. Cui hæc coniectura non placet, is de suo meliorem exprimat, & magnam gratiam inibit. Eadem siue maior difficultas in verbis quæ sequuntur proxime apud Trebellium: Chlamydem Dardanicam mantuelem vnam. Si enim mantuelis a manto, vt docti viri censent, mantum autem , & eadem, ac lacerna, cum chlamys, & lacerna idem, aut non multum dissimile P 2

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Lib. III. 115 Sagochlamys. Chlamys Dardanica Mantuelis. Cap. XI. Sagum and chlamys were garments different from one another, and rightly so, who would deny it, since Trebellius, among the gifts ordered to be given to Claudius, mentions sagochlamydes. “Sagochlamydes,” he says, “two annual ones.” Casaubon shows that sometimes one garment was made out of a double kind of clothing, so that it shared the form of each. Thus the same author calls one a chlamys mantuelis; thus Vopiscus, in Bonosus, mentions a tunica palliolata. If therefore the sagochlamys was composed of chlamys and sagum, what difference was there between the two garments? Some think that the same difference existed between sagum and chlamys as between chlaena and chlamys, which Greek grammarians have described as differing in shape, because the chlaena was a square cloak, whereas the chlamys was fastened together at the lower part. But only the Macedonian chlamys, as they likewise report, was closed at the lower edge; the chlamydes of the Romans and of the other nations were entirely open, as ancient monuments show. But let it be granted that all chlamydes were joined at the lower part. I should like them to tell me what the form of the sagochlamys then was. If it was entirely closed, it had nothing of the sagum, which is open; if only at the lower part, then it was only a chlamys. Thus the matter becomes more involved and more obscure. Perhaps, then, the sagochlamys was composed of the ordinary chlamys and a Gallic sagum, so that, like a tunic, as we said of the Gallic sagum, it was put on and had sleeves, but otherwise had on both sides hanging wings, like a chlamys. Whoever does not like this conjecture should offer a better one of his own, and he will win great thanks. There is the same, or even greater, difficulty in the words that follow immediately in Trebellius: “A chlamys Dardanica mantuelis, one.” For if mantuelis comes from manto, as learned men judge, and mantum is the same as lacerna, since chlamys and lacerna are the same, or not very different, P 2

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116 Octauj Ferrarij mile vestimentum fuerit, quid diuersum inueniemus, ex quo noua hæc vestis conflata sit? Nisi dicamus Mandyan etiam pro pænula accipi solere: pænulam autem diuersam a chlamyde, & lacerna docuimus, ita vt hæc vestis mixta fuerit ex chlamyde, & pænula. Nec aliud in re tam antiqua, & obscura expedire in promptu est. Sagi, Chlamydis, & Paludamenti Materia. Cap. XII. Sicut forma, ita eadem materia fuit chlamydis, sagi, ac paludamenti, nempe lana; ex qua etiam Togæ & tunicæ, omnisque Quiritium vestitus conficiebatur. Nam cum sericum nondum in vsu urbano esset, nedum militari, linum etiam aut incognitum, aut processu temporis solis interioribus tunicis adhibitum, vna vestimentorum mate- ria lana fuit. Sed sicuti togæ & Tunicæ ex lana aliæ alijs pretiosiores fuere ipsius lanæ pretio, eadem ratione & chlamydes sa- gaque, & paludamenta maioris minorisue pretij. Saga sci- licet gregalium, & manipularium milirum crassiora, ac vi- liora fuere ipsa lanæ ignobilitate: at Centurionum, ac Tri- bunorum maioris pretij, ac nobilioris texturæ. Liuius lib. VII. Tribunus sagulo gregali, amictus centurionibus item mani- pularium militum habitu ductis, ne ducem circumire hostes no- tarent, perlustrauit. Cum enim idem color vestimentorum militarium esset, præter Imperatorium paludamentu[m], quod purpureum, non aliud videtur discrimen fuisse, quam quod Tribunorum, ac Centurionum sagula ex pretiosiore, gre- galium ex viliori lana conficerentur: & illorum nobilior, horum vulgaris textura esset: illorum pexa, ac mollior la- na, horum crassior, hirta, ac villosa, interdum longo vsu detrita. Ita apud Plutarchum Philopæmen tali indutus chlamyde pro seruo habitus est. Hinc sagum pro veste vi- liori, ac crassiori, quam Martialis opponit lacernis purpu- reis potentiorum lib. VI. Ep. XI. Te

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116 Octauj Ferrarij if it had been a military garment, what difference shall we find, from what material this new garment was fashioned? Unless we say that Mandyan was also commonly taken for a pænula ; but we have shown that the pænula is different from the chlamys and lacerna , so that this garment must have been a mixture of chlamys and pænula . Nor is anything else readily available to explain so ancient and obscure a matter. The Material of the sagum , chlamys , and paludamentum . Chapter XII. As the form, so also the material of the chlamys , sagum , and paludamentum was the same, namely wool; from which the toga and tunic, and indeed all the dress of the Quirites, was also made. For since silk was not yet in use in civic life, much less in military life, and linen was either unknown, or in the course of time used only for the inner tunics, wool was the single material of garments. But just as the togas and tunics made from wool were some more costly than others according to the price of the wool itself, so too the chlamydes , saga , and paludamenta were of greater or lesser value. The saga of common soldiers and rank-and-file men were coarser and cheaper because of the baseness of the wool itself; but those of centurions and tribunes were of greater value and of a nobler weave. Livy, book VII: “The tribune, wearing the common soldiers’ sagulum , and likewise disguised in the clothing of rank-and-file soldiers under his command, so that the enemy might not recognize by the circuit that he was the leader, made his inspection.” Since the same color of military clothing existed, apart from the imperial paludamentum , which was purple, it seems that there was no other distinction than that the sagula of tribunes and centurions were made from more costly wool, while those of the common soldiers were from cheaper wool; and that the weave of the former was nobler, that of the latter ordinary; the former from wool that was combed and softer, the latter coarser, shaggy, and hairy, and sometimes worn down by long use. Thus in Plutarch Philopœmen, dressed in such a chlamys , was taken for a slave. Hence sagum was used for a cheaper and coarser garment, as Martial contrasts it with the purple lacernae of the powerful, book VI, Epigram XI. Te

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Transcription: ATR-1

De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. III. Te Cadmæa Tyros, me pinguis Gallia vestit Viste purpureum Marce sagatus amem? Vbi pingue, crassumque sagum, quod ferme in Gallia conficiebatur, Tyriis lacernis opponitur. Idem lib. VIII. Ep. LVIII: Cum tibi tam crassæ sint Artemidore lacernæ, Possum te Sagarum iure vocare meo. Seneca Epist. XVIII: Grabbatus ille verus sit, & sagum, & panis durus, ac sordidus. Paulo ante dixerat: Interponas aliquot dies, quibus contentus minimo ac vilissimo cibo dura atque horrida veste dicas tibi. Hoc est quod timebatur. Insignis sed misere corruptus Strabonis locus est lib. I v. de Belgis, & eorum vestitu: [n]o[n] de [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]er[um], [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [satur]a [mercur]ia [mercur]ia, [mercur]ia [mercur]ia [mercur]ia

Transcription: Translated (English)

On Clothing, Part II. Book III. You of Cadmeian Tyre clothe me, rich Gaul? Should I, Marce, love a purple mantle? Here the thick, coarse sagum, which was commonly made in Gaul, is set against Tyrian cloaks. The same writer, Book VIII, Epistle LVIII: When your cloaks, Artemidorus, are so thick, I may with right call you a wearer of sagum, in my own way. Seneca, Epistle XVIII: Let there be the true grabbatus, and a sagum, and hard, dirty bread. A little before he had said: Put aside a few days in which, content with the smallest and meanest food, you may say to yourself that you wear rough and terrible clothing. This is what was feared. There is a remarkable but miserably corrupted passage in Strabo, Book I, on the Belgae and their dress: [corrupt text]

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Transcription: ATR-1

118 Octauij Ferrarij quas Belgæ alebant, vnde lanam bonam consequerentur. Eas enim oues pellitas, vel tectas Latini dicebant. Varro de re Rustica. lib. I I. cap. I I: Pleraque similiter faciendum in ouibus pellitis, quæ propter lanæ bonitatem, vt sunt Tarentinæ, & Atticæ, pellibus integuntur, ne lana inquinetur. Horatius. Dulce pellitis ouibus Galefi Flumen. Ita appellaria Strabone, quod in suo genere eximium est. Totus igitur ille locus ex Casauboni interpretatione ita vertendus est: Lana aspera, & breuis villi, ex qua crassa saga texunt, quas Lanas Romani vocant. Qui vero ad septentriones tendunt greges pellitos alunt valde eximia lana vestitos. Lana aspera densis, ac vilioribus vestibus adhibita, qualia laenæ, saga, & huiusmodi. Idem Strabo lib. v. scribit lanam mollem, & omnium longe optimam prouenire in Italia circa Mutinâ & flumen Scutanam. . Asperam Ligures, & Insubres præbent, ex qua plerique Itali familiæ vestimenta conficiunt. At serui in sagis, ac centonibus, vt ex Columella docuimus. Subjicit Strabo eodem lib. I v. Iisdem Belgis tam copiosos fuisse pecorum, & porcorum greges, vt sagorum, & salsamentorum copiam non Romæ tantum suppeditarent, sed et plerisque Italiæ partibus. Et paulo infra sagorum, & tunicarum Ligusticarum meminit. Saga igitur, vt dicebamus, Tribunorum, & Centurionum ex pretiosa lana fuerunt, eaque pexa, ac recentia: at gregalia ex densa, hirtaque, & ferme vsu detrita. Xiphilinus lib. LXV I: attritum sagulum dat Vitellio in rebus extremis, si Interpreti credimus. Vitellius sordido, laceroque sagulo amictus, se abdit in obscurum locum. Sed in Græco est. Par error in eadem re eiusdem Interpretis. Nam libri LXXIV. initio, vbi de Prætorianis Pertinacis interfectoribus a Seuero exauctoratis loquitur: Hi inuiti abiectis armis, equisque dimissis, ac discinctis sagis dispersi sunt. Græca sic habent

Transcription: Translated (English)

118 Octauij Ferrarij which the Belgae kept, from which they might obtain good wool. For the Latins called those sheep either covered with skins, or covered over. Varro On Agriculture , book II, chapter II: In the case of sheep covered with skins the same thing must for the most part be done, which, because of the goodness of their wool, as are the Tarentine and Attic sheep, are covered with skins, lest the wool be soiled. Horace. Sweet with fleecy sheep, Galefi River. So Strabo names it, because it is outstanding in its kind. Therefore the whole passage should be rendered thus from Casaubon’s interpretation: Coarse wool, with short pile, from which they weave rough cloaks, which the Romans call lanas . But those who direct their flocks toward the north keep fleecy sheep, very richly clothed with excellent wool. Coarse wool, used for thick and cheaper garments, such as laenae , cloaks, and the like. The same Strabo, book V, writes that soft wool, by far the best of all, grows in Italy around Mutina and the river Scutana. Ligurians and Insubres supply coarse wool, from which most Italian households make clothing. But slaves wear cloaks and patchwork garments, as we have shown from Columella. Strabo adds in the same book IV that among those Belgae there were so many flocks of cattle and pigs that they supplied an abundance of cloaks and salted provisions not only to Rome, but also to most parts of Italy. And a little below he mentions Ligurian cloaks and tunics. Cloaks, therefore, as we said, of Tribunes and Centurions were made from costly wool, and were shaggy and new; but those of the common ranks were from dense, rough wool, and almost worn down by use. Xiphilinus book LXV: he gives Vitellius a worn-out little cloak in his extremity, if we believe the Interpreter. Vitellius, clad in a dirty and torn little cloak, hides himself in a dark place. But in the Greek it is. Another error on the same matter of the same Interpreter. For at the beginning of book LXXIV, where he speaks of the Praetorian murderers of Pertinax, who were cashiered by Severus: These men, against their will, throwing down their arms, with their horses dismissed, and their cloaks ungirt, were dispersed. The Greek reads thus

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Transcription: ATR-1

De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. III. 119 habent. ἐντε τοῖς χιτῶσι αλοςοι. Ad verbum tunicati, & di- scincti: id est sine sagis, & baltheo. Saga enim non cinge- bantur baltheo. qui enim poterant? sed tunicæ, cum sacra- mentum dicerent: in exauctoratione, & baltheum illis, & vestis militaris ignominiæ causa adimebatur. Chlamy- des etiam, & Paludamenta ex lana pretioliori, aut viliori fuerunt, pexa, aut hirta. Spartianus de Seuero: Hic tam exiguis vestibus v[er]sus est, vt vix tunica eius aliquid purpuræ habe- ret, & cum hirta chlamyde humeros velaret. Quas Seueri chla- mydes hirtas, & tunicas asemas ab Alexandro in v[er]sum re- uocatas tradit Lampridius in eius Vita. Communes igitur chlamydes, saga, & paludamenta ex lana conficiebantur. Dio lib. LIX. scribit Caium Cæsarem, quum per pontem triumphali pompa incederet, quem inter Baulos, & Puteolos struxerat, indutum fuisse thorace Ale- xandri Magni, & chlamyde serica. Quod nouum ac nota- bile in monstroso, prodigo, atq[ue] effæminato Principe fuit. Idem Commodum tunica, & chlamyde serica purpurea au- ro inspersa v[er]sum scribit. Chlamys & Paludamentum auratum. Lacerna aurata. Habitus Citharoedorum. Cap. XIII. F Vere & chlamydes auratæ, maxime apud barbaros. Spartianus in Adriano: Cum a Pharasmane ingentia do- na accepisset, atque inter hæc auratas quoque chlamydes, trecentos noxios cum auratis chlamydibus in arenam misit ad eius munera deridenda. Porro noxios in tunicis auratis, & chlamydibus purpureis in Amphitheatrum inductos alijs obseruatum est. Auratæ chlamydis meminit & Virgilius lib. IV. Victori chlamydem auratam quam plurima circum Purpura Meandro duplici Meliboea eucurrit. At Romæ Agrippina in Naumachiæ spectaculo auratam chlamydem induta, vt tradit Tacitus lib. XI: Ipse insigni pa- ludamento, neque procul Agrippina aurata chlamyde. Dio lib. IX. Αγριππίνα χλαμύδτι Σκαχρύσοφη Σκωσμέτο. Chlamis Σκαχρυ- ες

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book III. 119 they have. ἐντε τοῖς χιτῶσι αλοςοι. Literally, “tunicked,” and “undergirded”: that is, without cloaks and without the belt. For cloaks were not girded with a belt; for how could they be? But tunics were, when they were speaking the sacramentum. In discharge, both the belt and the military garment were taken away from them as a mark of dishonor. Cloaks also, and paludamenta, were made of wool, either of the finer or the coarser sort, combed or rough. Spartianus, on Severus: “He was so reduced to such scanty garments that scarcely any purple was visible in his tunic, and with a rough cloak he covered his shoulders.” Lampridius, in the Life of Alexander, reports that Severus’s rough cloaks and plain tunics were brought back again by Alexander. Therefore ordinary cloaks, sagum, and paludamenta were made of wool. Dio, Book LIX, writes that Gaius Caesar, when he advanced in triumphal procession over the bridge which he had built between Bauli and Puteoli, was dressed in the cuirass of Alexander the Great and in a silk cloak. This was a new and remarkable thing in a monstrous, prodigal, and effeminate prince. The same writer says that Commodus was dressed in a tunic and purple silk cloak sprinkled with gold. Golden-embroidered chlamys and paludamentum. A gilded lacerna. The attire of cithara-players. Chapter XIII. Indeed, golden-embroidered cloaks were also common, especially among the barbarians. Spartianus in Hadrian: when he had received great gifts from Pharasmanes, including among these golden cloaks as well, he sent three hundred criminals into the arena with golden cloaks to mock his gifts. Moreover, it has been observed by others that criminals were brought into the Amphitheatre in golden tunics and purple cloaks. Virgil also mentions the golden cloak in Book IV: “For the victor, a golden cloak, around which as much purple as possible flowed, Meliboea in a double Meander ran forth.” But at Rome, Agrippina, at the spectacle of the naumachia, wearing a golden cloak, as Tacitus relates in Book XI: “He himself in an ornate paludamentum, and not far from Agrippina in a golden cloak.” Dio, Book IX: Ἀγριππίνα χλαμύδῃ Σκαχρύσοφη Σκωσμέτο. Chlamis Σκαχρυ-ες

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Transcription: ATR-1

Octauij Ferrarij est auro distincta, siue aurum distinctum habens: at qui Plinius totam auream facit. Nos vidimus Agrippinam Claudij Principis edente eo Naualis prælij spectaculum ad sidentem ei indu- tam paludamento auro textili sine alia materia. Quod profecto mirum. quomodo enim aurum sine alia materia texi potuerit difficile dictu est. Etiâ Caligula teste Suetonio per pon- tem Baianum aurea chlamyde incessit. Eam Dio lib. LIX. chla- mydem fuisse ait σηπινην αλωργην πολυμενχρυσίον, πολλῶς δὲ μαί λίδες ἔνδυες ἐχονον. Sericam purpuream, multo auro, multis- que gemmis Indicis ornatam. Etiam lacerna, quam non mul- tum dissimilem chlamydi notauimus, lacerna inquam aura- ta citharædorum peculiaris fuit; quorum habitus cultusque notabilis. Iuuenalis Sat. x. Et quibus aurata mos est fulgere lacerna. Auctor librorum ad Herennium dat ijsdem pallam auratam & chlamydem purpuream: Vti Citharædus cum prodierit opti- mè vestitus, palla inaurata indutus, cum chlamyde purpurea colo- ribus varijs intexta, cum corona aurea, magnis fulgentibus gem- mis illuminata. Pallam purpuream dat Ouidius Arioni Fa- storum. II. Induerat Tyrio distinctam murice pallam. Ita Citharædorum habitus fuit tunica talaris, & chla- mys. Quæ tunica etiam palla dicta videtur, licet pallam proprie fuisse fæminaru[m] pallium dixerimus in verbis paulo ante positis palla inaurata indutus cum chlamyde. Nam si pal- la ibi pallium esset, quomodo chlamys supra pallium sume- retur? Quod autem ea tunica talaris esset, ideo cum stola Orpheum inducit Varro de rerustica lib. III. cap. XIII: Quintus Orphea vocari iussit, qui cum eò venisset cum stola, & citha- ra, & cantare esset iussus. Ea tunica talaris discincta, quam όρδος αδνον Græci dixere. Dio lib. LXII. de Neronis habi- tu Citharædico. Nam cum statuisset ad citharam canere, non sustinuit a Corbulone videri τὸ ὑφοδος αδνον ἐχων. Ali- qui hanc tunicam rectam credunt, qualem cum pura toga Tyroni nouæ nuptæ indui tradit Plinius lib. VIII. cap. LXVIII. Sed rectas tunicas dici tradit Festus, quæ a stantibus sur- sum

Transcription: Translated (English)

Octauij Ferrarij is distinguished with gold, or having gold worked into it; but Pliny makes it entirely golden. We ourselves saw Agrippina, the wife of Prince Claudius, when he was giving a spectacle of a naval battle, clothed in a paludamentum woven with gold and with no other material. This is certainly astonishing: for how gold could have been woven without any other material is difficult to say. Even Caligula, according to Suetonius, passed over the Baian bridge in a golden chlamys. Dio, book LIX, says that this chlamys was σηπινην αλωργην πολυμενχρυσίον, πολλῶς δὲ μαί λίδες ἔνδυες ἐχονον. A purple silk garment, adorned with much gold and many Indian gems. Also the lacerna, which we noted as not much unlike the chlamys, I mean the gilded lacerna, was peculiar to citharists; their dress and appearance were notable. Juvenal, Satire X: And those whose custom it is to shine in a gilded lacerna. The author of the books To Herennius gives them the same kind of gilded pallium and purple chlamys: for a citharist, when he appears very well dressed, is clothed in a gilded pallium, with a purple chlamys woven with various colors, with a golden crown illuminated by large shining gems. Ovid gives Arion a purple pallium in the Fasti, book II: He had put on a pallium distinguished with Tyrian purple. Thus the dress of citharists was a tunic reaching to the heels and a chlamys. This tunic also seems to have been called a palla, although we have said that the palla properly was the women's mantle, in the words stated a little above, palla inaurata indutus cum chlamyde. For if there the palla were a mantle, how could the chlamys be put over the mantle? But that this tunic was talar, Varro shows for that reason in De Re Rustica, book III, chapter XIII, where he introduces Orpheus with the stola: Quintus ordered him to be called Orpheus, and when he had come there with a stola and cithara, he was ordered to sing. That talar tunic was ungirded, which the Greeks called όρδος αδνον. Dio, book LXII, on Nero’s citharistic dress. For when he had decided to sing to the cithara, he did not endure to be seen by Corbulo, τὸ ὑφοδος αδνον ἐχων. Some believe this tunic was the recta, such as Pliny, book VIII, chapter LXVIII, says was put on a bride newly married to a man wearing the pure toga. But Festus says that tunicae rectae are those which, from those standing up-

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Octauij Ferrarij Tunicæ militaris color. Tertullianus explica- tus. Cap. XIV. Antequam chlamydis, sagi, ac paludamenti colorem indagemus, præstat colorem tunicæ militaris exqui- rere. Togas, tunicasque Vrbanorum albas fuisse ostendi- mus, natiuo scilicet lanæ colore, mox & fullonis arte. Ita militares tunicas pariter fuisse albas credendum est. Non enim est verisimile Quirites ad bellum ituros tota vesti- menta mutasse, & pro alba ruffam, aut alterius coloris in- duisse. Qui autem iste color? Et quis veterum scriptotum eius mentionem fecit? Valerius Maximus lib. II. cap. I. tradit Lacedæmonios ad dissimulandum, & occultandum vulnerum cruorem puniceis tunicis in prælio vsos. Aelia- nus lib. VI. cap. VI. appellat. Quod si Romanis idem mos fuisset, non dissimulasset Valerius, & a proximo exem- plum petiisset. Isidorus lib. XIX. cap. XXI. scribit Roma- nos milites sub Consulibus tunica ruffata vsos, vnde & ruf- satos vocatos esse. Veru quantu Gramatico illi credendum sit, toties in hoc opere præfati sumus. Et nullus veterum tunicæ ruffatæ meminit sub Coss. & ruffatimodo diceban- tur

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Octavius Ferrari The color of the military tunic. Tertullian explained. Chapter XIV. Before we investigate the color of the chlamys, sagum, and paludamentum, it is better to examine the color of the military tunic. We have shown that the togas and tunics of the urban citizens were white, that is, by the natural color of the wool, and later by the art of the fuller. Thus it must be believed that military tunics were likewise white. For it is not likely that the Romans going to war changed all their clothing and, instead of white, put on red, or garments of some other color. But what was that color? And which of the ancient writers mentioned it? Valerius Maximus, book II, chapter I, reports that the Lacedaemonians used purple tunics in battle to conceal and hide the flow of wounds. Aelian, book VI, chapter VI, says the same. But if the Romans had had this custom, Valerius would not have passed it over, and he would have drawn his example from the nearest source. Isidore, book XIX, chapter XXI, writes that the Roman soldiers under the consuls used a reddened tunic, and that from this they were also called rufati. But how much credit should be given to that grammarian, we have stated many times in this work. And no ancient writer mentions a reddened tunic under the consuls, and they were called ruffatimodo

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. III. 123 tur agitatores in Circo, nô milites, a colore factionis. Iuuen. Præmium russati pone Lacerta. Subjicit melior ille vir, quam Criticus: Solebat enim pri- die quam dimicandum esset, ante principia poni, quasi admonitio & indicium futuræ pugnæ. Quod vt verum sit, num propterea illa milites vtebantur lub Conulibus? Quare miratus sum viros doctos sola Isidori auctoritate subnixos illud Mar- tialis: Roma magis fuscis vestitur, Gallia rufis: Et placet hic pueris, militibusque color. partim intellexisse de tunicis russis Canusinis, quæ seruis & militibus in vsu fuerint, partim de pænulis; quum nullo pacto de tunicis Martialis loquatur, sed tantum de pænulis, vt titulus indicat. Cum præterea discrimen fuerit inter colorem rufum, & russum: ibi autem Martialis de pænulis rufis loquitur. Tunicarum etiam punicearum in Salijs sacerdotibus tan- quam rei nouæ, & notabilis meminit Plutarchus in Numa. Atquitunicæ russæ militaris mentionem fecit Trebellius in Claudio. Verum id extremis Romani Imperij tempori- bus contigit, cum in reliquis etiam vestimentis magna mu- tatio facta est. Quanquam neque id satis probare potest, tu- nicas militum promiscuas fuisse russas; sed tantum Tribu- norum & Ducum. Nam inter dona, quæ Claudio Tribuno Martiæ V. legionis dari iubet Valerianus, sunt etiam tunicæ militares russæ, duæ tantum, in eius scilicet vsum. Apud Vopiscum etiam Valerianus iubet dari Probo electo Tri- buno tunicas russulas duas. Idemque apud eundem iubet dari Aureliano tunicas ducales russas quatuor. Sane sub Se- uero, non longo tempore ante Valerianum, milites in tuni- ca communi, hoc est alba. Quod patet ex Tertulliani verbis de Corona militis, quibus vir summus, qui nuper eum edi- dit, vsus est, vt contrarium ostenderet. Loquitur ibi Afri- canus de milite, qui quod laureatus vt ceteri congiarium capere recusasset prius exauctoratus supplicio destinatus est. Adempta autem illi est, dum exauctoratur, pænula, & cum Q 2

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carried in the Circus, not soldiers, from the color of the faction. Juvenal. “The reward for the red-clad, place it behind the lizard.” He adds, that better man than Criticus: for he used to have it placed the day before the fighting was to be done, before the starting-lines, as it were a warning and sign of the coming battle. Granted that this is true, was that therefore why soldiers used it under the Consuls? For this reason I have wondered that learned men, relying solely on the authority of Isidore, have understood that line of Martial: Rome is clothed more in dark garments, Gaul in red ones: And this color pleases boys and soldiers here. partly as referring to red tunics of the kind from Canusium, which were in use among slaves and soldiers, partly as referring to cloaks; since Martial in no way speaks of tunics, but only of cloaks, as the title indicates. Moreover, there was a difference between the colors rufus and russus; but there Martial is speaking of red cloaks. Plutarch also, in the Life of Numa, mentions crimson tunics among the Salian priests as something new and noteworthy. But Trebellius, in Claudius, made mention of military red tunics. Yet that happened in the later times of the Roman Empire, when a great change had also taken place in other garments. Although even that cannot sufficiently prove that soldiers’ tunics were generally red; only those of tribunes and commanders. For among the gifts which Valerian orders to be given to Claudius, tribune of the Martian Fifth Legion, there are also two red military tunics, for his own use, that is. In Vopiscus too, Valerian orders two reddish tunics to be given to Probus, who had been chosen tribune. And in the same author he orders four red tunics to be given to Aurelian as commander’s tunics. Certainly under Severus, not long before Valerian, soldiers wore the common tunic, that is, the white one. This is clear from Tertullian’s words in On the Soldier’s Crown , which the excellent man who recently published him used in order to show the contrary. There the African speaks of a soldier who, because he refused to accept the largesse crowned with laurel like the others, was first cashiered and then destined for punishment. And when he was cashiered, his cloak was taken from him, and with

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. III. 125 Et communes quidem Græcorum chlamydes albas fuisse tradit Pollux lib. VII. cap. xI I. licet Plutarchus in Philopemene eius exercitus ornatum militarem describens ait chlamydes fuisse floridas: ἡρατιωτικῶν ἀλαμύδων δινυδησμὸν. Chlamydam militarium varijs coloribus pictarum. At Romanorum natiuo lanæ colore. Porro chlamys siue paludamentum Imperatorium purpureum, siue ex cocco. Plinius lib. XXI I. cap. I: Atque vt fileamus Galatiæ, Africæ, Lusitaniæ cocci granum Imperatorijs dicatum paludamentis. Dio lib. XL I I. de Cæsare, qui in Aegypto subita hostium eruptione prægrauante scapha in mare desilierat: ait ipsum magnum vitæ periculum adiisse, cum & veste grauaretur, & iaculis hostium vnus impeteretur, quod eum ex purpura (nempe paludamento) Imperatorem esse cognoscerent. Quod narrans Appianus lib. I I. ciuil. ait ἡλω πορφύραν ἀπερριζε. hoc est, purpureum paludamentum. Ipse Cæsar de se Comment. VI I. Accelerat Cæsar, vt prælio intersit, eius aduentu ex colore vestis cognito. Horatius de Antonio fugiente, ac victo. Terra marique victus hostis Punico Lugubre mutauit sagum: Idem Dio lib. XLVI. paludamentum simpliciter Φοινια appellat, de ostentis quæ Pansæ Cos. oblata sunt ante prælium, quod illi supremum fuit: Cum quis illi paludamentum attulisset in effuso cruore (sacrificij) lapsus vestem maculauit. ἀἰτικῶν ἐν τὴτῶ Φοινια ἀυτῶν προσφέρων. Ita Appianus de bello Punico narrat Senatum Romanum Phameæ, ob strenuam operam bello Punico nauatam, donasse purpurâ, & auream fibulam. Φαμαίαν Θεῖτημασαι αληργῖδι, ἀἰτὴν πιπορπήματι χρυσῶ. Purpureo paludamento, quod fibula aurea nec[n]t ebatur. No[n] purpura, & bulla aurea, quod docto Interpreti visu[m] est. Idem in Parthicis memorans prodigia, quæ Crassi necem præcessere, illud primo posuit, atratum eum, non purpuratum ad milites processisse: ὑνὸν ἐν Φοινιδι, ἀλλ' ἐν ἰματική μελανι. Quæ omnino verba etiam apud Plutarchum in Crasso habentur. Idem Appianus alibi de M. Antonio, qui eodem Par-

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On Dress, Part II. Book III. 125 And indeed Pollux reports that the common cloaks of the Greeks were white, Book VII, ch. XII, although Plutarch, in describing the military equipment of Philopoemen’s army, says that the cloaks were flowered: ἡρατιωτικῶν ἀλαμύδων δινυδησμὸν. Cloaks of soldiers painted in various colors. But those of the Romans were of the natural color of wool. Moreover, the chlamys, or paludamentum, of the Emperor was purple, or made of scarlet. Pliny, Book XXI, ch. I: and let us omit the scarlet of Galatia, Africa, and Lusitania, dedicated to imperial paludaments. Dio, Book XLII, concerning Caesar, who in Egypt, when a sudden eruption of enemies pressed him, had leapt from the boat into the sea, says that he underwent great danger to his life, being burdened both by his clothing and attacked by the missiles of the enemy, because they recognized him as the Emperor from his purple garment (namely, the paludamentum). And Appian, recounting this, Book II of the Civil Wars, says ἡλω πορφύραν ἀπερριζε. that is, a purple paludamentum. Caesar himself, in his Commentaries, Book VII, says that Caesar hastened so that he might take part in the battle, his arrival having been recognized from the color of his dress. Horace, speaking of Antony fleeing and defeated: The enemy, conquered by land and sea, Changed his Punic cloak for mourning: The same Dio, Book XLVI, simply calls the paludamentum Φοινια, in relating the omens that were presented to the consul Pansa before the battle, which was his last: when someone had brought him the paludamentum, in the spilled blood of the sacrifice it stained the garment. ἀἰτικῶν ἐν τὴτῶ Φοινια ἀυτῶν προσφέρων. Thus Appian, in his account of the Punic War, says that the Roman Senate rewarded Phamea, for his excellent service rendered in the Punic War, with a purple garment and a golden brooch. Φαμαίαν Θεῖτημασαι αληργῖδι, ἀἰτὴν πιπορπήματι χρυσῶ. A purple paludamentum, fastened with a golden brooch. Not a purple robe and a golden bulla, as it seemed to the learned interpreter. The same author, in the Parthica, mentioning the portents that preceded the death of Crassus, first set down that he came forth to the soldiers in black, not in purple: ὑνὸν ἐν Φοινιδι, ἀλλ' ἐν ἰματική μελανι. These very words are also found in Plutarch’s Crassus. The same Appian elsewhere, concerning M. Antony, who in the same Par-

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Octauij Ferrarij Parthico bello Romanis ducibus fatali allocuturus milites pullum paludamentum petierat, quo esset miserabilior, sed dissuadentibus amicis εντὴς πατρυίδη φωνιχιδι processit. Valerius Maximus idem narrans de Crasso ait Imperatorium paludamentum aut purpureum fuisse aut album. lib. 1. cap. VI: Pullum ei traditum est paludamentum, cum in prælium exeuntibus album, aut purpureum dari soleret. Hirtius de bello Africano: Cum Scipio sagulo purpureo ante lubæ Regis aduentum vti solitus esset, dicitur luba cum eo egisse, non oportere illum uti uestitu, atque ipse uteretur. Itaque factum est, ut Scipio ad album se- se uestimentum transferret. Appianus de bellis Hispanis: Mandatumque erat, si quid tumultus ab hostibus oriretur, signum extollerent, interdiu φωνιχίδα ἐπί δόρατος paludamentum ex hastæ suspensum, non pannum rubrum, vt reddit Interpres. Et V. ciuiliuim narrat Sextum Pompeij filiu[m] belli sucessibus inflatum τελω συνήδη τοῖς αυτοκρατορων χλαμύδα ἐκ φωνιχής ἐς νανλω μεταλλαζαί. Imperatorium paludamentum purpureum in cæruleum mutasse; quasi a Neptuno adoptatus esset. Hinc paludamentum chlamydem purpuream Græci scriptores vertcrunt. Dio lib. Lxv. narrans Vitellii æstum at- que agitationem animi sub aduentum Flauiani exercitus: Interdum, ait, τελω χλαμύδα τελω πορφορᾶν ἰφόρει, gladioque cingebatur, interdum vestem pullam sumebat. Regiam chlamydem appellat Herodianus lib. I I. de Seuero, quem scribit in prælio aduersus Albinum, & fugisse, απορρή Λαυτα δὲ τελω χλαμύδα τελω Βασιλικήω. Nam Regum chlamydes purpureæ. Seneca Ep. LXXVI: Felix est non magis, quam ex illis, quibus sceptru[m], O chlamyde in scena fabulæ assignant. Alibi Herodianus. Pνωαι- λεω χλαμύδα de Caracalla, quica deposita Germanorum cultu incedebat, præcipue sagulis argento variegatis. Nec multo post tradit eundem aperto Alexandri Magni conditorio χλαμύδα ἐν ἰφερεν ἀληργη[m] corpori ipsius imposuisse. Si ergo Imperatorium Romanoru[m] chlamys purpurea fuit, cur Dio Commodi habitum notans ait ipsum ingressum esse theatrum purpurea tunica indutum auro inspersa, accepta simili chlamyde more Græco? εἰσιῶν χιτῶν α ὑλοππόρφυρον χρυσω

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Octauius Ferrarius, about to address the Roman soldiers fatally in the Parthian war, had asked for a black military cloak, so that he might appear more pitiable; but his friends dissuading him, he went forth with a certain patryidic voice? Valerius Maximus, narrating the same thing about Crassus, says that the imperial paludamentum was either purple or white. Book I, chapter VI: “A black paludamentum was handed to him, whereas when commanders went out to battle it was customary for a white or purple one to be given.” Hirtius, in the African War: “When Scipio had been accustomed to wear a purple sagum before the arrival of King Juba, it is said that Juba dealt with him, saying that he ought not to use that dress, and that Juba himself should wear it. Thus it came about that Scipio changed to a white garment.” Appian, in the Spanish Wars: “And orders had been given that, if any disturbance should arise from the enemy, they should raise the signal; by day, a phoinikidē on a spear, a paludamentum suspended from a spear, not a red cloth, as the Translator renders it.” And in the Civil Wars he relates that Sextus, the son of Pompey, swollen with success in war, changed the commander’s cloak from purple into blue, as though he had been adopted by Neptune. From this, Greek writers translated paludamentum as a purple chlamys. Dio, book LXV, narrating Vitellius’ agitation and unrest of mind at the arrival of the Flavian army, says: “At times he wore a purple chlamys and was girt with a sword; at times he took on dark clothing.” Herodian calls it a royal chlamys in book II, speaking of Severus, whom he writes fled in the battle against Albinus, “casting off those things and the royal chlamys.” For the chlamydes of kings are purple. Seneca, Epistle LXXVI: “A man is not happier on that account than those to whom a scepter and a chlamys are assigned in a play on the stage.” Elsewhere Herodian says of Caracalla that, having laid aside German dress, he went about especially in cloaks variegated with silver. And not long after he states that the same man, in the open tomb of Alexander the Great, placed a chlamys on the body itself. If therefore the Roman imperial chlamys was purple, why does Dio, noting Commodus’ attire, say that he entered the theater wearing a purple tunic sprinkled with gold, having taken up a similar chlamys in the Greek manner? “Entering, a tunic, a cloth of purple with gold…”

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128 Octauij Ferrarij virgulatæ, id est, pæbdwtae. Val. Flaccus I I. Argon. Thracum mulieribus virgatas vestes tribuit, nec purpureas, inquit ille, intellexit, sed barbarorum ritu discolores, & veluti virgatis segmentis contextas. Iam veniet durata gelu, sed me quoque pulsam Fama viro, nostrosque thoros virgata tenebit. Eadem saga scutulata notauit Scaliger dicta, macularum instar cancellatim, & reticulatim distincta. Scutulas enim esse ta πλινδια, nimiru quadra similia retium maculis, quas Græci vocant τες ἐρόχονς. Gallos enim Diodorus ait laga gestasse, pæbdwta πλινδιοι, πολυάνδεσι, παὶ πυννοῖς Σαλημενα. Scutulata, & reticulatim distincta. Etiam colorata Saracenorum sagula fuisse tradit Ammianus lib. XIV. De Subarmali. Cap. XVII. Inter vestimenta militaria fuere subarmales, siue subarmalia, quorum mentio apud Spartanum in Seuero: Quum Romam Seuerus venisset Prætorianos cum subarmalibus inermes sibi iussit occurrere. Trebellius in Claudio: Subarmale vnum cum purpura Maura. Demum Vopiscus in Aureliano: Togam pictam, subarmale profundum, sellam eboratam. Sed quænam eæ vestes fuerint, & inquem vsum, non ita compertum est. Turnebus lib. XVII. cap. XIX. existimat fuisse crassum sagulum, quod sub armis induebatur, vt eorum durities minus corpus offenderet, sed profundo excepta tegumento mollius corpori insideret, & tolerabilius. Atque ita ab armis subarmale dictum, quod scilicet sub armis gestaretur. Hæc opinio displicuit Casaubono ad Spartanum, quod scilicet pacis, & pomparum hæ vestes essent. Nam Herodianus eandem rem narrans de Seuero lib. I I. scribit ab eo edictum propositum, vt Prætoriani relictis apud castra armis exirent pacis habitu, eoque cultu, quo procedere in pompam consueuissent hac ificante, aut diem festum celebrante Imperatore. Mox subjicit, eos relictis armis pro- cessisse

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128 Octauij Ferrarij striped, that is, pæbdwtae. Val. Flaccus II. Argon. Among the women of Thrace gave striped garments, and not purple ones, he says, but he understood them to be of barbarian fashion, of different colors, and as it were woven together with striped bands. Now shall come hardened by frost, but fame too shall drive me on as a man, and my striped bed shall keep our couches. Scaliger also noted the same word saga scutulata, marked like spots, distinguished in a lattice-like and net-like manner. For scutula are, as it were, πλινδια, namely squares similar to the spots of nets, which the Greeks call τες ἐρόχονς. For Diodorus says the Gauls wore laga, pæbdwta πλινδιοι, πολυάνδεσι, παὶ πυννοῖς Σαλημενα. Scutulata, and distinguished in a net-like manner. Ammianus also relates that the cloaks of the Saracens were colored lib. XIV. On the Subarmale. Chap. XVII. Among military garments there were subarmales, or subarmalia, mention of which is found in Spartianus in Severus: when Severus had come to Rome, he ordered the Praetorians to meet him unarmed with their subarmalia. Trebellius in Claudius: one subarmale with purple trim. Finally Vopiscus in Aurelian: a painted toga, a deep subarmale, an ivory chair. But what these garments were, and for what use, is not so well known. Turnebus, book XVII, chap. XIX, thinks it was a thick cloak worn under armor, so that the hardness of the armor might offend the body less, but, with a deep lining, it might sit more softly on the body and be more tolerable. And thus it was called subarmale from the arms, because it was worn under armor. This opinion displeased Casaubon on Spartianus, because, namely, these garments were for peace and processions. For Herodian, relating the same matter about Severus, book II, writes that an edict was issued by him, that the Praetorians should leave their arms in the camp and go out in the dress of peace, and in that attire in which they were accustomed to proceed in a procession or on a feast day when the Emperor was celebrating. Soon after he adds that they, having left their arms, advanced

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130 OCTAVII FERRARII DE RE VESTIARIA PARS SECUNDA. LIBER QVARTVS QVI EST DE PALLIO. Pallium Græcorum indumentum. Comædiæ palliatæ, togatæ, prætextatæ. Prolegomena in Terentium expenduntur. Cap. 1. T Toga Romanorum, ita Pallium Græcorum gestamen fuisse, certum est. Et cum tunica vtrique genti communis esset, cui aut toga, aut pallium superinduebatur, diuersa indumenti exterioris forma Romanum, Græcumque habitum distinctum fuisse, apud omnes in confesso est. Hinc Comædiæ palliatæ, & togatæ. In prolegomenis ad Terentium, siue ea Donati, siue Cornuti, siue Asperi fuere, Comædiæ formæ sunt tres. Palliatæ Græcum habitum ferentes. Togatæ iuxta formam personarum habitum togatum desiderantes. Post pauca subjicitur. Hinc Vlyssem palliatum semper inducunt. Causa porro non vna satis friuola adducitur, siue quod cum insaniam simulauit, tectus esse voluit, siue ob singularem sapientiam, demum quod Ithacæ habitatores, sicut Locri palliati essent. Quasi vero solus Vlysses, soliq[ue] Ithacenses, & non Græci omnes, palliati. Sed nimirum illa prolegomena, vt non vnius scriptoris esse apparet, sed ex variis auctoribus adinstar centonis co-farcinata, ita quædam bona habent, quædam secus, vt facile obseruabit, cui otium fuerit ea contendere. Nam quæ de Achille, & Neoptolemo, qui cum diademate induc- rentur,

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130 OCTAVIUS FERRARIUS ON THE ART OF DRESS PART TWO. BOOK FOUR WHICH IS ON THE PALLIUM. The pallium, a garment of the Greeks. The palliated, the toga-wearing, and the praetextate comedies. Prolegomena to Terence are examined. Chap. 1. The toga was the garment of the Romans, just as the pallium was certainly that of the Greeks. And since the tunic was common to both peoples, over which either the toga or the pallium was put, it is universally admitted that the different outer form of dress distinguished the Roman and the Greek habit. Hence the palliated and the toga-wearing comedies. In the prolegomena to Terence, whether they were by Donatus, or Cornutus, or Asper, there are three forms of comedy: the palliated, representing the Greek dress; the toga-wearing, according to the character of the persons, requiring the toga-clad habit. A little later it is added: “Hence they always represent Ulysses as palliated.” A quite frivolous reason is given for this: either because, when he feigned madness, he wished to be covered, or because of his singular wisdom, or finally because the inhabitants of Ithaca, like the Locrians, were palliated. As if, indeed, Ulysses alone, and the Ithacans alone, and not all the Greeks, wore the pallium. But surely those prolegomena, as it is clear, are not the work of a single writer, but have been stuffed together from various authors like a patchwork, so that some things in them are good and some otherwise, as anyone who has leisure to compare them will easily observe. For those things which concern Achilles and Neoptolemus, who were introduced with a diadem,

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Octauij Ferrarij non Terentii Tabernarias fuisse palliatas tradit. Palliatæ Græcum habitum ferentes, quas nonnulli Tabernarias vocant. Sed paulo ante, si tamen vnus auctor est, Tabernarias ab humilitate argumenti, & styli dictas putat. Quod palliatæ fuerint, non minus falsum est, quam notatio Planipedum, quæ ibidem adducitur: Quod non ea negotia contineat, quæ personarum in turribus, aut in coenaculis habitantium sunt, sed in plano, & humili loco. Quis enim ignorat infimam plebem, ac minutum populu[m] in coenaculis habitasse? Duplicis ergo tantum generis fuisse videntur Comædiæ Latinæ, Prætextatæ, in queis Magistratus, Togatæ in quibus viliores personæ inductæ. Harum solum meminit Horatius: Vel qui prætextas, vel qui docuere togatas. Vbi prætextæ sunt prætextatæ. Neque tamen audiendi sunt, qui apud Acronem Prætextatam Tragoediam dixerunt, Comædiam togatam: multo minus, qui ibidem Togatas fuisse, in quibus Græca argumenta, Prætextas, inquibus Latina. Nam, vt diximus, cum Latinæ essent, omnes erant togatæ, sed hæ viliorum, Prætextatæ nobiliorum, & Magistratuum. Sed vix vide- tur potuisse dari Comædiâ, in qua soli magistratus introducerentur. Vt probabilius sit, dictas prætextatas ab argu- menti grauitate, atque honestate, nulla iocorum licentia, atque obscœnitate, quæ Magistratuum, & pueritiæ sancti- tatem dedeceret. Quamquam contra a verborum prætexta- torum licentia quis dictas suspicari possit. Sed tales togatæ omnes, viliorum scilicet personarum, lenonu[m], meretricum, nepotum, quibus vitæ licentiè congruens lasciuior oratio. At Prætextatas serias totas, ac graues, omni que turpitu- dine vacuas fuisse credere par est. Hisce affines fuisse vi- dentur Trabeatæ, quod nouum genus Togatarum edidisse dicitur a Suetonio de claris Grammaticis Melissus, qui fuit ab Augusto Præfectus bibliothecæ in porticu Octauiæ. Sed vndenam Trabeatæ haud facile dixerim. Cum enim Tra- beæ olim Regum fuerint, ijs pulsis penes Equites in solem- ni transuictione remanserint, inde a triumphantibus vsur- patæ, nescio quis earum vsus in Comædiis esse potuerit? Dio-

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Octavius Ferrarius states that the Tabernariae were not Palliatae . Palliatae were those bearing a Greek character, which some call Tabernariae . But a little earlier, if there is indeed only one authority, he thinks the Tabernariae were so called from the lowly subject matter and style. That they were Palliatae is no less false than the explanation of the Planipedes , which is given there: namely, that the plays do not contain those affairs which belong to persons living in towers or in upper rooms, but rather in the open ground and in a low place. For who is ignorant that the lowest class of people and the ordinary crowd lived in upper stories? Therefore it seems that there were only two kinds of Latin comedy, Praetextatae , in which magistrates appear, and Togatae , in which humbler characters are introduced. Horace mentions only these: Vel qui praetextas, vel qui docuere togatas . Here praetextae means praetextatae . Nor however should those be listened to who, following Acron, said that the Praetextata was tragedy, the Togata comedy; much less those who there said that the Togatae were those in which Greek subjects were treated, and the Praetextae those with Latin subjects. For, as we have said, since they were Latin, all were Togatae , but these were of humbler station, while the Praetextatae were of the noble class and of magistrates. But it hardly seems possible that there could have been a comedy in which magistrates alone were introduced. Thus it is more probable that the Praetextatae were so called from the seriousness and propriety of the subject matter, with no license of jokes or obscenity, which would be unseemly for the dignity of magistrates and youth. Although, on the other hand, one might suspect that they were so called from the license of the words used by the praetextati . But such Togatae as these were all, namely of humbler characters, pimps, courtesans, profligates, with speech more wanton, fitting the licentiousness of their life. But it is fitting to believe that the Praetextatae were altogether serious and grave, and free from all baseness. These seem to have been akin to the Trabeatae , because a new kind of Togatae is said by Suetonius, in On Illustrious Grammarians , to have been produced by Melissus, who was appointed by Augustus prefect of the library in the Porticus of Octavia. But from where the Trabeatae came, I should not easily say. For since the trabeae once belonged to kings, and after they had been driven out remained with the Equites in the solemn transfer, and were then used by triumphant generals, I do not know what use of them could have existed in comedies. Dio-

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 133 Diomedes lib. I I I. Togatas nomen genericum facit ad prætextatas. & tabernarias: Nihilominus togatas pro tabernarijs vsurpari non communi tantum errore, sed poetarum auctoritate. Nam Horatius: Vel qui prætextas, vel qui doucere togatas. Prætextatas in quibus Imperatorum negotia agebantur & publica, & Reges Romani, vel duces personarum dignitate, & sublimitate Tragædijs persimiles, quod eæ personæ prætexta vtantur. Secundam speciem tabernarias fuisse, in quibus non magistratus, Regesque sed humiles homines, & priuatæ domus inducuntur, & quod olim tabulis tegerentur tabernariæ dicebantur. Vbi videtur indicare tabernarias dictas, quod in ijs introducerentur homines in tabernis habitantes, ita enim domos vocatas, quæ tabulis tegerentur. Verisimilius est tabernarias dictas, quod opifices, institores, ac sellularii, qui in tabernis degerent, inducerentur. Ceterum togatarum auctores ab Acrone hirecensentur: Aelius Lamia, Antonius Rufus, Melissus, Afranius, Pomponius. Qui omnes magno literarum damno præter Afranii fragmenta interciderunt. Primum autem Stephanionem togatas saltare instituisse, auctor est Plinius lib. VI I. cap. XLVII. Minus miror Stephanionem, qui primus togatus saltare instituit. Sed legendum est togatas, vt & Sabellicus monuit, & de pantomimo intelligendum. Pallium. Græcè , . Cap. III. V T igitur ad pallium propius accedamus, cuius contemplationi extremam operis huius curam dicauiimus, id vestimenti genus, quod tunicæ injiciebatur, totum que corpus circumiectu suo inuoluebat, Græci variis nominibus extulerunt. Præcipuè tamen Attice , & dixere. Quanquam vtraque vox largè accepta omne vestimenti genus significet, quod Budęo adnotatum. Neque tamen vt pro tegmine capitis accipiatur, vt Hen: Stephanovisum; Quod Plutarchus in Pompeio tradat Sil- lam

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On Dress, Part II. Book IV. 133 Diomedes, book III, makes togatas a generic name for praetextatas and tabernarias. Nevertheless, togatas is used for tabernarias not only by common error, but by the authority of poets. For Horace: “Either those who compose praetextas, or those who compose togatas.” Praetextatas were those in which the business of emperors and public affairs were treated, and Roman kings or leaders, by reason of the dignity and lofty rank of the persons, were very similar to tragedies, because those persons used the praetexta. The second kind was tabernarias, in which not magistrates and kings, but humble men and private households are introduced, and because in former times they were covered with boards, they were called tabernariae. Here he seems to indicate that they were called tabernariae because men dwelling in booths were introduced in them, for thus houses covered with boards were called. It is more likely that they were called tabernariae because craftsmen, shopkeepers, and petty traders, who lived in booths, were brought on stage. Moreover, the authors of togatae are listed by Acrone as follows: Aelius Lamia, Antonius Rufus, Melissus, Afranius, Pomponius. All of these, to the great loss of literature except for the fragments of Afranius, have perished. And Pliny, book VII, chapter XLVII, is authority for the statement that Stephanion was the first to introduce the dance of togatae. “I am less surprised at Stephanion, who was the first to institute the dance of togatae.” But togatas must be read, as Sabellicus also noted, and this must be understood of the pantomime. The Pallium. In Greek, . Chapter III. Therefore, to come more closely to the pallium, to the consideration of which we have devoted the final care of this work, this kind of garment, which was thrown over the tunic and by its wrapping enveloped the whole body, the Greeks distinguished by various names. Above all, however, Attic writers called it . Although either word, taken broadly, signifies every kind of garment, as Budeo has noted. Yet it is not to be taken as a covering for the head, as Hen. Stephanus thought; because Plutarch in the Life of Pompey relates that Sil- lam

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134 Octauij Ferrarij Iam aduenienti Pompeio honoris causa assurgere solitum, nai aπαγοντος t[ame]n s[un]t nεφαλης t[ame]n iμάτιον . Et alibi de Demetrio Pompeii libero, cuius tanta importunitas, vt ante herum discumberet, ἐχων δί ώτων nατα t[ame]n s[un]t nεφαλης t[ame]n iμάτιον. Nam & hic, & alibi non de capitis tegmine, pileo, aut palliolo intelligendum, sed de togæ extrema parte, siue latinia, quam capiti iniectam interdum arcendo soli, aut imbri, item in re subita, ac calamitosa, alias docuimus. Ita quod tradit Plutarchus in Apopthegmatis Scipionemminorem, cum in Aegyptum venisset, nauique egressus ἐβαδιζε nατα t[ame]n s[un]t nεφαλης ἐχων t[ame]n iμάτιον ἐπινν αποπαλυξαν[.] Quod toga caput rectum haberet, intelligendum est, non pænula: quod vertit Interpres. Iuάτιον etiam pro stragula veste sumi Budæus obseruat ex Athenæo lib. XI I. Κατεσκένασο [n]o[n] [n]o[n]ινος πολυτελῶς, nai μεγαλοφεπιῶς iματιοις t[ame]n nai [n]o[n] δονίσις πολυτελεσων. Sed quod etiam apud Matthæum pro stragula veste iμάτιον sumatur, non facile persuaserit. Nam cap. IX. [n]o[n]δεις δὲ ἐπιβάλλει ἐπίβλημα ράπς αγνάφε ἐπι iματιον παλαιον. Ibi iμάτιον non pro stragula, sed pro qualibet veste accipiendum est, quemadmodum Lucæ V. & Marci II. accipitur. Subiicit idem vir doctissimus, iμάτιον alias significare palliu[m], hoc est tribonium, quod supra tunicam induitur. Quod neque ex toto verum est. non enim quodcumque tunicæ induebatur tribonium erat; Sed pallium detritum, ac vile, pauperum ferme, ac Philosphorum, vt infra dicturi sumus. Licet ergo iμάτιον quodlibet vestis genus etiam stragulæ significaret, proprie tamen id modo indumentum, quod tunicæ superinduebatur. Demosthenes: Οστε μὲ δομάτιον φρόεδαι, nai μηνρὴ γυμνοῦ ἐν χιτωνίσκω γενέω [με]ν Φευγοντα. Plutarchus in Lycurgo de disciplina adolescentium: Γενόμενος δὲ δωδεκαετής, απεν χιτῶνος [n]o[n] διετελεν ἐν iμάτιον εἰς τον επιαυλόν λαυβανοντες. Emenso autem duodecimo ætatis anno sine tunica iam degebant, vnum pallium in annum accipientes. Idem in præcepris connubialibus XI. de Borea, & Sole ex certamine hominem despoliantibus. Flante Borea viator iμάτιον cor- pori

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134 Octauij Ferrarii It was customary for Pompey, when he arrived, to rise in honor of him, nai aπαγοντος t[ame]n s[un]t nεφαλης t[ame]n iμάτιον . And elsewhere, concerning Demetrius, the freedman of Pompey, whose impudence was so great that he would lie down before his master, ἐχων δί ώτων nατα t[ame]n s[un]t nεφαλης t[ame]n iμάτιον. For in this passage too, and elsewhere, it must not be understood of a covering for the head, a cap, or a little cloak, but of the outer part of a toga, or the latinia, which, when thrown over the head, was sometimes used to ward off the sun or rain, and likewise in sudden and calamitous circumstances, as we have explained elsewhere. Thus what Plutarch relates in the Apophthegmata about Scipio the Younger, when he had come to Egypt and stepped from the ship, ἐβαδιζε nατα t[ame]n s[un]t nεφαλης ἐχων t[ame]n iμάτιον ἐπινν αποπαλυξαν[.] It is to be understood that the toga kept the head upright, not a paenula, as the Interpreter translated it. Iuάτιον is also observed by Budæus, from Athenaeus, book XI. II. Κατεσκένασο [n]o[n] [n]o[n]ινος πολυτελῶς, nai μεγαλοφεπιῶς iματιοις t[ame]n nai [n]o[n] δονίσις πολυτελεσων. But that even in Matthew iμάτιον is taken for a covering garment, he would not easily persuade one. For in chapter IX. [n]o[n]δεις δὲ ἐπιβάλλει ἐπίβλημα ράπς αγνάφε ἐπι iματιον παλαιον. There iμάτιον must be taken not for a covering garment, but for any kind of clothing, just as it is taken in Luke V and Mark II. The same very learned man adds that iμάτιον elsewhere signifies pallium, that is, tribonium, which is worn over the tunic. This is not wholly true. For not whatever was worn over a tunic was tribonium; but a worn-out, cheap cloak, belonging mostly to the poor and to philosophers, as we shall say below. Therefore, although iμάτιον may signify any kind of garment, even a covering one, in its proper sense it denotes that article of clothing which is worn over the tunic. Demosthenes: Οστε μὲ δομάτιον φρόεδαι, nai μηνρὴ γυμνοῦ ἐν χιτωνίσκω γενέω [με]ν Φευγοντα. Plutarch, in the Life of Lycurgus, on the discipline of youths: Γενόμενος δὲ δωδεκαετής, απεν χιτῶνος [n]o[n] διετελεν ἐν iμάτιον εἰς τον επιαυλόν λαυβανοντες. But after completing the twelfth year of age they lived without a tunic, receiving one pallium for the year. The same author, in the precepts concerning marriage, XI, on Boreas and the Sun stripping a man in a contest. When Boreas blows, the traveler iμάτιον body

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. III. 135 pori vehementius adpressit: at sole ardente na[m]i to[n]i chi[n]tōνα to[n]i ιμα[n]t[i]o[n]e προσαπεδύσατο. Vna cam pallio etiam tunicam exuit. Ae- lianus Variæ lib. I. cap. xvI. de Apollodoro, qui Socrati morituro attulit tunicam pretiosa lana, pulchreque contextam, simile item pallium, et rogauit ενδυτα αυτον to[n]i chi[n]tōνα, na[m]i δομάτιον περιβαλλόμενον bibere cicutam. Quanquam ιμάτιον etiam pro pallio muliebri idem Plu- tarchus posuit eodem libro Præceptorum connubialium. XXXI I. Θεᾶνω παρέφυε τω χεῖρα περιβαλλούεν to ιμάτιον. Thea- no dum pallium imponit manum, et cubiti partem renudauerat. Non recte Interpres. Vestem induens. Quare idem in Lycur- go ad distinctione[m] pallium virile appellat, quo de more La- cænæ cum nuberent amiciebantur: ιματιος de arδρειο, na[m]i υποδήμασω ενσηνάσασα. Immo & pro tunica ab eodem po- nitur de Claris mulietibus. Laudans enim mulieres Chias narrat Chios a Coronensibus bello vietos deditione[m] fecis- se ea conditione, vt vrbe egrederentur, χλαῦνον μίαν ἔνασον na[m]i ιμάτιον Chlaenam modo & tunicam habentes, repre- hensos a mulieribus, quæ dicerent, ὑπι χλαῦνα μεν ἔσι to ἥυσον, χιτω δὲ ἔσωτις, quod hasta pro chlamyde, clypeus pro tunica viris fortibus esset. Φαρος etiam appellarunt Græci indumentum exterius quod tunicæ imponebatur, tam virile, quam muliebre. Ho- merus Od. o: χιτῶνα δυνεν, na[m]i μέγα Φαρος ἐπί σθαρθίς ἔαλετ' ω- μοις. Tunicam induit, et magnum pallium humeris iniecit. Vbi notat Eustathius proprie de tunica dici indui, quæ vestis in- terior, at de pallio, quod exterius, inijci, siue imponi. "Εσμε γὰρ μανδρεδες τι νεῦ to Φαρος ἔγναί, na[m]i ἔδυτον αλλὰ αναστόν. Quod non indueretur, sed imponeretur, siue circumponeretur. Pro pallio foemineo Od. e. ἀργύρεν Φαρος μέγα ἔυστο νῦμα. Argenteum siue candidum pallium magnum induit Dea. In- terpres stolam vertit, sed stola tunica fuit, non pallium. Qua[m] quam fuisse eam tunicam ex ijs, quæ sequuntur coniicere li- cet. Quod scilicet auream zonam lumbis circumposuit. Quomodo enim pallium zona cingi potuit? Sed fuisse pal- lium, siue peplum muliebre apparet Od.θ. de Penelope πορ-

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book III. 135 he pressed more vehemently; but when the sun was burning, he took off the chiton and the himation. Also, together with the cloak he took off the tunic. Aelian, Various History Book I, ch. 16, on Apollodorus, who, when Socrates was dying, brought him a tunic of precious wool, beautifully woven, and a similar cloak, and asked him to dress him in the chiton, in the little garment, so that he might drink hemlock. Although Plutarch in the same book of the Precepts of Marriage also uses himation for a woman’s cloak. XXXII. Theano, while putting the cloak over her hand, had exposed part of her elbow. The translator is not correct: “Putting on a garment.” For the same author, in Lycurgus , by way of distinction, calls it a man’s cloak, with which, according to Lacedaemonian custom, they were wrapped when they married: himation of the man, as in the saying, “having put on shoes.” Indeed, he even uses it for a tunic in On Famous Women . For praising the women of Chios, he relates that the Chians, having been defeated in war by the Coronenses, made a surrender on the condition that they should leave the city, each with one chlaine, that is, with a himation only and a tunic, and that they were rebuked by the women, who said that a spear should serve as a cloak, and a shield as a tunic for brave men. The Greeks also called pharos the outer garment placed over the tunic, for both men and women. Homer, Odyssey o: “He put on the chiton, and threw the great pharos over his shoulders.” Here Eustathius notes that it is properly said of the tunic, since it is the inner garment, that it is put on, but of the cloak, which is outer, that it is thrown on or laid over. “For the pharos must not be put on, but laid over, or wrapped around.” For a woman’s cloak, Odyssey e: “The goddess put on a great silver or white pharos.” The interpreter translates it “stola,” but the stola was a tunic, not a cloak. Yet that it was a tunic may be inferred from what follows, namely, that she girded her loins with a golden girdle. For how could a cloak be girded with a belt? But that it was a cloak, or rather a woman’s peplos, appears in Odyssey theta, concerning Penelope

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136 Octauij Ferrarij πορφύρεον μεγα φαρος ἐλῶν χερσί ἀρησι παππεχεφαλης ἔρυσσε, παλυδε διπαλα πρόσωπα. Purpureu[m] magnum pallium præbensum manibus grauibus In caput traxit, obtexitqne pulchram faciem. Quomodo enim tunica trahi in caput, osque obnubere poterat? Quare credere licet φαρος generice pro quauis veste vsurpatum. Pro pallio virili passim Homerus. Od. 8. de filia Nestoris postquam Telemachum hospitem lauacro fouerat. Αμφὶ δὲ μὴν φαρος παλῶν ἔαλευ ἀ δὲ χιτῶνα. Circumposuit, autem pallium pulchrum, δὲ tunicam. Philippus in Anthologia lib. 1. cap. 1. de Xerxe, qui cum Leonidæ corpus mortuu[m] aspexisset honoris causa, ἐχλαῦνε φαρεὶ πορφυρέω. Inuoluit pallio purpureo. Hæc tamen vox nonnisi apud poetas reperitur, & inter poetica vocabula a Polluce recensetur lib. v 1 1. cap. X I I. λῶπη δὲ, παὶ ὑάπη, παὶ φαρος, παὶ ἰμάτια, παὶ λῶπος πομπικὰ. Hesychius φαρος, ἰμάτιον, περιδόλαιον interpretatur. Omne enim vestimenti genus exterius quod tunicæ impositum corpus circumiret, atque inuolueret Græcis περιδόλασιν, περιβολή, περιβλημα: item αναβολή, αναβόλαιον, ἔπίβλημα dicebatur. Quod Latini Amictum, quod Am, siue αμφὶ, circa corpus iniiceretur. Plutarchus Præceptis connubialibus XI. vestem, quæ tunicæ superinduitur, modo ἐμάτιον, modo περιβολιω appellat. Pallium. Eius notatio. Vestis stragula Romanorum. Amictus Græcorum. Pallium Proconsulare. Cap. III. Qvod Græci ἰμάτιον, & φαρος Latini Pallium dixere, à pellibus deducit Isidorus, quod super indumenta, inquit, pellicia veteres inducbuntur. Satis ineptè. Nam commune pallium ex lana fuit, sicut reliqua vestimenta. Illud etiam ineptius, pallium esse, quo administrantium scapulæ conteguntur, vt dum ministrant expeditius discurrant. Haud vidi magis. Cur enim non expeditiores in tunica, in qua sola olim ministros se ille docuimus? Locus Plauti nihil ad rem. Si quid facturus, es, appende in humeros pallium

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136 Octauij Ferrarii “a great purple cloak, taking hold with his hands, he dragged it up over the head of the shaggy-haired man, and covered the double face.” Purpleum[m] great cloak having been provided he drew it with heavy hands over the head, and covered the beautiful face. For how could a tunic be drawn over the head and cover the mouth? Therefore it is likely that φαρος is used generically for any kind of garment. As a word for a man’s cloak Homer uses it everywhere, Od. 8, concerning the daughter of Nestor, after she had bathed Telemachus the guest. “Then she threw about him a fair cloak, and the tunic.” She wrapped around him, that is, the beautiful cloak, and the tunic. Philip in the Anthology book 1, chap. 1, on Xerxes, who, when he had seen Leonidas’ dead body for honor’s sake, “wrapped him in a purple cloak.” He wrapped him in a purple cloak. Yet this word is found only among poets, and is listed among poetic words by Pollux, book v 1 1, chap. X I I. “λῶπη, and ὑάπη, and φαρος, and ἰμάτια, and processional cloaks.” Hesychius interprets φαρος as ἰμάτιον, περιδόλαιον. For every outer kind of garment placed over the tunic and surrounding and enveloping the body was called by the Greeks περιδόλασις, περιβολή, περιβλημα; likewise αναβολή, αναβόλαιον, ἐπίβλημα it was called. The Latin word is Amictus, because it is thrown around the body, from Am, or αμφὶ, “around.” Plutarch, in Precepts of Marriage XI, calls the garment that is worn over the tunic now ἐμάτιον, now περιβολιω. Pallium. Its meaning. The Romans’ wrapper garment. The Greeks’ outer garment. The proconsular pallium. Chap. III. What the Greeks call ἰμάτιον and φαρος, the Latins called pallium, Isidore derives from hides, because, he says, the ancients wore skin garments over their clothing. Quite foolishly. For the common pallium was made of wool, like the rest of the garments. Still more foolish is this: that the pallium is what covers the shoulders of attendants, so that while serving they may run about more freely. I have seen nothing worse. For why would they not be more free in a tunic, in which alone we have shown that servants once dressed themselves? The passage from Plautus is irrelevant. If you are going to do anything, hang the pallium over your shoulders

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Octauij Ferrarij Gutta pallia non fefellit vlla. Sed blando pede suscitat toroque Deponi rogat, & monet leuari. Proprie tamen Pallium nonnisi Græcanicu[m] indumentum fuit, vt toga Romanorum. Suetonius Augusto cap. xcv i i i. Sed ceteros continuos dies inter varia munuscula togas insuper, ac pallia distribuit, lege proposita, vt Romani Græco, Græci Romano habitu vterentur. Id est Græcicum toga, Romani cum pallio incederent. Idem Claudio. xv. Peregrinitatis reum orta in- ter aduocatos contentione, togatumne, an palliatum dicere cau- sam oporteret, mutare habitum sæpius iussit. Quod scilicet nul- lus gestandi togam ius haberet, nisi ciuis Romanus. Val. Maximus lib. I I. cap. I I. Inter cetera Romanæ grauitatis indicia illud ponit, quod Græcis numquam nisi Latinè re- sponsa darent: immo eosdem etiam in ipsa Græcia per in- terpretem loqui cogerent. Quo scilicet Latin[us] vocis ho- nos per omnes gentes venerabilior diffunderetur. Nec il- lis, inquit, deerant studia doctrinæ, sed nulla non in re pallium toge subijci debere arbitrabantur. Plinius lib. I v. Epist. x I. De Liciniano qui exul in Sicilia profitebatur. Idem cum Græ- co pall: o amictus intrasset (carent enim toga iure, quibus aqua, & igni inter dictum est) postquam se composuit, circumspexitque habi- tum suum, Latine, inquit, declamaturus sum. Plautus licet in Comædia palliata seculi sui more respexerit, cum in Cur- culione Philosophos perstringit, qui in Græco pallio. Tum isti Græci palliati, capite operto, qui ambulant, Qui incedunt suffarcinati cum libris, cum sportulis. Constant, conferunt sermones inter se se drapetæ Obstant, obsistunt, incedunt cum suis sententijs. Quare Appianus lib. v. ciuil. pallium appellat 50λλω ἐκκιν- νωλω: vestem Græcanicam. Ceterum licet Vlpianus pallium inter communia vestimenta recenseat (quo loco fallitur Bayfius, qui communia vestimenta interpretatur, quæ pro- miscuæ vestes Tacito dicuntur, nam Tacitus ibi promiscuas vestes sericas appellat, quæ cum propriæ fæminarum etiam a viris vsurparentur) licet inquam Iurisconsultus pallium inter

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Octauij Ferrarij No one was deceived by the fallen cloak. But with gentle step he rouses the one in bed, and asks that it be laid down, and bids it be lifted. Yet properly speaking, the Pallium was only a Greek garment, as the toga was that of the Romans. Suetonius, Augustus, cap. xcviii. But on all the following days, among various gifts as well, he distributed togas and pallia, after proposing a law that Romans should use Greek, and Greeks Roman, dress. That is, the Greek should wear the toga, and Romans should go about in the pallium. The same of Claudius, xv. A contention having arisen among advocates about a charge of foreignness, whether one ought to plead the case togatus or palliatus, he repeatedly ordered a change of dress. For clearly no one had the right to wear the toga unless he were a Roman citizen. Val. Maximus, book II, cap. II. Among other signs of Roman gravity he notes that they never gave answers to Greeks except in Latin; indeed they even compelled the same men, in Greece itself, to speak through an interpreter. So that, of course, the honor of the Latin tongue might spread more venerably among all nations. Nor, he says, were they lacking in pursuits of learning, but in no matter did they not think that the pallium should yield to the toga. Pliny, book V, Epist. x. On Licinianus, who was living in exile in Sicily. Likewise, when he had entered in Greek dress (for those to whom water and fire have been interdicted lack the right of the toga), after he had arranged himself and looked about at his dress, he said, intending to speak in Latin, “I am about to declaim.” Plautus, although in his comedy palliata he had regard to the custom of his age, when in the Curculio he lashes out at the philosophers, who are in a Greek pallium. Then those Greek men in pallia, with covered heads, who walk, who go about burdened with books, with baskets. They stand, converse among themselves; they are drifters, they block the way, they oppose, they move along with their own opinions. For which reason Appian, book V of the Civil Wars, calls the pallium 50λλω ἐκκιν- νωλω: a Greek garment. Nevertheless, although Ulpian lists the pallium among common garments (in which place Bayfius is mistaken, who interprets common garments as those called by Tacitus promiscuous garments, for Tacitus there calls those silk garments promiscuous, which, though proper to women, were also used by men), although, I say, the jurist places the pallium among

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 141 & ceruicibus circumstrictus, in fibula morsu humeris acquiescebat. Instar eius bodie Aesculapio Sacerdotium est. Quid opus erat vetus pallium ad illud sacerdotum Aesculapij exigere, si illud, quod toge prætulerat Africanus, quadrangulum, & antiquo simile fuit? Quæ manifesto vincunt, diuersum ab antiquo pallium Tertulliani fuisse: vt illud quadrangulum fuerit, hoc nequaquam. Illud ergo describit, quod in vsu esse desierat, non quod in oculos incurrebat. Alias existimauimus, pallium quadratum fuisse, quod duabus plagulis diuisum, quatuor in interiori parte angulos haberet, quodque fibula in humeris nec tebatur: idque commune Græcorum at philosophorum non fuisse quadratum, sed semirotundum nostrisque pallijs haud absimile, quod non insibularetur, sed dextra pars in humerum sinistrum iniiceretur. Sed mutare sententiam nos cogunt veteres statuæ palliatæ, in quibus nec duæ istæ plagulæ nec fibula vsquam apparet: sed pallium omnino nostri simile est, fusum scilicet & semirotundum, quale prorsus pallium Romanarum mulierum, siue palla, cuius formam ex antiquis monumentis antè reddidimus. Ex ijs etiam quæ mox de modo gestandi pallium apud veteres dicturi sumus, neque fuisse duas plagulas, neque fibulæ morsu nexum fuisse apparebit. Si est igitur aliquis in re difficillima coniecturæ locus, crediderim pallium quadratum non fuisse Græcorum, sed Asiaticorum, & reliquarum gentium ad Orientem colentium, & ideo Romanos, qui in Asia negotiabantur, vt Mithridatis crudelitatem cuaderent, positis togis, quadrata vestimenta gentis illius propria sumpsisse: Antonium etiam in Aegypto stolam quadrangulam induisse, vt Cleopatræ gratificaretur. Id autem pallium tantum posteriorem corporis partem operuisse, & vere quadrangulum fuisse, cuius anguli duo superiores fibula ceruicibus adstringerentur, duo ad latera, & infra caderent. Nihil tamen certi affirmare ausim, quia Appianus lib. v. ciuilium stolam illam siue pallium quadrangulum Antonii Græcanicum appellat. ἀντὶ

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book IV. 141 & bound around the neck, with a clasp bite, it rested on the shoulders. A priesthood such as this is now at Aesculapius. What need was there to require an old cloak for that priesthood of Aesculapius, if that which Africanus preferred to the toga was square, & similar to the ancient one? These things plainly show that Tertullian’s cloak was different from the ancient one: for that one was square, this one by no means. Therefore he describes that which had ceased to be in use, not that which was striking the eye. We had formerly thought the cloak was square, because, being divided into two folds, it would have four angles on the inner side, and because it was not fastened on the shoulders by a clasp: and that the common cloak of the Greeks and philosophers was not square, but semicircular, and not unlike our cloaks, which was not clasped, but the right side was thrown over the left shoulder. But ancient statues in cloaks compel us to change our opinion, in which neither those two folds nor the clasp appears anywhere: rather the cloak is altogether like ours, namely loose and semicircular, exactly such as the cloak of Roman women, or the palla, whose form from ancient monuments we have already given. From the things which we shall shortly say about the manner of wearing the cloak among the ancients, it will also appear that there were neither two folds, nor that it was fastened by the bite of a clasp. If therefore there is any place at all for conjecture in so difficult a matter, I should believe that the square cloak was not that of the Greeks, but of the Asians, & the other nations dwelling in the East, & therefore the Romans, who were trading in Asia, in order to placate Mithridates’ cruelty, having laid aside their togas, took up the square garments proper to that people: and that Antony too in Egypt put on a square stola, so as to please Cleopatra. And that cloak covered only the back part of the body, & was truly square, whose two upper corners were drawn together at the neck by a clasp, the two lower ones falling at the sides & below. Yet I would dare to affirm nothing certain, because Appian in book V of the Civil Wars calls that stola or square cloak of Antony Graecanicum. ἀντὶ

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142 Octauij Ferrarij ævi i t[em]p[er]i[us] πατριον; Eodemque habitu Athenis versatum cum Octauia, quem Alexandriæ cum Cleopatra habuerat: vbi credibile est Græcum pallium more gentis induisse. Itaque amplius cogitandum censeo. Modus gestandi pallium. Brachium cobibere. Manum chlamyde inuoluere. Cap. V. QVemadmodum non v[er]nus gestandi togam modus fuit apud Romanos, cum antiquissimo tempore ita vtrumque humerum, & brachium operiret, vt sola manus extaret, posteriori æuo dexter cum brachio humerus exereretur. Ita apud Græcos non eodem modo ab omnibus gestatum pallium videtur. Cum enim vestimentum apertum esset, potuit, quemadmodum nunc fieri videmus, ita gestari, vt pars vtraque ad pedes fusa caderet, vel vna pars siue ala, dextra scilicet sinistro brachio imponeretur, aut eidem subiiceretur, aut demum sinistro humero iniiceretur. Communis tamen ratio præcipue honestiorum vestiendi pallii vltima fuit, nempe vt pars pallij dextra ita sinistro humero imponeretur, vt totum corpus atque vtrumque humerum inuolueret, solaq[ue] fere dextra ad pectus extaret inuoluto brachio, interdum ipsa quoque operiretur. Quintilianus lib. XI. cap. III. ait veteribus Romanis nullos sinus in toga, mox perquam breues fuisse: Itaque inquit etiam gestu necesse est v[er]sos esse in principijs eos alio, quorum brachium, sicut Græcorum veste continebatur. Græci igitur brachium veste, hoc est pallio continebant. Ita vt aliquando ipsa manus pallio inuolueretur. Plutarchus in Politicis narrat Periclem incessu tardo, atque oratione leni vsum, compositu[m] os solitum præferre, postremo manu intra pallium cohibita vnam omnino vsurpasse viam, quæ ad forum, & Curiam perduceret. ἀντὸς τὴς περιβολὴς. Xenophon de Rep. Lacedæmoniorum tradit Iycurgum, quum in Græcia qui ex ephebis ex cesserant soluti, ac liberi a præceptoribus essent, instituisse vt Lacones iuuenes facti ἐυτὸς τὸς imatior τω ἰματιον τω ἰματεν. Manum

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142 Octauii Ferrarii in his time; and with the same dress he was in Athens with Octavia, which he had had in Alexandria with Cleopatra: where it is credible that he put on the Greek cloak in the custom of the nation. Therefore I judge that this needs further consideration. The manner of wearing the pallium. To cover the arm. To wrap the hand in the cloak. Chapter V. Since the manner of wearing the toga was not the true one among the Romans, since in the most ancient period it covered both shoulders and the arm in such a way that only the hand was visible, whereas in a later age the right shoulder with the arm was exposed, so too among the Greeks the pallium does not seem to have been worn in the same way by everyone. For since the garment was open, it could, as we now see it done, be worn so that either side fell down to the feet, or one part, that is the right wing, was placed over the left arm, or set under it, or finally thrown over the left shoulder. The common method, however, especially among respectable men, of wearing the pallium was the last, namely that the right side of the pallium was placed over the left shoulder in such a way that it wrapped the whole body and both shoulders, with almost only the right hand showing at the breast from the wrapped arm, though sometimes even that too was covered. Quintilian, book XI, chapter III, says that among the ancient Romans there were no folds in the toga, and afterwards they were very short: thus, he says, even in gesture it was necessary that those peoples were turned in the beginning to another manner, whose arm, as among the Greeks, was contained by the garment. The Greeks therefore covered the arm with the garment, that is, with the pallium. So that at times even the hand itself was wrapped in the pallium. Plutarch, in his Politics, relates that Pericles used a slow gait and a gentle speech, was accustomed to keep a composed face, and finally, with his hand held within the pallium, used only one route, which led to the forum and the Curia. ἀντὸς τῆς περιβολῆς. Xenophon, in the Republic of the Lacedaemonians, states that Lycurgus, when in Greece those who had left the ephebes were free and no longer under teachers, established that the young Lacedaemonians should be ἐυτὸς τὸς imatior τω ἰματιον τω ἰματεν. Hand

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144 Octauij Ferrarij tate sermonis resipiscere coactus Polemon, primum coronam capite detra[n]ctam proiecit, paulo post brachium intra pallium reduxit. Quintilianus lib. XII. Quapropter falli mihi multum videntur, qui solos esse Atticos credunt tenues, lucidos, & significantes, sed quadam eloquentiæ frugalite contentos, ac semper manum intra pallium continentes. Hoc habitu statuam M. Aurelij palliatam videre est in atrio Palatij Veneti, quam beneficio Andreæ Moreti Mathematicorum hac ætate clarissimi hic damus. Altera extabat in hac vrbe in domo Quirinorum inde Venetias translata. Tabula XXVII. & XXVIII. Magna

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144 Octavius Ferrarius Polemon, compelled to come to his senses by the force of the speech, first threw away the crown that had been taken from his head, and shortly afterward drew his arm back inside his cloak. Quintilian, book XII. For this reason, those seem to me greatly mistaken who believe that the Attic style consists only in being terse, clear, and expressive, but satisfied with a certain frugality of eloquence, and always keeping the hand inside the cloak. In this dress one may see the draped statue of Marcus Aurelius in the courtyard of the Venetian Palace, which we here publish by the kindness of Andrea Moretus, the most distinguished of the mathematicians of this age. Another existed in this city in the house of the Quirini, and was then transferred to Venice. Plates XXVII and XXVIII. Large

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 145 Tab. XXVII. [Fig. 1. [Fig. 2. [Fig. 3. [Fig. 4. [Fig. 5. [Fig. 6. [Fig. 7. [Fig. 8. [Fig. 9. [Fig. 10. [Fig. 11. [Fig. 12. [Fig. 13. [Fig. 14. [Fig. 15. [Fig. 16. [Fig. 17. [Fig. 18. [Fig. 19. [Fig. 20. [Fig. 21. [Fig. 22. [Fig. 23. [Fig. 24. [Fig. 25. [Fig. 26. [Fig. 27. [Fig. 28. [Fig. 29. [Fig. 30. [Fig. 31. [Fig. 32. [Fig. 33. [Fig. 34. [Fig. 35. [Fig. 36. [Fig. 37. [Fig. 38. [Fig. 39. [Fig. 40. [Fig. 41. [Fig. 42. [Fig. 43. [Fig. 44. [Fig. 45. [Fig. 46. [Fig. 47. [Fig. 48. [Fig. 49. [Fig. 50. [Fig. 51. [Fig. 52. [Fig. 53. [Fig. 54. [Fig. 55. [Fig. 56. [Fig. 57. [Fig. 58. [Fig. 59. [Fig. 60. [Fig. 61. [Fig. 62. [Fig. 63. [Fig. 64. [Fig. 65. [Fig. 66. [Fig. 67. [Fig. 68. [Fig. 69. [Fig. 70. [Fig. 71. [Fig. 72. [Fig. 73. [Fig. 74. [Fig. 75. [Fig. 76. [Fig. 77. [Fig. 78. [Fig. 79. [Fig. 80. [Fig. 81. [Fig. 82. [Fig. 83. [Fig. 84. [Fig. 85. [Fig. 86. [Fig. 87. [Fig. 88. [Fig. 89. [Fig. 90. [Fig. 91. [Fig. 92. [Fig. 93. [Fig. 94. [Fig. 95. 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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book IV. 145 Plate XXVII. [Fig. 1. [Fig. 2. [Fig. 3. [Fig. 4. [Fig. 5. [Fig. 6. [Fig. 7. [Fig. 8. [Fig. 9. [Fig. 10. [Fig. 11. [Fig. 12. [Fig. 13. [Fig. 14. [Fig. 15. [Fig. 16. [Fig. 17. [Fig. 18. [Fig. 19. [Fig. 20. [Fig. 21. [Fig. 22. [Fig. 23. [Fig. 24. [Fig. 25. [Fig. 26. [Fig. 27. [Fig. 28. [Fig. 29. [Fig. 30. [Fig. 31. [Fig. 32. [Fig. 33. [Fig. 34. [Fig. 35. [Fig. 36. [Fig. 37. [Fig. 38. [Fig. 39. [Fig. 40. [Fig. 41. [Fig. 42. [Fig. 43. [Fig. 44. [Fig. 45. [Fig. 46. [Fig. 47. [Fig. 48. [Fig. 49. [Fig. 50. [Fig. 51. [Fig. 52. [Fig. 53. [Fig. 54. [Fig. 55. [Fig. 56. [Fig. 57. [Fig. 58. [Fig. 59. [Fig. 60. [Fig. 61. [Fig. 62. [Fig. 63. [Fig. 64. [Fig. 65. [Fig. 66. [Fig. 67. [Fig. 68. [Fig. 69. [Fig. 70. [Fig. 71. [Fig. 72. [Fig. 73. [Fig. 74. [Fig. 75. [Fig. 76. [Fig. 77. [Fig. 78. [Fig. 79. [Fig. 80. [Fig. 81. [Fig. 82. [Fig. 83. [Fig. 84. [Fig. 85. [Fig. 86. [Fig. 87. [Fig. 88. [Fig. 89. [Fig. 90. [Fig. 91. [Fig. 92. [Fig. 93. [Fig. 94. [Fig. 95. 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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 147 Magna Veterum cura in pallio decorè, & ciuiliter componendo. Avaballædae Επιδεξια. Cap. VI. Q Vanta veterum Græcorum fuerit cura in vestitu decoro palliique modesto atque ingenuo circumiectu, vel vnsus Athenæus docuerit lib. I. Magnopere enim veteres ad laborasse tradit , ornatè, ac decenter pallium componere: vt eos irri- derent, quibus id negligeretut. Adducit Platonis locum in- The eteto, qui coparans inter se homine liberaliter educandum, & eum qui ingenua educatione caruerit, notas, quibus dignosci queant, profert. Ait enim inter alia liberaliter institutum, si ad seruilia ministeria adhibeatur, ineptum & nihil futurum: alterius autem, qui liberali cultu caruerit, mores esse, qui talia quidem prompte, ac celeriter obire nouerit ministeria, avaballædae de ζην Επιδεξια Ελευδέρως, ceterum qui dextrè, & vt liberum decet componere pallium nesciat. Ita recte hunc locum magnus Casaubonus contra interpretum oscitantiam constituit, atque explicauit, cap. VII. Επιδεξια enim, vt Pindari scholiastes docet, esse , id est dextrè, & vt liberum hominem decet: contrarium , sinistre, & indecenter vestem gestare apud Aramidorum, & Aristophanem. Itaque idem esse , quod apud alios , nempe pallium componere, vt Lucianus de componenda Historia, notam hominis minime ingenuiab indumentis, & cultu ponit. Et in Timone de Philosophi cultu modestiam præfetente: . Cultu decorus, atque ornatus, ac pallio modestè composito. Ceterum pallium fuisse vestimentum fusum, & ad pedes vsque fluens, non solum exstatuis, & auctoritate Quintiliani Pars II. T 2

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book IV. 147 Great care among the ancients in arranging the pallium decorously and civilly. Avaballædae Επιδεξια. Chap. VI. How great was the care of the ancient Greeks in decent dress and in the modest and ingenuous arrangement of the pallium, Athenæus himself will have shown, book I. For he relates that the ancients labored greatly to arrange the pallium elegantly and fittingly: so that they mocked those who neglected it. He adduces a passage of Plato in the Theeteto, who, comparing between themselves the man to be educated in a liberal way, and him who lacked an ingenuous education, brings forward the marks by which they may be distinguished. For he says among other things that the man liberally instructed, if he be applied to servile tasks, will be inept and good for nothing; but the character of the other, who has been without liberal culture, is such that he knows how to perform such tasks readily and quickly, avaballædae de ζην Επιδεξια Ελευδέρως, but on the other hand does not know how to arrange the pallium dexterously and as befits a free man. Thus the great Casaubon rightly established and explained this passage against the slowness of the interpreters, chap. VII. For Επιδεξια, as the scholiast on Pindar teaches, is to act dexterously, that is, as befits a free man; the opposite is to wear clothing awkwardly and indecorously, among Aramidorum and Aristophanes. Therefore it is the same as what others say, namely, to arrange the pallium, as Lucian in On Writing History places the mark of a man who is by no means ingenuous in his garments and dress. And in Timon, concerning the dress of the Philosopher, modesty is preferred: . Distinguished by dress and ornament, and with the pallium modestly arranged. Moreover, the pallium was a garment that was loose and flowed down to the feet, not only from statues and the authority of Quintilian Part II. T 2

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150 Octauj Ferrarij virilem habitum mentiuntur, seque ad omnia componunt, atque instruunt, vt cultu, gestuque esse viri viderentur. Inter reliqua Prax. gora sycophantiæ huius magistra hortatur mulieres, vt tunicas virorum more succingant. Verba eius sunt. "Age nunc trahite supra vestes. Ver- tendum fuit. Agite nunc subducite tuniculas, subligate quam citissime Laconicas, quemadmodum virum videtis, quando in con- cionem vult ire, vel foras procedere. Nulla hic mentio rejiciendi in humeros pallii, ac ne pallij quidem. Nam de in- jectu pallij paulo post sequitur. Kai Doiúatia ta ávdpēia taπer nlejate Eπaralállmede. Et pallia virilia, quæ furatæ estis superiniicite, siue componi- te. Tam viri, quam fæminæ vbique terrarum tunicas gesta- bant, sed tunicæ sequioris sexus longæ, ac talares erant, vt Romanarum stolæ, virorum ad medium ferè crus perti- nebant. Iubet igitur, dum mimum instruit, Praxagora mu- lieris xitávia, tunicas subducere ad instar virorum, tum La- conicas virile calceamentum subligare, vt viri faciebant, cum in publicum, atque in concionem prodirent: tum pal- lium virorum superinjicere, vt viri esse crederentur. Pau- lo ante eadem veteratrix interrogat mulieres, an habeant barbam adscititiam, baculos, laconicas, pallia virilia, quæ virorum insignia: nihil de tunicis, quæ communes fuere, quasque infra monet more virorum subducendas. Cum autem vt diximus breues admodum virorum tuni- cæ essent, atque ita periculum esset vt mulieres, quæ suas tunicas vt viri subduxerant, ne dum tribunal ascenderent nisi recte pallium componerent in sedendo sexum detege- rent, præstigiatrix monet illas occupare sedes antequam veniant in concionem viri, ne scilicet subductis altius tuni- cis

Transcription: Translated (English)

150 Octauius Ferrarius pretend to be in masculine dress, and arrange and equip themselves for everything, so that by their clothing and bearing they might appear to be men. Among other things, Praxagora, the mistress of this deceit, urges the women to gird up their tunics in the fashion of men. Her words are: "Come now, pull your garments up over you. It had to be turned. Come now, pull down your little tunics, and gird on the Laconic sandals as quickly as possible, just as you see a man doing when he wants to go into the assembly or go out in public. There is no mention here of throwing the mantle back over the shoulders, and not even of the mantle itself. For the putting on of the mantle follows a little later. Kai Doiúatia ta ávdpēia taπer nlejate Eπaralállmede. And put on the men's cloaks, which you have stolen, either arranging them neatly or simply throwing them over yourselves. Just as men and women everywhere wore tunics, but the tunics of the female sex were long and trailing, like the Roman stolae, so those of men reached almost to the middle of the leg. Therefore, while she is preparing the mime, Praxagora orders the women to draw up their tunics, like men, then to fasten on the Laconic footwear, the masculine shoe, as men used to do when they were going out into public and into the assembly; then to throw the men's cloak over themselves, so that they might be believed to be men. A little earlier the same old trickster asks the women whether they have a false beard, staffs, Laconic shoes, and men's cloaks, which are the insignia of men; but nothing is said about tunics, since these were common to both sexes, and below she instructs them to be drawn up in the manner of men. Now since, as we have said, men's tunics were very short, and since there was danger that women, having drawn up their tunics like men, would, as they mounted the platform, reveal their sex if they did not properly arrange their cloak while sitting down, the conjurer warns them to take their seats before the men come into the assembly, lest, with their tunics drawn up higher,

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 151 cis in actu sedendi mulieres apparerent. ἀπειδ' ὑπερεκαυνε- σατις Avaβαλλομέν δεῖχειτον Φορμύσιν. Avaβαλλομέν non est rejiciens pallium, vt Interpres credit, sed, dum pallium inijcit in actu sedendi, & componit, præ inscitia ostendat id, quî mulier est. Quare subiicit. Si au- tem sedebimus, latebimus: ἔυσειλαμένα Ιομάτια, componen- tes pallia, non contrahentes vesles, vt Interpreti placuit. Frustra ergo Aristophanis locum de more coniiciendi in humeros pallii magnus vir aduocauit: neque hic habitus ciuium, atque honestiorum hominum fuit, sed ferme ser- uorum, cum se ad versuram expedirent in Com[m]oediis pal- liatis. Plautus Captiuis: Nunc certa res est, eodem pacto vt Comici serui solent Conijciam in collum pallium, primo ex me hanc rem vt audiat. Et Epidico: Age nunc orna te Epidice, & palliolum in collum conijce, Atque dissimulato, quasi per vrbem totam hominem quæsueris. Quod & colligere pallium dicebatur. Idem alibi: Collecto quidem est pallio, quidnam acturus est? Sic Geta apud Terentium Phormione, vt Ctesiphontem properet inuenire; humerum sibi onerant pallio. Quod fiebat, quia cum pallium ad pedes flueret festinanti moram obji- ciebat. Quare in venatione aut depositum aut in humeros coniectum esse pallium, ex Oppiano Casaubonus obseruat. Quod sane m[anu]rum est. quis enim pallio locus in venando? Certe nullus eius vsus in bello, propter eandem causam, sed eius vicem chlamys sumpta, quæ breuior, ac fibula adstri- cta, nec defluere, nec morari præliantes poterat. Fuisse autem pallium pacis habitum vel vnus Herodotus docue- rit lib. 1. Nam cum Cyrus Lydorum gentem toties re- bellem exitio daturus esset, consulto Cræso eius monitu, ne iterum defectionem molirentur, iussit arma tradere, & tunicis pallium imponere, & cothurnos induere. ἐλευε δὲ σφέρας πιθῶνας τε ὑποδυσεν τοῖς ἔμασι. Quod non minus mi- ram videti debet. Satis enim erat iis armorum vsum inter- dicere

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book IV. 151 that women might appear in the act of sitting down. ἀπειδ' ὑπερεκαυνε- σατις Avaβαλλομέν δεῖχειτον Φορμύσιν. Avaβαλλομέν does not mean “throwing back the cloak,” as the Interpreter thinks, but, while one casts the cloak on oneself in the act of sitting down and arranges it, by ignorance it shows what kind of a woman one is. Therefore he adds: “But if we sit down, we shall be concealed.” ἔυσειλαμένα Ιομάτια, meaning arranging cloaks, not drawing up garments, as pleased the Interpreter. In vain, then, did that great man appeal to Aristophanes’ passage about the custom of throwing the cloak over the shoulders: for this was not the dress of citizens or respectable men, but almost of slaves, when they were getting themselves ready to take a turn in the cloak-comedies. Plautus, Captives: “Now the matter is settled; in the same way as comic slaves usually do, I shall throw the cloak about my neck, first so that she may hear this matter from me.” And in Epidicus: “Come now, adorn yourself, Epidicus, and throw your little cloak about your neck, and pretend, as though you had searched for the man all through the city.” This was also called gathering up the cloak. He says elsewhere: “Since indeed the cloak has been gathered up, what is he about to do?” Thus Geta in Terence’s Phormio, so that he may hurry to find Ctesipho, lays the cloak upon his shoulder. This was done because, when the cloak was flowing down to the feet, it hindered the hurried man. For that reason Casaubon observes from Oppian that in hunting the cloak was either laid aside or thrown over the shoulders. And this is certainly marvelous. For what place is there for a cloak when hunting? Surely it had no use at all in war, for the same reason; instead the chlamys took its place, which was shorter and fastened with a brooch, and could neither hang down nor delay those engaged in battle. But that the cloak was a garment of peace is shown even by Herodotus alone, Book 1. For when Cyrus was about to bring ruin upon the rebellious people of Lydia, after they had so often revolted, he took counsel with Croesus at his advice, lest they should again attempt rebellion, and ordered them to hand over their arms, and to put cloaks over their tunics, and to put on buskins. ἐλευε δὲ σφέρας πιθῶνας τε ὑποδυσεν τοῖς ἔμασι. That ought to seem no less remarkable. For it would have been enough for them to be forbidden the use of arms.

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152 Octauij Ferrarij dicere. Sequebatur enim vt in pallio, & tunica commune tunc vestitu versarentur. Sed, quod initio primi libri nota- uit Thucydides, ea tempestate Græcia fere omnis propter frequentia latrocinia, & crebras incursiones etiam in pa- ce armata degebat, itaque tunicæ ac pallii communis vsus ferme exoleuerat, cum lineas tunicas siue loricas passim gestarent, & propallio chlamydes. Quem locum Thucy- didis infra, cum de pallij materia agemus, examinabimus. Iussit igitur Cyrus Lydos deposito terrore chlamydem, & loricarum pacis habitu, id est cum tunica pallium, vsurpare. Quando brachium pallio exerebatur. Ἐπιδέξια: ἔπαρθερα. Aristophanes explicatus. Cap. VIII. Sed vt reuertamur vnde digressi sumus, magnam curam veteres adhibuerunt, vt pallio decenter composito incederent. Zeno Stoicus apud Laertium lib. VII. conuenire maxime iuuenibus dicebat in omnibus vti ornato decenter cultu, καὶ πορεῖα, καὶ χηματι, καὶ περιβολη. Athenæus loco laudato. Hermippus scribit Theophrastum ad horam condictam in Peripaton scholam suam ire solitum λαμπρὸν καὶ ἐξησημημένον, nitido & bene composito corporis cultu. Idem Hermippus scribit a Theocrito Chio reprehensam fuisse, ὑως ἀπαίδεντον Anaximenis περιβολων, tanquam illiberalem pallij compositionem. Callistratus Aristophanæus maledictis incessit Aristarchum ἔπι τὸ μὴ ἐυρύδιων ἀμπέχεσθα. Quod non decore, ac concinne pallium aptaret. Totus autem compositi pallii decor in eo erat, vt dextra parte, quemadmodu[m] dicebamus, sinistro humero impolita contineretur brachium, aliquando etiam ipsa manus. Αυτὸς πᾶν νοσμίως προσήλεν τὸ ἰμάτιν τὴν χεῖρα ἔδοσεῖλας. Dio Chrysostomus in Boristhenica de Callistrato adolescente: Ipse modeste admodum accessit, manum pallio inuoluens. Sed fuerit iste ciuium habitus, cum otiose per Vrbem incederent: quid actum in concione dicemus, cum in suffragijs ferendis manus porrigi, & extendi soleret? Quid cum oratores ad populum verba facerent? num sine gestu bra-

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152 Octauij Ferrarij to say. For they followed, so that in the cloak and tunic there was then a common style of dress. But, as Thucydides noted at the beginning of the first book, at that time almost all Greece, because of frequent robberies and repeated raids, even in peace lived armed; and so the common use of tunic and cloak had almost fallen out of use, when they wore linen tunics or breastplates everywhere, and cloaks over the tunic. We shall examine that passage of Thucydides below, when we come to discuss the material of the cloak. Therefore Cyrus ordered the Lydians, laying aside fear, to use the cloak, and the peace-garment of breastplates, that is, the cloak with the tunic. When the arm was exposed by the cloak. Epidexia: eparthera. Aristophanes Explained. Chapter VIII. But to return from where we digressed, the ancients took great care to walk with the cloak properly arranged. Zeno the Stoic, in Laertius book VII, said that it was especially fitting for young men to use in all things a decorous and well-ordered style, in gait, in manner, and in bearing. Athenaeus, in the passage cited above. Hermippus writes that Theophrastus used to go at the appointed hour to his school in the Peripatos, bright and distinguished, with a neat and well-arranged bodily appearance. The same Hermippus writes that Theocritus of Chios was reproached, as being uneducated in Anaximenes' style of dress, as for an ungenteel arrangement of the cloak. Callistratus the Aristophanean assails Aristarchus with abuse for not wearing his cloak in a graceful way. But the whole elegance of the arranged cloak consisted in this: that on the right side, as we were saying, the arm was held by the left shoulder without being covered, and sometimes even the hand itself. He himself neatly wrapped the cloak around and offered his hand. Dio Chrysostom, in the Borysthenic discourse about the young Callistratus: he approached most modestly, wrapping his hand in his cloak. But this was the dress of citizens when they moved about the city at leisure; what shall we say was done in the assembly, when the hand was usually stretched out and extended in casting votes? What when orators addressed the people? Without gesture, were the bra-

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 153 brachio ita inuoluto perorarunt? Tunc non manum mo- do, sed totum quandoque brachium exertum fuisse crede- re par est. Apud Aristophanem Concionantibus facete admodum quærunt mulieres, quomodo in concione aptè manus mouere, ac tollere possent, quæ nonnisi tollere cru- ra didicissent. Respondet Praxagora difficile negotium es- se, ceterum consentiendum inepte vertit Inter- pres, sed est manum tollendam esse siue eleuan- dam, vt fiebat in concione, cum aliquid decerneretur. Se- quitur. . Exercentibus alterum brachium. Ita vetus Scholiastes: , exerto, siue reudato vsque ad humerum brachio. Aeschines tamen in Timarchum clare ostendit, morem exerendi brachium non esse antiquum. Quod nunc, inquit, omnes in more habemus, , exerto bra- chio verba facere, hoc tunc temporis audax videbatur, summam- que, cum id facerent, cautionem adhibebant. Subjicit in foro Sa- laminorum positam Solonis imaginem, quæ , manum pallio continebat, idque monumentum, ac simu- lachrum Solonis esse eo habitu, & compositione corporis, qua ad populum perorabat. Quod salse eludere conatus est Demosthenes de falsa legatione, Non oportere dicens in orando, sed in legationibus manum cobibere. Hunc autem mo- rem continendi brachium inter orandum primum a Cleone muratum fuisse viri docti obseruant, & ideo a Thucydide, atque Aristophane non semel reprehensum. Plutarchus tradit primum C. Gracchum, cum oraret, ex humero togam deiecisse, quemadmodu de Cleone traditur , quod non est, pallium ex humeris reiecisse, hoc enim pacto decidisset, sed ita detraxisse, vt brachium exe- reretur. Quare credibile est Aristophanem loco adducto notare Cleonem, atque arguere voluisse. Eadem ratione tanquam inepti, & illiberales vulgo no- tabantur, qui pallium non eo modo componerent, qui est a nobis hactenus explicatus. Apud Athenæum eodem lib. 1. Hermippus scribit a Theocrito Chio Anaximenis

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On De Re Vestiaria , Part II, Book IV, 153 with the arm thus wrapped up, they delivered their speeches? Then it is reasonable to believe that not only the hand, but sometimes the whole arm was bared. In Aristophanes, in Ecclesiazusae , the women quite wittily ask how they could properly move and raise their hands in the assembly, since they had learned only to raise their legs. Praxagora replies that it is a difficult business; however, the interpreter awkwardly renders it, “they must agree,” but the sense is that the hand must be raised or lifted, as was done in the assembly when something was to be decided. It follows: “ Exercentibus alterum brachium .” Thus the old scholiast: “with the arm stretched out, or drawn up to the shoulder.” Yet Aeschines, in Against Timarchus , clearly shows that the custom of exposing the arm was not ancient. “What we now all have in our habit,” he says, “to speak with the arm exposed, seemed at that time bold, and they used the greatest caution when doing so.” He adds the image of Solon placed in the forum of the Salaminians, who kept his hand within his cloak; and he says that this monument and likeness of Solon represented him in that posture and bodily arrangement in which he addressed the people. Demosthenes, in On the False Embassy , attempted to mock this cleverly, saying that one ought not to keep the hand restrained in speaking, but in embassies. Learned men observe that this custom of keeping the arm contained while speaking was first censured by Cleon, and for that reason was more than once criticized by Thucydides and Aristophanes. Plutarch relates that C. Gracchus was the first, when speaking, to throw his toga down from his shoulder, in the same way as is reported of Cleon; not that he had thrown the cloak back from his shoulders in such a manner that it would have fallen off, but that he pulled it away so that the arm was exposed. Therefore it is credible that Aristophanes, in the passage cited, intended to point at Cleon and to accuse him. For the same reason, those who did not arrange the cloak in the manner explained by us up to this point were commonly marked as foolish and ungentlemanly. In Athenaeus, in the same book I, Hermippus writes that from Theocritus of Chios Anaximenes

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154 Octauj Ferrarij tanquam illiberaliter educati reprehendi. Et Callistratus Aristarchum incessit ἑπὶ τῶ ἐυρόδυων ἀμπέχεδα, quod indecore amiciretur. Qualis autem esset ista indecens, atque illiberalis pallii compositio, docet Aristophanes in Auibus loco maxime insigni. Neptunus enim ad Deum Triballum, qui legatus cum eo venerat, ait: Οὕτος τὶ δρῶς ἐπ' ἀριθέρ' ἀμπέχη, Οὕμεταβαλεῖς δομηάτιον ὡς ἔπιδήια. In quo infeliciter Interpretes versati sunt? Hic quid facis, in sinistras sic indueris? Non mutas pallium tanquam in dexteras? Sed ad intelligendum Interpretem, interprete opus est. Nec minus ineptit Cælianæ nuperus enarrator. Ist quid agis? pallio lauam obtegis: Ad dextram tu pallium non transferes? Subjicit ex hoc sequi: ne dextrum brachium apud Athenienses fuisse expeditum. Quomodo id sequatur, ipse viderit: affert deinde veteris Scholiastæ verba, quæ de vera loco huius sententia dubitare non sinunt. Hic, inquit, Neptunus barbaro dicit, qui ipsi aderat ad legationem ως ὑπι- πιδέκως σελλομένει τω ἔσ δύτα, αλλ' ἔπ' ἀριθέρᾶ περιβαλλομένω, quod inepte, & indecore pallium iniiceret, & a sinistra illud circumponeret more Thracum. Quid planius? Athenienses, vt dicebamus, & Græci omnes ita pallium componebant, vt ab dextro in sinistrum induerent, siue eius partem dextram in humerum sinistrum conjicerent; Barbarus iste contra morem ab sinistro in dextrum humeru[m] pallium mittebat; quod Thraces faciebant. Ait ergo Neptunus ad eum: Tu quid agis? ab sinistra sic pallium imponis? Non illud dextrè, ac decore compones? ἐπιδήια, vt diximus, rectè Casaubonus obseruat esse dextre, & decore, vtque liberum hominem decet pallium induere: ἐπιαριστηᾶ, contrario modo. Sed vocis huius notatio ab hoc more petenda erat. Postremo qui pallium non apte subducerent, sed illud draherent, partim tanquam soluti, & effoeminati, partim vt negligentes notabantur. Plutarchus in Alcibiade affert vera

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154 Octauj Ferrarij were censured as having been brought up in an unfree manner. And Callistratus attacked Aristarchus over ἑπὶ τῶ ἐυρόδυων ἀμπέχεδα, because he dressed himself indecorously. But what this unbecoming and unfree arrangement of the cloak was, Aristophanes teaches in the Birds, in a most notable passage. For Neptune says to the god Triballus, who had come with him as an envoy: Οὕτος τὶ δρῶς ἐπ' ἀριθέρ' ἀμπέχη, Οὕμεταβαλεῖς δομηάτιον ὡς ἔπιδήια. In this the interpreters have dealt badly: Why do you act thus, putting on your cloak on the left? Will you not change your cloak as though to the right? But to understand the interpreter, one needs an interpreter. No less absurd is the recent expositor of Cælius. “What are you doing? You cover the left side with your cloak. Will you not transfer your cloak to the right?” From this he infers that the right arm among the Athenians was left free. How that follows, he can judge for himself. He then quotes the words of an old scholiast, which leave no doubt about the true meaning of this passage. “Here,” he says, “Neptune says to the barbarian who was present with him on the embassy, as one who was fastening his cloak awkwardly and indecorously, and putting it on from the left, in the Thracian manner.” What could be clearer? The Athenians, as we were saying, and all the Greeks arranged the cloak in such a way that they put it on from right to left, or else threw the right part over the left shoulder; but this barbarian, contrary to custom, was throwing the cloak from the left to the right shoulder; this is what the Thracians did. So Neptune says to him: Why do you act thus? You put your cloak on from the left? Will you not arrange it properly and decorously? As Casaubon rightly observed, ἐπιδήια, as we said, means rightly and decorously, as befits a free man to wear a cloak; ἐπιαριστηᾶ means the opposite. But the explanation of this word should have been sought from this custom. Finally, those who did not draw up their cloak neatly, but let it hang loose, were marked as being in part relaxed and effeminate, and in part careless. Plutarch in the Life of Alcibiades cites the true

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 155 verba Archippi de Alcibiadis filio. Incedit, inquit, diffluens pallium trabendo. Apud Terentium Euncho ait Thais Chremeti: Attolle pallium. Vbi Donatus. Vel quia simplex est, vel quia ebrius pallium trahit Chremes. An pallium fibula nec[n]teretur. Tertullianus do pallio explicatus. Cap. IX. I Sta cum ad hunc modum se habeant, viris doctis in men- tem venisse demiror, vt crederent ipsi atque alijs per- suaderent, in communi pallio fuisse aliquem fibulæ locum. Siccine ipsos nullam vnquam statuam palliatam vidisse, cu- ius aspectu erroris arguerentur? Nullum ibi fibulæ vesti- gium, nullus fibulæ in communi pallio vsus fuit. Quippe si vt diximus, magna olim cura in pallio decore componendo veteribus fuit, totaque illa ciuilis habitus confirmatio in co posita erat, vt pars dextra pallii sinistro humero imponeretur, & velato brachio dextera exereretur, vt quoties deflueret ea pars reponeretur, ac decenter infra genua ca- deret; vt a dextro in sinistrum conjiceretur; vt non sub- duceretur altius, aut fluens traheretur. Nihil horum ef- fici potuit si pallium fibula nixum fuisset, hoc est, si vtraque pars pallii in humeris fibulæ morsu acquieuisset. Quomodo enim pars dextra ab imo subducta in læuæ humero col- locaretur, si cum altera ad ceruicem adstricta erat? Eadem fuisset in omnibus pallii compositio, nullus in cultu negli- gentiæ notatus, quando pallium semel fibula nexum, nec cadere, nec reponi poterat, non , non injici, non labens fulciri, ac suo loco reddi. Atqui Tertullianus horum sententia in pallio fibulam agnoscit. Pallium extrinsecus habitus, & ipse quadrangulus, ab vitroque laterum regestus, & ceruicibus circumstrictus in fibu- la morsu humeris acquiescebat. Quibus verbis induci docent de vulgari pallio Græcanico loqui Africanum, quod in hu- meris fibula nexum sedebat, & vtrumque humerum ad- pars II. V 2 uela-

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Lib. IV. 155 words of Archippus about the son of Alcibiades. “He walks,” he says, “with his mantle flowing loosely by dragging it.” In Terence’s Eunuchus , Thais says to Chremes: “Lift up your mantle.” There Donatus says: Either because he is simple, or because he is drunk, Chremes drags his mantle. Whether a clasp was used with the mantle. Tertullian, On the Mantle , explained. Chapter IX. I Since these things are so, I am amazed that it ever occurred to learned men to believe, and to persuade others to believe, that there was any place for a clasp in the common mantle. Did they never see any statue clad in the mantle, from whose appearance they might have been corrected in their error? There is no trace there of a clasp; no clasp was used in the common mantle. For, as we have said, the ancients once took great care in arranging the mantle decorously, and the whole confirmation of this civil dress consisted in this: that the right part of the mantle should be placed over the left shoulder, and the right arm left uncovered; that whenever that part slipped down it should be put back, and fall fittingly below the knees; that it should be thrown from the right side to the left; that it should not be drawn up too high, or dragged in a loose fold. None of these things could be done if the mantle were secured by a clasp, that is, if both parts of the mantle were held fast on the shoulders by the bite of a clasp. For how would the right part, drawn up from below, be placed on the left shoulder, if it were fastened together with the other at the neck? The arrangement of the mantle would have been the same in all cases, and no negligence in dress would have been noticed, since once the mantle was fastened by a clasp it could neither fall nor be readjusted, neither be thrown on, nor, when slipping, be supported and restored to its place. Yet Tertullian, according to their opinion, acknowledges a clasp in the mantle. The mantle, an outer garment, and itself square-shaped, drawn back from both sides and wrapped around the neck, rested on the shoulders by the bite of a clasp. By these words they teach that the African is speaking of the common Greek mantle, which sat fastened on the shoulders with a clasp, and covered both shoulders...

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156 Octauij Ferrarij uelabat, quod scilicet elegantiores circa ceruices studiosè & cum cura in rugas dispositum stringerent, ac morose ordinarent. Sed de communi pallio non esse locutum Tertullianum illa indicant. Tamen & vobis habitus aliter olim. Nempe pallium quale describit. Id a communi, quod tunc gestabatur, & paulo ante Tertullianus induerat, diuersum fuisse, quæ sequuntur manifesto co[m]probant. Instar eius hodie Aesculapio sacerdotium est. Si de communi pallio, quod ipse gerebat, verba habuisset, quid opus erat illud morose describere, quod in oculos incurrebat? Pallium ergo describit, quod olim Carthaginienses ferebant, antequam togam induerent, cuius forma tunc obsoleuerat, & tantum apud Aesculapii sacerdotes remanebat. Si idem pallium fuisset cum vulgari, dixisset Rhetor: sed vos etiam olim tale pallium gestastis, quale in me denotatis. Diuersum ergo fuit, hocq[ue] illius proprium, vt fibula necteretur, quam commune non habebat. Id eo confirmatur, quod Cap. IV. hoc pallium sacerdotum Aesculapii morosius ordinatum arguit, id est, est constrictum ceruicibus, & in rugas formatum: quod non fecisset, si tale etiam vulgare fuisset. Alter Tertulliani locus paulo infra mirifice ad rem nostram facit male a Criticis acceptus. At enim pallio nihil expeditius, etiam si duplex, quod Cratetis more nusquam vestiendo componitur: quippe tota molitio eius operire est solutim, id est, uno circumiectu, licet equidem, nusquam inhumano, ita omnia hominis simul contegit: humerum velans exponit, vel includit, cetero, qua in humerum adhæret, nihil circumfuleit, nihil circumstringit, nihil de tabularum fide laborat, facile sese regit, facile reficit: etiam cum reponitur nulli cippo in crassinum dimandatur. Ita extat in veteribus editionibus. Quomodo Interpretes totum locum interpolauerint, quam multa inuerterint, nihil attinet dicere. Quod ad rem præsentem pertinet, verba illa, nihil circumfuleit, nihil circumstringit, commune pallium fibula caruisse indicant. Sed aiunt nonnisi de pallio Cynico loqui Tertullianum, in quo nullus fibulæ locus. De Cynicorum indumento verba tacit, sed non de co tan

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156 Octauij Ferrarij was worn, namely because the more elegant ones, around the necks, would carefully and with care arrange it into folds, and neatly order it. But that Tertullian was not speaking of the common cloak is shown by those things. Yet your dress too was once different. Namely, the pallium such as he describes it. That it was different from the common one, which was then worn, and which a little before Tertullian himself had put on, the following things clearly prove. In its place today there is the priesthood of Aesculapius. If he had been speaking of the common pallium, which he himself wore, what need was there to describe it so carefully, since it met the eye? He therefore describes the pallium which the Carthaginians formerly wore, before they assumed the toga, whose form had then fallen out of use, and remained only among the priests of Aesculapius. If it had been the same pallium as the ordinary one, the rhetor would have said: but you too once wore such a pallium as you are noting in me. Therefore it was different, and this was its special feature, that it was fastened with a brooch, which the common one did not have. This is confirmed by the fact that in chapter IV he accuses this pallium of the priests of Aesculapius of being more carefully arranged, that is, of being drawn tight to the neck and formed into folds: which he would not have done if such a thing had also been common. Another passage of Tertullian, a little below, serves our purpose wonderfully, though wrongly received by the critics. For indeed, there is nothing more convenient than the pallium, even if double, which in the manner of Crates is arranged for wearing nowhere: for its whole construction is to cover loosely, that is, with a single wrapping, although indeed, nowhere in an inhuman way, thus covering all at once a man’s body: covering the shoulder it exposes, or encloses it, and for the rest, where it clings to the shoulder, it neither supports anything around it, nor tightens anything around it, nor troubles itself about the firmness of the folds, it easily governs itself, easily restores itself: even when it is put away, it is not consigned to any post for the next day. So it stands in the older editions. How the interpreters interpolated the whole passage, how many things they inverted, there is no need to say. As regards the present matter, those words, it neither supports anything around it, nor tightens anything around it, indicate that the common pallium lacked a brooch. But they say that Tertullian is speaking only of the Cynic pallium, in which there is no place for a brooch. He is silent about the clothing of the Cynics, but not about it

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 157 tantum. Communis pallii illa defensio est, quam ille aduersus noui habitus obtrectatores instruit. Nisi quis existimat Tertullianum, & reliquos seuerioris disciplinæ Christianos in pallio Cynico incelsisse. Sed pallium vulgare, ac Cynicum idem forma fuisse, materia, colore ac gestandi modo diuersum, infra ostendam. De communi ergo pallio ibi verba facit. Nam cum in superioribus togæ vestiendæ, ac componendæ tædium, atque incommodum exaggerasset, tabulasque, & tilias, vmbonis figmentum, custodes forci- pes, totamque illam moram, ac sarcinam facunde executus esset subjicit, nihil pallio, esse expeditius, hoc est communi. Addit enim, etiam si duplex, nempe Cynicum. non enim verisimile videbatur, quod est duplex esse simplici expeditius. Sequitur. Quod Cratetis more nusquam vestiendo componitur. Explicat quale fuerit hoc pallium duplex Cynicorum. Commune pallium componebatur eo modo, quem supra attulimus, dextra eius parte sinistro humero iniecta. Cynicum alia ratione induebatur; exclsu brachio atque humero dextro totum hominem inuoluebat. Redit ad pallium commune. Quippe tota molitio eius est operire solutim. Togæ mora, atque incommodum erat, quod contrahebatur in rugas, contabulabatur in vmbonem: at pallium nullis plicis, nulla contabulatione, sed fluens, ac solutum hominem velabat. hoc est operire solutim. Adjicit, quo res clarior sit, id est vno circumiectu. Quibus verbis aiunt Interpretes designare pallium Cynicum, cuius proprium fuerit circumjici, [uncia] Pallium dictum supra notauimus. Immo hoc magis vulgaris peculiare fuit, quam Cynici. Hoc enim vnum tantum humeru[m] velabat, illud vtrumque. Hoc indicant verba, quæ sequuntur: licet equidem nusquam in humano, ita omnia hominis simul contegit. In prioribus latere mendum, nullus non vidit. Quare enim circumiectus nusquam inhumanus dicitur? Aliqui nusquam inelegantem interpretantur. Sed quæ hæc elegantia: deinde quæ ratio est elegans, quia omnia hominis contegit. Lati-

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book IV. 157 only. That is a defense of the common pallium, which he puts forward against the critics of the new dress. Unless one thinks that Tertullian and the other Christians of stricter discipline wore the Cynic pallium. But I shall show below that the ordinary pallium and the Cynic one were the same in form, but different in material, color, and manner of wearing. He is therefore speaking there of the common pallium. For when, in the preceding remarks, he had exaggerated the weariness and inconvenience of putting on and arranging the toga, and had neatly disposed of the boards and pads, the hump-like padding, the fasteners, the whole that delay and burden, he adds that nothing is more convenient than the pallium, that is, the common one. He even adds, though it be double, namely the Cynic one. For it did not seem likely that what is double should be more convenient than what is simple. Then follows: “which, in the manner of Crates, is arranged nowhere for dressing.” He explains what this double pallium of the Cynics was like. The common pallium was put on in the manner mentioned above, with the right side thrown over the left shoulder. The Cynic one was worn in another way; leaving the right arm and shoulder bare, it wrapped the whole man. He returns to the common pallium. Indeed, its whole business is to cover loosely. The inconvenience of the toga was that it was gathered into folds and built up into a hump: but the pallium, with no folds and no layering, but flowing and loose, covered the man; that is, it covers loosely. He adds, to make the matter clearer, “that is, with a single wrapping around.” By these words, the Interpreters say, the Cynic pallium is indicated, whose special feature was to be wrapped around. [uncia] We noted above that it was called pallium. Nay, this was more characteristic of the ordinary one than of the Cynic. For the former covered only one shoulder, the latter both. This is shown by the words that follow: “though indeed nowhere in man, thus it covers all the man at once.” In the earlier words there is a mistake, which no one has failed to see. For why is a thing wrapped around said to be nowhere inhuman? Some interpret it as “nowhere inelegant.” But what sort of elegance is that? And then what is the reason that it is elegant because it covers all of man?

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158 Octauij Ferrarij Latinius licente quidem, sed nusquam inurbano: quod non displiceret, si librorum MSS auctoritate niteretur. For- tasse ad togæ molitionem respexit, quæ cum potius onera- ret, quam vestiret, incommoda ac veluti in humana videba- tur: secus pallij circumiectus nihil habuit inhumani. Ita omnia simul contegit, cum toga non totu[m] corpus velaret, dextro humero brachioq[ue] exertis. Hæc porro de Cynico pallio ca- pi non possunt: quod omnia simul non contegebat, sed hu- merum cum brachio excludebat. Ergo de pallio generatim: humerum velans exponit, vel includit. Quomodo vestimen- tum corpus velando exponere possit, nisi serica vestis, quæ tegendo renudabat, non video. Recte corrigunt Interpre- tes humerum vel includit: non recte tamen explicant, id est, exponit, & includit; quod scilicet alter humerus exerere- tur, alter includeretur. Sed de pallio generice intelligen- dum est. Nam pallium commune humerum vtrumque inclu- debat, ac velabat: Cynicum alterum excludebat; ergo hu- merum quandoque exponit, quandoque includit. Cetero qua in humerum adhæret nihil circumfulcit, nihil circumstringit. Toga ita sinistro humero hærebat, vt rugarum congestu hu- merum premeret, & fulciendo sinu, atque vmbone bra- chium laboraret: pallium, qua parte humero imponebatur, nullis plicis, nulla contabulatione gtaue erat; nullo artifi- ce nodo, aut fibula circum stringebatur. Facile se regit, fa- cile reficit, non fibula infrenatur, & cum decidere facile re- ponitur. Demum, Si quid interulæ subter est, vacat zonæ tormen- tum. Sub communi pallio tunica gestabatur, quæ hic inte- rula, quod intus siue intra pallium esset dicitur. Sub cyni- co pallio nulla erat. Quæ etiam indicant, de pallio in genere loqui Tertullianum. Quando cumque igitur tunica gesta- retur, illam vacasse zonæ tormento, quod Afri discincti es- sent, vt alias dictum. Non igitur tantum de Cynico pallio loquitur ibi Tertullianus: alioquin merito illi quis reponere poterat. Esto Cratetis pallium fuerit expeditum; vulgare non item. Nam & fibula constringebetur, & ad ceruices mo- rose in rugas ordinabatur, quæ operosa molitio non mul- tum

Transcription: Translated (English)

158 Octauij Ferrarij Latin indeed, but by no means uncouth: which would not displease, if it were supported by the authority of MSS books. Perhaps he had regard to the making of the toga, which, since it rather burdened than clothed, seemed inconvenient and almost unnatural in human fashion: otherwise the wrapping of the pallium had nothing inhuman about it. Thus it covers everything at once, since the toga did not cover the whole body, with the right shoulder and arm exposed. But these things cannot, moreover, be inferred from the Cynic pallium: for it did not cover everything at once, but excluded the shoulder together with the arm. Therefore, speaking of the pallium in general: with the shoulder covered it sets forth, or includes. How a garment, by covering the body, could set it forth, unless it were a silken robe, which, by covering, left it uncovered again, I do not see. The Interpreters rightly correct it to “it covers or includes the shoulder”: yet they do not explain it correctly, namely, “it sets forth, and includes”; as if, of course, one shoulder were to be exposed, the other included. But it must be understood generically of the pallium. For the common pallium included both shoulders and covered them; the Cynic one excluded one of them; therefore at one time it exposes the shoulder, at another it includes it. In the rest, whatever clings to the shoulder neither shines around it nor encircles it. The toga thus clung to the left shoulder, that by the gathering of folds it pressed the shoulder, and, by supporting the bosom and the swelling fold, burdened the arm; the pallium, on the part where it was placed upon the shoulder, was not heavy with any pleats, with no layering; it was not drawn tight with any skilled knot or clasp. It is easily adjusted, easily put back in place, it is not bound fast by a clasp, and when it falls away it is easily restored. Finally, if anything lies beneath the inner garment, the burden of the belt is absent. Under the common pallium a tunic was worn, which here is called interula, because it was within, or inside, the pallium. Under the Cynic pallium there was none. These things also indicate that Tertullian is speaking of the pallium in general. Whenever, therefore, a tunic was worn, it was free from the burden of the belt, because the Africans were uncloaked, as has been said elsewhere. Therefore Tertullian is not speaking there only of the Cynic pallium: otherwise someone could rightly object to him. Granted, Crates’ pallium was convenient; the ordinary one was not so. For it was also fastened with a clasp, and arranged in folds with care around the neck, which laborious making did not much

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 161 reos, eosdem & auro distinctos fuisse, constare optime sen- tentiam intelliget. Clare Epictetus in Enchiridio cap. LXI. Vt & in calceo, si vltra pedem progressus fuerit, γιγνεται πατά- χρυσον υπόδημα, εἰτα πορφυρῶν, εἰτα πεντητοῦν: Fit auratus, siue auro distinctus calceus, deinde purpureus, deinde interpunctus. Vbi Simplicius, Tanta aute[m], inquit, fuisse videtur apud Romanos in conficiendis calceis purpureis, & interpunctis curiositas, vt au- ratis etiam præferrentur. Calcei alij auro inducebantur, alij inficiebantur, purpura alij compungebantur, siue aureis notis distinguebantur. Ideo occurrit obiectioni Tertullianus. Cur non & baxea Tyria calciaris. Respondere pote- rat Aristippus. Quia aurum Græcatos, id est palliatos non decet. Atqui inquit Tertullianus, alter nempe Empedocles, si non auratus, saltem aeratus crepidam incelsit. Quicumque hæc cum doctorum virorum emendationibus conferet, is profe- cto intelliget, non semper Interpretes de Tertulliano bene mereri. Quod ad crepidam attinet, idem paulo post de Sacerdo- tibus Aesculapij, quos palliû retinuisse inter togatos Char- taginienses initio dixerat: Cum hoc ipsum pallium morosius ordinatum & crepidæ Græcatim Aesculapio adulantur. Vbi Gre- catim est, quod notauit Mercerus, more Græco, siue Græco habitu, vt paulo ante dixerat Græcatos decet. Sed de crepi- dis, & toto veterum calceatu in tertia parte huius Operis, si vita suppeditabit, disputabimus. De Pallij materia. Vestimenta lanea. An lineæ vestes in vsu. Thucydides explicatus. Linteæ loriceæ. Cap. XI. Non pallia modo, sed tunicas, chlamydes, chlænas, & reliqua vestimenta tam virorum, quam foeminaru[m] linea fuisse, non est dubitandum, licet aliquis in mulieribus interdum lineæ vestis vlius reperiatur, de quo infra. Nec alia apud Græcos, atque Romanos quam lanæ textura, li- cet ex ipso lanæ pretio plus minusue æstimaretur. Aelia- nus lib. I. Varię cap. XV. tradit Apollodorum Socrati in X carce. Pars II.

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On Dress, Part II. Book IV. 161 to prove the opinion that the accused were likewise adorned with gold. Epictetus clearly says in the Enchiridion, ch. LXI: “Thus also in the shoe, if it has gone beyond the foot, it becomes a γιγνεται πατά- χρυσον υπόδημα, then purple, then interpuncted: it becomes gilded, or decorated with gold, then purple, then marked with dots.” Where Simplicius says: “So great, it seems, was among the Romans their curiosity in making purple and interpuncted shoes, that they even preferred them to gilded ones. Some shoes were gilded with gold, others were dyed, others were marked with purple, or distinguished with golden marks.” Therefore Tertullian meets the objection. “Why not also wear Tyrian baxea on your feet?” Aristippus could have replied: “Because gold does not suit the Greeks, that is, men in the pallium.” But Tertullian says: the other man, namely Empedocles, if not gilded, at least wore a bronze-crested sandal. Whoever compares these things with the emendations of learned men will certainly understand that the interpreters do not always treat Tertullian well. As for the crepides, the same writer shortly afterward, speaking of the Priests of Aesculapius, whom he had previously said retained the pallium among the toga-wearers of Carthage, says: “With this very pallium more carefully arranged, and the crepides in a Greek fashion flatter Aesculapius.” Where Greek fashion is, as Mercerus noted, after the Greek manner, or with Greek dress, as he had just before said that Greeks are fitting. But about crepides, and the whole footwear of the ancients, we shall discuss in the third part of this work, if life is granted us. On the material of the pallium. Woollen garments. Whether linen clothing was in use. Thucydides explained. Linen cuirasses. Chapter XI. Not only pallia, but tunics, cloaks, chlamydes, chlænas, and the rest of the clothing, both for men and for women, were of linen, there is no doubt; although among women one may sometimes find a linen garment, of which more below. Nor was any other material used among the Greeks and Romans than woollen weave, though it was valued more or less according to the price of the wool itself. Aelian, Book I of the Miscellanies, chapter XV, says that Apollodorus to Socra in X prison. Part II.

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162 Octauij Ferrarij carcere morituro attulisse ἑπῶνα ἐρίων πολυτελή, καὶ ἐνητριον, καὶ ἰμάτιον τοιοῦτο. Tunicam ex pretiosa lana, pulchreque textam, simile item pallium. Plutarchus de audiendo. Neque pallium induere hieme, ἐι μὴ προβάτων άππικῶν ἐἰν τὸ ἐριστον, nîse ex lana onium Atticarum. Plautus Milite Glor. Act. III. Sc. I. Ememi vir lanam, vnde tibi pallium Malacum, & calidum conficiatur, tunicæque hibernæ honæ, Ne algeas hac hieme. Nec aliud olim muliebre, opus quam Ianificium fuit. Aristophanes Concionantibus de muliere, quæ in concionem prodibat. Hæc attuli (lanam) vt complete concilio ἡαυειμεν, earpam, siue pectam. Vetus Scholiastes: Mulier venit ferens lanam, eamque pectens: siue carminans (non recte Latinus Interpres diuidens) subjicitque se id facere, quod filij sibi nudissent. Rarus apud Græcos serici, rarus admodum lineæ vestis vsus fuit. Sanè apud Homerum lineæ vestis mentio. Sed etiam cubicularem fuisse, quæ nempe dormientibus sub- sterneretur, veteres critici obseruant. τὸ ἐπιδρονύμενον τοῖς παριμωμένοις, ait Hesychius. Odyssæ. N. ait Phæaces strauisse in naui Vlyssi dormituro ἔνηότε λίνοντε. ἐνα νήρετον ἐνδοι. Paulo post subjicit, sublatum eundem dormientem ex naui αυτῶ συώτε λίνω, καὶ ἐνηεῖ. Apud eundem Il. B. inducitur Aiax Oilæus λινοδώρης, hoc est, vt interpretatur Hesychius, lineo thorace vtens: de quo infra. Alias non ita facile occurrit apud Græcos lineæ vestis mentio in communi vestitu. Thucydides tame[n] ipso operis initio indicare videtur veteres Athenienses lineas tunicas gestasse. ὑν πολύς χρόνος ἐπειδὴ χιτῶνας τε λωνὸς ἐπαυσαυλο φορεῦτες, καὶ χροσῶν τελιγων ἐν ἐρσει πρωθύλον. Nec multum tempus est, quo apud eos (Athenienses) qui ex senioribus locupletiores erant ferre desierunt lineas tunicas, cicadasque in seriem aureas. Verum tunicæ illæ non aliud fuerunt, quam loricæ, siue thoraces linei, quibus pro armatura in bello vtebantur. Narrans enim antiquissimos Græcorum rapto viuere assuetos perpetuo, veluti con- cesso

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162 Octauius Ferrarius says that to a man dying in prison he brought a luxurious cloak of wool, and a blanket, and such a garment. A tunic of precious wool, and beautifully woven, likewise a cloak. Plutarch, On Listening. Nor should one wear a cloak in winter, unless from the fleeces of Attic sheep, or from wool of Attic sheep. Plautus, Miles Gloriosus, Act. III, Sc. I. I have bought you, husband, wool, from which a cloak may be made for you, soft and warm, and good winter tunics, that you may not be cold this winter. Nor in olden times was any female work other than spinning. Aristophanes, On women speaking in the assembly, concerning a woman who was coming into the assembly. “I have brought this wool,” that the council may be fully supplied, combed wool, or carded wool. The old scholiast says: “The woman comes carrying wool, and combing it; or carding it” (the Latin interpreter does not divide this correctly), and adds that she was doing what her sons had taken from her. Among the Greeks, the use of silk, and especially of linen clothing, was rare. Certainly there is mention of linen clothing in Homer. But the ancient critics also observe that it was used for bedding, namely, to be spread beneath those who were sleeping. Hesychius says: τὸ ἐπιδρονύμενον τοῖς παριμωμένοις. In Odyssey N. the Phaeacians are said to have spread in the ship for Ulysses, who was to sleep, ἔνηότε λίνοντε, ἐνα νήρετον ἐνδοι. A little later he adds that the same sleeper was lifted from the ship, αὐτῶ συώτε λίνω, καὶ ἐνηεῖ. In the same author, Iliad B, Ajax Oileus is called λινοδώρης, that is, as Hesychius interprets it, wearing a linen breastplate: of which below. Otherwise, mention of linen clothing in common dress is not so easily found among the Greeks. Thucydides, however, at the very beginning of his work seems to indicate that the ancient Athenians wore linen tunics. ὑν πολύς χρόνος ἐπειδὴ χιτῶνας τε λωνὸς ἐπαυσαυλο φορεῦτες, καὶ χροσῶν τελιγων ἐν ἐρσει πρωθύλον. “Nor has it been long since among them (the Athenians), the older and wealthier ceased to wear linen tunics and golden cicadas in the hair.” But those tunics were nothing other than linen cuirasses, or breastplates, which they used as armor in war. For in recounting that the most ancient Greeks, accustomed to live by plunder, continually, as it were, with permission

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 163 cesso latrocinio vitam egisse, subjicit. Quin etiam arma ferre apud hos ex vetere latrocinio permansit. Omnis enim Græcia arma gestabat, quod videlicet, nec penates munitionibus cincti, nec tuto commeare vltro citroque possent: vitamque assidue sub armis agebant more barbarorum. Indicio autem sunt hæ regiones Græcia, quæ vsque adhuc illoritu habitantur, similem cultum, similiaque vitæ instituta aliquando apud omnes fuisse. Primi autem inter hos Athenienses ferrum deposuerunt, & pacato cultu vtentes ad lautius quoddam, & mollius vitæ genus transierunt. Athenienses vt ceteri Græcimilitari cultu perpetuo incedebant: nô multo ante Thucydides tempora ad pacis habitum transierunt, & cum reliqua armatura lineas quoque tunicas deposuerunt. Quod si illæ fuissent interulæ, vt subculæ lineæ, potius illas induissent, cum ad mitius, magisque lautum vitæ genus transire in animum induxissent. Nemo autem lineas tunicas siue thoraces pro armatura gestatas mirabitur, nisi qui in veterum scriptis plane peregrinatur. Talis Aiacis thorax apud Homerum lineus, vt paulo ante diximus. Θώραξες λωνοι, thoraces linei dicuntur Pausaniæ in Atticis, quiait has lineas loricas, siue thoraces non æque esse vtiles pregnantibus, quod ferro vehementius immisso lædantur, ac venatoribus. In illis enim leonum, ac pantherarum dentium impetum eludi, ac debilitari. Nepos in Iphicrate: Idem genus loricarum mutauit, & pro ferreis, atque æneis lineas dedit. Quo facto expeditiores milites reddidit: nam pondere detracto, vt aequè corpus tegerent, & leues essent, curauit. Suetonius Galba xIX: Loricam tamen induit lineam, quamquam haud dissimulans, parum aduersus tot mucrones profuturam. Sed quomodo lineæ loricæ, siue thoraces conficiebantur, vt ferro resisterent? Titius in Controuersiis existimat lineas chlamydes bombyce, spongia, lanaque minutatim dissecta ad instar culcitæ fartas. Sed eum merito magnus Antagonista ficto nomine reprehendit, primo quod chlamydes cum tunicis confundit: deinde quod puerili errore bombycem, quod erat sericum, pro gossipio, quod Itali vulgo bambaggio appellant, posuerit, X 2 quod Pars II.

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book IV. 163 he adds that he lived by robbery. Indeed, the carrying of arms among these people also remained from ancient robbery. For all Greece carried weapons, because, plainly, neither were their dwellings enclosed with fortifications, nor could they travel to and fro in safety: and they lived continually under arms, after the manner of the barbarians. And these regions of Greece, which are inhabited even to this day in the same way, are evidence that once all had a similar way of life and similar institutions. But the Athenians were the first among them to lay aside iron, and, adopting a peaceful way of living, passed over to a certain more elegant and gentler manner of life. The Athenians, like the rest of the Greeks, used to move about in a perpetual military style; not long before the time of Thucydides they passed to a condition of peace, and with the rest of their armor laid aside even linen tunics. And if those had been undergarments, like linen drawers, they would rather have put those on, since they had resolved in their minds to pass to a milder and more refined way of life. No one, however, will wonder that linen tunics or cuirasses were worn as armor, except one who is completely a stranger to the writings of the ancients. Such a linen cuirass of Ajax is found in Homer, as we said a little before. Θώραξες λωινοι are called linen cuirasses by Pausanias in the Attica, because he says that these linen breastplates, or cuirasses, are not equally useful for pregnant women, since they are injured by a more violent thrust of iron, as are hunters. For in these the assault of lions and panthers’ teeth is eluded and weakened. Nepos, in Iphicrates: “He changed the same kind of cuirasses, and in place of iron and bronze gave linen ones.” By this act he made the soldiers more agile; for with the weight removed, he took care that they should equally cover the body and yet be light. Suetonius, Galba xix: “He nevertheless put on a linen cuirass, though not concealing that it would be of little use against so many points.” But how were linen cuirasses, or breastplates, made so as to resist iron? Titius, in the Controversies, thinks that linen cloaks were stuffed with small pieces of silk, sponge, and wool chopped up and packed in like a quilt. But the great antagonist, under a fictitious name, rightly rebukes him, first because he confuses cloaks with tunics; then because, through a childish mistake, he has put silk, which was sericum, in place of cotton, which the Italians commonly call bambaggio, X 2 quod Part II.

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164 Octauij Ferrarij quod Italiæ ignotum per multa secula. Negat ipse exgossipio, aut lana, aliaue materia minute confecta fæctum thoracem fuisse. nam quare potius lineum diceretur, quod ex alia materia confectum erat? Itaque thoracem lineum a loricis non nisi materia diuersum fuisse, quod illæ essent annulis, & catenulis æneis consertæ, hic autem ex torulis trilicibus, quadrilicibus, aut bilicibus. Toros appellat funiculos ex multis filis tortos, qui propterea a numero dicebantur bilices, & trilices: qui deinde tori inter se filis conserebantur, & firmissimum opus præstabant. Talis Amalis Aegypti Regis filis contexta, quorum singula trecentis sexaginta quinque filis constarent. Quin idem in cassium descriptione, stamina singula centenis quinquagenis filis constare ait, vocatque stamina, quæ alii toros, Græci Bpó- χες in restibus. Fila autem, ex quibus stamina illa siue tori constabant, licia etiam vocata docere loricas bilices, ac trilices apud Virgilium. Hæc Scaliger de loricis lineis. At Casaubonus ad Suetonium diuersa ratione huiusmodi linteos thoraces factos credit. Nempe opera, atque artificio coactiliariorum, & πιλοπικῶν, qui linum aceto, vel austero vino, cui sal esset adiectum, probe macerabant, deinde ita cogebeant, vt soliditatem, ac crassitiem lintei octies, decies, aut sæpius in se complicati haberent. Adducit ad hoc comprobandum locum Nicetæ Aconinati lib. 1. rerum Isaaci Angeli: ipse Conradus sine scuto tunc dimicabat: sed pro loricatextum quoddam gestabat e lino factum, vino austero probe salito maceratum, sæpius replicatum: quod quidem sale & vino coactum adeo firmum aduersus ictus erat, vt penetrari a nullo telo posset. Erant autem huius texti pagellæ octodecim, & eo plures. Verisimilior tamen Scaligeri opinio est, propter loricas bilices, & trilices, quæ in coactilibus locum haberi non poterant. Lineus

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164 Octauij Ferrarij which was unknown in Italy for many centuries. He himself denies that the breastplate was made of gossypium, or wool, or any other finely worked material. For why would it rather be called linen, if it had been made of another material? Thus the linen breastplate differed from cuirasses only in material, because those were joined with bronze rings and chains, while this one was made of threefold, fourfold, or twofold cords. He calls toros the cords twisted out of many threads, which for that reason were called bilices and trilices according to the number; and then these tori were interwoven with one another by threads, and produced the strongest work. Such a garment, woven from the threads of Amalis, king of Egypt, whose individual strands were said to consist of three hundred and sixty-five threads. Indeed, in the description of a helmet he says that each strand consists of one hundred and fifty threads, and he calls those strands which others call tori, the Greeks Bpó- χες in ropes. But the threads from which those strands, or tori, consisted were also called licia, as he shows from the bilice and trilice cuirasses in Virgil. This is Scaliger on linen cuirasses. But Casaubon, in his note on Suetonius, believes that breastplates of this kind were made in a different way. Namely, by the work and craft of the coactiliarii and πιλοπικοί, who thoroughly soaked the flax in vinegar, or in strong wine to which salt had been added, then pressed it so that they had the solidity and thickness of linen folded over itself eight, ten, or even more times. To prove this he cites a passage from Nicetas Choniates, book 1, on the affairs of Isaac Angelus: Conrad himself was then fighting without a shield; but he wore instead a woven breastplate made of linen, thoroughly soaked in strong wine salted with salt, folded over several times: and this, being bound together by salt and wine, was so firm against blows that it could not be penetrated by any weapon. There were eighteen sheets of this fabric, and even more. Yet Scaliger’s opinion is more likely, because of the bilice and trilice cuirasses, which could not have a place in felted materials. Lineus

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166 Octauij Ferrarij laneas seruorum lacernas, angustas, & breues, circa humerum desi- uentes. Verum non fuerunt exomides lacernæ, sed tunicæ, neque illæ seruorum tantum, & istæ Indorum tunicæ, siue tuniculæ erant, strictæ scilicet, nec vltra humeros velatus brachium, quales exomides fuerunt. Adjicit Philostratus, Apollonium, cum in India esset, audisse Byssum in Aegyptum ex India deferri, quod illa in plerisque sacris vtuntur Aegyptij. Lineam enim siue byssinam vestem Aegyptiorum peculiarem fuisse, quis nescit? Hinc turba linq[ui]cra, grexque liniger de Sacerdotibus Isidis poetis dicitur. Et Apuleius lib. x I. in pompa Isidis describit viros feminasque lintæ vestis candore luminosas. Et paulo infra Antistites sacrorum proceres candido linteamine cinctum pectorale adusque vestigia strictim iniecti. Ideo Anubis a Luciano Deorum concilio inducitur sindone amictus. Seneca item de breuitate vitę: Cum linteatus senex lauru[m], & medio lucernam die proferens. Quare & lintæ vestes ex Aegypto Romam delatæ. Cicero pro Rabirio: Auditæ, visæque merces fallaces quidem, & fucosæ, chartis & linteis, & vitro delatæ. Non tota tamen Aegyptiorum vestimenta linea fuerunt, sed tunicæ tantum. Nam pallia ex lana. Herodotus lib. I I. ἐνδεδύνασι δὲ πιθῶνας λιένυς περὶ τὰ σκύλεα θυσκανῶτες, ἐκ[ι]ς παλασιρις παλένσι: ἔπι τούτοι- σι δὲ εἰρινεα ἔμματα λευνὰ ἔπαναβληδῶν Φόρευσι. Induunt tunicas circa crura fimbriatas, quas Calasiris appellant, quibus circumiecta lanam pallia alba gestant. Addit tamen lanea vestimenta neque in templa inferri, neque vna cum mortuis sepeliri: hoc enim prophanum esse. Similemque morem seruari in sacris Orphicis, ac Bacchicis, in quibus nefas esse, ijs initiatos in vestibus laneis humari. At Byssus lini species pretiosissima, quæ indidem proueniebat, ex qua vestes mollissimæ, ac tenuissimæ conficiebantur. Vnde dictum Parysatis Reginæ, in Regum alloquio vtendum esse verbis , id est mollissimis, ac lenissimis, quidquid aliter viri docti interpretentur, qui sublimia, graua, & ornata reddunt, & nescio quæ ἔυρωα comminilcuntur. Apud Theocritum Idil. I I. Simætha inducitur ἑυσοκιο παλῶν

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166 Octauius Ferrarius the woolen cloaks of servants, narrow and short, hanging around the shoulder. But the exomides were not cloaks, but tunics; nor were the Indian garments merely those of servants, and those Indian tunics, or little tunics, were close-fitting, with the arm covered no farther than the shoulders, as exomides were. Philostratus adds that Apollonius, when he was in India, heard that byssus was brought from India to Egypt, because the Egyptians use it in most of their sacred rites. For who does not know that linen, or byssine, clothing was peculiar to the Egyptians? Hence the crowd of linen-clad men, and the linen-bearing flock, are spoken of by the poets as priests of Isis. And Apuleius, in book 10, in the procession of Isis, describes men and women shining with the whiteness of linen clothing. And a little below: the high priests of the rites, distinguished men, girded with white linen, clothed tightly down to the feet. Therefore Anubis is introduced by Lucian in the council of the gods, clothed in a linen shroud. Seneca also, in On the Brevity of Life: an old man in linen, and bringing forth a lamp at midday with a laurel wreath. Hence linen garments were brought from Egypt to Rome. Cicero, For Rabirius: merchandise was heard of, seen too, deceptive indeed and counterfeit, brought in paper, linen, and glass. Yet not all the garments of the Egyptians were linen, but only the tunics. For the outer cloaks were of wool. Herodotus, book II: they wear tunics with fringes around the legs, which they call calasiris, and over these they wear white woolen cloaks. He adds, however, that woolen garments are neither brought into the temples nor buried together with the dead: for this is profane. And a similar custom is observed in the Orphic and Bacchic rites, in which it is unlawful for those initiated into them to be buried in woolen garments. But byssus is the most precious kind of flax, which came from the same region, from which the softest and finest garments were made. Hence the saying addressed to Queen Parysatis, in the discourse to kings: one must use words, that is, the softest and gentlest words, whatever learned men may otherwise interpret, who render it as lofty, grave, and ornate, and invent I know not what εὔρωα. In Theocritus, Idyll II, Simaetha is introduced with a...

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168 Octauij Ferrarij tradit Athenienses linea tunica talari vsos esse. Omnia enim virilia vestimenta lanea fuisse ostendimus: tunicæque tala- res nonnisi mulierum fuerunt, vt ex Aristophane docuimus, & aperte declarat Pausanias lib. 1. qui narrat Theseum cun- ctis incognitum Athenas venisse indutum πτεῶνα ποδύνιν tuni- cam talarem, non pallam, vt vult Interpres: & plexa eleganter coma, ac per contumeliam interrogatum, quid ita nubilis virgo so- la oberraret? Eadem prorsus ratione, qua apud Plautum in Comædia palliata dicitur genus mulierosum, cum dimissitijs tu- nicis. Hallucinatur igitur Grammaticus ille, quemadmodum cum [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] apud Homerum interpretatur album vesti- tum, ac tenuem e lana, non lino confectum, contra veterum Criticorum sententiam. Suntque alia non pauca his similia doctis viris castigata. De Pallij colore. Alba Græcorum vestimenta. Artemido- rus, & Lucianus explicati. Aelianus notatus. Cap. XIII. R Romanæ togæ, tunicæque colorem album fuisse expo- suimus: talem & Græci vestitus præcipue apud hone- stiores colorem fuisse credimus. Nam & simplicior hic cul- tus, ac naturæ ipsi proprior, immo & ciuilior videtur, cum pullus in luctu sumeretur. Insignis locus est Artemidori lib. II. cap. II. Alba vestimenta solis sacrificis conferunt, & seruis Græcorum: reliquis turbationes significant, propterea quod hi, qui in turba versantur, albo vestitu vtantur. Opificibus autem manuarijs cessationem, & otium portendunt: & quanto pretiosio- ra fuerint vestimenta, tanto plus otij prædicunt. Neque enim ope- rarij, maxime qui mechanicas aries exercent, albis vestibus vtun- tur. Seruis autem Romanorum, solis his qui recte agunt, confe- runt: reliquis mala sunt. Manifestos enim faciunt male agentes, & propterea quod eunde cum dominis vestitu vt plurimum habent, ob hoc somnium liberi non fium, sicut serui Græcorum. Viro ægrotan- ti alba vestimenta habere, mortem prædicit, propterea quod mor- tum in albis efferantur: Niger vestitus salutem prænuntiat. Non enim

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168 Octavius Ferrarius says that the Athenians used a linen tunic reaching to the ankles. For we have shown that all men’s garments were of wool: and that ankle-length tunics belonged only to women, as we taught from Aristophanes, and Pausanias plainly states, book 1, where he relates that Theseus came to Athens unknown to all, dressed in a πτεῶνα ποδύνιν, a tunic reaching to the ankles, not a mantle, as the Interpreter has it; and with his hair neatly plaited, and when he was asked in mockery why a marriageable maiden should be wandering about alone? Precisely for the same reason that in Plautus, in the comedia palliata, a feminine sort is said to wear loose tunics. That Grammarian therefore is mistaken, just as when he interprets [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] in Homer as a white garment, and one thin and made of wool, not of linen, contrary to the opinion of the ancient critics. And there are many other similar mistakes corrected by learned men. On the color of the mantle. The white garments of the Greeks. Artemidorus and Lucian explained. Aelian noted. Chap. XIII. We have shown that the Roman toga and tunic were white in color: we believe that such also was especially the color of Greek dress among the more respectable. For this style of clothing seems simpler, closer to nature itself, and indeed more civil, since dark clothing was used in mourning. A notable passage is in Artemidorus, book II, chap. II. White garments are suited only to priests and to the slaves of the Greeks; for the rest, they signify disturbances, because those who are in the midst of a crowd use white clothing. To manual workers, however, they portend cessation and leisure; and the more costly the garments, the more leisure they predict. For laborers, especially those who practice mechanical trades, do not use white clothes. To the slaves of the Romans, however, only those who behave rightly, they are favorable; to the rest they are bad. For they make wrongdoing slaves manifest, and because they very often have the same clothing as their masters, on this account free men do not dream, as slaves of the Greeks do. For a sick man to have white garments predicts death, because the dead are carried out in white; black clothing foretells recovery. For not

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 169 enim mortui, sed mortuos lugentes huiusmodi vtuntur. Noui autem ego multos, & pauperes, & seruos, & vinclos ægrotantes, qui etiam cum viderentur sibi nigra habere vestimenta, mortui sunt: verisimile enim erat, his non in albis propter inopiam efferendos esse. Est autem alias niger vestitus omnibus malus, exceptis his qui clancularia operantur. Ex his discere licet Græcos ingenuos vulgo albis vestimentis vsos: quod declarat illud, eos qui in turba, siue fore versantur, albis vestibus indutos, id est omnes vulgo liberos homines. Illam autem perturbationem, quam talia vestimenta indicabant, ad Comitia candidatorum, ac prensantium molestias retulit doctissimus Rigaltius. Ceterum alba vestimenta in somnis visa Græcorum seruis fausta erant: quia scilicet illis libertatem portendebant, quod ingenui in ea veste conspicerentur. Sed honestiores tantum: nam opifices, ac cellularij, populique fæx, vt apud Romanos, ferme in sordida, nigraque veste erant. Et ideo his hominibus cessationem ab opere portendiait, quod albis vestibus non vterentur. Subjicit, Romanorum seruis alba vestimenta per quietem visa solis illis quirecte agerent auspicata fuisse, seruis autem nequam improspera. Futurum enim vt occulta delicta manifestarentur, quod scilicet album in tenebris latere non potest. Infra ait, purpurcam, & variam vestem occulta reuelare, quia scilicet conspicua est, quemadmodum alba: vbi eadem voce vsus est: ἡλέγχει, occulta manifestat, vt supra de veste alba ἐλέγχει τοῦς πανῶς πρᾶσιντας, male agentes arguit. Idcirco autem Romanis seruis vestem albam nihil boni prædicere docet, quod eundem cu[m] dominis vt plurimum vestitum haberent. quod de tempore intelligendum est, cum depositis togis, sumptisque lacernis, nullum fuisse inter ingenuos ac seruos in habitu discrimen supra memorauimus. Cum igitur albis vestimentis ingenui Romæ vti desissent, ea in somnis visa Romanis mancipijs libertatem non prædicebant, quum color cum ipsa libertate publica excesserat: contra cum in Græcia perfeueraretjs color in ingenuisvisus in somnis seruo libertate prædice- Pars II.

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book IV. 169 for the dead, but those mourning the dead use such things. I myself, however, have known many, both poor men, and servants, and prisoners, sick as they were, who even when they seemed to themselves to have black garments, were dead: for it was quite likely that, in their case, they ought to be carried out not in white, because of poverty. And in general black clothing is bad for all, except for those who do secret things. From this it may be learned that the Greeks in common use wore white garments: which that passage declares, where those who are in a crowd, or in the forum, are seen clothed in white garments, that is, all free men in general. That disturbance, however, which such garments signified, learned Rigaltius referred to the elections of candidates and the inconveniences of canvassing. Moreover, white garments seen in dreams were favorable to Greek slaves: because, namely, they portended freedom for them, since freeborn men were seen in that dress. But only the more respectable: for craftsmen, and shopkeepers, and the scum of the people, as among the Romans, were generally in mean and black clothing. And therefore to these men the dream signified rest from labor, because they did not use white garments. He adds that white garments seen in sleep by Roman slaves were favorable only for those who behaved rightly, but unfavorable for bad slaves. For it would be that hidden misdeeds would be made known, since white cannot be concealed in darkness. Below he says that purple and variegated clothing reveal hidden things, because, namely, it is conspicuous, just as white is: where he has used the same word, ἡλέγχει, it reveals hidden things, as above, concerning white clothing, ἐλέγχει τοῦς πανῶς πρᾶσιντας, it accuses those who act badly. For this reason he teaches that white clothing foretells nothing good for Roman slaves, because they for the most part had the same clothing as their masters. This is to be understood of the time, when, the togas having been laid aside and cloaks taken up, there was no difference in dress between free men and slaves, as we noted above. Since, therefore, free men at Rome had ceased to use white garments, those seen in dreams did not portend freedom to Roman slaves, since that color had departed with public liberty itself: on the contrary, since in Greece it remained, that color, seen in dreams in the case of a freeborn man, portended freedom to a slave freedom foretell- Part II.

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170 Octauij Ferrarij dicebat. Quoniam autem mortui viuentium veste efferebantur, Romani toga, Græci pallio: ideo ægrotanti alba vestimenta visa mortem prænuntiabant. Contra niger vestitus salutem, quod is in luctu à viuentibus vlurpatus. Addit multos, & pauperes, & seruos, vinclosque, quibus nigræ vestes per quietem obuersatæ erant, nihilominus mortuos esse, quod scilicet id genus hominum, cum ob paupertatem alba vestimenta non gestarent, in pullis etiam efferrentur. Porrò ita alba vestimenta in Græcia vulgo vsurpata, vt vestis infectæ vsus in populi conuentu, ac in spectaculis legibus esset interdictus. Lucianus Nigrino Veterum Atheniensium continentiam, ac paupertatem commendat: adeo enim non puduisse eos paupertatem fateri, vt vulgata vox sit in Panathenaicis ab omnibus emissa. Deprehensum enim quendam ex cuiibus fuisse, & ad præsidem Ludorum adductum eo quod , pallium colore infectum gestans ad spectaculum venerat. Vniuersos autem misertos illius, ac veniam precatos esse. Atque vbi præco iam proclamaret, quod in leges commisisset quia tali veste ludos spectaret, omnes vna voce, quasi antea super hoc deliberassent, exclamare coepisse, vt venia daretur talibus induto: nec enim aliam vestem habere illum. Quod sane mirum est, cum pauperi facilius esset vestem nativo colore, quam tinctam, atque infectam comparare. Sed pallium illud nuptiale erat, quod siue tinctum sponsis modo gestare licebat. Aristophanes Pluto Act. 11. Scena v. Disputat ibi Paupertas, si omnes diuites essent, fore vt artes e vita tollerentur: nemo domos strueret: nemo vestimenta pretio lauaret: & post cetera futuru, vt nullus venderet vnguenta, quibus madescerent, qui nouam nuptam ducerent, . Tincta enim vestimenta ferunt sponsi. Ille ergo pallio tincto in spectaculis deprehensus non aliud amiculum habebat, quam nuptiale: quod magnæ paupertatis indicium, quod ipso spectaculorum com- misse-

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170 Octauius Ferrarius says. But since the dead were carried out in the clothing of the living, among the Romans in a toga, among the Greeks in a pallium, therefore in a sick person white garments seemed to foretell death. Conversely, a black garment indicated recovery, because that was worn by the living in mourning. He adds that many poor people and slaves, and those in chains, to whom black garments had appeared in sleep, were nevertheless dead, because, of course, such people, since they did not wear white garments because of poverty, were also carried out in dark clothing. Moreover, white garments were so commonly used in Greece that the use of dyed clothing was forbidden by law in public assemblies and at spectacles. Lucian, in the Nigrinus, praises the self-restraint and poverty of the ancient Athenians: for they were so little ashamed to confess poverty that this became a common cry, uttered by everyone at the Panathenaic festival. For a certain man was discovered to be one of them, and was brought to the president of the games because he had come to the spectacle wearing a garment dyed in color. And everyone pitied him, and begged for his pardon. And when the herald was already proclaiming what offense he had committed against the laws, because he was watching the games in such a garment, all with one voice, as though they had previously deliberated on the matter, began to cry out that pardon should be granted to a man dressed like that: for he had no other garment. Which is indeed strange, since it would have been easier for a poor man to obtain a garment in its natural color than one dyed and tinted. But that cloak was a wedding cloak, which only bridegrooms were allowed to wear if dyed. Aristophanes, Plutus , Act II, Scene v. There Poverty argues that if everyone were rich, the arts would be removed from life: no one would build houses; no one would wash clothes at cost: and after other things, it would happen that no one would sell perfumes, with which those who were taking a new bride would be wet and anointed. For dyed garments are worn by bridegrooms. He therefore, having been caught in a dyed cloak at spectacles, had no other garment than the wedding cloak: which was a sign of great poverty, because by the very commis-

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 171 miserationem commouit. Præterea vestes vulgo albas fuisse crebra fullonum mentio declarat, qui vestimenta eluebant, interpolabant, poliebant. de quibus Pollux lib. VI I. cap. XI. Vbi eadem ratio in lauandis vestibus, ac Romæ fuisse apparet. nam & pedum insultu pressas, & coactas, & adhibitam cretam præcipue Cymoliam, sulphurque ijsdem dealbandis, demum carduorum spinis pexas, ac politas legimus, vnde proprie , , . Apud Homerum Od. I I. Nausicaa ad fluuium pergit , vestes lotura. Et Alcinous discessuro in patriam Vlyssi inter munera hospitalia dat , . Triobolum impendi in operam fulloniam. Vetus Scholiastes. Nam cum pisciculos edissem, & pallium iure perfusum esset, triobolum fulloni dedi pro mercede. . Artemidorus lib. I I. cap. II. Præstat autem semper habere vestimenta , , , munda, & splendida, itemque probe lota, quam sordida, & illota, exceptis his qui sordida opificia exercent. Apud Athenæu Aeschines Socraticus in Dialogo objicit Telaugi . Quod pallio carens a fullone vtendum sumeret pactus pro diurna mercede semiobolum. Diogenes Laertius Socratem ferme tribonium gestasse ait, cumque hoc vitæ instituto ageret, interdum tamen tempori seriens , ut in Platonis Symposio ad Agathonem profectus, splendidam vestem induebat, nempe commune pallium albo colore. Lucianus in vita sua tradit Pædiam sibi in sommis obuersatam, vt ad sui cultum pelliceret, inter reliqua dixisse. Ac vestitum quidem talem indues (demonstrans suum: ) Subjicit post paulo: si statuariæ adhæresceret, fore vt . Pars II. Y 2

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book IV. 171 moved compassion. Moreover, the frequent mention of fullers shows that garments commonly were white, for they washed, mended, and polished clothes. Of these, Pollux, book VII, chapter XI, says the same procedure was used in washing garments as at Rome; for we read that they were pressed by treading with the feet, beaten, and treated especially with Cimolian chalk and sulfur for whitening, and finally combed and polished with thistle spines, whence properly , , . In Homer, Odyssey II: Nausicaa goes to the river, to wash the clothes. And Alcinous, among the gifts of hospitality given to Ulysses as he was departing for his homeland, gives . A triobol was spent on the fuller’s work. The old scholiast says: “For when I had eaten fish, and my cloak had been drenched with the sauce, I gave the fuller a triobol as payment.” Artemidorus, book II, chapter II, says that it is always better to have garments clean and bright, and well washed, than dirty and unwashed, except for those who practice dirty trades. In Athenaeus, Aeschines the Socratic, in the Dialogue, reproaches Telaugus for having, for a daily wage of half an obol, hired a cloak to be used from the fuller. Diogenes Laertius says that Socrates nearly always wore a tribonion, and though he followed this habit of life, nevertheless at times, for the sake of the occasion, as when he went to Agathon in Plato’s Symposium, he put on splendid clothing, namely the common cloak of white color. Lucian, in his Life, relates that Pedia appeared to him in dreams in order to entice him to refinement, and among other things said: “And you will indeed wear such clothing” (showing his own: ). He adds shortly afterward: “If it should cling to the statuesque form, it would be that .” Part II. Y 2

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 173 Basilius minor Orationum Gregorij Nazianzeni Interpre s indicare videtur Rhetores olim in purpura incessisse. Ait enim Tribones fuisse indumenta siue pallia, Rhetorum quidem ru- bra, & purpurea, nigra autem philosophorum. Sed Tribones, siue Tribonia, non nisi Philosophorum, & quidem seuerioris notæ infra ostendemus, & fortasse ætatem suam Inter- pres ille respexit. Subjicit enim illud fuisse insigne, sicut magistratibus . Sane quomodo vestis detrita, ac lacera purpura infici posset aut decens esset, non video. Sed de Tribonio paulo post agemus. Pallium Philosophicum. Tribonium. Philostratus, & Laertius explicati. p[ro]p[ter] nos, Pannus. Cap. XIV. Pallium philosophantium amictum, ac peculiare sapientiæ tegmen fuisse, in confesso est. Nec vnquam ferme Philosophi a scriptoribus inducuntur, quin hac veluti nota atque insigni à reliquis distinguantur. Lucianus Timone. & . Pallium hoc quavis purpura potius. Et Dialogis mortuorum, Diogenem describens ait senem esse caluum, gerentem pallium lacerum, & pertusum. Alibi, mala multa sub Philosophi palliolo latere scribit. Item multos philosophiæ studium professos toto habitu, atque incessu meros philosophos videri. Idem in Mercede conductis, de eo, qui pro Philosopho, ac Græculo indiuitis familiam adscitus erat. Num te pudet, inquit, cum in tanta Romanorum turba solus , in peregrino pallio versaris? Et infra: , Pallium Græcanicum decenter circumponere. Eodem Libro veluti in scena producitur Catella Milesia in Philosophi pallio cubans, immo & pariens. Et alibi passim, quæ putidum esset persequi. Ita & Latini scriptores. Plautus Curculione: Tum isti Græci palliati capite operto qui ambulant, Qui incedunt suffarcinati cum libris, cum sportulis, Con-

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book IV. 173 Basilius Minor, translator of Gregory Nazianzen’s Orations, seems to indicate that the rhetoricians once went about in purple. For he says that Tribones were garments or cloaks, red for rhetoricians, and purple, black for philosophers. But we shall show below that Tribones, or Tribonia, belonged only to philosophers, and indeed to those of a more severe school, and perhaps that translator had his own age in view. For he adds that it was a badge, like that of magistrates. Indeed, how a worn, and tattered garment could be dyed purple, or how that would be fitting, I do not see. But we shall speak of the Tribonium a little later. Philosophical cloak. Tribonium. Philostratus, and Laertius explained, for our part, as: Rag. Chapter XIV. It is agreed that the cloak of philosophers, the garment peculiar to wisdom, was the philosopher’s covering. Nor are philosophers ever, or hardly ever, introduced by writers, unless by this sort of mark and badge they are distinguished from the rest. Lucian, in Timon: and . This cloak rather than any purple. And in the Dialogues of the Dead, describing Diogenes, he says that he is an old bald man, wearing a tattered and pierced cloak. Elsewhere he writes that many evils lie hidden under the philosopher’s little cloak. Likewise, that many who professed the study of philosophy seem by their whole appearance and manner of walking to be nothing but philosophers. The same author, in The Hirelings, says of one who, in the guise of a philosopher and a Greek, had been admitted into the household: Are you not ashamed, he says, that amid so great a crowd of Romans you alone walk about in a foreign cloak? And below: to wrap oneself decently in the Greek cloak. In the same book, as though on a stage, he introduces Catella of Miletus lying in a philosopher’s cloak, indeed even giving birth. And elsewhere everywhere, which it would be tedious to pursue. So too the Latin writers. Plautus, in the Curculio: Then those Greek-cloaked fellows with covered heads who walk about, Who go along heavily laden with books, with little baskets, Con-

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174 Octauij Ferrarij Constant, conferunt sermones inter se se drapetæ, Obstant, obsistunt, incedunt cum suis sententijs Quos semper videas lubentes esse in Thermopoli. Vbi haud dubie licet Græca Comædia Philosophos exagitat siue sub Philosophi habitu latentes homines nequam, qui pallio inscitiam, & vitia velarent, fugitiui, flagitjis oper- ti & vulgo inuisi. Alioqui mirum esset, si Comædia pallia- ta Græcos, & palliatos traduceret. Gellius lib. ix. Video inquit Herodes barbam, & pallium, philosophum nondum video. Capitolinus tradit M. Antonium Philosophiæ operam vehe- menter dedisse, & quidem adhuc puerum. Nam duodeci- mum annum ingressus habitum Philosophi assumpsit, & deinceps to- lerantiam, cum studeret in pallio, & humi cubaret. Ammianus etiam lib. xv. scribit Iulianu[m] a Constantio patruel ab Acha- ia, vbi studiis operam dabat, euocatum, etiam tum palliatum atque in societatem Imperii adscitum. Sed si pallium philosophi habitus, ac nota fuit, cum om- nes in Græcia palliati, vt diximus, nullum inter philosophos, & reliquos vulgo in cultu discrimen fuisse videtur. Romæ autem Græci omnes cum in patria veste versarentur, pro phi- losophis habiti fuissent. Casaubonus ad Capitolinum phi- losophi habitum interpretatur pallium Græcanicum, sine tunica, cum totius corporis illuuie. Huncque communem habitum omnium philosophantium fuisse, quo separabantur aceteris. Fuisse præterea proprias singularum sectarum no- tas, & propria gestamina. Sed cum soli Cynici, vt dicemus, sine tunica incederent palliati, merito doctis viris Causa- bonus reprehenditur, qui tamen, qualis philosophorum habitus esset, quo aceteris discernerentur, non prodide- runt. Ergo soli seueriorem, ac sanctiorem philosophiam pro- fessi, vt Pythagorei, Stoici, ac Cynici, tam in Græcia, quam Romæ, pallio a ceteris discreti, quod peculiare corum ho- minum fuit. Nempe cum commune pallium Græcorum la- neum esset, & album, philosophantium tegmen pallium detritum fuit, obsoletum, sordidum, ac pullum, quodque a Cy-

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174 Octavius Ferrarius They hold steady, they confer among themselves, the drapetai, They stand in the way, they resist, they advance with their own opinions, whom you always see gladly at the Thermopolium. Here, no doubt, Greek Comedy may mock philosophers, or men hiding under the guise of philosophers, wicked men who covered ignorance and vice with the cloak, fugitives, covered with crimes and hated by the crowd. Otherwise it would be strange if the costumed comedy were ridiculing Greeks and men in cloaks. Gellius, book ix: “I see,” says Herodes, “a beard and a cloak; I do not yet see a philosopher.” Capitolinus relates that Marcus Antonius devoted himself very eagerly to philosophy, and indeed while still a boy. For when he had entered his twelfth year he assumed the philosopher’s dress, and thereafter endured hardship, studying in the cloak and sleeping on the ground. Ammianus also writes, book xv, that Julian, summoned by Constantius his cousin from Achaia, where he was engaged in study, was then still wearing the cloak and was admitted into partnership in the Empire. But if the cloak was the dress and badge of the philosopher, since all in Greece wore cloaks, as we have said, it seems that among philosophers and the rest of the people there was no distinction in dress. At Rome, however, since all Greeks wore their native clothing, they would have been taken for philosophers. Casaubon, in his note on Capitolinus, interprets the philosopher’s dress as a Greek cloak, without a tunic, with the filth of the whole body. And he says this was the common dress of all who professed philosophy, by which they were distinguished from the others. Moreover, there were also special marks proper to each sect, and distinctive styles of dress. But since only the Cynics, as we shall say, went about cloaked without a tunic, Casaubon is rightly criticized by learned men, who nevertheless did not reveal what the philosophers’ dress was like, or by what it differed from the rest. Therefore only those who professed a more austere and more holy philosophy, such as the Pythagoreans, Stoics, and Cynics, in both Greece and Rome, were distinguished from the others by the cloak, which was the peculiar habit of those men. For the common Greek cloak was woolen and white, whereas the garment of philosophers was worn-out, shabby, dirty, and dark, and that of the Cy-

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 175 a Cynicis solis diuersa ratione gestabatur, ac sine tunica, vt infra explicabimus. Id , & Græcis diceba- tur, nec alia ferme voce, cum pallij philosophici mentionem faciunt, scriptores vtuntur, precipe Lucianus. Hesychius: , . Cicero pal- liolum appellat Tusculana I I I. Sæpe est etiam sub palliolo sor- dido sapientia. Apuleius palliastrum. Ecce Socratem contuber- nalem meum conspicio: sedebat seruili palliastro semiamictus. Fe- stus: Adtritum & tritum, vestis trita, . Pallium sci- licet longo vsu detritum, quodque, vt loquitur Euripides apud Athenæum lib. x., villosam lanuginem amiserat. Tribones . Tribonia euadunt, quæ pilos, siue languinem amiserunt. Loquitur de athletis, cum senes facti sunt. Ad quem locum fallitur vir doctissimus, qui exi- stimat Persium in eadem sententia contrarium dicere Euripidi ijs verbis. Mibi trama figuræ Sit reliqua: astilli tremat omento popa venter. Non enim cōtraria sunt (etsi id ad Persium adstruere co- netur) , & tramam solam habere reliquam. Immo cum vestimenta , siue pilos, ac languinem lon- go vsu amiserunt, tramareliqua apparet: nam villosa lanu- gine connexio staminis & tramæ siue subteminis occulta- tur, qua dilapsa lanugine reliqua trama apparet. Porro vestis detrita amissis longo vsu pilis, floccisque te- nuuior fiebat, & leuior: & ideo Vet. velum interpretantur, vestem scilicet attritu tenuem leuem- que factam, & ideo arcendo frigori minus aptam. In quo veteres philosophi tolerantiam, siue patientiè imaginem ostentarunt, cum in ea etiam hieme incederent, Cynici ea sola velarentur. Philostratus de vita Apollonij lib. 1 r. cap. 1 x. narrat eum cum apud Indos versaretur, videretq; illos vestibus byssinis indutos laetatum esse eo habitu, . Vertunt: quod fusco amictui, quem gestabat simi- lis esset. Quod prorsus admirandum est. Quæ enim simili- tudo bysso, quod erat linum candidum & pretiosum, cum fusco

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book IV. 175 was worn by the Cynics alone in a different way, and without a tunic, as we shall explain below. It was also called this among the Greeks, and writers, when they mention the philosophical pallium, use almost no other word than this, especially Lucian. Hesychius: . Cicero calls it palliolum in Tusculans III: “Often there is wisdom even under a dirty little cloak.” Apuleius uses palliastrum. “Lo, I spy Socrates, my tentmate: he was sitting half-clothed in a servile little cloak.” Festus: “Adtritum & tritum, worn garment.” The pallium, namely, worn down by long use, which, as Euripides says in Athenæus, book X, had lost its shaggy nap. Tribones. Tribonia become those which have lost their hairs, or their nap. He speaks of athletes when they have become old. At this passage a very learned man is mistaken, who thinks that Persius says something contrary to Euripides in these words. Mibi trama figuræ Sit reliqua: astilli tremat omento popa venter. For they are not contrary things (though he tries to force that meaning on Persius), and it is not the case that only the warp remains. Rather, when garments, or the hairs and nap, have been lost through long use, the remaining warp appears; for the woven connection of warp and weft, or subtextile, is hidden by the shaggy nap, and when that nap has fallen away, the remaining warp is visible. Moreover, a worn garment, after the hairs and tufts have been lost through long use, became thinner and lighter; and therefore the ancients interpret it as velum, that is, a garment made thin and light by rubbing, and therefore less suitable for warding off cold. In this the ancient philosophers displayed an image of endurance, or patience, when even in winter they went about in it, and the Cynics were covered by this alone. Philostratus, in the Life of Apollonius, book II, chapter XIX, relates that when he was staying among the Indians, and saw them dressed in garments of byssus, he was delighted with that attire. They translate: “because it was like the dark garment which he wore.” This is altogether marvelous. For what resemblance is there between byssus, which was white and precious linen, and dark

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176 Octauij Ferrarij fusco vestimento esse poterat? Gaudebat Apollonius quod ea vestis Tribonio suo similis esset, non propter colorem, sed propter tenuitatem. Ex bysso enim vestes tenuissimæ conficiebantur: Apollonii pallium ex lana, sed longo attritu attenuata, & per hoc lino haud dissimili. Non alium huius interpretationis auctorem dare possum, quam Philostratum ipsum eodem libro, capite vltimo. Nam cum Apollonio Rex dari in discessu pro xeniis iussisset aurum, na[m] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] v[er]as, hoc est vestes lineas, siue byssinas, aurum quidem respuit, se autem othonia perlibenter accepturum dixit, quod [n]o[n] [n]o[n] v[er]a[n] τρίβων, quod essent similia Tribonio veterum Atheniensium: scilicet ob tenuitatem, no[n] ob colorem, qui omnino diuersus, vt infra ostendemus. Quia ergo Tribonium fordidum erat, ac pullum, ait Philostratus lætatum Apollonium vestitu byssino Indorum, quod ob tenuitatem similis pullo tribonius esset. Ita enim verti debuit. Propter eandem causam Artemidorus lib. I I. cap. I I I. [Na]t[ur]a, na[m] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] v[er]a[n] coniunxit, id est vestes lineas, & tribonia. Ait enim lintea vestimenta, & lanea detrita aestate gestare videri in somnis, bonum esse, & sanitatis signum: hyeme vero ἐπιν, na[m] [n]o[n] v[er]a[n] na[tur]a. Vbi apte lineis lanea opponit, detritis autem na[tur]a, id est noua siue pexa. Tribonio enim opponitur pallium, na[tur]or, nouum, pexum, quod attritu pilos non amisit. Quo perfacete allusit Stilpon Megarensis apud Laertium lib. I I. Qui cum vidisset Cratem [χειμωνος συγκεναυμένον, bieme frigore adusium (scilicet tribonio male opertum tenui, & ventis peruio.) Videris mihi, inquit [χρειαν] ἐχεω ἰματίε na[tur]a[n] indigere pallio nouo. Acumen est in voce na[tur]a[n], quæ diuifa na[m] v[er]g alium sensum reddit, nempe, videri mihi indigere, & pallio, & mente, quasi demens esset, qui sponte talia pateretur. Sequitur [μὴν περλωνοῦ, na[m] ἰματίε, quasi diceret, & pallio, & mente. Tribonium igitur pallium detritum, ac ferme lacerum, præcipuè Cynicorum. Egregie illud describit Lucianus in Dialog. mortuorum, de Menippo. Senex caluaster πριλέων ἐχων πολύδυρον ἀπαντι ανέμω ἀναπεπτιλαρένον, na[m] [n]o[n] v[er]a[n] ἀπιταίς ἐπιπτολοις

Transcription: Translated (English)

176 Octauij Ferrarij Could it have been in dark clothing? Apollonius was glad that that garment was similar to his tribonion, not because of the color, but because of its thinness. For from byssus the very finest garments were made: Apollonius’ cloak was of wool, but worn thin by long use, and therefore not unlike linen. I can give no other author of this interpretation than Philostratus himself in the same book, at the last chapter. For when the King had ordered gold to be given to Apollonius on his departure as a gift of hospitality, and linen, or byssine garments, Apollonius indeed rejected the gold, but said that he would gladly accept the othonia, because they were not a genuine τρίβων, since they were similar to the ancient Athenian tribonion: namely because of their thinness, not because of their color, which was altogether different, as we shall show below. Since, therefore, the tribonion was shabby and dark, Philostratus says that Apollonius was pleased with the byssine dress of the Indians, because, by reason of its thinness, it was like the dark tribonion. So it ought to have been translated. For the same reason Artemidorus, book II, chapter III, joined [Na]t[ur]a, namely garments of linen, and tribonia. For he says that in dreams to seem to wear worn linen garments and woolen ones in summer is a good thing and a sign of health; but in winter ἐπιν, [na]m [n]o[n] [n]o[n] v[er]a[n] na[tur]a. Where he aptly contrasts woolen garments with linen, and worn ones with na[tur]a, that is, new or combed. For the tribonion is contrasted with a cloak that is na[tur]or, new, combed, which has not lost its hair through wear. To this Stilpo of Megara alluded very neatly in Laertius, book II. For when he saw Crates [χειμωνος συγκεναυμένον, half-frozen by the winter cold (namely, badly covered by a thin tribonion and exposed to the winds), he said: You seem to me [χρειαν] ἐχεω ἰματίε na[tur]a[n] to need a new cloak. There is wit in the word na[tur]a[n], which, divided, gives another sense, namely, that he seemed to me to need both a cloak and sense, as if he were mad to endure such things willingly. It follows [μὴν περλωνοῦ, na[m] ἰματίε, as if he were saying, both a cloak and sense. The tribonion, then, is a worn, and almost tattered cloak, especially among the Cynics. Lucian describes it excellently in the Dialogue of the Dead, about Menippus. An old bald man πριλέων ἐχων πολύδυρον ἀπαντι ανέμω ἀναπεπτιλαρένον, [n]o[n] v[er]a[n] ἀπιταίς ἐπιπτολοις

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178 Octauij Ferrarij p[er]an[ce]s αμφιβαλεθαί. Aristophanes Pluto. ανδ' ιματίε μὲν ἐχειν p[er]an[ce]s. Et Ranis objicit Euripidi, quod Reges p[er]ανί αμπί χων in pannis, ac tribonio induxerit, quo essent miserabiliores. Quod tangit Acharnanensibus, vbi hæc mendicorum vestimenta appellat p[er]ανια, τρύχη, λαχίδας πεπλων, δυσπινὴ πεπλωματα, δπάργανα, παχώματα. Tribonium non modo pauperiorum gestamen, sed priscis temporibus vestis forensis, ac Iudicialis. Aristophanes explicatur. Cap. XV. C Eterum priscis Græciæ temporibus Tribonium communis pauperiorum habitus fuit. Apud Aristophanem in Pluto Carrio ab hera interrogatus, quomodo ea, quæ in templo Aesculapii euenerant, vidisset, cum capite inuoluto fuisset, respondet, διὰ τὴ τριθωνία, ὑπις γαρ ἐχεν ἐν ἐλιγας, per tribonium, quod plures rimas habebat. Vbi vetus Scholiastes notat pallium vetus, ac detritum ab Atticis tribonium appellari. ὑπις autem τρώγλας, id est foramina ex erosione facta. Nuperus autem fallo credit tribonium eandem esse vestem, quam Latini lacernam a laceranda dixere. Ac ne quis tantum vestem seruilem fuisse credat, paulo infra Iustus diues factus affert τὸ τριβῶνιον ad Aesculapium, vt ei illud consecret, rogaturque a seruo, num illa vestis sit, inqua initiatus fuerit: quod illæ tamdiu gestarentur, donec attritæ penitus, ac laceræ essent, ait, eam esse vestem, in qua totos tredecim annos riguerit. Nec multo post sycophanta Iustum eundem diuitem factum interrogat ποδεν δομάτων ἔληφας τοδί; ἐχδες δὲ ἐχοντε ἔδον σεγω τριβῶνιον. Vnde tibi hoc pallium. nam heri te tribonio amictum vidi? Mox idem sycophanta rigens inducitur, quod tribonio amictus sit. Idem Acharn. At neque εν τοίς τρίβωσι lateant lapides reliqui. Nec pauperes modo, sed vulgus omne Atheniensium in Tribonio. Idem Vespis: Mihi visa primum est per quietem in Pnyce pecudum sedentium frequens conventio ἔαχτηρίας ἔχοῦα, na[tur]i τριβῶνια cum scipione tribonium gerentium. Vbi Scholiastes. Erat autem pri- sce

Transcription: Translated (English)

178 Octauij Ferrarij p[er]an[ce]s αμφιβαλεθαί. Aristophanes, Plutus . ανδ' ιματίε μὲν ἐχειν p[er]an[ce]s. And in the Frogs he objects to Euripides, because he had brought in Kings p[er]ανί αμπί χων in rags, and in a tribonion, so that they might appear more miserable. This he touches on in the Acharnians , where he calls these beggars’ garments p[er]ανια, τρύχη, λαχίδας πεπλων, δυσπινὴ πεπλωματα, δπάργανα, παχώματα. A tribonion was not only the garment of the poor, but in ancient times also a court and judicial dress. Aristophanes explained. Chap. XV. But in the earliest times of Greece the tribonion was the common dress of the poor. In Aristophanes, in the Plutus , Carion, being asked by his mistress how he had seen the things that had happened in the temple of Aesculapius, when his head had been wrapped up, replies, διὰ τὴ τριθωνία, ὑπις γαρ ἐχεν ἐν ἐλιγας, “through the tribonion,” because it had many rents. The old scholiast notes that a worn and threadbare cloak was called by the Attics a tribonion. ὑπις, however, means τρώγλας, that is, holes made by wear. A recent writer wrongly thinks that the tribonion is the same garment which the Latins called a lacerna from laceranda . And lest anyone should think that it was only a servant’s garment, a little below Justus, having become rich, brings τὸ τριβῶνιον to Aesculapius, in order to dedicate it to him, and is asked by a slave whether that is the garment in which he had been initiated: because they wore such garments so long, until they were entirely worn out and torn, he says that it is the garment in which he had frozen for a full thirteen years. Not long after, a sycophant asks the same wealthy Justus, ποδεν δομάτων ἔληφας τοδί; ἐχδες δὲ ἐχοντε ἔδον σεγω τριβῶνιον. “From where did you get this cloak? for yesterday I saw you wearing a tribonion?” Soon the same sycophant is introduced shivering, because he is dressed in a tribonion. The same in the Acharnians . Nor let the remaining stones lie hidden among the τρίβωσι. Not only the poor, but the whole crowd of Athenians were in tribonions. The same in the Wasps : “There seemed to me at first in a dream a crowded assembly in the Pnyx of cattle sitting, with staves, wearing tribonions,” na[tur]i τριβῶνια with a staff carrying a tribonion. There the scholiast says. But it was ancien

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Transcription: ATR-1

De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 179 sci moris, vt honorati senes cum tribono, & scipione populum con- nocarent. Paulo infra de eo qui domi attinebatur, ne forum, ac iudicia frequentaret: Itaque custodimus hunc serrisque vin- tum claudimus, ne huc exeat. Primum ergo dictis allocutus mol- libus, suadebat un[us] φορειν τριβῶν, ne ferret tribonium. Philo- stratus lib. I I. cap. Vltimo cum Apollonio Indorum Rex au- rum in discessu, & vestes lineas dari iussisset, aurum rejecit, vestes perlibenter accepit, quod τριβων veterum Atheni- ensium limiles essent, scilicet obtenuitatem, vt diximus. Idé lib. V I I. cap. XI. Dicas namque velim, nunquid Aristides ille sit, quem cum ex Græcia venientes ad insulas dicitis nauigasse tributo- rum componendorum causa? quæ cum ille æqua ratione constituisset, ἐνοιτῶ ἐπανελθεὶν τριβων, tribonio am etus redijt. Quare successu temporum postquam pexæ vestes ac pe- regrinæ in vsum venerunt, boni illis senes grauate admodum vt tribonium deponerent animum inducebant. Eadem fa- bula prope finem suadebat patri Bdelycleon, vt tribonium exueret, & gaunacum inducerat. At senex negat se viuo ac vidente nunquam depositurum tribonium, quo se olim in prælio flante Borea inuoluerat. At filius parenti. τὸν τρίβων ἀφες. Τλωδί δὲ χλαῖναν αναλαβή τριβωνῶς. Interpres. exue decorem, istamque vestem sume commodam seni. Sequutus nem- pe veteris Scholiastæ interpretationem. τριβωνῶς. vel vi- cem, inquit, pallij tui detriti, & decotis, vel vt senem detritum decet. Neutra explicatio Aristophani conuenit. Duplex di- scrimen erat inter tribonium, et chlænam, siue gaunacum. Illud detritum, ac tenue; hoc pexum, ac villosum. Tribo- nium ita induebatur, vt pars dextra sinistro humero impo- neretur, quemadmodum supra diximus; at chlæna siue gau- nacum fibula ad ceruicem nectebatur. Natus ergo quo fa- cilius persuaderet patri vt chlænam indueret, iubet eum mo- re tribonii induere, hoc est nô fibula stringere, vt moris erat, hoc est τριβωνῶς. Ex duplici ergo causa senex recusat gau- nacum, quod esset villosum, & quod fibula necteretur. Ve- tus Schol. Gaunacum, chlæna Persica. Palamedes ait Persicum pallium ex altera parte villosum, siue genus pallij quod & Persi- da Pars II. Z 2

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book IV. 179 It was the custom, as they say, for honored old men to summon the people with the tribon and staff. A little below, speaking of one who was kept at home, so that he might not frequent the forum and the courts: “Thus we guard this man and keep him shut up with iron bars, lest he go out here.” Therefore, first addressing him with gentle words, one urged him to wear the tribon , not to carry the tribonium . Philostratus, book II, chapter last: when the King of the Indians had ordered gold and linen garments to be given to Apollonius at his departure, he rejected the gold and gladly accepted the garments, because the tribon resembled those of the ancient Athenians, namely in plainness, as we said. Likewise, book VII, chapter XI: “Tell me, I ask you, was not that Aristides whom you say sailed from Greece to the islands for the settling of tribute, which, when he had established on an equitable basis, having returned in a tribon , came back, shorn of his cloak?” Therefore, as time went on, after woven garments and foreign ones had come into use, good old men with considerable reluctance persuaded themselves to lay aside the tribonium . The same comedy, near the end, had Bdelycleon persuading his father to take off the tribon and put on a gaunacum . But the old man says that, while he lives and sees, he will never lay aside the tribon , with which he once wrapped himself in battle when Boreas was blowing. But the son says to his father, “Τὸν τρίβων ἄφες.” “Take off the worn garment, and put on this cloak fit for an old man.” Thus the interpreter, following the old Scholiast’s explanation of τριβωνῶς: either, he says, in place of your worn and shabby cloak, or as befits a worn-out old man. Neither explanation suits Aristophanes. There was a twofold difference between the tribonium and the chlaina , or gaunacum . The former was worn and thin; the latter thick and shaggy. The tribonium was put on so that its right side was placed over the left shoulder, as we said above; but the chlaina or gaunacum was fastened at the neck with a clasp. Therefore the son, in order more easily to persuade his father to wear the cloak, tells him to put it on in the manner of the tribon , that is, not to fasten it with a clasp, as was customary; that is, τριβωνῶς. So for two reasons the old man refuses the gaunacum : because it was shaggy, and because it was fastened with a clasp. Old Schol. Gaunacum: a Persian chlaina . Palamedes says it is a Persian cloak shaggy on one side, or a kind of cloak which also the Persians...

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Transcription: ATR-1

De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 181 que in Tribonio. Aelianus Variæ lib. v. cap. v. de Epaminondæ paupertate: Επαμωνδας ἐνα εἰχε τρίβωνα, καὶ αυτὸν ἀυτῶν πεῶντα. Epaminondas vnum modo Tribonium habebat, illudque sordidum. Quando vero illud ad fullonem mittebat, necesse habe- bat se domi continere, quod alterum non haberet. Idem lib. VI I. cap. XIII. narrat Agesilaum Lacedæmoniorum Regem iam senem sæpe sine calceis, & tunica prodire solitum in publi- cum, τὸν τρίβωνα περίβαλλομένον, tribonio inuolutum. idque per hiemem matutino tempore. Postquam vero pexa pallia, & recentia, tum gaunaca, & peregrinæ vestes incessere, tri- bonium penes solos pauperiores remansit. Lucianus Som- nio, siue Gallo, cum Mycillus diuitem salutasset, illico se subduxisse ait, ne forte pudori illi esset, quod ἐν ὑμιχρὴ τῶν τρίβωνι eum affectatus esset. Et Cataplo ait τὸ τρίβωνον, quod antea fidum videbatur, apud Inferos æque preciosum esse, ac ipsius Regis purpuram. Idem de amicitia, vbi nar- rat fidem Demetrij in amicum carcere detentum: καὶ δελων τὸ τρίβωνον, τὸ μεν ἐμισον αυτὸς αναβάλλεται, τὸ λοιων δὲ εκεῖνω δίδωσω. Tum dissecto Tribonio, dimidato induitur ipse, reli- quum autem ipsi donat. Tribonium non Cynicorum modo, sed Philosophorum seuerioris notæ pallium fuit. Item Sophistarum. Laertius explicatur. Cap. XVI. Postquam Tribonium penes solos pauperes remansit, se- uerioris sapientiæ cultores hoc veluti ipsius sapientiæ velamen, atque insigne arripuerunt, & coluerunt. Plutar- chus de Ilide, & Osiride: ὑπε γαρ Φιλοσόφης πωροντροφία, καὶ τρίβωνοφορίας ποιζων. Neque enim philosophorum densa barba, & tribonij gestatio facit. Valde enim falluntur, quicumque Tri- bonium solius Cynicæ sectæ gestamen fuisse tradiderunt. Nam & Socrates, & Pythagorei, Stoici item, & reliqui se- uere philosophantes hanc vestem peplis omnibus Regum, que indumentis prætulerunt. Et reliquisane philosophi præter memoratos in commu- ni

Transcription: Translated (English)

On Vestments, Part II. Book IV. 181 which was in the tribonion . Aelian, Var. Book V, ch. V, on the poverty of Epaminondas: “Epaminondas had only one tribonion , and that a shabby one.” When, therefore, he sent it to the fuller, he was forced to stay at home, because he had no other. The same author, Book VII, ch. XIII, relates that Agesilaus, King of the Lacedaemonians, when already old, was often accustomed to go out in public without shoes and without a tunic, wrapped in a tribonion ( τὸν τρίβωνα περίβαλλομένον ), and this in winter, in the morning. But after soft and new cloaks, and then gaunaca and foreign garments began to be worn, the tribonion remained only among the poorer classes. Lucian, in the Dream , or Rooster , says that when Mycillus had greeted a rich man, he immediately withdrew himself, lest perhaps it should be a shame to him that he had affected him in a tattered tribonion ( ἐν ὑμιχρὴ τῶν τρίβωνι ). And in the Cock he says that the tribonion , which before seemed worthless, is in the underworld as precious as the king’s purple itself. The same writer, On Friendship , where he relates the faithfulness of Demetrius toward a friend held in prison: “and he, splitting the tribonion , puts half on himself, and gives the other half to the man.” The tribonion was not the cloak only of the Cynics, but also of philosophers of a more severe sort, and likewise of sophists. Laertius explains it. Chapter XVI. After the tribonion remained among the poor alone, the followers of a more austere wisdom seized upon it and cherished it as though it were the very veil and emblem of philosophy. Plutarch, On Isis and Osiris : “For the nourishment of philosophy and the wearing of the tribonion is not enough.” For the thick beard of philosophers, and the wearing of the tribonion , do not make a philosopher. Indeed, they are much mistaken who have handed down that the tribonion was the garb of the Cynic sect alone. For both Socrates and the Pythagoreans, as well as the Stoics and the rest of the severe philosophers, preferred this garment to all the robes and ornaments of kings. And the rest of the philosophers, besides those mentioned, in common

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188 Octaviij Ferrarij dies, partim ex albo vestium vsu, ac sordibus in pullum de generans. Basilius Orationum Gregorij Nazianzeni Interpres supra adductus: τρίθωνες υεριβλημαία Τωα. Τῶν μὴν ἐπιθροι τε καὶ φονικοὶ. Φανί δὲ τῶν Φιλοσόφων, Tribones pallia quædam, Rhetorum purpurea, Philosophorum fusca. Videtur tamen Lucianus alios etia colores Tribonio ad- scribere: nam de mercede conductis, ait, illi, qui se in fami- liam diuitum adscribi optet, vestitum etiam supra faculta- tes apparandum, ac colorem deligendum, quo herus potis- simum gaudeat, ne illius oculi offendantur. Ille porro, quê ab eius vitæ instituto dehortatur, philosophus erat, eam ar- tem in illa familia mercede locaturus. Subjicit enim non multo post: Cum in tanta Romanorum turba μόνος Ἐνιλωνῶν των πλῶς υερίβελησας, quia pallio Græcanico decenter amictus es. Quis autem in Tribonio, id est veste detrita, ac lacera colo- rum varietatem quæsitam credat, cum id præterea sectæ grauitatem dedeceret? Verisimile igitur est, ad augendam rei inuidiam in vniuersum de omnibus locutum esse Lucianum, qui sese aulæ seruitio manciparent, ac diuitibus eru- ditam operam addicerent, ijs scilicet eos in vestitu colo- res quærendos, qui heris maxime placerent. Nam ad captandam ingenij famam stulti diuites omne genus do- ctorum familiæ aggregabant, Poetas, Rhetores, Geome- tras, Græculos ferè, quos credibile est exceptis philosophis in pallio quidem, nam hoc eorum insigne, traductos, eo tamen colore, qui esset reliquæ familiæ peculiaris; fortasse etiam philosophos ipsos, ne fusco, pulloque tribonio heri oculos læderent, ac veluti familiam funestarent, coactos esse, quæ pars seruitutis erat, pallio eos colores adsciscere, quis reliquus seruientium grex enitesceret. Nam apud ve- teres variis vestium coloribus ad genium heri, & Circi studia, familiam excultam fuisse, quam nunc colorum synthesim Liuream appellant, vel vnus Petronius docuerit, apud quem in

Transcription: Translated (English)

188 Octavius Ferrarius says, partly from the white of garments by use and from dirt turning into a brown color. Basil, interpreter of Gregory Nazianzen's Orations, cited above: τρίθωνες υεριβλημαία Τωα. Τῶν μὴν ἐπιθροι τε καὶ φονικοὶ. Φανὶ δὲ τῶν Φιλοσόφων, Tribones, certain cloaks; among rhetoricians purple, among philosophers dark brown. Yet Lucian seems to ascribe other colors also to the Tribonium: for in the passage on those hired for wages, he says that the man who wishes to be enrolled in the household of the rich ought to have clothing prepared even beyond his means, and a color chosen in which the master might especially take pleasure, lest his eyes be offended. He, moreover, who dissuades him from the practice of that way of life was a philosopher, about to hire out that art in that household for pay. For he adds not long after: "Among so great a crowd of Romans, alone in a Greek cloak, since you are decently wrapped in a Greek pallium." But who would believe that in the Tribonium, that is, in worn and torn clothing, a variety of colors was sought, since this would moreover detract from the gravity of the sect? It is therefore probable that Lucian was speaking in general of all those who committed themselves to court service and devoted learned labor to the rich, namely that, in their dress, they should seek those colors which would be most pleasing to their masters. For in order to catch the reputation of learning, foolish rich men attached to their household every sort of learned men—poets, rhetoricians, geometers, mostly Greeks—whom it is credible were brought in, except for the philosophers, in the pallium, since that was their badge, yet in a color that was peculiar to the rest of the household; perhaps even the philosophers themselves, lest in a dark, black tribonium they offend their masters' eyes and, as it were, bring ruin upon the household, were compelled, as part of their servitude, to adopt those colors in their pallium by which the rest of the servant crowd might shine forth. For among the ancients, households were adorned with various colors of dress to suit the master's taste and the pursuits of the Circus, what is now called a livery, as even Petronius alone would have shown, in whom in

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 189 in Trimalcionis familia. In aditu ipso stabat ostiarius prasinatus, cerasino succinctus cingulo, atque in lance argentea pisum purgabat. Qui color apud Trimalcionem in pretio. Nam paulo ante inducitur pila prasina ludens. Ita enim ibi legendum in Electis docemus: hactenus in illa pila sparsua explicanda infeliciter Criticiluserunt. Christianorum Ascetarum Tribonium. Quando Tertullianus librum de pallio ediderit. Tribonium fuscum. Cap. XVIII. Christianos vulgo communi, ac ciuili vestitu vsos satis constat. Tertullianus Apologetico: Quo pacto homines vobiscum degentes, eiusdem victus, habitus, instructus. Et Cyprianus de bono patientiæ: Nos autem fratres, qui philosophi non verbis sumus, sed factis, nec vestitu sapientiam, sed veritate præferimus. Sicut autem apud Ethnicos seuerius philosophantes tribonium adamarunt, ita Christiani, qui se sanctiori, atque austeriori disciplinæ tradebant, eandem vestis vilitatem, & squalorem assumebant. Lucianus Philopatro: Alius cui nomen Ehleuocharmus, τριβῶνιον ἐχων πολύσαθρον ἀννποδηλός τε μαί αεσκηπτος, tribonium habens admodum putre, sine calceis, & capitis integumento. Paulo post: Vt demonstrauit, mihi τίς παχοέμων, male vestitus, quidam qui ex montibus aduenerat detonsacoma. Vbi monachus, siue anachoreta describitur. Nam ex Christianis, qui durum ac seuerum vitæ genus sequerentur communi habito relict[us], togis scilicet, lacernis, pænulis, pallium lacerum, ac fuscum sumpsisse aliis adnotatum est. quod cum Tertullianus fecisset, popularium reprehensionem incurrit, quæ res ipsum impulit, vt edito libro sibi patrocinaretur. Ad quem tam multa Interpretes disputarunt. Alii enim Tertullianum a toga ad pallium tran- sisse existimant, cum est factus Christianus, idq[ue] omnes vulgo Christinomen professos fecisse. Hieronymus ad Furiam: Vbicumque viderint Christianum, statim illud de triuio: ὑγρακνος ἐπιδέτης, Græcus Impostor. Ipse Tertullianus: Cum hanc pri- mum

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Lib. IV. 189 in the household of Trimalchio. At the very entrance stood a doorkeeper dressed in green, girded with a crimson belt, and he was cleaning a pea in a silver dish. That color was prized by Trimalchio. For shortly before, a green ball is introduced as playing. Thus indeed it should be read there in the Electa: hitherto, in explaining that scattered ball, the Critici have argued unhappily. The Tribonium of Christian Ascetics. When Tertullian published the book On the Pallium. The dark Tribonium. Chap. XVIII. It is sufficiently certain that Christians in general used common and civil dress. Tertullian in the Apologeticum: “By what course do men living with you, of the same food, habit, and equipment...” And Cyprian, On the Good of Patience: “But we, brothers, who are philosophers not in words but in deeds, and who prefer wisdom not in dress but in truth.” And just as, among the pagans, those who philosophized more austerely took delight in the tribonium, so Christians, who devoted themselves to a holier and more austere discipline, assumed the same shabbiness and roughness of clothing. Lucian, Philopatrus: “Another, whose name was Ehleuocharmus, wearing a very worn tribonium, without shoes and without a covering for the head.” Shortly afterward: “As he showed me, a certain badly dressed man, who had come from the mountains, with his hair cut short...” Where a monk, or hermit, is described. For it is noted that some Christians, following a harsh and severe manner of life, leaving aside ordinary attire, namely togas, cloaks, and penulas, took up a torn and dark pallium. When Tertullian did this, he incurred the reproach of his countrymen, which prompted him to defend himself by publishing a book. Concerning this, commentators have disputed at great length. Some indeed think that Tertullian passed from the toga to the pallium when he became a Christian, and that all who openly professed the Christian name did the same. Jerome, to Furia: “Whenever they see a Christian, immediately that saying from the crossroads: ὑγρακνος ἐπιδέτης, Greek impostor.” Tertullian himself: “When this first...”

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190 Octauij Ferrarij num sapientiam vestit, quæ vanissimis superstitionibus renuit. Et in fine libri: Gaude pallium, ex quo Christianum vestire coepisti. Quod verisimile videtur primis illis Ecclesiæ temporibus, qui Christo nomen darent, ipso etiam habitu cultuq[ue] Christum, & Apostolos imitari voluisse, quos palliatos Hebræorum more fuisse constat. Contra alij, non cum Christianus, sed cum Sacerdos factus est, habitu mutauisse censent. Quod scilicet librum de pallio multo post editum Apologeticum conscripserit, quem ab eo vulgatum, cum Christianus esset, non est dubitandum. Induisse autem pallium, cum est factus Sacerdos, ex verbis ipsius colligunt de pallio: Enim uero cum hanc primum sapientiam vestit, quæ uanissimis superstitionibus renuit, tunc certissime pallium super omnes exuuias, & peplos augusta uestis, superque omnes apices, & tutulos sacerdos suggestus. Ita enim corrigunt, pro eo quod est in editis sacer suggestus. Sed si pallium non nisi sacerdotum erat, soli sacerdotes cum pallium sumerent, vanissimis superstitionibus renuciabant. Reliqui ergo Christiani ante pallium in ijsdem permanebant. Quod indicat, verba illa de Christianis omnibus, non solu[m] de sacerdotibus accipienda. In qua tamen sententia veluti fluctuant: modo enim pallium sacerdotum fuisse aiunt, omniumque Episcoporum, & Clericorum, ac postea Monachorum: modo non omnium sacerdotum, sed eorum tantum, qui , & vitæ genus asperius profiterentur: modo eorum tantum, qui ascetæ essent, licet non sacerdotes. Quæ cum ita sint, nondum plane compertum erit, quandonam hanc defensionem ediderit Tertullianus. Non quando Christianus factus est, non enim omnes in pallio: non quando sacerdos, non enim omnes palliati: multos quippe ex laicis aiunt propter , hac veste philosophica vsos, & ex presbyteris, eos solos, qui asceticam profiterentur. Rectius ergo, ad pallium transiisse Tertullianum, cum primum , & strictiorem disciplinam profiteri coepit, siue ante sacerdos esset, siue tum primo factus austerius vitæ genus iniit. Id fuse docuerat Baronius ad Annum citie. VII. contra Pamelium disputans: vbi non vno argumento ostendit

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190 Octauij Ferrarij dresses wisdom, which rejects most vain superstitions. And at the end of the book: Rejoice, pallium, by which you began to clothe a Christian. This seems probable in those earliest times of the Church, that those who gave their name to Christ also wished, even in dress and attire, to imitate Christ and the Apostles, whom it is certain were clothed in pallia after the Hebrew manner. On the other hand, others judge that he changed his habit not when he became a Christian, but when he became a priest. For it is certain that he composed the book De Pallio much later than the Apologeticum, which, since it was published by him when he was a Christian, is not to be doubted. But that he put on the pallium when he became a priest, they infer from his own words in De Pallio: “For truly when this wisdom first clothes him, which rejects the most vain superstitions, then most certainly the pallium, above all garments and peplos, the august vestment, and above all apices and tutuli, the priest is set up.” Thus they correct it, in place of what is in the printed editions, “sacer suggestus.” But if the pallium was not for priests alone, since only priests when they took the pallium were rejecting the most vain superstitions, the rest of the Christians before the pallium remained in the same state. This shows that those words must be taken of all Christians, not only of priests. Yet in that opinion they fluctuate, for at one time they say the pallium was that of priests, and of all bishops and clerics, and afterwards of monks; at another time, not of all priests, but only of those who professed a rougher manner of life; at another, only of those who were ascetics, even if not priests. Since these things are so, it will not yet be fully established when Tertullian published this defense. Not when he became a Christian, for not all were in the pallium; not when he became a priest, for not all were pallium-wearers; indeed many among the laity they say used this philosophical garment for that reason, and among the presbyters, only those who professed the ascetic life. It is more correct, therefore, to say that Tertullian passed over to the pallium when first he began to profess a stricter discipline, whether he was already a priest, or then for the first time became one and adopted a more austere manner of life. Baronius had taught this at length to the year cited VII. while disputing against Pamelius: where he shows by more than one argument

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 191 dit, non fuisse pallium omnium Christianorum, sed eoru[m] tantum, qui arctioris vitæ studijs se mancipassent, & sublimiorem viuendi normam amplexi eminentioris philosophiæ se esse cultores profiterentur: & ideo Christianæ Philosophiæ, atque arctioris vitæ pallium insigne fuisse. Christianos enim eodem habitu, quo Gentiles vsos esse, ex Tertulliani ipsius & Cypriani locis supra adductis ostendit. Ascetas vero, & strictiorem disciplinam professos pallium induisse docet ex Eusebio lib. VI. cap. XIX. de Heraclapresbytero: Propterea non modo vulgari veste, & communi, qua antea usus fuisset exuta, philosophi habitum cultumque, quæ adhuc retinet, sibi assumpsit: verum etiam libros gentilium euoluere non desistit. Idem Eusebius lib. VIII. cap. XXI. laudat Porphyrium Christianum adolescentem, quod habitum philosophicum gestaret. Et reliqua, quæ nuperi suppresso Baronii nomine transcriperunt. Soliero Christiani ascetæ in Tribonio, qui quoniam philosophorum habitus, eadem in illos atque in hos conuicia expetebant. Et quoniam plurimi erant, qui sola barba, ac pallio philosophiam mentiebantur, reliqua impostores, ac sycophantæ, tales & Christiani sub eadem schema putabantur, vt ad Tertullianum Rhenanus adnotauit: & ideo quoties in publico apparuissent, statim illud de triuo, vt diximus, Græcus Impostor. Neque tamen omnes Christiani: nam cum subolescente in immensum multitudine Christiani, vt loquitur Tertullianus, vrbes, insulas, castella, municipia, conciliabula, castra ipsa, tribus, decurias, palatium, senatum, forum impleuissent, si omnes in tribonio, quomodo notari, & peregrini cultus insimulari potuissent, qui vbique occurrerent, & spectarentur? Cum igitur ait Hieronymus: Vbicumque viderint Christianum, statim illud de triuo Græcus Impostor, de asceta, & strictiorem disciplinam professo intelligendum est. Ita cum Tertullianus ait, pallio Christianum, & sapientiam, quæ superstitioni renuit vestire, de hac seueriori sapientia, ac vitæ genere duriore capiendus est. Bulengerus lib. V. de veste Pontificia cap. V. ideo impostores Christianos

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book IV. 191 says that it was not the cloak of all Christians, but only of those who had devoted themselves to the pursuits of a stricter life, and who, embracing a more exalted rule of living, professed themselves to be followers of a more elevated philosophy; and therefore that it was the emblem of Christian Philosophy and of a stricter way of life. For he shows from the passages of Tertullian himself and Cyprian cited above that Christians used the same dress as the Gentiles. But he teaches that the ascetics, and those professing a stricter discipline, wore the cloak from Eusebius, book VI, chapter XIX, concerning the presbyter Heraclas: “Therefore, having laid aside not only the ordinary and common garment which he had formerly used, he assumed for himself the garb and dress of a philosopher, which he still retains; moreover he does not cease to peruse the books of the Gentiles.” The same Eusebius, book VIII, chapter XXI, praises Porphyrius, a Christian youth, because he wore the philosopher’s dress. And the rest, which recently they transcribed while suppressing Baronius’s name. Soliero: Christian ascetics in Tribonius, who, because of the philosophers’ dress, directed the same insults against them as against these. And since there were very many who pretended to philosophy by nothing but a beard and a cloak, the rest were impostors and sycophants; such too, under the same appearance, were thought to be Christians, as Rhenanus noted on Tertullian; and therefore whenever they appeared in public, they were immediately given that common street cry, as we said, “Greek impostor.” Yet not all Christians were so: for when the Christians, as Tertullian says, growing to an immense multitude, had filled cities, islands, fortresses, municipalities, assemblies, the camps themselves, tribes, decuries, the palace, the senate, and the forum, if all had been in the tribonion, how could they have been noticed and accused of foreign dress, when they were encountered and seen everywhere? Since therefore Jerome says, “Wherever they see a Christian, immediately the street cry, Greek impostor,” this must be understood of the ascetic and of him who professes a stricter discipline. Thus, when Tertullian says that the cloak is Christian, and that wisdom, which refuses to clothe superstition, he must be understood of this more severe wisdom and harsher way of life. Bulengerus, book V, On Pontifical Dress, chapter V, therefore the Christian impostors

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192 Octauij Ferrarij nos per scommatis lasciuiam dictos esse censet; quod pallium tunicæ imponerent. Quod si verum est, & olim, & nunc, qui pallium gestant, magni impostores sunt. Sed quis vel puer ignorat, postquam Philosophiæ maiestas per planos, ac nebulones violata est, sycophantias, & imposturas plerumque sub pallio latuisse, vt quod olim frugalitatis, & continentiæ index erat, sceleratorum fraude, omnis nequitiae, atque impudentiæ velamen esse coeperit, & ideo impostores creditos, quicunque eo habitu imponerent, ac credulos mortales fallerent. Eiusdem habitus præiudicio tales crediti Christiani asce- tæ, & sicubi apparuissent conuiciis proscissi. Hieronymus ad Marcellam: Nos quia serica veste non vtimur, Monachi iudicamur: quia ebrij non sumus, nec cachinnis ora dissoluimus, continentes uocamur: situnica non canduerit, statim illud e triuio, Impostor, & Græcus est. Quod ait si tunica non canduerit, declarat communis habitus colorem album fuisse, vt diximus. Neq[ue] in eo viris doctissimis assentiri possumus, qui Christianos religionis attentiores tribonium gestasse Apostolorum imitatione tradiderunt. Christum quidem Dominum, & sectatores more gentis palliatos fuisse credimus: id pallium fuisse tribonium, credere non possumus. Cum tam Christum, quam Apostolos communi vulgarique habitu vsos certu[m] sit. Quod si Christus Dominus in tribonio incessisset, frustra milites super pannucea, ne centonibus quidem bonis digna, sortem misissent. Sed de Hebræorum vestitu alias disputabimus. Neque in hoc Cynicis Apostolos similes fuisse, quod vnam tantum tunicam gestarent, ostendemus, cum nec tunicam, nec interulam gestasse Cynicos demonstrabimus. Ceterum non diu apud Christianos durasse hanc tribonophoriam, inde apparet, quod cum aliqui, sicut quidam philosophi sapientiam in tribonio positam credebant, solos veros Christianos existimarent, qui hoc pallium circumferrent, ac præcipue Constantini ætare Eustatius Sebastenorum Episcopus, contederet Episcopos omnes, ac Presbyteros

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192 Octauij Ferrarij he judges that we are called so by jokes; because they put the pallium over the tunic. If this is true, then both in former times and now those who wear the pallium are great impostors. But who, even a child, is ignorant that, after the majesty of Philosophy was violated by low fellows and rascals, false pretenses and impostures were for the most part hidden under the pallium, so that what once was a sign of frugality and continence began, through the fraud of criminals, to be a covering for every wickedness and shamelessness; and therefore all who deceived credulous mortals in that dress were believed to be impostors. By prejudice arising from the same habit, such men were thought to be Christian ascetics, and wherever they appeared they were attacked with abuse. Jerome to Marcella: Because we do not use silk clothing, we are judged to be monks; because we are not drunken, and do not loosen our faces with laughter, we are called continent; if our tunic has not become white, at once that word from the crossroads, Impostor, and Greek. What he says, if the tunic has not become white, shows that the color of the common garment was white, as we have said. Nor can we agree with those very learned men who have handed down that Christians, more attentive to religion, wore the tribonium in imitation of the Apostles. Indeed we believe that Christ our Lord and his followers wore the pallium in the manner of the nation: but we cannot believe that this pallium was the tribonium. Since it is certain that both Christ and the Apostles used the common and ordinary dress. And if Christ the Lord had gone about in a tribonium, the soldiers would have cast lots over a rag not even worthy of good patchwork-cloths. But we shall discuss the dress of the Hebrews elsewhere. Nor in this matter shall we show the Apostles to have been like the Cynics, because they wore only one tunic, since we shall show that the Cynics wore neither a tunic nor an undergarment. Besides, that this tribonophoria did not last long among Christians appears from the fact that, although some philosophers thought wisdom to consist in the tribonium, they considered to be the only true Christians those who carried this pallium about, and especially in the age of Constantine Eustatius, Bishop of the Sebasteni, contended that all bishops and presbyters

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 193 teros ad vetus Tribonii gestamen reuocare, eosque qui non gestarent damnaret, in Synodo Gangrensi Canone XII. aduersus hanc opinionem in hæc verba sancitum est: Si quis virorum propter ασκνολευ όμιλοιευλευ pallio vtitur, & despicit eos, qui cum reuerentia byrris, & alijs communibus vestimentis vtuntur, anathema sit. Vbi Vetus Interpres δτὰ ασκνολευ όμιλοιευλευ ver- tit continentiam, quæ putatur, cum sit, propter seueriorem, vt credebatur uitæ normam, & strictiorem disciplinam. Immo & mu- lieres ascetrias Tribonium gestasse, vt Cratetis vxor Hip- parchia, apparet ex sequenti Canone. Si quæ mulier propter ασκνολευ habitum mutat, & pro solito muliebri amictu uirilem sumit, anathema sit. Nam per virilem habitum intelligi pal- lium contra sententiam Balsamonis recte doctiviri statue- runt. Ceterum dicto Canone non tam sublatus est vsus pallij ab ascetis, quam ij notati, qui in illo positam τω δηασκνούλευ credebant, & eos, qui pallium non gestarent, contemne- bant. Certe Episcoporum vestitus ferme erat fuscus, qui tribonij color. Baronius ad annum CDVII. narrat ex eius actis D. Ioanne Chrysostomum, cum morti proximus esset, exuisse vestimenta, atque alba sumpsisse. Mutata dein ea Episcopalis cultus simplicitas, & primo quidem varij, ac flori di vestium colores sacris adhibiti, mox non ita probi etiam extra sacra vsurpati. (Et adhiberi sacrorum maie- statis intereat.) Ammianus Marcellinus lib. XXVI I. vesti- tus vilitatem in Episcopis provincialibus commendat. Qui esse poterant (loquitur de Episcopis Vrbis) beati reuera, si ma- gnitudine Vrbis despecta, quam uitijs opponunt, ad imitationem Antistitum quorundam provincialium uiuerent: quos tenuitas eden- di petandique parcissime, uilitas etiam indumentorum, & superci- lia humum spectantia, perpetuo Numinis, uerisque eius cultori- bus, ut puros commendant, & uerecundos. Diu tamen penes ascetas, & monachos pallium fuscum, nigrumque reman- sit. Eunapius in Aedesio, cum monachos in Serapidis a Co- stantino diruti locum inductos, indignatur, subijcit: quicun- que ea tempestate μελαυαν ορφων εδυτα, nigram vestem gestasset; B b eum Pars II.

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On Dress, Part II. Book IV. 193 to bring back the old Tribonian garb, and to condemn those who did not wear it, in the Synod of Gangra, Canon XII, against this opinion it was decreed in these words: If any man wears a pallium because of ascetic practice and despises those who wear byrri and other common garments with reverence, let him be anathema. Here the Old Interpreter translates διὰ ασκνολευ όμιλοιευλευ as continence, which is thought to refer to a stricter rule of life and a more severe discipline. Indeed, even women ascetics wore the Tribonian garb, as Crates’s wife Hipparchia, appears from the following Canon: If any woman changes her dress because of ascetic habit, and instead of the customary female attire takes up male dress, let her be anathema. For by male dress the pallium is rightly understood, against the opinion of Balsamon, as the learned man decided. Moreover, by the said Canon the use of the pallium was not so much abolished among the ascetics as were singled out those who believed that continence consisted in it, and who despised those who did not wear the pallium. Certainly the dress of bishops was for the most part dark, which was the color of the tribonium. Baronius, on the year AD 407, relates from the acts of St. John Chrysostom that, when he was near death, he took off his garments and put on white ones. Then the simplicity of episcopal dress was changed, and first various and even flowered colors of clothing were employed in sacred rites, and soon also used outside them, not without harm to the majesty of the sacred services. Ammianus Marcellinus, Book XXVII, praises the plainness of dress in provincial bishops. “Who could truly be blessed,” he says of the bishops of the City, “if, despising the greatness of the City, which they oppose to vice, they were to live in imitation of certain provincial bishops: men whose extreme moderation in eating and drinking, the simplicity even of their garments, and their brows, looking to the ground, commend them continually to God and to His true worshippers as pure and modest men.” Yet for a long time the dark, black pallium remained among ascetics and monks. Eunapius, in his Life of Aedesius, when he indignantly mentions the monks introduced into the place of Serapis destroyed by Constantine, adds: whoever at that time wore a black garment; Bb he Part II.

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194 Octauij Ferrarij cum illico tyrannicam auctoritatem obtinuisse. Idem Maximo: Quando Alaricus cum barbaris per Thermopylarum fauces perua- sit: eas Græciæ angustias illi prodidit, [n]o[n] [tau]ων [tau]α Φιια ἰυατια ἐχούντων αχώλυτος ωροσπαρεισελ δόντων ασεβεια, impia natio fusca pallia gestantium, qui nullo prohibente simul cum eo irruperunt. Syne- sius Ep. cXLVI. ad Ioannem, qui asceticum habitum sumpse- rat: [n]ai [φαν]ον ωριβων αμπεχεδαι σε [φασ]α. Tribonium Cynicum. Modus illud gestandi. Pallium δπλωσαε. Duplex pannus. Cap. XIX. Tribonium commune philosophantium tegmen fuisse diximus. Illud tamen Cynicam sectam profitentium peculiare gestamen fuisse apparet, inquo illi delitias face- rent, præcipuè si attritum maxime, & lacerum esset. Quo habitu sese Herculem Cynicæ sectæ auctorem, vt ait Au- sonius Epigrāmate xxvi. & Lucianus Cynico, imitari glo- riabantur, quem reliqua nudum, sola leonina amictum ve- teres induxerunt. Sed diuersus fuit a ceteris philosophis Cynicorum Tribonium gestandi modus. Nam cum illi ita tribonium gestarent, vt ceteri mortales commune pallium, extrema scilicet parte pallii dextra in humerum læuum im- posita, vt manus sola extaret: Cynici totam tribonii partem dexteram ita in sinistrum humerum conjiciebant, vt cum to- to brachio dexter humerus nudus exereretur, & pars etiam pectoris renudaretur. Hoc illi idcirco agebant, quia, vt do- ctis pridem obseruatum est, sine tunica incedebant, prorsus- que αχιτωνες erant, Iuuenalis. Et qui nec Cynicos, nec Stoica dogmata legit A Cynicis tunica distantia. Non quod Stoici simplici pallio vterentur, Cynici dupli- ci, vt vult Interpres: sed quod hi sine tunica essent, quam illi gestabat, in doctrina conuenirent. Extat Oratio Dionis Chrysostomi ωερὶ σχημαλος, in qua accurate causam quæ- rit, cur, cum homines in sola tunica conspicerentur, nemo eos notaret, aut irrideret: quod si aliquem αχιτωνα εν ἰμα- τικο

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194 Octauius Ferrarius having immediately obtained tyrannical authority. The same to Maximus: When Alaric with the barbarians broke through the passes of Thermopylae: he was betrayed into those narrow defiles of Greece by [those] having no [garments], by an impious nation of men wearing dark cloaks, who, with no one preventing them, rushed in together with him. Synesius, Ep. cXLVI, to Ioannes, who had taken up the ascetic habit: [Greek text]. The Tribonium of the Cynic. The manner of wearing it. A cloak διπλωσαε. A double garment. Chapter XIX. We have said that the Tribonium was the common covering of philosophers. Yet it appears that it was a distinctive garment of those professing the Cynic sect, in which they took pleasure, especially if it were much worn and torn. In this dress they gloried in imitating Hercules, the founder of the Cynic sect, as Ausonius says in Epigram xxvi, and Lucian in the Cynic, whom the ancients represented as naked except for the lion skin alone. But the manner of wearing the Tribonium was different among the Cynics from that of the other philosophers. For whereas the others wore the tribonium as other mortals wore the common cloak, namely with the outer part of the cloak laid over the left shoulder from the right side, so that only the hand would be visible, the Cynics threw the whole right side of the tribonium over the left shoulder in such a way that the right shoulder was exposed with the whole arm, and even part of the chest was laid bare. They did this for this reason, because, as has long been observed by learned men, they went about without a tunic and were wholly αχιτωνες, Juvenal: And he who has read neither the Cynics nor the Stoic doctrines, finds the Cynics different from the tunic. Not because the Stoics used a simple cloak and the Cynics a double one, as the interpreter says, but because the latter were without a tunic, which the former wore, and in this they agreed in doctrine. There survives the Oration of Dio Chrysostom περὶ σχημαλος, in which he carefully asks why, when men were seen in nothing but a tunic, no one would notice or laugh at them; but if someone [Greek text]

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196 Octauij Ferrarij corpus nudaretur: nam commune pallium non ita vtrinque rejici solitum ostendimus: sed cum ita gestaretur, vt dextra eius pars extrema sinistro humero imponeretur, eue niebat vt in actu, in incessu, aliisque de causis interdum ea pars laberetur, & tunica appareret. Cynici dextru[m] cum humero brachium exerentes totam pallii partem dex- tram in sinistro humero injiciebant, vt retro ad pedes cade- ret, atque ita totum corpus inuolueret, & constringeret, vt nisi detraheretur dilabi non posset. Quod duplicare pallium dixerunt, quemadmodum fuse ad Tertullianum viri docti demonstrarunt. Primum huius habitus auctores fuisse Antisthenem docet Laertius. Diogeni enim tunicam petenti iussisse . Vbi contrario sensu pallium explicare Interpres vertit. Nam est complicare, siue duplicare. Idem enim paulo infra de eodem: . Primus Tribonium duplicauit, atque eo solo vte- batur. Ideo duplicauit, quia sine tunica id solum gestabat. Ex aliorum tamen sententia Diogenes eius moris auctorem facit Laertius: . Primus pallium duplicans ob necessitatem, & vt in eo cubaret. . non est ob necessariu[m] vsum, vt credit Interpres, sed ob necessitatem. Nam cum tunica careret, necesse habuit tunicæ vicem se pallio inuoluere. Al- tera causa duplicandi pallii fuit, vt in eo dormirent. Nam cum Cynici humi cubarent, sine culcita, ac stragulis, ea ve- luti nimias delitias respuentes, eodem pallio inuoluti som- num capiebant, quod gerebant interdiu. Et ideo lepide Martialis abollam Cynici vxorem grabbati vocat: non vt ait Raderus, quod abolia Cynici vxor esset. Apage talem vx- orem, sed abolla grabbati vxor dicitur, quod grabbato pro stragulis iniecta, veluticum eo dormiret. Nam Cynicos tribonio incubantes dormire solitos docet eiusdem Dioge- nis dictum, qui cuidam obiectanti, quod aurum pallio oc- cultaret: ita sane, inquit, propter hoc illi dormiens incubo. Hoc eodem cultu Xeniadis liberos, quos in disciplinam accepe- rat

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196 Octauij Ferrarij the body was not to be exposed; for we have shown that the common pallium was not usually thrown off on both sides in this way. But when it was worn so that its outer end on the right side was placed over the left shoulder, it happened that, in action, in walking, and for other reasons, that part would sometimes slip, and the tunic would appear. The Cynics, extending the right arm with the shoulder, would throw the whole right part of the pallium over the left shoulder, so that it fell back toward the feet and thus wrapped and bound the whole body, so that unless it were pulled down it could not slip off. This is what they said was “doubling the pallium,” as learned men have shown at length on Tertullian. Laertius shows that Antisthenes was the first author of this manner of dress. For when Diogenes asked for a tunic, he ordered him . The translator renders this as “to unfold the pallium” in the opposite sense. For it is to fold together, or to double. For a little further on of the same man: . The first to double the tribonion, and he used that alone. He doubled it because he wore that alone without a tunic. Nevertheless, according to the opinion of others, Laertius makes Diogenes the originator of this custom: . The first, doubling the pallium out of necessity, and so as to lie in it. . It was not for necessary use, as the Translator thinks, but out of necessity. For since he lacked a tunic, he was forced to wrap himself in the pallium in place of a tunic. Another reason for doubling the pallium was so that they might sleep in it. For since the Cynics lay on the ground, without mattress or coverings, rejecting such things as excessive luxuries, they took their rest wrapped in the same pallium they wore by day. And therefore Martial very cleverly calls the Cynic’s abolla the wife of the pallet-bed; not, as Raderus says, because the Cynic’s wife was an abolla. Away with such a wife; rather, the abolla is called the wife of the pallet-bed because, thrown over the pallet-bed in place of coverings, it was as though one slept with it. For that the Cynics used to sleep lying on the tribonion is shown by a saying of the same Diogenes, who, when someone objected that he hid gold in his pallium, replied: yes indeed, I sleep with it for that very reason. With this same dress, the children of Xeniades, whom he had taken into instruction

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 197 rat, a Diogene productos tradit Laertius, ad cutem tonsos, incomptos, αχίτωνας, καὶ ανυποδήτες, sinetunica, discalceatos, & propterea duplicato pallio inuolutos. Illud tamen quod de Antisthene subjicit Laertius perobscurum est: Πρῶτον δὲ καὶ Νεᾶν Ἐνη ον απλῶσαι Θοιμάτιον. Pri- mum etiam explicasse pallium tradit Neanthes. Aliquific inter- pretantur: cum pallium commune vtrinque a latere rejice- retur, veluti duplicatum fuisse; Antisthenem autem illud explicasse, cum in humerum conjiceretur. Sed hoc supra re- futauimus. Itaque verisimile est, quod iisdem suspicantur, corruptum esse Laertii locum, & pro απλῶσαι legendum δηπλῶσαι, id est duplicasse. Nam licet supra dixerit eum pri- mum pallium δηπλῶσαι, duplicasse, vt tradit Diocles, hic idem a Neanthe scriptum esse subjicit. Nisi απλῶσαι est vni- co pallio contentum esse. Ab hac pallii duplicatione Diogenes δηπλοειματος a vetere poeta appellatur, duplici pallio tectus. Et pallium ipsum δηπλοῖς. Antipater de Diogene: Cui vna pera, μία δηπλνίς, baculus vnis. Et infra: Baculus, & pera, καὶ δηπλόν ἐμα. Dio- genis vitæ onus lenissimum. Alibi. ὑπωόκοντι ὑἰνω πεπαλαγμέ- νον ἐδῶς δηπλάσιον. Obscæno luto conspersa vestis duplex. Quan- quam inter δηπλῶν, & δηπλάσιον discrimen ponat Ammonius: illud de pallio duplicato vsurpari, hoc nequaquam. quod ex poetæ verbis adductis falsum esse apparet. Latini pannum, & duplicem pânum Cynici pallium voca- runt. Horatius lib. 1. Epist. xv 1. de Diogene: Quem duplici panno patientia velat. Acron. Laudat Aristippum ex sententia Platonis, qui cum in- uenisset illum naufragio, panno duplici inuolutum, id est diploide, laudauit eum dicens: Omnis Aristippum decuit color, & status, & res. Legendum est. Naufragio facto, vel, e naufragio. Vn- de autem hoc de Aristippi naufragio acceperit Acron non mihi constat. Dictum quidem Platonis siue Stratonis re- fert Laertius: soli Aristippo datum καὶ χλαμίδα φορεῖν, καὶ ἑά- νος, chlamidem ferre, & pannum. Cum scilicet tres mere- trices a Dionysio acceptas, vsque ad vestibulum deduxit, dimi;

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On the Garment, Part II. Book IV. 197 Laertius says that the followers of Diogenes were shaved close to the skin, unkempt, without tunics, barefoot, and therefore wrapped in a double cloak. But what Laertius adds about Antisthenes is very obscure: “First also Neanthes says that he aplasai his cloak.” Neanthes reports that he also “explained” the cloak. Some interpret this as meaning that, when the common cloak was thrown back from both sides, it was as if it had been doubled; but that Antisthenes “explained” it when it was thrown over the shoulder. But we have refuted this above. So it is likely, as they suspect, that the passage of Laertius is corrupt, and that for aplôsai we should read diplôsai , that is, “to double.” For although above he said that Diocles reported that he first diplôsai the cloak, that is, doubled it, here he adds that the same thing was written by Neanthes. Unless aplôsai means to be content with a single cloak. From this doubling of the cloak Diogenes is called diploïmatos by an ancient poet, covered with a double cloak. And the cloak itself is called diplois . Antipater on Diogenes: “To whom one pouch, one diplys , one staff.” And below: “Staff and pouch, and a diploon .” The burden of Diogenes’ life, very light. Elsewhere: “A garment double with filthy mud.” Although Ammonius makes a distinction between diploûn and diploasion : the former used of a doubled cloak, the latter not at all; this appears false from the cited words of the poet. The Latins called the Cynic cloak a pannus , and a double pannus . Horace, Book I, Epistle 15, on Diogenes: “Whom patience covers with a double cloth.” Acron praises Aristippus on the authority of Plato, who, when he found him after a shipwreck, wrapped in a double cloth, that is, in a diplōis , praised him, saying: “Every color, every condition, and every circumstance suited Aristippus.” It should be read: “After a shipwreck had taken place,” or “from a shipwreck.” But how Acron got this story of Aristippus’ shipwreck I do not know. Laertius indeed relates the saying of Plato, or perhaps of Strato: that it was granted to Aristippus alone “both to wear a cloak and a thanos ,” that is, to wear a cloak and a cloth. Since, namely, after he had escorted the three courtesans he had received from Dionysius all the way to the vestibule, he...

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198 Ostauij Ferrarij dimisitque. Quare hic quoque, vt alibi non semel mutilum esse Laertii codicem suspicamur. Non enim cohæret latis, quod repudiasset amicas, & quod eum tam chlamys, quam pannus deceret. Fortasse igitur sequebatur, cum a Strato- ne repertus esset post naufragium diploide inuolutus, dixis- se Stratonem, quod tam deceret eum pannus, quam chla- mys. Chlamys scilicet purpurea, in qua ille traductus est. Quo respexit Horatius: Alter Mileti textam cane peius, & angue Vitabit chlamydem. Quod nempe ex lana Milesia pretiosissima texeretur, & purpura tingeretur. Alter purpureum non expectabit amictum. At diploidem pannum appellat simpliciter: -- Morietur frigore, si non Retuleris pannum. Interdum tamen Diplois pro pallio communi vsurpatur. Eusebius lib. VII. cap. XVII. de statua Christi Domini, atque Hæmorrhosæ. Σπλόιδα πωσμίως περιβελημμένον. Cy- nici duplicato pallio inuoluti figuram, quam Roma Illustrissi- mus Puteus transmisit, hic exprimendam curauimus. Tabula XXIX. An

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198 Ostauij Ferrarij and he left it behind. Wherefore here too, as elsewhere not once before, we suspect that Laertius’s codex is defective. For the statement does not fit together, that he had rejected female companions, and that both a cloak and a garment suited him. Perhaps, then, the text continued thus, when he was found by Straton after the shipwreck, wrapped in a diploid, Straton said that a garment suited him just as much as a cloak. A purple cloak, of course, in which he was led about. To this Horace alluded: Another will avoid the Milesian cloak, woven more foully than dog and serpent. For it was woven from the very precious Milesian wool and dyed with purple. Another will not wait for a purple garment. But he calls the diploid simply a garment: -- He will die of cold, if you do not bring back the garment. Yet sometimes Diplois is used for an ordinary cloak. Eusebius, book VII, chapter XVII, on the statue of the Lord Christ and of the Hemorrhissa: Σπλόιδα πωσμίως περιβελημμένον. We have taken care to reproduce here the figure of the Cynics wrapped in a double cloak, which the illustrious Puteus of Rome transmitted. Plate XXIX. An

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 199 Tab. XXIX. Geo. Georg. sculps.

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On Dress, Part II. Book IV. 199 Plate XXIX. Geo. Georg. engraved.

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Octauij Ferrarij An Cynici interulam gestarent. Laertius explicatus. Eius Interpres notatus. Cap. XX. Deo Cynicos pallium duplicasse diximus, quod tunica carerent, cuius vicem Tribonii circumiectus præstabat: propterea dextro brachio atque humero, bonaque pectoris parte nudierant. Quo magis miror credidisse viros doctissimos interulam a Cynicis gestatam. De quo aliqua in tertio libro huius commentarii disputauimus. Duo sunt quæ illi afferunt, vt hoc confirment. Cratete teste Laertio ab Atheniensibus reprehensum, quod in sindone præter morem incederet, eam autem sindonem fuisse interulam. Deinde quod Proteus apud Lucianum pyram conscensurus depolitis pera ac Tribonio ἐγν ἐν ὑδον ἐν πισωι ἀπρυβῶς. Sed Cratetis sindon pallium fuit, non tunica, siue interula. Tanta enim fuit viri illius tolerantia, vt graue pallium, ac villosum, æstate tenue ac linteum hieme gestaret. Cuius exemplum postea Cynici æmulati sunt Ammianus in Anthologia de Cynico: Kai ἡδέρας μεῦ ἐχεν ἰμάτιον δασῶ Ων ἐγναρατής ἐν, τὸς δὲ χειμῶνος ἀγανος. Æestate crassum vestiebat pallium, Vt tolerans esset, hyeme vero tribonium. Idem factitasse Zenonem tradit Laertius: Erat patientissimus, & simplicissimi victus, crudisque tantum cibis tebatur, καὶ πρίβωνι λεπτῶν, & tenui tribonio, ita vt de illo diceretur. Τοῦ δὲ ἐν ἀρ χειμῶν πρύσεις, ἐν ὑμβρος ἀπείρων Οὐ φλοξ ἐπιλιστο δαμάθεια. Hunc non acri hyems domuit, non frigidus imber, Non solis radij. Quod

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Octauij Ferrarij Whether the Cynics wore an undershirt. Laertius explained. His interpreter noted. Chapter XX. We have said that the Cynics doubled their cloak, because they lacked a tunic, and a tribon served in its place; for that reason they were bare on the right arm and shoulder, and on a good part of the chest. For this reason I more greatly wonder that very learned men believed that the Cynics wore an undershirt. On this matter we discussed something in the third book of this commentary. There are two things which they bring forward to confirm this. Crates, according to Laertius, was reproached by the Athenians because he walked about in a linen garment contrary to custom; and they say that this linen garment was an undershirt. Then because Proteus in Lucian, about to mount the pyre, having cast off his wallet and tribon, ἐγν ἐν ὑδον ἐν πισωι ἀπρυβῶς. But Crates’ sindon was a cloak, not a tunic, or an undershirt. For so great was the endurance of that man that he wore a heavy, shaggy cloak in summer, light and linen in winter. His example was later imitated by the Cynics, as Ammianus in the Anthology says of a Cynic: Kai ἡδέρας μεῦ ἐχεν ἰμάτιον δασῶ Ων ἐγναρατής ἐν, τὸς δὲ χειμῶνος ἀγανος. In summer he wore a thick cloak, so that he might endure, but in winter a tribon. Laertius reports that Zeno did the same: he was most patient, and of the simplest diet, using only raw food, καὶ πρίβωνι λεπτῶν, and a thin tribon, so that it was said of him: Τοῦ δὲ ἐν ἀρ χειμῶν πρύσεις, ἐν ὑμβρος ἀπείρων Οὐ φλοξ ἐπιλιστο δαμάθεια. No fierce winter subdued him, nor cold rain, nor the rays of the sun. That

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 201 Quod scilicet in tenui palliolo sæuas hyemes perferret. quod fecisse Eustachium ex Eunapio notauimus, qui gerens Gallicas hyemes tolerabat. Ad maiorem igitur patientia, quo tenuius pallium hyeme esset, illud lineum Crates induebat. Laertius: ad θλυνσω ασυνόμων ἐπιτημηδεῖς ὑπι σωδένα ἰμφίεσο, ἐφα, παί Θεόφρασον ἐμήν δεῖξω σωδένα περίβελημένον. Illis non credentibus induxit illos in tonstrinam, ostenditq[ue]; Theophrastrum μερόμενον, operam tonsori dantem, & ob id sindone inuolutum, siue lineo inuolucro opertum. Sed quinam sunt isti ciuilis iuris periti, quos Cratetis censores nobis obtrudit Interpres? ασυνόμοι sunt Aediles, quorum munus erat, vt & Romæ, prouidere, ne quis in peregrino cultu incederet, vt erat tunc pallium lineum. Ab his ergo Crates reprehensus, quod sindonem præter morem gestaret, perfacete respondit; se ijs ostensurum Theophrastum sindone inuolutum; vt que fidem faceret, induxit in tonstrinam, vbi de more linteo amiculo, ne pili vestibus adhærescerent, amictum ostendit. Non posse autem sindonem pro interula accipi, declarant verba ἰμφίεσο, & ἑμεριβελημένον, quæ nonnisi de veste exteriore, & quæ corpori circumponeretur, siue injiceretur, dici possunt. Proteus autem apud Lucianum ideo εν ὑδῶν inducitur pyram consensurus, vt qui deposito pallio tragædiam illam in humani generis conspectu daturus erat, saltem honeste moreretur, qui vitam inani gloriæ impendebat. Nam si interulam vulgo Cynici induissent, aut illa partes verendas velabat, & tunc pallio duplicato minime opus fuisset, aut pectus tantum tegebat, & tunc nulli vsui fuisset, & linea insuper mollitie sua rigorem Cynicum minime decuisset. Non aliud igitur othoniam illud fuisse existimamus, quam fasciam, siue perizoma lineum, quo se ille in conspectu frequentiæ renudaturus veluti campestri succinxit, vt spectatorum oculis extremo illo actu parceret. Præterea quomodo exert o humero, ac seminudi Cynici scriptores producuntur, si int eruala pectus obuelabat? In veteri Epigrammate Pars II. Cc supra

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De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book IV. 201 That is, that he might endure the harsh winters in a thin little cloak. We have noted that Eustachius did this from Eunapius, who, wearing a Gallic cloak, endured the winters. For greater endurance, therefore, so that his cloak might be thinner in winter, Crates wore that linen garment. Laertius: “to θλυνσω ασυνόμων ἐπιτημηδεῖς ὑπι σωδένα ἰμφίεσο, ἔφα, παῖ Θεόφρασον ἐμὴν δεῖξω σωδένα περίβελημένον.” When they did not believe him, he led them into the barber’s shop, and showed Theophrastus μερόμενον, attending to the barber’s work, and for that reason wrapped in sindon, or covered in a linen wrapper. But who are these experts in civil law, whom the interpreter thrusts upon us as Crates’ censors? ασυνόμοι are the Aediles, whose duty it was, as at Rome as well, to see that no one should go about in foreign dress, such as then was the linen cloak. Reproved by them, therefore, for wearing a sindon contrary to custom, Crates replied very wittily that he would show them Theophrastus wrapped in a sindon; and to make this credible, he led them into the barber’s shop, where, as was customary, he showed him clothed in a linen coverlet, so that the hairs would not stick to the clothes. But that the sindon cannot be taken for an undergarment is made clear by the words ἰμφίεσο and ἑμεριβελημένον, which can only be said of an outer garment, and one which is placed around the body, or thrown over it. Proteus, however, is introduced by Lucian as going to a pyre με ὑδῶν, in order that, since he had laid aside his cloak and was about to perform that tragedy before the eyes of mankind, he might at least die decently, he who had spent his life upon empty glory. For if Cynics had commonly worn an undergarment, either that would have covered their private parts, and then there would have been no need of a doubled cloak, or it would have covered only the chest, and then it would have been of no use, and linen, besides, by its softness, would by no means have suited the hardness of the Cynic life. We therefore think that that othonia was nothing other than a bandage, or a linen perizoma, with which he, when about to undress himself before the crowd, girded himself like an athletic loincloth, so that he might spare the spectators’ eyes in that final act. Moreover, how are Cynic writers said to be bare-shouldered and half-naked, if an interula covered the chest? In an old epigram Part II. Cc above

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202 Octauij Ferrarij supra adducto [mercur]ij [mercur]ij: humerus exertus, id est nudus. Lu- cianus Cynico: Tunicam quidem non habes, & nudus conspice- ris. Seneca Epist. LXII: Demetrium virorum optimum mecum circumfero, & relictis conchyliatis, cum illo seminudo loquor, il- lum admiror: Arriani Epictetus. Obuios conuicijs laccra- re, ac pulchrum ducere. [tertio] [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij, humerum reuelare. Herodianus de Cynico: Baculum manu gestans [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij, peram seminudus ab humero suspensam ge- rens. Cum igitur ita se pallio Cynici inuoluerent, vt cu[m] dextro humero brachium exereretur, facilis erat & expeditus illius brachii vsus. At læuum sub tribonio, qua duplicabatur, late- bat pressum, nec inde exeri poterat, nisi pallium subduce- retur, atque ita corporis inferiora paterent, aut totum de- mum tribonium dejiceretur. Quare cum vtriusque brachii ministerio opus foret, tunc ad pectus ipsum tribonium cir- cumcingebat, atque ita superiori corporis parte renudata, vtrumque brachium expediebatur. Lucianus de scribenda historia narrat, cum Corinthiis bellum a Philippo immine- ret, ciuesque trepidi, alii aliud negotium curarent, pars muros reficerent, pars arma comportarent, Diogenem, ne nihil agere videretur, dolium suum sursum ac deorsum ver- fare coepisse, [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij, inquit [tertio] [mercur]ij [mercur]ij. Ita ille ad in- star proparum succinctus superiori corporis parte nudus agebat. Ipsæ etiam mulieres Cynicam sectam professæ in tribo- nio, & quidem solo. Menander apud Laertium Cratete: [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij, [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij. Mecum ambulabis gerens tribonium, vt nuper vxor cum Crate- te Cynico. Hæc est Hipparchia, quam tradit Laertius Crate- tis vitam atque verba deperisse, vt nullo procorum ambi- tu, non opibus, nobilitate, aut pulchritudine, ab hoc in- tempestiuo amore abduci potuerit, cui hæc omnia solus Cra- tes erat, vt parentibus minitaretur, nisi se huic traderent, sibi mortem illaturam. Cum ergo Crates a puellæ paren- tibus

Transcription: Translated (English)

202 Octauij Ferrarij above-mentioned [mercur]ij [mercur]ij: the shoulder exposed, that is, bare. Lucian, Cynicus : “You do not, indeed, have a tunic, and you are seen naked.” Seneca, Epistle LXII: “I carry around with me Demetrius, the best of men, and, leaving behind those in conchyliated garments, I speak with that half-naked man; I admire him.” Arrian, Epictetus : “To assail those who meet you with insults, and to think it a fine thing.” [third] [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij, to reveal the shoulder. Herodian on the Cynic: “Holding a staff in his hand” [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij, “wearing a pouch half-naked, suspended from the shoulder.” Since, then, they wrapped themselves in this way in the cloak of the Cynics, so that with the right shoulder the arm was left uncovered, the use of that arm was easy and unimpeded. But the left arm, under the tribonion, where it was doubled over, lay hidden and pressed down, and could not be uncovered from there unless the cloak were drawn aside, and thus the lower parts of the body were exposed, or else the whole tribonion was simply cast off. Therefore, when the use of both arms was needed, then the tribonion was wrapped around the chest itself, and thus, with the upper part of the body bared, both arms were made free. Lucian, in How History Should Be Written , relates that when war with the Corinthians was threatening from Philip, and the citizens were in alarm, some attending to one task and some to another, part repairing the walls, part carrying weapons, Diogenes, lest he seem to be doing nothing, began to roll his tub up and down, [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij, he says [third] [mercur]ij [mercur]ij. Thus he, girded as it were in the manner of serving-men, acted with the upper part of his body naked. Even women themselves professed the Cynic sect, in the tribonion, and indeed a plain one. Menander apud Laertius on Crates: [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij, [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij. “You will walk with me wearing the tribonion, as lately my wife did with the Cynic Crates.” This is Hipparchia, whom Laertius says was so deeply in love with the life and words of Crates that neither the entreaties of suitors, nor wealth, nobility, or beauty, could draw her away from this untimely love; to her alone Crates was all these things, so much so that she threatened her parents that, unless they gave her to him, she would take her own life. And when Crates therefore from the girl’s parents

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 20 3 tibus rogaretur, vti illam ab hoc proposito auerteret: postquam egit omnia nec persuasit, exurgens omni sua supellectili ante illius oculos exposita, hic ait sponsus, hæc eius possessio, ad hæc delibera. Neque enim esse nostri consors poteris, nisi eadem studia attigeris. Elegit continuo puella, , eiusque habitu sumpto vna cum viro circumbat. Gestasse autem solum tribonium, sine villa tunica aut interula, apparet ex sequentibus. Nam cum ad conuiuium venisset, vbi Theodorus Deum contemptor discumbebat, vt eum argueret, hoc illi obiecit: Quod faciens Theodorus, iniustè agere non diceretur, id Hipparchia si faciat, facere iniuste non dicetur. Theodorus autem se ipsum feriens, iniuste non agit: ergo ne Hipparchia quidem Theodorum cadens. Tum ille ad hoc quidem minime respondit, , sustulit ipsi pallium, vt scilicet eam esse feminam ostenderet. Interpres reddit, traxit pallium: quod nullum sensum habet. Theodorus a muliere lacessitus, in eius contumeliam pallium sustulit, vt cum sine tunica esset, id quod esset co- uiuis ostenderet. Eadem voce in re simili vsus est Laertius in Stilpone. Nam cum hic apud Areopagitas delatus esset, quod Mineruam non esse deum dixisset, respondit, negasse esse deum, quæ esset dea, deos quippe mares esse. Tunc Theodorus false. vnde inquit hoc Stilpo nouerat? ; Nunquid sublata veste locos muliebres inspexit? Vbi etiam non recte Interpres amota palba: nec animaduertit, pro legendum esse . Theodorus enim ille ob impietatem dicebatur. Male etiam in mutat. nam id quî mulieres sunt, signicare notum est. Ideo aut sublatum tribonium Hipparchiæ a Theodoro esse, vt foeminam argueret, declarat, quod subjicit Laertius, propter hoc nec territam, nec perturbatam esse more mulierum Hipparchiam: iam enim pudorem decoxerat, quæ luce palam cum vino congrediebatur, sed obiectanti Theodoro, quod radios apud telam reliquisset, hoc quidem sapienter respondisse, se foeminam esse, ceterum non sibi male consuluisse, si tempus, quod in texendo con- Pars II. C C 2 sum-

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaria Part II. Book IV. 20 3 ... if she were asked to turn her away from this resolve: after he had tried everything and had not persuaded her, rising up, with all his household goods displayed before her eyes, he said, “Here is the bridegroom, here is his property; decide with these before you. For you cannot be a partner in our way of life unless you have adopted the same pursuits.” The girl immediately chose, and, taking his manner of dress, went about together with the man. That she wore only the tribonion, without a tunic or undergarment, appears from what follows. For when she had come to the banquet where Theodore the despiser of God was reclining, in order to rebuke him she put this objection to him: “If what Theodore is doing would not be said to be acting unjustly, then if Hipparchia does it, it will not be said to be acting unjustly.” But Theodore, striking himself, is not acting unjustly; therefore neither is Hipparchia, when she strikes Theodore. Then he made no reply to this at all, but lifted up her cloak, so as to show that she was a woman. The interpreter renders it, “he dragged away the cloak,” which makes no sense. Theodore, being provoked by a woman, in insult to her lifted her cloak, so that, since she was without a tunic, he might show the guests what she was. Laertius uses the same expression in a similar matter concerning Stilpo. For when the latter had been accused before the Areopagites on the charge that he had said Athena was not a god, he replied that he had denied that a goddess, who was a goddess, was a god, since the gods are male. Then Theodore said, “False.” From where, he asked, had Stilpo known this? Had he perhaps, after the garment was removed, inspected the female parts? Here too the Interpreter did not translate correctly, “removed the cloak”; nor did he observe that something else should be read. For that Theodore was called the godless one because of impiety is clear. He also changes the meaning badly, for that by which women are known to be women is familiar. Therefore either the taking away of Hipparchia’s tribonion by Theodore is shown, so that he might expose her as a woman, as Laertius adds, that for this reason she was neither frightened nor disturbed, like other women; for she had already cast off shame, since she openly associated with a man in public while drunk, but when Theodore reproached her for having left her shuttle at the loom, she answered very wisely, that she was a woman, but had not looked after herself badly if, the time which had been spent in weaving...

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Transcription: ATR-1

204 Octauij Ferrarij sumptura erat, sapientiæ studio impendisset. Ceterum Cynici, vt dicebamus, ideo se solo pallio contentos profitebantur, vt Herculem referrent, qui cum sola leonina incederet, nec Herculem modo, sed Deos omnes, quorum simulachra, vt testatur Dio περί σχηματος, solo pallio velata in templis cernebantur, vt etiam in nummis Aesculapii apparet, quos hic damus. Tabula XXX.

Transcription: Translated (English)

204 Octauij Ferrarij would have been spent, had he devoted it to the pursuit of wisdom. Moreover, the Cynics, as we were saying, professed that they were content with a single cloak, in order to represent Hercules, who used to go about with only the lion-skin; and not only Hercules, but all the Gods as well, whose images, as Dio testifies in περί σχηματος , were seen covered with a single cloak in the temples, as also appears on the coins of Aesculapius, which we here give. Plate XXX.

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Transcription: ATR-1

De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 205 Tab. XXX. Ruffonus. f.

Transcription: Translated (English)

On Dress, Part II. Book IV. 205 Plate XXX. Ruffonus. f.

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Transcription: ATR-1

Octauij Ferrarij bens cucullum, non ceruical vt vult Interpres. Potuit qui- dem & tunica ex corio confici, vnde & diphthera appellari: proprie tamen de lago, siue veste exteriori sumebatur. Eadem Pæn dicebatur, cuius tamquam vestis pastoralis meminit Theocritus Idyllio I I I. & v. quam vetus scholiastes meloten, & diphtheram reddit. Pollux tunicam prælongam interpretatur, quæ nescio an pastori congrua esset. Rectius Hesychius: ἑερμάτινον ἐνδυμα ὑπερ ἔνιοι σισύναι: ἐνιοι δὲ συλωνι δερματινεν, όι δε διδ[ε]ρεφαν, Has pelles caprarum fuisse docet Varro de re rustica lib. II. cap. vltimo: Neque non quædam nationes harum (caprarum) pellibus sunt vestitæ, vt in Getulia, & in Sardinia. Cuius vsum apud antiquos quoque Græcos fuisse, apparet, quod in Tragædijs senes ab hac pelle vocantur δερμια, & in Comædijs, qui rustico opere morantur: vt apud Cæcilium in Hypobolimæo habet adolescens, apud Terentium in Heautontimorumeno senex. Aliquis etiam harum vestium vsus in ingenuis fuit, tempore pluuiæ, vt scortæ pænulæ apud Romanos. Laertius tradit Anaxagoram profectum in Olympiam sudo ac sereno coelo sedisse & δερματινο, quasi breui eruptura pluuiæ, sicque cuenisse. Idem narrans Philostratus lib. I. cap. II. ait venisse Anaxagoram in Olympia, cum nulla pluuiæ suspicio esset, ἰκονωδιο pellicea veste indutum. Eam scorteam Latini appellarunt, nam scorta pelles. Vnde auctore Festo meretrices sic appellatæ, quia vt pellicula subiguntur. Varro de lingua Lat. lib. VI: Scortari est sæpius meretriculam ducere: quæ dicta a pelle. Id enim non solum anti- qui dicebant scortum, sed etiam nunc dicimus scortea, ea, quæ ex corio, & pellibus sunt facta. Inde in aliquot sacris, ac facellis scriptum habemus. Ne quid scortum adhibeatur, ideo ne morticinum quid adsit. In Atellanis licet animaduertere rusticos dicere, se adduxisse pro scorto pelliculam. Ex his facile erat corruptum Festi fragmentum restituere: Scorta appellantur meretrices ex consuetudine rusticorum, qui vt est apud Atellanos antiquos solebant dicere se attulisse pro scorto delicularum. Quis enim non videt ex Varrone legendum pelliculam? Scortum etiam pro pelle

Transcription: Translated (English)

Octavius Ferrarii bens cucullum, not a cervical, as the Interpreter would have it. It could indeed be made from leather, and hence also called a diphthera; properly, however, it was taken for a cloak, or outer garment. The same garment was called pænula, which Theocritus mentions as a pastoral dress in Idyll III and V, and the old scholiast renders as melote and diphthera. Pollux interprets it as a very long tunic, which I do not know whether it would suit a shepherd. More correctly Hesychius: ἑερμάτινον ἐνδυμα ὑπερ ἔνιοι σισύναι: ἐνιοι δὲ συλωνι δερματινεν, οἱ δε διδ[ε]ρεφαν, Varro, in De re rustica book II, last chapter, shows that these were goat-skins: “And there are also certain peoples who are clothed in the hides of these (goats), as in Getulia and in Sardinia.” That this use existed among the ancient Greeks as well is clear from the fact that in tragedies old men are called from this skin δερμια, and in comedies those who are engaged in rustic labor: as in Caecilius, in the Hypobolimaeus , a young man, and in Terence, in the Heautontimorumenos , an old man. Some use of such garments among freeborn men also existed in rainy weather, like the scortae pænulæ among the Romans. Laertius reports that Anaxagoras, setting out for Olympia under a hot and clear sky, sat down dressed in a δερματινόν, as if rain were about to burst forth, and so it happened. Philostratus, telling the same story in book I, chapter II, says that Anaxagoras came to Olympia when there was no suspicion of rain, wearing a ἰκονωδιο pellicea, a leather garment. The Latins called it scortea , for scorta means hides. Hence, according to Festus, prostitutes were called so because they are, as it were, worked over like a skin. Varro, in book VI of De lingua Latina : “Scortari” is to keep taking a little prostitute again and again; this was said to be derived from skin. For not only did the ancients say scortum , but even now we say scortea , meaning things made from hide and skins. Hence in some sacred rites and chaplets we have written: “Let nothing leathery be used,” so that nothing of carrion origin may be present. In the Atellane farces one may observe country folk saying that they had brought a pellicula instead of a scortum . From these examples it was easy to restore the corrupted fragment of Festus: “Prostitutes are called scorta from the usage of rustics, who, as in the old Atellane plays, used to say that they had brought a delicularum in place of a scortum .” For who does not see that, from Varro, we should read pelliculam ? Scortum also for skin

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Transcription: ATR-1

De Re Vestiaræ Pars II. Lib. IV. 209 pelle leonina apud Tertullianum de Pallio cap. IV: Qualis ille Hercules in serico Omphales fuerit: iam Omphale in Herculis scorto designata descripsit. Supra enim ad eandem vocem al- luserat: Tantum Lydiæ clanculariæ licuit, vt Hercules in Om- phale, & Omphale in Hercule prostitueretur: nempe in scorto, siue pelle Leonina. Exomis. Επερομάσχαλος. Κατωνάχη. Cap. XXII. Exomides ιμάτια δεληνὰ, παὶ Επερομάχαλα veteres Critici interpretantur, vestes seruiles ex altera parte manu- leatas. Vox ipsa nihil aliud significat, quam vestem strictam & angustam, ex qua humeri exererentur, siue nudi conspice- rentur. Hesychius partim tunicam, partem pallium. ἡξω- μίς, χιτων μοῦ, παὶ ιμάτιον: πεω γαρ ἐκατέρα χρείαν ωαρεῖχεν, παὶ χιτωνα μεν διὰ Τὸ ὑπονοθαι. ιμάτιον δὲ, ὅτι Τὸ ἐπερον μὲρος ἔβαίλλε- το. (Lege περιεβάλλετο) παρὰ παὶ ὑπονομμοῦ, (Lege πομμεῖ) ἐτε μεν ἐνδυδὶ, ὅτε δὲ περιβαλθ. Exomistunica pariter, & pal- lium. Vtriusque enim vsum præbebat: & tunica quidem, quod cingeretur: pallium autem quod altera pars iniiceretur, siue circum- poneretur. Quare & Comici de exomide aliquando dicunt quod in- dueretur, aliquando quod superindueretur. Ita ille locus cor- rigendus est. Quomodo autem eadem vestis tunicæ & pal- lii vsum præstaret, nô alter intelligi potest, quam quod alam quandam, siue manicam latiorem haberet, quæ more pallii injici, ac circumponi posset. Talis enim exomis. Pollux: ἐξωμίς δὲ περιβλημα, παὶ χιτων ἐπερομάχαλος. Tunica vnicam ma- nicam habens. Hesychius: Ἐπερομάχαλος. Tunica sernorum, atque operariorum, quod alteram tantum alam adsutam habet. Alibi Polluci Exomis dicitur vestis Comica, tunica scilicet alba, sine ornamentis, in sinistrolatere, ἡφλω ἐν ἐξων, suturam non ha- bens. Subjicit huic adiectum fuisse palliolum album, quod ἐγκομβωμα dicebatur. Verisimilius tamen est, alam, quæ adminstr pallioli, potius in sinistra parte fuisse, quo dextra liberior atque operi expeditior esset. Sicut tunica seruilis D d ἐπερο. Pars II.

Transcription: Translated (English)

De Re Vestiaræ Part II. Lib. IV. 209 lion-skin, in Tertullian, De Pallio , ch. IV: “What sort of Hercules he was in Omphale’s silk”: he has already described Omphale as marked out in Hercules’ brothel. For above he had alluded to the same word: “So much was allowed to the secret Lydian woman, that Hercules was prostituted in Omphale, and Omphale in Hercules”: namely, in a brothel, or in a lion-skin. Exomis. Ἑπερομάσχαλος. Κατωνάχη. Chap. XXII. The exomides, ἱμάτια δεληνὰ, and ἐπερομάχαλα, are interpreted by the ancient critics as servile garments with one sleeve. The word itself signifies nothing other than a tight and narrow garment, from which the shoulders were exposed, or could be seen bare. Hesychius gives, in part, tunic, in part, cloak: ἡξωμίς, χιτων μού, καὶ ἱμάτιον: πεω γαρ ἐκατέρα χρείαν ὠαρεῖχεν, καὶ χιτωνα μεν διὰ τὸ ὑπονοθαι, ἱμάτιον δὲ, ὅτι τὸ ἑτερον μέρος ἔβαίλλετο. (Read περιεβάλλετο) παρὰ καὶ ὑπονομμοῦ, (Read πομμεῖ) ἐτε μὲν ἐνδυδὶ, ὅτε δὲ περιβαλθ. Exomis was at once tunic and cloak. For it provided the use of both: indeed, as a tunic, because it was girded; but as a cloak, because the other part was thrown on or wrapped around. Therefore the comic poets also sometimes speak of the exomis as something to be put on, sometimes as something to be worn over. Thus that passage must be corrected. But how the same garment could serve the use of both tunic and cloak can only be understood if it had some sleeve, or a broader armhole, which could be thrown on and wrapped around like a cloak. Such indeed is the exomis. Pollux: ἐξωμίς δὲ περιβλημα, καὶ χιτων ἐπερομάχαλος. A tunic having a single sleeve. Hesychius: Ἐπερομάχαλος. A tunic of servants and laborers, because it has only one sleeve sewn on. Elsewhere in Pollux the exomis is said to be a comic garment, namely a white tunic without ornament, in the left side, ἡφλω ἐν ἐξων, not having a seam. He adds that a small white cloak was attached to it, which was called ἐγκομβωμα. Yet it is more probable that the sleeve, which served the small cloak, was rather on the left side, so that the right might be freer and more convenient for work. Just as the servile tunic D d ἐπερο. Part II.

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Transcription: ATR-1

Octauij Ferratij [ ιτερομάχαλος ] erat, ita ingenuorum [ αμφιμάχαλος], vtrimque manuleata. Hesychius. [ Αμφιμάχαλος ] tunica manicata liberorum, vt Plato, duas habens manicas, quas etiamnum [ μαχάλας ] appellant. Eius meminit Aristophanes Equitibus: [ Sed cum ] nudum videres hunc populum, ne quidem [ αμφιμαχάλε ] , tunica manulea dignum censuisti. Etiam durante hyeme. Scholiastes: [ χεριδωτήιματίες ] . [ χιλωνίσμες ]. Non fuisse tamen solum seruorum exomides, declarat Aristophanes Lysistrata, vbi ciues senes aiunt. [ Αλλὰ πῶς ] ἐκδύσμεθ' ὑς τοῦ ἀνδρα δεῖ. Sed exomidem exuamus, vt virum decet. Et Aelianus Variæ lib. IX. cap. XXXIV: Diogenes cum venisset Olympiam, & Rhodios quosdam adolescentes videret pretiosis vestibus amictos, ridens inquit, hic est fastus. Deinde cum incidisset in Lacedæmonios, & ἐξωμίσι φαύλας παὶρυτῶσμας, in vili, ac sordida exomide. Hic inquit, alius est fastus. Quare Suidas interpretatur tunicam ingenuorum, quæ brachia non tegeret, esset tamen vile indumentum. Gellius præterea lib. VI I. capite XI I. eas antiquissimo tempore a Romanis gestatas tradit, breuesque ac substrictas tunicas interpretatur citra humerum desinentes. Porro tam Festus, quam Pollux, Exomidem Comicum vestimentum fuisse aiunt. Scilicet seruorum. Postquam enim ea vestis in desuetudinem abiit, antiquus seruorum habitus in scena retentus est. Quia autem hoc exomidis proprium erat, vt inde humeri extarent, Cynici, qui, vt diximus, dextrû humerum exertum habebant, inde ἐξωμία dicti, & eorum Tribonium ἐξωμίς, vt alii adnotarunt. Vestis etiam seruilis mentio apud Aristophanem Lysistrata. Nescis vt olim vos quoque [ πατωάνας ] Φορμύτας adiuerint Lacones. Vos inquam liberauerunt. [ παῦτος ] [ πατωάνης] [ ποῦ ] ἔμμον ὑμῶν ἀλαῖναι ἐμπιχον πᾶλω. Et pro seruili amictu chlenam populum induerunt. Hesychius interpretatur pallium, quod in inferiori parte, pάnos assutum habet, quod est pellis omina. Videri autem Athenienses illud induisse a Tyrannis coactos, qui Pisistrati tempore fuerunt, vt propter vestis illius vilitatem ciues

Transcription: Translated (English)

Octauij Ferratij [ιτερομάχαλος] it was, as [αμφιμάχαλος] among free men, on both sides with sleeves. Hesychius. [Αμφιμάχαλος] a sleeved tunic for free men, as Plato says, having two sleeves, which even now they call [μαχάλας]. Aristophanes mentions it in the Knights: [But when] you saw this naked people, not even [αμφιμαχάλε], you judged him worthy of a sleeved tunic. Even during winter. The scholiast: [χεριδωτήιματίες]. [χιλωνίσμες]. However, that it was not only the dress of slaves, Aristophanes shows in the Lysistrata, where the old citizens say: [Ἀλλὰ πῶς] ἐκδύσμεθ' ὑς τοῦ ἀνδρα δεῖ. But let us take off the exomis, as becomes a man. And Aelian, Variæ, book IX, chapter XXXIV: when Diogenes had come to Olympia, and saw some young Rhodians dressed in costly garments, laughing, he said, “This is arrogance.” Then when he chanced upon the Lacedaemonians, and ἐξωμίσι φαύλας παὶρυτῶσμας, in a cheap and filthy exomis, he said, “This is another kind of arrogance.” Therefore Suidas interprets it as a tunic for free men, which did not cover the arms, yet was a mean garment. Gellius, moreover, book VII, chapter XI, states that these were worn by the Romans in the most ancient times, and he interprets them as short and close-fitting tunics ending above the shoulder. Furthermore, both Festus and Pollux say that the exomis was a comic garment. Namely, of slaves. For after that garment had fallen into disuse, the ancient slave dress was retained on the stage. But because this was proper to the exomis, in that the shoulders were exposed, the Cynics, who, as we said, had the right shoulder bare, were therefore called ἐξωμίαι, and their tribon was called ἐξωμίς, as others have noted. There is also mention of a slave’s garment in Aristophanes’ Lysistrata. “You do not know how once you too, [πατωάνας] Phormytas, aided the Laconians. You, I say, freed them. [παῦτος] [πατωάνης] [ποῦ] ἔμμον ὑμῶν ἀλαῖναι ἐμπιχον πᾶλω.” And instead of a slave’s dress they put on the chlamys for the people. Hesychius interprets it as a mantle, which has pános sewn on the lower part, which is a fox-skin. But it may be seen that the Athenians were compelled to wear it by the tyrants who were in power in the time of Pisistratus, so that because of the cheapness of that garment, the citizens

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Transcription: ATR-1

De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 211 eius vrbem non ingrederentur. Pallio caput operire. Palliolum. Plautini loci corre- ctio tentatur. Cap. XXIII. QVemadmodum Romani, cum caput operire volebant, togæ laciniam superiorem ab humeris in caput tra- hebant: ita & Græci adducto in caput pallio illud operiebant, præcipue cum latere volebant. Lucianus Dia- logo mortuorum, de Philosopho: Flet, quia non amplius tam opiparas canas habebit, neque noctu exiens clara omnibus ordine omnia accedet scorta. Plau- tus Pænulo Quin si voles: Operire capita, ne nos leno nouerit. Et alibi. Tum isti Græci palliati capite operto qui ambulant. At Romanos cum latere vellent, item valetudinis cau- sa palliolo caput obniufsisse alias docuimus, quod breue, & angustum pallium fuisse vox ipsa declarat. De quo Lipsius in Saturnalibus, qui nonnisi ab ægrotis palliolum adhibitum obseruat ex Quintiliano: Palliolum sicut fascias, & focalia so- la excusare potest valetudo. Seneca lib. IV. nat. quæstionum: Videbis quosdam graciles, & palliolo, focalique circumdatos, pal- lentes, & ægros. Ex quo docti illud Ouidij Ægrum tu facito ut simules, nec turpe putaris, Pileolum nitidis imposuisse comis. Recte palliolum legunt. Quod etiam meretricum fuisse ostendunt Martialis: Hanc volo, quæ simplex, quæ palliolata vagatur. Et Iuuenalis: -- Dorida nullo. Cultam palliolo. Alius Plauti locus est, qui huc referri potest, si tamen ali- qua spes restat posse illum recte constituti. Pseudolo Act. v. Sc. I. ait seruus ebrius. Sed postquam exsurrexi, orant med[ic]a vti saltem; Pars II. D d 2 Ad

Transcription: Translated (English)

On Dress, Part II. Book IV. 211 that they should not enter the city. To cover the head with a pallium. Little pallium. A correction of a Plautine passage is attempted. Chap. XXIII. In the same way as the Romans, when they wished to cover the head, would draw the upper fold of the toga from the shoulders over the head: so too the Greeks, pulling the pallium over the head, covered it, especially when they wished to go about concealed. Lucian, in the Dialogue of the Dead, speaking of the Philosopher: “He weeps because he will no longer have such sumptuous gray hair, nor, going out by night, will he approach all the harlots in public order.” Plautus, in the Pænulus, “Why, if you wish: Cover your heads, lest the pander recognize us.” And elsewhere: “Then those Greek-cloaked men with covered head who walk about.” But that the Romans, when they wished to go about concealed, likewise covered the head with a little pallium for reasons of health, we have shown elsewhere; and the word itself makes clear that it was a short and narrow cloak. On this point Lipsius, in the Saturnalia, observes from Quintilian that the little pallium was used only by the sick: “The little pallium, like bandages and neck-warmers, can be excused by health alone.” Seneca, book IV of the Natural Questions: “You will see some lean men, wrapped in a little pallium and neck-cloth, pale and ill.” From which the learned infer that Ovid’s line: “Make it appear that I am ill, nor deem it shameful to have put a little cap upon my shining hair,” should rightly be read palliolum. That it belonged also to courtesans is shown by Martial: “I want her, who wanders about simply, cloaked in a little pallium.” And Juvenal: — Dorida nullo. “Adorned with a little pallium.” There is another passage in Plautus that can be referred here, if only there still remains any hope that it may be rightly restored. In the Pseudolus, Act V, Scene I, the drunk slave says: “But after I got up, they beg me, the doctor, to at least...” Part II. Dd 2 To

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De Re Vestiaria Pars II. Lib. IV. 213 ita in orbem rotari, vt caderet. Ita quod sequitur. Occæpe denuo hoc modo nolui: recte Gulielmius, hoc modo volui, id est verti: quod tamen extat in Veneta editione. Coepit salta- torium orbem versare, quo magis sibi amicam conciliaret Vbi circumuorter cado: id fuit nænia ludo. Næniam ludi finem intelligunt, quod nænia ijs caneretur, qui vitam finissent. Simplicius tamen fuerit interpretari, ludo illi atque hilari- tati rem hanc tristem veluti næniam interuenisse, nempe casum. Hæc de Pallio. De capitis, ac pedum tegmine in tertia huius Operis parte, si vita suppeditabit, disputabimus. Lauds Deo, Deipara Virgini, ac D. Antonio.

Transcription: Translated (English)

On Dress. Part II. Book IV. 213 thus to roll in a circle, so that he fell. So what follows. Once again I did not wish this in this way: Gulielmius is right, I wished it in this way, that is, translated it so; though it is still found in the Venetian edition. He began to turn a dancing circle, the more to win the girl’s favor. “When I was turned about, I fell”: that was the “death-song” of the game. They understand the “death-song” as the end of the game, because a death-song was sung for those who had finished their lives. Yet it would be simpler to interpret the matter as this sad thing having intervened in that game and merriment like a kind of death-song, namely, the fall. These things are about the cloak. About the covering of the head and feet we shall discuss in the third part of this work, if life shall be granted. Praise be to God, the Virgin Mother of God, and St. Anthony.

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A 2 1 Aes Afr All Nic Anc Ald Alci Cler Ale. Ant. Amn Amn Appr 71 17 23 14 E II. Fortu Amn Vina Apul

Transcription: Translated (English)

A 2 1 Aes Afr All Nic Anc Ald Alci Cler Ale. Ant. Amn Amn Appr 71 17 23 14 E II. Fortu Amn Vina Apul

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INDEX AVCTORVM, Qui in hoc Opere laudantur, illustrantur, aut emendantur. Prior numerus Partem, alter Paginam de notat. A A Cron reprehensus I. 16. 25. MS. 29: 77. 207. lapsus. 223. II. notatur. 14: 60. 78. emendatur. 197. Aelianus. I. 177. 229. 237. II. 29. 98. 122. 135. 148. 161. 172. 177. 181. 182. 184. 195. 210. Aeschines. II. 153 Afranius explicatus. I. 46. 424 Albinus. I. 109 Nicolaus Alemannus. I. 107 Andreas Alciatus. II. 250 Aldobrandinus notatur. I. 183 Alcuinus. I. 187. 199 Clemens Alexandrinus. I. 252 Alexander ab Alexandro. II. 31 Anthologia. I. 48. II. 136 Ammianus in Anthologia. II. 200 Ammonius. II. 22. 105 Appianus. I. explicatur. 6: 12. 14. 44. 71. 136. 127. 139. 143. 146. 155. 156. 176. 206. 209. exponitur, 256: 258. 261. II. 111. 113. 125. 138. 140. 141. Eius Interpres notatur. I. 12. 260. II. 101. 126. Fortunatus Amalarius. I. 110. 111 Ammonius. II. 197 Anastasius. I. 188 Apuleius. I. 71. 98. 183. correctus, 189. 241. 253. II. 11. 94. 121. 160. 166. 175. explicatur. Archestratus apud Athenæum. II. 182 Ioannes Argolus. I. 114 Aristophanes. I. 241. II. 147 Ei Scholiastes ibid. I. 153. 167. 168. e Interpres. 171. 184. 207. Aristophanes explicatur. I. 11: 149. 153. 154. 170. 171. 177. 184. 207. 210. Eius interpres notatus. II. 150. Vetus interpr. 153. 170. 178. 210 Aristoteles. II. 52 Arrianus. II. 202 Arnobius. I. 75 Artemidorus. I. 24. 71. 93. 184. 224. 252. II. 5. 30. 54. 57. 65. 68. 82. 96. emendatus, 143: 147. 168. 171. 176. Asper, Prolegomenon in Terentium auctor. II. 130 Athenæus. I. 2. expenditur, & exponitur: 5.242. II. 6. 22. 66. 68. 134. 140. 147. 148. 152. 153. 171. 175. 184. Athenæi interpres notatur. II. 22 Auctor librorum ad Herennium. I. 12. II. 120. Auctoris Electa. I. 38 Auctor Dialogi de Causis corruptæ eloquentiæ. I. 99. 106. 210. II. 55. 70. 82 I. Libri de vtraque Penula. I. 90 D. Au-

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INDEX OF AUTHORS Who are praised, illustrated, or corrected in this Work. The first number denotes the Part, the second the Page. A A Cron criticized I. 16. 25. MS. 29: 77. 207. slip. 223. II. noted. 14: 60. 78. corrected. 197. Aelian. I. 177. 229. 237. II. 29. 98. 122. 135. 148. 161. 172. 177. 181. 182. 184. 195. 210. Aeschines. II. 153 Afranius explained. I. 46. 424 Albinus. I. 109 Nicolaus Alemannus. I. 107 Andreas Alciatus. II. 250 Aldobrandinus noted. I. 183 Alcuin. I. 187. 199 Clement of Alexandria. I. 252 Alexander ab Alexandro. II. 31 Anthology. I. 48. II. 136 Ammianus in the Anthology. II. 200 Ammonius. II. 22. 105 Appian. I. explained. 6: 12. 14. 44. 71. 136. 127. 139. 143. 146. 155. 156. 176. 206. 209. expounded, 256: 258. 261. II. 111. 113. 125. 138. 140. 141. His interpreter noted. I. 12. 260. II. 101. 126. Fortunatus Amalarius. I. 110. 111 Ammonius. II. 197 Anastasius. I. 188 Apuleius. I. 71. 98. 183. corrected, 189. 241. 253. II. 11. 94. 121. 160. 166. 175. explained. Archestratus in Athenaeus. II. 182 Ioannes Argolus. I. 114 Aristophanes. I. 241. II. 147 His Scholiast there. I. 153. 167. 168. and the Interpreter. 171. 184. 207. Aristophanes explained. I. 11: 149. 153. 154. 170. 171. 177. 184. 207. 210. His interpreter noted. II. 150. Old interpreter. 153. 170. 178. 210 Aristotle. II. 52 Arrian. II. 202 Arnobius. I. 75 Artemidorus. I. 24. 71. 93. 184. 224. 252. II. 5. 30. 54. 57. 65. 68. 82. 96. corrected, 143: 147. 168. 171. 176. Asper, author of the Prolegomena on Terence. II. 130 Athenaeus. I. 2. examined, & explained: 5. 242. II. 6. 22. 66. 68. 134. 140. 147. 148. 152. 153. 171. 175. 184. Athenaeus’ interpreter noted. II. 22 Author of the books ad Herennium. I. 12. II. 120. Author of the Electa. I. 38 Author of the Dialogue on the Causes of Corrupt Eloquence. I. 99. 106. 210. II. 55. 70. 82 I. Book De utraque Penula. I. 90 D. Au-

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Index Auctorum. D. Augustinus. I. 195. II. 59. Antonius Augustinus. I. 163. notatur. Ausonius I. 99. declaratur: 141. 143. 153. 154. 155. 156. 202. II. 194. B Hermolaus Barbarus. II. 33 Cæsar Baronius reprehenditur, I. 50: 91. 104. 105. 110. 112. 201. probatur, Balsamon. I. 158. II. 58. notatur: 193 Basilius minor. II. 173 Gregorii Nazianzeni interpres. 188. Lazarus Bayfius I. 149. notatur, 170: 226. II. 23. 138. Philippus Beroaldus. I. 164. 181. 184. 141. II. 38. Ianus Boissardus. I. 123. 194. Bonifacius. I. 110 Ioannes Britannicus. I. 192. 225. II. 44. 48. Cæsar Bulengerus I. 101. reprehenditur. 191. 202. 221. Brodæus. II. 32 Georgius Buchananus. I. 212. II. 46. Guilielmus Budæus. II. 112. 133. 134 C I Oachimus Camerarius. I. 246 Isaacus Casaubonus. I. 6. 41. 50. 91. 101. 122. 156. notatur, 181. 182. 183. 188. 200. 211. 215. 220. taxatur, 221. II. notatur. 16. 35. 38. 44. 45. 62 65. 66. 73. 104. 109. 115. 117. 118. 127. 128. 129. 147. 148. 149. notatur, 174. Cæcilius. I. 247 Iulius Cæsar. I. 31, explicatur, II. 108. 125. Domitius Calderinus. | II. 28. 40. 44| |Paulus Caotorta. | I. 50| |Martianus Capella. | II. 93| |Iulius Capitolinus. | I. 79. 80. 150. 154. 156. 157. 163. 199. 200. 213.| |II. exponitur, | 39. 42. 44. 46. 104. 107. 174.| |Cassianus. | I. 198. II. 59| |Cassiodorus. | I. 153| |Dio Cassius. | II. 2. Eius versio expendi-tur. | 3| |Catullus. | I. 88. 247. 250| |Cauallerius. | II. 15| |Dio Chrysostomus. | I. 220. 222. II. 152. 194. 207.| |Iulius Censorinus. | I. 251| |Cornelius Celsus. | II. 37| |Ludouicus de la Cerda. | I. 110. notatur 200. II. 58.| |Charsius. | II. 12| |Petrus Ciacconius. | I. 91| |Cicero. I. 2. 22. Eius Interpres notan-tur ib. | Cic. explicatur 24. 25. Inter-pres eius tangitur. | 25. 36. 37. 40. 56. 65. 66. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 81. ex-plicatur. | 82. 83. 94. 136. 139. 140. 142, declaratur. | 145. 227. 147. 148. expositus. | 172. 189. 193. 194. 195. 203. 204. 208. 222. 248. 249.| |II. explicatur. | 1: 38. Eius interpres no-tatur. | 60. 68. 82. 98. 99.| |Cic. mutilus exponitur. | II. 101. 102. 154. 166. 175.| |Philippus Cluuerius. | II. 113| |Codex. | II. 108| |Concilium Ratisbonense. | I. 113| |Ephesinum. | I. 113| |Gangrense. | II. 58| |Colerus. | I. 223| |Columella expositus. | II. 45. 118| |Sebastianus Corradus. | I. 139| |Cornificius. | I. 133. 232| |Cornutus in Terentium. | II. 130| |Petrus Crinitus. | I. 52|

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Index of Authors. D. Augustinus. I. 195. II. 59. Antonius Augustinus. I. 163. noted. Ausonius I. 99. explained: 141. 143. 153. 154. 155. 156. 202. II. 194. B Hermolaus Barbarus. II. 33 Cæsar Baronius criticized, I. 50: 91. 104. 105. 110. 112. 201. approved, Balsamon. I. 158. II. 58. noted: 193 Basilius minor. II. 173 Interpreter of Gregory Nazianzen. 188. Lazarus Bayfius I. 149. noted, 170: 226. II. 23. 138. Philippus Beroaldus. I. 164. 181. 184. 141. II. 38. Ianus Boissardus. I. 123. 194. Bonifacius. I. 110 Ioannes Britannicus. I. 192. 225. II. 44. 48. Cæsar Bulengerus I. 101. criticized. 191. 202. 221. Brodæus. II. 32 Georgius Buchananus. I. 212. II. 46. Guilielmus Budæus. II. 112. 133. 134 C Ioachimus Camerarius. I. 246 Isaacus Casaubonus. I. 6. 41. 50. 91. 101. 122. 156. noted, 181. 182. 183. 188. 200. 211. 215. 220. censured, 221. II. noted. 16. 35. 38. 44. 45. 62 65. 66. 73. 104. 109. 115. 117. 118. 127. 128. 129. 147. 148. 149. noted, 174. Cæcilius. I. 247 Iulius Cæsar. I. 31, explained, II. 108. 125. Domitius Calderinus. II. 28. 40. 44 Paulus Caotorta. I. 50 Martianus Capella. II. 93 Iulius Capitolinus. I. 79. 80. 150. 154. 156. 157. 163. 199. 200. 213. II. explained, 39. 42. 44. 46. 104. 107. 174. Cassianus. I. 198. II. 59 Cassiodorus. I. 153 Dio Cassius. II. 2. His translation is examined. 3 Catullus. I. 88. 247. 250 Cauallerius. II. 15 Dio Chrysostomus. I. 220. 222. II. 152. 194. 207. Iulius Censorinus. I. 251 Cornelius Celsus. II. 37 Ludouicus de la Cerda. I. 110. noted 200. II. 58. Charsius. II. 12 Petrus Ciacconius. I. 91 Cicero. I. 2. 22. His interpreter is noted there. Cic. explained 24. 25. His interpreter is mentioned. 25. 36. 37. 40. 56. 65. 66. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 81. explained. 82. 83. 94. 136. 139. 140. 142, declared. 145. 227. 147. 148. expounded. 172. 189. 193. 194. 195. 203. 204. 208. 222. 248. 249. II. explained. 1: 38. His interpreter is noted. 60. 68. 82. 98. 99. Cic. mutilus expounded. II. 101. 102. 154. 166. 175. Philippus Cluuerius. II. 113 Codex. II. 108 Concilium Ratisbonense. I. 113 Ephesinum. I. 113 Gangrense. II. 58 Colerus. I. 223 Columella expounded. II. 45. 118 Sebastianus Corradus. I. 139 Cornificius. I. 133. 232 Cornutus in Terentium. II. 130 Petrus Crinitus. I. 52

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Index Auctorum. Cruserius. I. 52. II. 111 Iacobus Cuiacius. I. 59. II. 92 Q. Curtius. I. 197. 234. 237 S. Cyprianus. I. 48. 98. 179. II. 189. S. Cypriani Acta. I. 112. II. 59 D I Acobus Dalechampius notatur I. 5. probatur. 149. II. 66. arguitur. Ioannes Diaconus. | I. 110| Demosthenes. | II. 134. 153| Dio Cassius. I. 33. 35. emendatur. 41. 41. 63. 69. 72. 73. 80. 81. 82. 84. 93. 101. 136. 137. 138. 139. 141. 153. 157. 167. 169. 177. 195. 197. 201. 205. 210. reprehensus, 211: 213. 214. 216. 252. exponitur. 209. 261. Eius interpres notatur. Dio vellicatur II. 22. 54: notatur. 54. 62. 69. 73. 74. 96. 98. 103. 119. 120. 125. 126. interpres eius taxatur 160. Diodorus Siculus. I. 241. II. 112. 127. Digesta. | II. 11. 93| Domitius Calderinus. | I. 164| Marcellus Donatus notatur. I. 5: 11. II. 31. || Donatus. I. 250. II. 53. 130. 153. Io. Baptista Donus. | II. 65. 82. 83| E E Nnius. | I. 210| Epicetetus. | II. 161. 202| Ericus autor vitæ S. Germani. | I. 134| Epiphanius. | I. 9| Etymologus | I. 2| Etymologici Autores. | II. 97| Eunapius. | II. 186. 193. 201| Interpres eius deceptus. ib. || Euripides. | II. 175| Eusebius. | II. 191. 198| Eustachius. | II. 29. 135. 167. 177| Euthymius. | I. 181. 221| F Fetius Faber refellitur. I. 82: 252. 253. 258. 259. II. 45. 60. Thomas Farnabius. | I. 164. 191| Franciscus Bernardinus Ferrarius. I. 18. 101. || Sex. Pomp. Festus. I. 6. 31. 44. 55. 57. 77. 135. 151. 152. 153. 156. 165. 168. 170. 177. 205. 209. 221. 223. 237. 239. 242. 243. 247. emendatur, 75. II. 18. 33. 57. 77. 120. 140. 210. emendatur, 208. Verrius Flaccus. | I. 152. II. 128| Curius Fortunatianus. I. 114. 118. 119. 122. || Frontinus. | I. 43. 44| Fronto apud Gellium. | I. 250| G Gallus. | II. 2| Ioannes Galuanus. | II. 94| Sigismundus Gelenius. | I. 57| Aul. Gellius. I. 3. 50. 67. 100. 173. 177. 196. 198. 250. || II. 2. 22. explicatur 70: 76. 82. 92. 139. 174. 210. || Gemma Animæ. | I. 106| Glossarium. I. 44. 152. 197. correctum 198. Vetus. 240. II. emendatum. 14: 23. 43. 83. 137. 175. || Glossographi Sacri. | I. 105| Gotofredus. | II. 37| Grammatici veteres. I. 179. II. taxantur. 37: 167. || Græci. | II. 115| Ioannes Fredricus Gronouius. | I. 22| Ianus Gruterus. I. 133. vindicatur. 240. 244. || Gulielmus. | II. 213| E e Dio-

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Index of Authors. Cruserius. I. 52. II. 111 Iacobus Cuiacius. I. 59. II. 92 Q. Curtius. I. 197. 234. 237 S. Cyprianus. I. 48. 98. 179. II. 189. S. Cypriani Acta. I. 112. II. 59 D I Acobus Dalechampius is noted I. 5. proved. 149. II. 66. criticized. Ioannes Diaconus. | I. 110| Demosthenes. | II. 134. 153| Dio Cassius. I. 33. 35. corrected. 41. 41. 63. 69. 72. 73. 80. 81. 82. 84. 93. 101. 136. 137. 138. 139. 141. 153. 157. 167. 169. 177. 195. 197. 201. 205. 210. reproached, 211: 213. 214. 216. 252. explained. 209. 261. His interpreter is noted. Dio is criticized II. 22. 54: noted. 54. 62. 69. 73. 74. 96. 98. 103. 119. 120. 125. 126. his interpreter is taken to task 160. Diodorus Siculus. I. 241. II. 112. 127. Digesta. | II. 11. 93| Domitius Calderinus. | I. 164| Marcellus Donatus is noted. I. 5: 11. II. 31. || Donatus. I. 250. II. 53. 130. 153. Io. Baptista Donus. | II. 65. 82. 83| E Ennius. | I. 210| Epictetus. | II. 161. 202| Ericus, author of the Life of S. Germanus. | I. 134| Epiphanius. | I. 9| Etymologus | I. 2| Authors of the Etymologica. | II. 97| Eunapius. | II. 186. 193. 201| His interpreter is deceived. ib. || Euripides. | II. 175| Eusebius. | II. 191. 198| Eustachius. | II. 29. 135. 167. 177| Euthymius. | I. 181. 221| F Fetius Faber is refuted. I. 82: 252. 253. 258. 259. II. 45. 60. Thomas Farnabius. | I. 164. 191| Franciscus Bernardinus Ferrarius. I. 18. 101. || Sex. Pomp. Festus. I. 6. 31. 44. 55. 57. 77. 135. 151. 152. 153. 156. 165. 168. 170. 177. 205. 209. 221. 223. 237. 239. 242. 243. 247. corrected, 75. II. 18. 33. 57. 77. 120. 140. 210. corrected, 208. Verrius Flaccus. | I. 152. II. 128| Curius Fortunatianus. I. 114. 118. 119. 122. || Frontinus. | I. 43. 44| Fronto apud Gellium. | I. 250| G Gallus. | II. 2| Ioannes Galuanus. | II. 94| Sigismundus Gelenius. | I. 57| Aul. Gellius. I. 3. 50. 67. 100. 173. 177. 196. 198. 250. || II. 2. 22. explained 70: 76. 82. 92. 139. 174. 210. || Gemma Animæ. | I. 106| Glossary. I. 44. 152. 197. corrected 198. Old. 240. II. emended. 14: 23. 43. 83. 137. 175. || Sacred Glossographers. | I. 105| Gotofredus. | II. 37| Ancient grammarians. I. 179. II. criticized. 37: 167. || Greeks. | II. 115| Ioannes Fredricus Gronouius. | I. 22| Ianus Gruterus. I. 133. vindicated. 240. 244. || Gulielmus. | II. 213| E e Dio-

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Index Au[n]ctorum. H Dionysius Halicarnasseus. I. II reijcitur 52: 71. correctus 144. illustratur. 145. 146. 216. II. 32. Nicolaus Heinsius. I. 248 Herodianus. I. 71. 72. 80. 81. 138. emendatus 154: 201. 213. 216. II. 6. 7. 73. 93. 99. 113. 126. 127. 128. 129. Eius interpres notatus. II. 202. 6. Hesychius. I. 172. 179. 180. 188 II. 5. 6. 20. 21. 29. 39. 46. 47. 92. 95. 136. 137. 162. 167. 175. 177. 208. 210 emendatus 209. D. Hieronymus. I. 188. II. 46. 189. explicatur, 191. 192 Hirtius. II. 101. 126 Homerus. I. 179. II. 20. explicatur, 21. 39. 135. 159. 162. 163. 167. 168. 171. Homeri interpres taxatur. II. 21. 135. Horatius exponitur. I. 16: 24. Eius interpretes notantur. 29. expositi. 224. Vetus interpres MS. 29. explicatur. 43: 148: 56. 64. 69. 73. 166. 175. 180. 183. 190. 191. 192. 195. 207. 222. 223. enodatus: 226. 227. 231. 232. 233. 234. 235: 225. 259. II. explicatur. 12. 14. 53. 60. 77. 101. 113. 118. 121. 125. 132. 197. expositus 198. Horatii Interpretes. I. 72 Franciscus Hottomannus. II. 91. 92 Hygenus. I. 30 I D. Ioannes explicatur I. 176. 217. Isidorus. I. 7. tentatus 45: 57. 66. 67. correctus 107: 160. 188. 205. 224. notatur 225. 231. 237. II. 5. notatur: explicatur 29. reprehenditur. 37. 47. emendatur 57: 58. 122. 123. 136. 140. taxatur 159. corrigitur. 113. Isidorus Pelusiota. I. 221. B. Iuo Carnotensis. I. 109. 111. 183 Franciscus Iuretus. I. 100 Iurisconsulti. I. 158. II. eorum lapsus. 91. Iuuenalis explicatur. I. 9. 55. 64. 71. 93. 96. 97. 99. declaratur 101. 139. 155. 165. 167. 170. 178. 191. 203. 204. 209. 210. 215. 214. 232. 251. 253. 255. 256. 260. II. exponitur 9: 19. 20. 24. 25. 27. 35. 41. 42. 43. 44. 47. 49. 55. 58. 69. 88. 102. 120. 123. 131. 137. 183. 194. 211. Eius vetus interpres notatur I. 48. MS. Ambrosianæ bibliothecæ. 134. 155. emédatur 171. explicatur. 192. 193. 210. correctus 216. 224. 251. 255. 257. Interpretes reprehéduntur. I. 101. 216 Vetus Interpres. II. 9. 24. emendatur. 25: 41. 58. 59. 102. 131. 137. notatur. 42. 43. explicatur 47. taxatur. 49. K Kercoetius. I. 6. 97. 206 L Lætantius Grammaticus. I. 31 Diogenes Laertius. I. 179. 188. II. 152. 171. 177. 182. restitutus, 183. & declaratur, 184. 195. emendatur 197. suspectus. 198. 200. 201. 203. Interpres eius notatur. II. 6 Dionysius Lambinus. I. 16. 25. notatur, 29. 133. 175. notatur, 208. 224. 238. 29. 244. 245. 246. 247. 272. Æelius

Transcription: Translated (English)

Index of Authors. H Dionysius of Halicarnassus. I. II rejected 52: 71. corrected 144. illustrated. 145. 146. 216. II. 32. Nicolaus Heinsius. I. 248 Herodian. I. 71. 72. 80. 81. 138. emended 154: 201. 213. 216. II. 6. 7. 73. 93. 99. 113. 126. 127. 128. 129. His translator noted. II. 202. 6. Hesychius. I. 172. 179. 180. 188 II. 5. 6. 20. 21. 29. 39. 46. 47. 92. 95. 136. 137. 162. 167. 175. 177. 208. 210 emended 209. St. Jerome. I. 188. II. 46. 189. explained, 191. 192 Hirtius. II. 101. 126 Homer. I. 179. II. 20. explained, 21. 39. 135. 159. 162. 163. 167. 168. 171. Homer’s translator criticized. II. 21. 135. Horace explained. I. 16: 24. His translators noted. 29. expounded. 224. Old translator MS. 29. explained. 43: 148: 56. 64. 69. 73. 166. 175. 180. 183. 190. 191. 192. 195. 207. 222. 223. clarified: 226. 227. 231. 232. 233. 234. 235: 225. 259. II. explained. 12. 14. 53. 60. 77. 101. 113. 118. 121. 125. 132. 197. expounded 198. Horace’s translators. I. 72 Franciscus Hottomannus. II. 91. 92 Hygenus. I. 30 I D. Ioannes explained I. 176. 217. Isidore. I. 7. examined 45: 57. 66. 67. corrected 107: 160. 188. 205. 224. noted 225. 231. 237. II. 5. noted: explained 29. criticized. 37. 47. emended 57: 58. 122. 123. 136. 140. criticized 159. corrected. 113. Isidore of Pelusium. I. 221. B. Ivo of Chartres. I. 109. 111. 183 Franciscus Iuretus. I. 100 The jurists. I. 158. II. their errors. 91. Juvenal explained. I. 9. 55. 64. 71. 93. 96. 97. 99. declared 101. 139. 155. 165. 167. 170. 178. 191. 203. 204. 209. 210. 215. 214. 232. 251. 253. 255. 256. 260. II. expounded 9: 19. 20. 24. 25. 27. 35. 41. 42. 43. 44. 47. 49. 55. 58. 69. 88. 102. 120. 123. 131. 137. 183. 194. 211. His old translator noted I. 48. MS. of the Ambrosian Library. 134. 155. emended 171. explained. 192. 193. 210. corrected 216. 224. 251. 255. 257. Translators criticized. I. 101. 216 Old Translator. II. 9. 24. emended. 25: 41. 58. 59. 102. 131. 137. noted. 42. 43. explained 47. criticized. 49. K Kercoetius. I. 6. 97. 206 L Lætantius the Grammarian. I. 31 Diogenes Laertius. I. 179. 188. II. 152. 171. 177. 182. restored, 183. and explained, 184. 195. emended 197. suspect. 198. 200. 201. 203. His translator noted. II. 6 Dionysius Lambinus. I. 16. 25. noted, 29. 133. 175. noted, 208. 224. 238. 29. 244. 245. 246. 247. 272. Æelius

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Index Auctorum. Æelius Lampridius. I. 63. 79. 80. 101. 133. 150. 151. 152. 154. 156. explicatur. 158: 170. 181. 182. 183. 188. 200. 212. 213. 214. 215. 216. 258. declaratur. 260. II. 19. 70. 72. emendatur 73. 74. 95. eiusdem lapsus. 76. 90. 119. Ioannes de Lazara. II. 83 Ioannes Leonclanius notatur. I. 210. Fedricus Lindenbrogius. II. 112 Carolus Stephanus Litta. I. 4 Iustus Lipsius refellitur. I. 3. 4. 31. 32. 33. 36. 54. 55. 60. 64. 66. 67. tangitur 68: 69. 71. 79. 86. redarguitur 88: 91. 95. 96. 97. 98. 139. 143. 146. 155. 163. 184. 185. 197. notatur 203. 213: 222. 242. 256. 257. Titus Liuius. I. 14. 16. 33. 45. 52. 66. 67. 93. 94. 97. exponitur 129: 136. 137. 153. 166. 173. 174. 232. 237. 240. II. probatur. 5. notatur. 16: 18. 50. vindicatur 54: 56. notatur. 69: 87. 89. 100. 101. 102. 104. 109. 160. Liuii Epitome. I. 81. II. 105 D. Lucas. I. 17. 6II. 134 Velius Longus emendatur, & exponitur. II. 92 Lucanus explicatur. I. 16. 29. 71. 140. 242. Lucianus. I. 5. 175. 178. 179. 232. 242 II. 121. interpretatio eius notatur 147: 167. 170. 171. 173. 175. 180. 184. 185. 188. 189. 194. 195. 201. 202. 207. 211. Lucilius. I. 243. 246. II. 12. 14. 29. 68. 147. 187. M Ammianus Marcellinus. I. 60. 68. 96. 183. 258. 201. expositus 203. II. 31. 38. 'correctus 56: 112. 128. 174. Macrobius rejicitur. I. 17. correctus & explicatur. 39. 40. taxatus. ibid. MS. ib. 77. 78. MS. 143. 228. Ioannes Maldonatus notatur. I. 176 Nonius Marcellus. I. 46. 65. 67. 71. 75. 83. 160. emendatur 165: notatur 166: 169. 175. 178. 180. 215. 231. 239. 240. 241. 242. 243. 244. notatur 247: 248. II. 68. tentatur 77: 98. 108. Theodorus Marcilius. I. 68 Martialis Scholiastes notatur. I. 87 Martialis Interpretes. I. 86 Aldus Manutius. I. 2. refellitur 3: 17. 23. 24. 39. 42. 48. 66. 70. 77. 84. 93. 94. 134. 136. 140. 142. 153. 172. 173. 175. 184. 193. notatur, 204: 222. 252. D. Marcus. I. 176. II. 39 D. Matthæus. I. 175 Rabanus Maurus. I. 188 Valerius Maximus. I. 2. 11. 14. 37 40. 43. declaratur 44: 49. 71. 72. 143. 144. 153. 176. correctus 222: II. 99. 100. 113. 122. 126: 138. 143. D. Marcus. II. 134 Martialis. I. 16. 36. 53. 54. explicatur 55: 56. 59. 68. 71. 73. 79. 86. 121. 122. excusatur 127: notatur 131: 149. 105. 211. explicatur. 91: 92. 94. 96. 98. 100: 101. 136. tentatus. 155. MS. Florentinus. 164: 165. 166. 169. 170. 180. 192. 215. exponitur, 223: 228. 237. 251. 256. 259. Martialis. II. 9. 10. 12. exponitur, 13: 18. 19. 20. 24. 26. 28. 30. 31. 32. 35. 37. 40. 41. 43. 45. 47. 49. 50. 52. 54. 55. 56. explicatur & emendatur. 60: 66. 70. 71. declaratur. 77: 87. 88. 89. 92. 95. 108. 110. explicatur 123: 137. 167. E e 2 Ma-

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Index of Authors. Æelius Lampridius. I. 63. 79. 80. 101. 133. 150. 151. 152. 154. 156. explained. 158: 170. 181. 182. 183. 188. 200. 212. 213. 214. 215. 216. 258. clarified. 260. II. 19. 70. 72. corrected 73. 74. 95. same error. 76. 90. 119. Ioannes de Lazara. II. 83 Ioannes Leonclanius noted. I. 210. Fedricus Lindenbrogius. II. 112 Carolus Stephanus Litta. I. 4 Iustus Lipsius refuted. I. 3. 4. 31. 32. 33. 36. 54. 55. 60. 64. 66. 67. mentioned 68: 69. 71. 79. 86. rebutted 88: 91. 95. 96. 97. 98. 139. 143. 146. 155. 163. 184. 185. 197. noted 203. 213: 222. 242. 256. 257. Titus Livius. I. 14. 16. 33. 45. 52. 66. 67. 93. 94. 97. explained 129: 136. 137. 153. 166. 173. 174. 232. 237. 240. II. proved. 5. noted. 16: 18. 50. vindicated 54: 56. noted. 69: 87. 89. 100. 101. 102. 104. 109. 160. Liuii Epitome. I. 81. II. 105 D. Lucas. I. 17. 6II. 134 Velius Longus corrected, & explained. II. 92 Lucanus explained. I. 16. 29. 71. 140. 242. Lucianus. I. 5. 175. 178. 179. 232. 242 II. 121. his interpretation noted 147: 167. 170. 171. 173. 175. 180. 184. 185. 188. 189. 194. 195. 201. 202. 207. 211. Lucilius. I. 243. 246. II. 12. 14. 29. 68. 147. 187. M Ammianus Marcellinus. I. 60. 68. 96. 183. 258. 201. explained 203. II. 31. 38. corrected 56: 112. 128. 174. Macrobius rejected. I. 17. corrected & explained. 39. 40. criticized. ibid. MS. ib. 77. 78. MS. 143. 228. Ioannes Maldonatus noted. I. 176 Nonius Marcellus. I. 46. 65. 67. 71. 75. 83. 160. corrected 165: noted 166: 169. 175. 178. 180. 215. 231. 239. 240. 241. 242. 243. 244. noted 247: 248. II. 68. attempted 77: 98. 108. Theodorus Marcilius. I. 68 Martialis Scholiast noted. I. 87 Martialis Interpreters. I. 86 Aldus Manutius. I. 2. refuted 3: 17. 23. 24. 39. 42. 48. 66. 70. 77. 84. 93. 94. 134. 136. 140. 142. 153. 172. 173. 175. 184. 193. noted, 204: 222. 252. D. Marcus. I. 176. II. 39 D. Matthæus. I. 175 Rabanus Maurus. I. 188 Valerius Maximus. I. 2. 11. 14. 37 40. 43. clarified 44: 49. 71. 72. 143. 144. 153. 176. corrected 222: II. 99. 100. 113. 122. 126: 138. 143. D. Marcus. II. 134 Martialis. I. 16. 36. 53. 54. explained 55: 56. 59. 68. 71. 73. 79. 86. 121. 122. excused 127: noted 131: 149. 105. 211. explained. 91: 92. 94. 96. 98. 100: 101. 136. attempted. 155. MS. Florentinus. 164: 165. 166. 169. 170. 180. 192. 215. explained, 223: 228. 237. 251. 256. 259. Martialis. II. 9. 10. 12. explained, 13: 18. 19. 20. 24. 26. 28. 30. 31. 32. 35. 37. 40. 41. 43. 45. 47. 49. 50. 52. 54. 55. 56. explained & corrected. 60: 66. 70. 71. clarified. 77: 87. 88. 89. 92. 95. 108. 110. explained 123: 137. 167. E e 2 Ma-

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Index Auctorum. Macambertus. II. 54. explicatur 196 D. Matthæus. II. 134 Menander. II. 22. 202 Iosias Mercerus. II. 23. 160. 161 Hieronymus Mercurialis notatur. I. 192. Paulus Merula. II. 50 Messala. II. 14 Andreas Moretus. II. 144 Morychus apud scholiastem Aristophanis. II. 180 Moses. II. 167 Antonius Muretus. I. 96. 143. II. 4. refellitur. N Næcuius. I. 241. 247. II. 37 Cornelius Nepos. I. 147. 163 Niceta. I. 200. Niceta Aconinatus. II. 164 Nonnus. I. 183. 241. correctus, 243. II. 29. O Oppianus. II. 151 Sertorius Orsatus. II. 85 Ouidius. I. 15. 30. 56. 60. 69. 77. 88. 91. 99. 101. 148. 180. 196. 208. 212. 214. 223. illustratur 224: 226. 227. correctus 228: 231. 232. 233. 240. 242. 243. 244. expenditur P Pacuius. I. 12 Asconius Pædianus. I. 3. notatur. 49. 76. 173. 174. Papias. 160. 165. 166 Palladius. II. 63 Velleius Paterculus. I. 11. 141. II. 105 Pamelius. | II. 124| |Guidi Panciroli lapsus. | II. 51| |Pandææ Florentini taxantur. | I. 232| |Ianus Parrhasius notatur. | I. 30| |D. Paulus. | II. 67| |Paulus Festi abbreviator | I. 77. 151.| |II. 5. | || |Pausanias. | II. 163. 168.| |Eius interpres notatur. | ib.| |Aul. Persius. I. 17. 69. exponitur. | 117: 135. 170. 246.| |II. 12. 14. explicatur | 16. 20.| |Persii vetus Interpres. I. 2. mutilus. | 46: 69. 106.| |II. 5. 57. taxatur | 78.| |Petronius. I. 6. 12. 37. explicatur. | 38: 88 194. 215. emendatur | 222: 227.| |II. 16. explicatur | 17: 24. 39. 83. 140. emendatur. | 189.| |Phædrus. | II. 39| |Iunius Philargyrius. | II. 59| |Philemon Comicus apud Laertium | II. 200.| |Philon. | I. 283.| |Philostratus I. 242. II. 22. 34. 91. 165. 166. 175. dilucidatus | 176: 179. 182. 184. 185. 186. 187. 207.| |Pindari Scholastes. | II. 147| |Pincianus. | I. 149| |Pithoeus. | II. 58| |Baptista Pius. | I. 241. 243. 247| |Plato. | II. 57. 147| |Plautus. I. 31 37. 40. 175. 180. 184. 189. 194. 197. 232. 233. 238. 239 declaratur. | 241: 242. emendatur 243: 244. 245. 250. 255. 257. explicatur | 258. II. enodatus | 27: 33. 97. 138. 147. 151. 162. 168. 173. 180. expositus. | 206.| |Eius interpretes notantur. | II. 211. 212.| |Plinius maior. I. 11. 48. 53. 54. declaratur | 55. emendatur. | 57: MS. 58: 59. restitutus, | 60. defenditur,|

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Index of Authors. Macambertus. II. 54. explained 196 D. Matthæus. II. 134 Menander. II. 22. 202 Iosias Mercerus. II. 23. 160. 161 Hieronymus Mercurialis noted. I. 192. Paulus Merula. II. 50 Messala. II. 14 Andreas Moretus. II. 144 Morychus apud scholia on Aristophanes. II. 180 Moses. II. 167 Antonius Muretus. I. 96. 143. II. 4. refuted. N Næcuius. I. 241. 247. II. 37 Cornelius Nepos. I. 147. 163 Niceta. I. 200. Niceta Aconinatus. II. 164 Nonnus. I. 183. 241. corrected, 243. II. 29. O Oppianus. II. 151 Sertorius Orsatus. II. 85 Ouidius. I. 15. 30. 56. 60. 69. 77. 88. 91. 99. 101. 148. 180. 196. 208. 212. 214. 223. illustrated 224: 226. 227. corrected 228: 231. 232. 233. 240. 242. 243. 244. examined P Pacuius. I. 12 Asconius Pædianus. I. 3. noted. 49. 76. 173. 174. Papias. 160. 165. 166 Palladius. II. 63 Velleius Paterculus. I. 11. 141. II. 105 Pamelius. | II. 124| |Guidi Panciroli lapsus. | II. 51| |Pandææ Florentini taxantur. | I. 232| |Ianus Parrhasius noted. | I. 30| |D. Paulus. | II. 67| |Paulus, abbreviator of Festus | I. 77. 151.| |II. 5. | || |Pausanias. | II. 163. 168.| |His interpreter noted. | ib.| |Aul. Persius. I. 17. 69. explained. | 117: 135. 170. 246.| |II. 12. 14. explained | 16. 20.| |Old Interpreter of Persius. I. 2. mutilated. | 46: 69. 106.| |II. 5. 57. censured | 78.| |Petronius. I. 6. 12. 37. explained. | 38: 88 194. 215. emended | 222: 227.| |II. 16. explained | 17: 24. 39. 83. 140. emended. | 189.| |Phædrus. | II. 39| |Iunius Philargyrius. | II. 59| |Philemon Comicus apud Laertium | II. 200.| |Philon. | I. 283.| |Philostratus I. 242. II. 22. 34. 91. 165. 166. 175. elucidated | 176: 179. 182. 184. 185. 186. 187. 207.| |Pindar's Scholiast. | II. 147| |Pincianus. | I. 149| |Pithoeus. | II. 58| |Baptista Pius. | I. 241. 243. 247| |Plato. | II. 57. 147| |Plautus. I. 31 37. 40. 175. 180. 184. 189. 194. 197. 232. 233. 238. 239 declared. | 241: 242. emended 243: 244. 245. 250. 255. 257. explained | 258. II. elucidated | 27: 33. 97. 138. 147. 151. 162. 168. 173. 180. expounded. | 206.| |His interpreters noted. | II. 211. 212.| |Pliny the Elder. I. 11. 48. 53. 54. declared | 55. emended. | 57: MS. 58: 59. restored, | 60. defended,|

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Index Au[n]ctorum. Cassianus à Puteo laudatus. II. 7. 78. 198. Q F Ab. Quintilianus. explicatur. I. 4. 11. declaratur 13. 18: 23. 42. 40. 73. illustratur. 74: 102: 114. 118. 119. tentatur 121. emendatus. 122: 126. 127. 169. 170. 194. 206. 207. 208. 209. 256. II. 33. explicatur. 52. emendatus. 53: 54. 69. 70. 142. 144. 211. R M Matthæus Raderus notatur, II. 61. 196. Ramiresius. II. 54 Beatus Rhenanus. II. 191 Ioannes Rhodius. I. 51. 123. II. 33. 35. Nicolaus Rigaltius. II. 89. 143. 169 Philippus Rubenius tangitur. I. 18. ad- seritur 118. 229. 256. Ianus Rutgersius notatur II. 43. pro- batur. 44. S M Arcus Sabellicus notatur. I. 165. II. 38. Claudius Salmasius. I. 2. 6. 11. 13. 17. 42. notatur, 47. probatur. 60. 66. 149. 150. 158. 159. 166. 182. 200. refellitur, 217. 225. 227: lau- datus 261. II. 23. refellitur, 45. laudatus. 46. 57. 58. 62. 63. 73. Eunapii Sardiani interpres notatus. I. 137. Sallustius. I. 84. II. 101. 102 Iulius Scaliger. II. 131 Ioseph. Scaliger notatur. I. 31. 162. 163. 206. 240. 251. II. notatur. 12. 13. laudatur 33. 37. 128. 163. Gaspar

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Index of Authors. Cassianus à Puteo praised. II. 7. 78. 198. Q F Ab. Quintilianus explained. I. 4. 11. clarified 13. 18: 23. 42. 40. 73. illustrated. 74: 102: 114. 118. 119. tested 121. emended. 122: 126. 127. 169. 170. 194. 206. 207. 208. 209. 256. II. 33. explained. 52. emended. 53: 54. 69. 70. 142. 144. 211. R M Matthæus Raderus noted, II. 61. 196. Ramiresius. II. 54 Beatus Rhenanus. II. 191 Ioannes Rhodius. I. 51. 123. II. 33. 35. Nicolaus Rigaltius. II. 89. 143. 169 Philippus Rubenius touched on. I. 18. asserted 118. 229. 256. Ianus Rutgersius noted II. 43. proved. 44. S M Arcus Sabellicus noted. I. 165. II. 38. Claudius Salmasius. I. 2. 6. 11. 13. 17. 42. noted, 47. proved. 60. 66. 149. 150. 158. 159. 166. 182. 200. refuted, 217. 225. 227: praised 261. II. 23. refuted, 45. praised. 46. 57. 58. 62. 63. 73. Interpreter of Eunapius the Sardian noted. I. 137. Sallustius. I. 84. II. 101. 102 Iulius Scaliger. II. 131 Ioseph. Scaliger noted. I. 31. 162. 163. 206. 240. 251. II. noted. 12. 13. praised 33. 37. 128. 163. Gaspar

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Index Auctorum. 108. III. 115. 123. 124. 127. 128. Virgilius. I. 59. 60. 145. 146. 154. 166. 168. 170. 171. 194. 231. 233. 241. 250. 251. Adrianus Turnebus notatur I. 15: 18. II. 96. 119. 127. 164. 24. 25. 30. 101. 135. 136. 144. 151. 158 M. Vitruvius Pollio. I. 223 159. 162. 190. notatur 195: 196. 205. Vlpianus. I. 51. 206. 231. correctus. 232: 210. 212. 213. 223. 224. 239. 241. 252. II. 29. 91. 138. 245. 246. 248. 250. 251. Flavius Vopiscus. I. 63. 65. 81. 151. 182. 203. 205. 258. II. 56. 57. 115. 123. 128. 139. 159. II. 13. 25. 28. 43. 44. 50. 58. 104. Gerardus Vossius. I. 164. II. 12 127. 128. 160. Fuluius Vrsinus. I. 91 Turpilius. I. 243 V V Alesius. II. 31 Valtrinius. II. 99. 109 M. Terent. Varro. I. 53. 56. 65. 71. 75 77. 78. 83. emendatus 160: 162. tentatus 163. declaratus 175: 178. 180. 208. 231. dubius 239: 240. 241. 242. 243. 244. 247. 251. II. 12. 18. 19. 37. 46. 65. 68. 102. 108. 111. 118. 120. 137. 208. P. Vegetius explicatur. I. 251 Ioannes Veslingius. I. 114 Sextus Victor. II. 62 Petrus Victorius refellitur. I. 5 X Xenophon. I. 173. II. 142 X Xiphilinus taxatur. I. 42. 88 II. 6. 62. 99. 103. explicatur 118. Xiphilini interpres. I. 41. notatur 138. II. 90. 118. Guilielmus Xylander notatur II. 173. 215. Z Zonaras. I. 158. II. 58. INDEX

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Index of Authors. 108. III. 115. 123. 124. 127. 128. Virgilius. I. 59. 60. 145. 146. 154. 166. 168. 170. 171. 194. 231. 233. 241. 250. 251. Adrianus Turnebus noted I. 15: 18. II. 96. 119. 127. 164. 24. 25. 30. 101. 135. 136. 144. 151. 158 M. Vitruvius Pollio. I. 223 159. 162. 190. noted 195: 196. 205. Vlpianus. I. 51. 206. 231. corrected. 232: 210. 212. 213. 223. 224. 239. 241. 252. II. 29. 91. 138. 245. 246. 248. 250. 251. Flavius Vopiscus. I. 63. 65. 81. 151. 182. 203. 205. 258. II. 56. 57. 115. 123. 128. 139. 159. II. 13. 25. 28. 43. 44. 50. 58. 104. Gerardus Vossius. I. 164. II. 12 127. 128. 160. Fuluius Vrsinus. I. 91 Turpilius. I. 243 V V Alesius. II. 31 Valtrinius. II. 99. 109 M. Terent. Varro. I. 53. 56. 65. 71. 75 77. 78. 83. corrected 160: 162. attempted 163. declared 175: 178. 180. 208. 231. doubtful 239: 240. 241. 242. 243. 244. 247. 251. II. 12. 18. 19. 37. 46. 65. 68. 102. 108. 111. 118. 120. 137. 208. P. Vegetius explained. I. 251 Ioannes Veslingius. I. 114 Sextus Victor. II. 62 Petrus Victorius refuted. I. 5 X Xenophon. I. 173. II. 142 X Xiphilinus censured. I. 42. 88 II. 6. 62. 99. 103. explained 118. Interpreter of Xiphilinus. I. 41. noted 138. II. 90. 118. Guilielmus Xylander noted II. 173. 215. Z Zonaras. I. 158. II. 58. INDEX

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R Ægy ne Ælcu 'Ærφo Alicu Alicu Alica Amic Amic etia Amor Amip 182. Amphi Amphi Amphi I.17 Amphi II.1 Æuæcia Æra Col Æra Ca Æra Ca Ancilla Augusti Antoniu Antonia

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R Ægy ne Ælcu 'Ærφo Alicu Alicu Alica Amic Amic etia Amor Amip 182. Amphi Amphi Amphi I.17 Amphi II.1 Æuæcia Æra Col Æra Ca Æra Ca Ancilla Augusti Antoniu Antonia

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RERVM, ET VERBORVM Memorabilium INDEX. A Bolla non fuit toga, nec vestis senatoria. I. 164. sed pallium, 165. Duplex. Aduocati toga usi. I. 98 Ædilium munus. II. 201 Ægyptiorum vestes laneæ, tunicæ lineæ. II. 166 Æsculapii nummi. II. 204 Æphronæ. II. 117 Alicula. II. 91. 92. Eius notatio. Alicula, chlamys puerilis. 93 Alica. 95 Amictus. II. 136 Amiculum chlamydi simile. I. 237 etiam meretricum. 238 Amorginum. II. 167 Amipsias æmulus Aristophanis. II. 182. Amphimalla. I. 58 Amphitapetes. II. 29 Amphimallum. I. 171. Amphimallum à gausapa diuersum. II. 12. 28. Ingenuorum. II. 209 Ara Coln, II. 136 149 Ara Càmedas ιπιδιξια. II 6. 147 Ara Càmedas. II. 149. 159 Ancillarum vestis. I. 253 Angusticlauii. I. 212 Antonius Caracalla. II. 62 Antonianæ, talares. II. 62 Æπλῶτος. II. 197 Arcularii. I. 248 Æppa[n]tos. I. 217 Ascetriæ mulieres tribonium gestarunt. II. 193 Asema tunica. II. 215 Assyria, & Serica vestis. I. 62 Æstior. II. 112 Aue togatorum. I. 96 Ascetarum Christianorum habitus. II. 189. Aulæum. I. 155 Aurum meretricibus concessum. I. 254 255. B B I. 170 Balthous togæ, vimbo. I. 116. 127. quid. 118. Quando delapsus. I. 121 Bardocucullus. II. 43 Basilica. I. 239. 243 Bædymæ. II. 117 Baxea calceus. II. 160 Benedictinorum vestis. II. 45 Belgæ Romæ fallamenta suppeditabant. II. 118 Birrus, & Berus idem. II. 58 Birrus, Lacerna. I. 112. 171. Birretum. II. 43 Birri I. 158. 159. lacernæ, & chlamydes. 181 Birri Lacernæ, à chlamydibus diuersi. 261. II. 59. non penulæ.

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RERUM, ET VERBORUM Memorable INDEX. A Bolla was not a toga, nor a senatorial garment. I. 164. but a pallium, 165. Double. Advocates used the toga. I. 98 Duty of the aediles. II. 201 Egyptians’ woollen garments, linen tunics. II. 166 Coins of Aesculapius. II. 204 Aephronae. II. 117 Alicula. II. 91. 92. Its notation. Alicula, a boy’s chlamys. 93 Alica. 95 Amictus. II. 136 Amiculum similar to a chlamys. I. 237 also of prostitutes. 238 Amorginum. II. 167 Amipsias, rival of Aristophanes. II. 182. Amphimalla. I. 58 Amphitapetes. II. 29 Amphimallum. I. 171. Amphimallum different from gausapa. II. 12. 28. Of freeborn men. II. 209 Ara Coln, II. 136 149 Ara Càmedas ιπιδιξια. II 6. 147 Ara Càmedas. II. 149. 159 Garment of maidservants. I. 253 Angusticlavii. I. 212 Antonius Caracalla. II. 62 Antonian, trailing robes. II. 62 Æπλῶτος. II. 197 Arcularii. I. 248 Æppa[n]tos. I. 217 Ascetical women wore tribonium. II. 193 Asema tunic. II. 215 Assyrian, and silk garment. I. 62 Æstior. II. 112 Bird of the togati. I. 96 Habit of Christian ascetics. II. 189. Aulæum. I. 155 Gold granted to prostitutes. I. 254 255. B B I. 170 Balthous of the toga, vimbos. I. 116. 127. what. 118. When it slipped down. I. 121 Bardocucullus. II. 43 Basilica. I. 239. 243 Bædymæ. II. 117 Baxea, a shoe. II. 160 Clothing of the Benedictines. II. 45 The Belgae supplied Rome with fallamenta. II. 118 Birrus and Berus are the same. II. 58 Birrus, Lacerna. I. 112. 171. Birretum. II. 43 Birri I. 158. 159. lacernae, and chlamydes. 181 Birri, Lacernae, different from chlamydes. 261. II. 59. not penulæ.

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& Verborum. Chlamys Macedonica, & vulgaris. 105 Chlamys breuior. ib. Fibulata. 108 Chlamys Mantuelis. 115 Chlamys Macedonica; Romana. 115. Aurata barbarorum. 119 Græca varii coloris. 125 Græcanica Castrensis. 127 Romana alba. ibid. non contrahebatur supra ge- 148 nua. 148 Christus pedes lauat deposito pallio. 183. Crassa, villosa. 182 Circulus pullatus. I. 102 In circo factionum color. II. 51 Citharoedorum lacerna aurata. 120 Ciuilis habitus, id est, toga communis. 157. Claui tunicæ purpurei, angusti, lati. I. 206. quid 208. 240. Claus latum tribuere; adimere. 207 Clauus angustus. 212 Claui purpurei mappis, & linteis as- 215 suti. 215 aurei in tunica triumphali, iue palmata. Clausinuus. 56 Fuscus. ibid. Amethistinus. 258 Amygdalinus, siue Castaneus. 1. 249 Aureus. 11. 54 Cæsius. 250 Cermus. 250 Cæruleus. ibid. Croceus. 244 Cumulis. 1. 249 Ferrugineus. ibid. Galbeus, & galbinus. ibid. Glaucus. 250 Hyalus. 1. 249 Hyacinthinus. 250 Myrcus. 1. 80 Roseus. 131 Venetus. 131 Vndulatus. ibid. Commodi Imp. habitus. I. 80 Com[m]odi Palliatæ, ac Togatæ. 11. 130. id est Græcæ, & Latinæ. 131 Togatæ nobiliores siue prætextatæ: 131 minus nobiles. 131 Com[m]odiarium Togatarum autores. 133. Latinæ Prætextatæ, ac Togatæ. 132 Trabeatæ. ib. Tabernariæ. 131. 133 Compedes aureæ. I. 227 Consules Σποῦμοι. I. 154 Conuiuiorum ministri. I. 181 Cotta. I. 189. Cottula. 190 Coloratum. II. 4 Creta Cimolia, Sarda, Vmbrica. I. 67 Crocotula. 241 Crocotularii infectores. 189 Crocotarii. 248 Crepidæ pallio peculiares. II. 166 Critici laus, quædam ignorare. I. 161. 239. multa jis obscura. 248 Critici recentiores notantur. I. 153 Cucullus. I. 113. etiam ingenuorum. 259. II. quid. 41. Eius notatio. 46. cum lacerna. 41. cum penula. 83 Liburnicus. 41. Monachorum. 46 Cynicorum pallium. I. 9. duplicatum. 178. 179. Vestis. 48. Subucula. 50. 178. 178. Cynici sine tunica, & interula. II. 194. 195. 200. 197 Comati. 179. tonsi. 197 Cynicoru[m] autor Hercules. II. 194 F f 2 Cyni-

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and Words. Chlamys Macedonica, & vulgaris. 105 Chlamys breuior. ibid. Fibulata. 108 Chlamys Mantuelis. 115 Chlamys Macedonica; Romana. 115. Aurata barbarorum. 119 Græca varii coloris. 125 Græcanica Castrensis. 127 Romana alba. ibid. non contrahebatur supra ge- 148 nua. 148 Christus pedes lauat deposito pallio. 183. Crassa, villosa. 182 Circulus pullatus. I. 102 In circo factionum color. II. 51 Citharoedorum lacerna aurata. 120 Ciuilis habitus, id est, toga communis. 157. Claui tunicæ purpurei, angusti, lati. I. 206. what 208. 240. Claus latum tribuere; adimere. 207 Clauus angustus. 212 Claui purpurei mappis, & linteis as- 215 suti. 215 aurei in tunica triumphali, iue palmata. Clausinuus. 56 Fuscus. ibid. Amethistinus. 258 Amygdalinus, or Castaneus. 1. 249 Aureus. 11. 54 Cæsius. 250 Cermus. 250 Cæruleus. ibid. Croceus. 244 Cumulis. 1. 249 Ferrugineus. ibid. Galbeus, & galbinus. ibid. Glaucus. 250 Hyalus. 1. 249 Hyacinthinus. 250 Myrcus. 1. 80 Roseus. 131 Venetus. 131 Vndulatus. ibid. Commodi Imp. habitus. I. 80 Com[m]odi Palliatæ, ac Togatæ. 11. 130. id est Græcæ, & Latinæ. 131 Togatæ nobiliores siue prætextatæ: 131 less noble. 131 Com[m]odiarium Togatarum autores. 133. Latinæ Prætextatæ, ac Togatæ. 132 Trabeatæ. ib. Tabernariæ. 131. 133 Compedes aureæ. I. 227 Consules Σποῦμοι. I. 154 Conuiuiorum ministri. I. 181 Cotta. I. 189. Cottula. 190 Coloratum. II. 4 Creta Cimolia, Sarda, Vmbrica. I. 67 Crocotula. 241 Crocotularii infectores. 189 Crocotarii. 248 Crepidæ peculiar to the pallium. II. 166 Critics are praised for ignoring certain things. I. 161. 239. many things are obscure to them. 248 More recent critics are noted. I. 153 Cucullus. I. 113. also of freeborn men. 259. II. what. 41. Its marking. 46. with lacerna. 41. with penula. 83 Liburnicus. 41. of monks. 46 Cynicorum pallium. I. 9. doubled. 178. 179. Garment. 48. Subucula. 50. 178. 178. Cynics without tunic and interula. II. 194. 195. 200. 197 Shaved-haired. 179. tonsured. 197 The author of the Cynics is Hercules. II. 194 F f 2 Cyni-

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Index Rerum, Cynici figura. II. 198 Cynicorum patientia. II. 200 Cynicæ sectæ mulieres tribonophoræ. 202. D D Almatica. I. 111. tunica. 199 Eius vsus sacer, & profanus. I 111. 199. non fuit regium vestimentum. 200. sed Diaconorum. Διασυμαίλον. II. 117 Deorum statuæ sine tunica. II. 195. 204 Dextram trans pondera porrigere. I. 24 Diabathratii. I. 247 Discinctus. I. 195 Diogenes διπλοειματος. II. 197 Διπλος pallium. II. 197. etiam commune. Diphthera seruorum quid. II. 207. Item pastorum, & agricolarum. ib. Scortea. 208 Donum Senatus Toga picta. II. 153 Duces nunquam paludati intra verbum. II. 103 Duplex vestimentum quid. II. 21 E ἐγκομβωμα. II. 209 Electa Ferrarii. I. 114. 132 Endromis quæ vestis; eiusque vsus. II. 23. athletarum. 23. 24. etiam calceus. ἐγνυτὰς. II. 21 ἐπίθημα. II. 136 ἐπίθημα. II. 147. 152. 154 ἐπαπισεφα. II. 154 ἐπερπις. II. 5. 6 Episcopi veteres communi vestitu vsti. II. 59. Episcoporum vestitus simplex, ferè fuscus. 193 deinde floridus. ibid. ἐδῶς Græcis togam semper deno- tat. ἐπερομάχαλον. II. 209 Eunuchis chlamys vetita. I. 182 Exaustorationis ritus. II. 119. 123. 129 Exerti. 29. 30 Exomis. I. 113. 177. 198. II. 165. seruis propria 207. 209. etiam liberorum. 210. & Cynicorum. ibid. qualis 209 Eius vsus. 210 Expapillatum. I. 31 ἐξαμιας, Cynici. II. 210 F F Ano. I. 110 Feminæ gratis lauabantur in balneis. I. 193 Festiuitatum togæ. I. 69 Fibula togæ nulla. I. 51 Fibulæ, pαφαι, & pαφίδες, Suturæ. 217 Fibula neccebatur lacerna, & chlamys. II. 30. Tunica. 31. Trabea. 32 Fibula non est insigne Tribunitium. ib. Fibulæ vestiariæ figura. 33 Fibula chlamydis. II. 108. 159. & Chlenæ. Sagi Gallici. 112 Iberici. 113 Germanici. ib. Pallii nulla. 155 Fibula Theatralis quænam. I. 35 Fibrum. II. 37 Fimbria. 37. quibus addita. 38 Flaminum vestis. I. 168 Flammeum. I. 245. II. 140 Flammearii. I. 245 D. Francisci cucullus. II. 46 Frangiæ. II. 38 Fucus herba. II. 53 profraude. ib. Fusca

Transcription: Translated (English)

Index of Things, Cynic figure. II. 198 Cynics’ endurance. II. 200 Women of the Cynic sect, tribonophoræ. 202. D D Almatica. I. 111. tunic. 199 Its sacred and profane use. I. 111. 199. was not a royal garment. 200. but of Deacons. Διασυμαίλον. II. 117 Statues of the gods without a tunic. II. 195. 204 To stretch out the right hand over the scales. I. 24 Diabathratii. I. 247 Discinctus. I. 195 Diogenes διπλοειματος. II. 197 Διπλος pallium. II. 197. also common. Diphthera: what of servants. II. 207. Also of shepherds and farmers. ib. Leather garment. 208 Gift of the Senate: toga picta. II. 153 Leaders were never paludati within the word. II. 103 What a double garment is. II. 21 E ἐγκομβωμα. II. 209 Electa Ferrarii. I. 114. 132 Endromis: what garment; and its use. II. 23. of athletes. 23. 24. also a shoe. ἐγνυτὰς. II. 21 ἐπίθημα. II. 136 ἐπίθημα. II. 147. 152. 154 ἐπαπισεφα. II. 154 ἐπερπις. II. 5. 6 The ancient bishops wore ordinary clothing. II. 59. The vesture of bishops, simple, almost brown. 193 then flowery. ibid. ἐδῶς always signifies toga among the Greeks. ἐπερομάχαλον. Eunuchs were forbidden to wear the chlamys. I. 182 Rite of stripping. II. 119. 123. 129 Armed. 29. 30 Exomis. I. 113. 177. 198. II. 165. proper to servants 207. 209. also to free men. 210. and to Cynics. ibid. what kind. 209 Its use. 210 Expapillatum. I. 31 ἐξαμιας, Cynics. II. 210 F F Ano. I. 110 Women were washed free of charge in the baths. I. 193 Festival toga. I. 69 No clasp of the toga. I. 51 Fibulæ, pαφαι, & pαφίδες, seams. 217 A clasp was necessary for the lacerna and chlamys. II. 30. Tunic. 31. Trabea. 32 The clasp is not a badge of the tribune. ib. Form of clothing clasps. 33 Clasp of the chlamys. II. 108. 159. & Chlenæ. Of Gallic cloaks. 112 Of Iberian. 113 Of German. ib. Of the pallium, none. 155 What the theatrical clasp is. I. 35 Fibrum. II. 37 Fimbria. 37. to which added. 38 Garment of the Flamines. I. 168 Flammeum. I. 245. II. 140 Flammearii. I. 245 Cucullus of St. Francis. II. 46 Fringes. II. 38 Fucus herb. II. 53 by fraud. ib. Fusca

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& Verborum. Fusca penula. II. 87 Fullonum officium. II. 171 G Galea. Galerus. II. 46 Galbus, id est, viridis. I. 151 Galbeus color. II. 50 Galbani mores. ib. Gallicæ. II. 2 Galerus. 42 Galericulum. ib. Gaunacum. 179 Gausapæ. I. 58 Gausapina vestimenta. II. 12. 18 Gausapa, Gausape, & Gausapum. ib. quid. 13. II. 137. ab amphimallo diuersum. Gausape quadratum: rotundum. I 3. 14 balanatum. 14 Gausapina cubicularia, triclinaria. 14 22. Gausapa quando Romanis nota. 14 Gausapina coccina. 24 Gausapæ Tapetes. 29 Gladiatores togati. I. 79. II. 45 Gossipium Italiæ diu ignotum. II. 163 Græcorum ingenuorum vestis alba. II. 169. 170. Græci, id est, Philosophi seu Sophistæ. I. 48. S. Gregorii pater num in clero. I. 110 Græcia armata. II. 152 Grus, color vestis femineæ. I. 243 H Litera. II. 93 Habitus communis candidus. II. 192 Hebræorum vestitus. II. 192 Hercules Cynicæ sectæ autor. II. 194. 204. Herculis sacerdos apud Coos vestem femineam indutus. Holoserica vestis. | I. 63| Holouera vox Græca. | 159| Humerus dexter num exertus è toga. | I. 114. 123.| I Illustres Equites. I. 215 eorumque filii ius lati claui habuere. 214 iguatior. Toga. I. 177 Pallium. II. 133. muliebre. 135 Stragula vestis. 134 Quælibet vestis. ib. Tribonium, siue Pallium. 134 Proprie vestis, quæ tunicæ superinduebatur. ib. Imperatores togati. I. 79 Purpura vestiti. 157 II. numquam penulati. 74 Impluuiata vestis. I. 239 Impuberes gratis lauabantur. I. 193 Indui. Iniiici. II. 135 Indusium. I. 175. Intusium. 240 Instira. I. 223. matronarum. 224 Interula Cynicis nulla. II. 200 Isidorus exscripsit Seruium. I. 231 Iter facientium habitus. II. 1. Iuuenalis vetus interpres Probus. I. 49 K K I. 200 Kataváki 209. 210 Krafeûs, Krafeûn. Krafeûoi. Kradgai II. 171. Kolosbòs. I. 187 Kónnos. II. 46 Krástedôv. II. 39 Kroasôs. II. 39 L Acerna Romanorum. I. 9. qualis

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& Of Words. Fusca penula. II. 87 Fullonum officium. II. 171 G Galea. Galerus. II. 46 Galbus, that is, green. I. 151 Galbeus color. II. 50 Galbani mores. ib. Gallicæ. II. 2 Galerus. 42 Galericulum. ib. Gaunacum. 179 Gausapæ. I. 58 Gausapina vestimenta. II. 12. 18 Gausapa, Gausape, & Gausapum. ib. what. 13. II. 137. different from amphimallum diuersum. Gausape square: round. I 3. 14 balanatum. 14 Gausapina cubicularia, triclinaria. 14 22. Gausapa when known to the Romans. 14 Gausapina coccina. 24 Gausapæ Tapetes. 29 Gladiators in togas. I. 79. II. 45 Gossipium long unknown in Italy. II. 163 White clothing of the freeborn Greeks. II. 169. 170. Greeks, that is, philosophers or sophists. I. 48. The father of St. Gregory, whether in the clergy. I. 110 Greece armed. II. 152 Grus, color of women's clothing. I. 243 H Letter. II. 93 Common white dress. II. 192 Dress of the Hebrews. II. 192 Hercules, founder of the Cynic sect. II. 194. 204. The priest of Hercules among the Coans dressed in a woman's garment. Holoserica vestis. | I. 63| Holouera, a Greek word. | 159| The right shoulder whether exposed from the toga. | I. 114. 123.| I Illustrious Knights. I. 215 and their sons had the right of the broad stripe. 214 iguatior. Toga. I. 177 Pallium. II. 133. feminine. 135 Covering garment. 134 Any garment. ib. Tribonium, or Pallium. 134 Properly, the garment worn over the tunic. ib. Emperors in togas. I. 79 Clothed in purple. 157 II. never in a penula. 74 Impluuiata vestis. I. 239 Unbreeched boys were bathed for free. I. 193 Indui. Iniiici. II. 135 Indusium. I. 175. Intusium. 240 Instira. I. 223. of matrons. 224 No interula among the Cynics. II. 200 Isidore copied Servius. I. 231 Habit of travelers. II. 1. Old commentator on Juvenal, Probus. I. 49 K K I. 200 Kataváki 209. 210 Krafeûs, Krafeûn. Krafeûoi. Kradgai II. 171. Kolosbòs. I. 187 Kónnos. II. 46 Krástedôv. II. 39 Kroasôs. II. 39 L Acerna of the Romans. I. 9. qualis

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Index Rerum, plerumquè nigra. 104 Causidicorum. 209 Neutiquam muliebre vestimentum. 255. II. 90 Pulla. I. 259. etiam alba. ib. chlamydi similis. II. 115 Lacinia. I. 13 Laconica vestis. 244 Lacones sine tunica. II. 195 Lacernarum vsus quando Romæ coeperit. II. 1. Notatio incerta. 5 Lacernæ Birrhi. 57 Cblamys. ib. & 3 Lacernæ vsus. 9. 10 Lacerna indumentum militare, 2. quale. 7. Eius Materia 9. Forma. 30. 82 aperta. 78 non cum pileo. 40 pro Cucullo. 43 à chlamyde diuersa. 59. item à penula. 78. non seruilis tantum vestis. Togæ lucessit. 3 Color. 9. 48. 50. 51. 56. 57 aurata. 120 coccina. 24 acu picta. ib. 2 Purpurea. 3 Pulla. I. 4. II. 187 Gausapina. 19. 26. 27 Leuior. 27 Eius pretium. 49 Honoris specie deponebatur. 63 Læna à Synthei diuersa. I. 88 χλαυν. 168. qualis. Eius Notio. II. 18 non fuit toga. I. 168. II. 18 sed pallium breue. I. 169 λαμπρὰ, id est, candida. I. 67 Lanæ genera. I. 53 Litrica. Liburnica. Ægyptia. 55 Canusina. II. 56. 187 Belgis copiosa. 118 Latus clauus, est lati claui tunica. I. 43. 207. Laticlauia textura. I. 59 Laticlauii sine cinctu. 194. 207 Senatorum filii. 210 Ius equitum. 213 Latinorum χλαυα. 20 vestimentum virile. 63 non muliebre. 27 Læna. II. 18 qui duplex amictus. 19 Lacernæ non dispar. 19 Eius vsus. 19 Lænula. 22. probrosa. ibid. Latino sermone Romani etiam in Grecia vsi. II. 138 Lectus toga sternebatur. I. 75 Lentulus spinther. II. 33 Leuitonarium. I. 198 Leucophæatus color. II. 50 Limbolarii. I. 248 Limus. I. 30 Linea vestis serò inuecta. I. 180 Isiacorum. 187 in sacris. ibid. Linteones. Lintearii. I. 247 Lineæ vestis usus apud Græcos rarus. II. 162. Lineus Apollonii Thianei vestitus. II. 169. Lipsius Mureto aduersus. I. 144 Liurea. I. 185. II. 26. 188 Luctus vestimentum. I. 21. II. insignia. 73. Veri luminis chlamys. I. 159 M Mæcenatis epicedium. | I. 195| Malcum pallium. | 241| Marduas. II. 5. Lacerna. | 73| etiam Penula. | 116| Mardun. | 74. 75. 89|

Transcription: Translated (English)

Index of Things, mostly black. 104 Of advocates. 209 By no means a woman's garment. 255. II. 90 Pulla. I. 259. also white. ib. like a chlamys. II. 115 Lacinia. I. 13 Laconian dress. 244 Lacones without a tunic. II. 195 When the use of lacernae began at Rome. II. 1. uncertain notation. 5 Lacernae of Birrhus. 57 Chlamys. ib. & 3 Use of lacernae. 9. 10 Lacerna, a military garment, 2. what kind. 7. Its material 9. Form. 30. 82 open. 78 not with a cap. 40 in place of a hood. 43 different from the chlamys. 59. likewise from the penula. 78. not merely a servant's garment. It shone with the toga. 3 Color. 9. 48. 50. 51. 56. 57 gilded. 120 scarlet. 24 embroidered with a needle. ib. 2 purple. 3 Pulla. I. 4. II. 187 gausapine. 19. 26. 27 lighter. 27 Its price. 49 set aside as a mark of honor. 63 Læna different from a synthes. I. 88 χλαυν. 168. what sort. Its meaning. II. 18 it was not a toga. I. 168. II. 18 but a short cloak. I. 169 λαμπρὰ, that is, white. I. 67 Kinds of wool. I. 53 Litrica. Liburnica. Egyptian. 55 Canusine. II. 56. 187 abundant among the Belgae. 118 Broad clavi, that is, a tunic of broad clavi. I. 43. 207. Textured with broad clavi. I. 59 Broad-clavii without a girdle. 194. 207 sons of senators. 210 the right of knights. 213 Latin χλαυα. 20 a man's garment. 63 not a woman's. 27 Læna. II. 18 which is a double cloak. 19 not unlike a lacerna. 19 Its use. 19 Lænula. 22. reproachful. ibid. The Romans also used the Latin language in Greece. II. 138 A bed was spread with the toga. I. 75 Lentulus Spinther. II. 33 Leuitonarium. I. 198 Leucophæatus color. II. 50 Limbolarii. I. 248 Limus. I. 30 Linea vestis, introduced late. I. 180 of the Isiacs. 187 in rites. ibid. Linteones. Lintearii. I. 247 The use of linen garments among the Greeks was rare. II. 162. Apollonius of Tyana's linen clothing. II. 169. Lipsius against Muretus. I. 144 Livrea. I. 185. II. 26. 188 Garment of mourning. I. 21. II. insignia. 73. Chlamys of true light. I. 159 M Mecenas' epicedium. | I. 195| Malcus cloak. | 241| Marduas. II. 5. Lacerna. | 73| also Penula. | 116| Mardun. | 74. 75. 89|

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& Verborum: Manûs. Lacerna. 54 Manicæ. I.199. II.111 Mantile. II.33 Manuelis. II.115 Manulearii. I.246 Manutii exscriptores. I.172 Manum chlamyde inuoluere. II.142 Mappula. I.110 Mauorte, Vestis. I.75 Matronarum cultus. I.223.225.255 Melinus color. I.244 Mendicula, vestis. I.239 Meretricum cultus. I.253.254.255 Mentæ rotundæ. II.13 Mensarum circuli. ibid. Ministrorum cultus. I.182.184 regiorum vestitus. 184 Mollicina. I.241 Molochinarii. I.247 Multitia. I.64.65 Murex sacer. I.158 Murrobathrarii. I.246 Myrobrecharii. I.246 N Natalis diei roga. I.69 Negotiares qui. II.11 Noxii in tunicis auratis, & chlamydi- bus purpureis. II.119 Nudus. I.29 Nummi veteres. I.4 Nummus Neronis. II.121 O O Peris pars tertia promittitur. II.213 O p[ro]fosc[ion]is. Recta tunica. II.120 O[ph]óvm Cynicorum. I.178 O[ph]óvn. II.167.176 O[ph]óvia. I.180. II. perizoma.201 O[ph]óvior. II.176 P Palla proprie. II.120 qualis.137 Palla mulierum tantum. 232. vi- rorum apud barbaros. 234 Palla peplum. 232 Citharædorum. 232 Tragoedoru[m], & Salta torum. 233 Palla longa. 234 Gallorum. 237 Pallii notatio. II.136.137 Pallium lata significatione. I.7. II.133 propria. I.7 Pallium pro stragula. II.137 Pallium commune, eiusque figura. II.139.140 non fuisse fibulatum. 191 commune nulla fibula nec teba- tur. 155.159 vt gestatum. 142.147.151.152 quale. 147 Pallium Gallicum fibulatum est Sa- gochlamys. 159 Item Persicum pallium fibula- tum. ibid. nuptiale infectum. 170 Philosophicum. 173 Pallio peculiares crepidæ. II.160 Pallii Materia lana. II.161 Color albus. 168.206. Philosophici color fuscus. 187 Palliolum. 175. eius vsus. Palliolo caput obnubere. II.211 Palliastrum. ib. De Pallio Tertulliani Liber quando editus. 189 Quando is pallium sumserit. 190 Pallium à Christo, & Apostolis gesta- tum, non tribonium. 192 Pallium fuscum ascetarum, & mona- chorum. 193 Pallium duplicare quid Cynicis. 106 explicare. ib. in

Transcription: Translated (English)

& Index of Words: Manûs. Lacerna. 54 Manicæ. I.199. II.111 Mantile. II.33 Manuelis. II.115 Manulearii. I.246 Manutii exscriptores. I.172 Manum chlamyde inuoluere. II.142 Mappula. I.110 Mauorte, Vestis. I.75 Matronarum cultus. I.223.225.255 Melinus color. I.244 Mendicula, vestis. I.239 Meretricum cultus. I.253.254.255 Mentæ rotundæ. II.13 Mensarum circuli. ibid. Ministrorum cultus. I.182.184 regiorum vestitus. 184 Mollicina. I.241 Molochinarii. I.247 Multitia. I.64.65 Murex sacer. I.158 Murrobathrarii. I.246 Myrobrecharii. I.246 N Roga of the birthday. I.69 Who are Negotiares. II.11 Those guilty in tunics of gold, & purple chlamydes. II.119 Naked. I.29 Ancient coins. I.4 Coin of Nero. II.121 O The third part of the work is promised. II.213 O p[ro]fosc[ion]is. Straight tunic. II.120 O[ph]óvm of the Cynics. I.178 O[ph]óvn. II.167.176 O[ph]óvia. I.180. II. perizoma.201 O[ph]óvior. II.176 P Palla, properly. II.120 qualis.137 Palla only of women. 232. vi- of men among barbarians. 234 Palla, peplum. 232 Of citharœdi. 232 Of tragedians, & dancers. 233 Long palla. 234 Of Gauls. 237 Notation of the pallium. II.136.137 Pallium in a broad sense. I.7. II.133 in the proper sense. I.7 Pallium as a covering. II.137 Common pallium, and its shape. II.139.140 that it was not fastened with a brooch. 191 the common one was bound with no clasp nor belt. 155.159 as it was worn. 142.147.151.152 what kind. 147 The Gallic pallium is fastened with a brooch, the sagochlamys. 159 Likewise the Persian pallium fastened with a brooch. ibid. nuptial, undyed. 170 Philosophic. 173 Special sandals for the pallium. II.160 Material of the pallium: wool. II.161 White color. 168.206. Dark color of philosophers. 187 Palliolum. 175. its use. To cover the head with a little pallium. II.211 Palliastrum. ib. When Tertullian's Book On the Pallium was published. 189 When he took up the pallium. 190 The pallium worn by Christ & the Apostles, not a tribonium. 192 The dark pallium of ascetics & monks. 193 What it means for Cynics to double the pallium. 106 to unfold. ib. in

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Index Rerum, in collum conjicere. 206 Palliati omnes Græci. II.296 Pallio usi Imperatores Romani posterioris æui. 139 Pallium coccineum solis Imperatoribus consuetum. ibid. Vulgare, Philosphicum. I.8 Iudaicum. 9 Græcorum proprie. II.130.138.139. Pallium virile. II.135 muliebre Romanis. 139 Pallium. II.133. virile, & muliere. 135. quælibet vestis. 136 pallium vt plurimum virile. ib. Palliolum. I.36.88 Palliolatus. id est, prætextatus. 36 Pallium Carthaginensium. 10 Maius philosophicum. I.166.II.139. Pallium siue Palla matronarum atque ingenuarum. II.222.231 Palliati. II.104 Paludamentum. II.96.98. longius, & fusius. Imperatori in bello proprium. 102. Paludati milites manipulares. 101. item Lictores. ibid. Paludamentum apertum. 109 & fibulatum. ibid. Imperatorium vulgari laxius, & fusius. ibid. Eius materia. 116.119 Color purpureus. ibid. 124.125 aureus. 120 coeruleus. 126 Panni quid? 177 Pannus. 157.158 Pannus duplex. 197 Paragaudes. 182 Patagium. I.240 Patropi causarum in lacernis purpu- reis. | II.55 Pauerata toga. | I.163 Pauera. | ib. Parthorum Regis statua gaulapata. | II.15.| Pi[us]a, Fimbria. | II 39| Penula quid | I.9.113. qualis 104| Eius vsus sacer, ac profanus. | 111| Conuiuiis aliena. | 184| Colore in ministris distincta. | 185| Penula non gestata ab Imperatoribus, nisi in funere. | II.73| Vestis seruilis. | 73| non cingebatur. | 82| & . | Pænula I.105.106| & . | II.65| & . | I.113| & . | II.67| color geminus. | II.187| vox Poetica. | II 126| Pænula pulla. | I.259. II. eius notatio. 65.66.67.187.| Origo. | 67. intra vbem 69.| Oratorum. | ibid.| Cucullata. | II.40.83| Mulionia. | 69| Inter preces deposita. | II.63| Distincta à Lacerna. | 65.68.76| Vestimentum itinerarium. | 68| Penulis intra vbem non vtebantur Senatores ante Seueri Alexandri tempora. | 72. nec Principes. | 75.| Tribuni ac Senatores vsi in pluuia. | 76.| Penulæ Materia: | 76| Figura. | 78| Penula scortea. | 77| Lanea; Camusina, Gaulapina. | 87.| Eius color. | 87| non fuit purpurea. | 89| Penula russa. | 124| Penula breuior quam lacerna, | 78| claua. | 78| non

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Index of Things, to put into the column. 206 All Greeks dressed in a pallium. II.296 Roman Emperors of the later age used the pallium. 139 A scarlet pallium customary only for Emperors. ibid. Common, Philosophical. I.8 Jewish. 9 Properly of the Greeks. II.130.138.139. Men's pallium. II.135 Women's among the Romans. 139 Pallium. II.133. men's, and women's. 135. any garment. 136 the pallium for the most part men's. ib. Palliolum. I.36.88 Palliolatus, that is, praetextatus. 36 Pallium of the Carthaginians. 10 Larger philosophical. I.166.II.139. Pallium or palla of matrons and freeborn women. II.222.231 Palliati. II.104 Paludamentum. II.96.98. longer, and more flowing. Proper to the Emperor in war. 102. Paludated soldiers of the maniples. 101. likewise lictors. ibid. Open paludamentum. 109 and fastened with a brooch. ibid. Imperial, looser and more flowing than the common. ibid. Its material. 116.119 Purple color. ibid. 124.125 golden. 120 blue. 126 What is pannus? 177 Pannus. 157.158 Double pannus. 197 Paragaudes. 182 Patagium. I.240 Patropi of causes in cloaks purpu- Reis. | II.55 Pauerata toga. | I.163 Pauera. | ib. Statue of the King of Parthia gaulapata. | II.15.| Pi[us]a, border. | II 39| Penula, what it is | I.9.113. what kind 104| Its sacred and profane use. | 111| Not suitable for banquets. | 184| Distinguished by color among attendants. | 185| The penula not worn by Emperors, except at a funeral. | II.73| A servile garment. | 73| it was not girded. | 82| &. | Pænula I.105.106| &. | II.65| &. | I.113| &. | II.67| double color. | II.187| a poetic word. | II 126| Pænula pulla. | I.259. II. its notation. 65.66.67.187.| Origin. | 67. within the city 69.| Of orators. | ibid.| Hooded. | II.40.83| Of muleteers. | 69| Taken off during prayers. | II.63| Distinguished from the lacerna. | 65.68.76| A traveling garment. | 68| Senators did not use penulae within the city before the time of Severus Alexander. | 72. nor princes. | 75.| Tribunes and Senators used it in the rain. | 76.| Material of the penula: | 76| Shape. | 78| Leather penula. | 77| Woolen; Camusina, Gaulapina. | 87.| Its color. | 87| it was not purple. | 89| Red penula. | 124| A penula shorter than the lacerna, | 78| clavated. | 78| non

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& Verborum. non cingebatur. 83 non militum duntaxat, sed communis. 88 Pænulæ Antonianæ. II. 90 Pænula etiam vestis muliebris. ibid. & matronarum virili pretiosior. ibid. περιβόλαιον. περιβολή. περιβλημα. II. 136. 157. περισπάσμη τὴν περιβολήν II. 153 Pexa vestis. I. 54. 240 Pexitas. 54 Phryxiana toga. 162. 240 Pileus libertatis insigne. II. 40 Planeta vestis Sacerdotum. I. 104. 105. II. 82. Plebs quandoque togata. I. 78 Plumatilis vestis. I. 244 Plumarium opus. ib. Pluuiale. I. 113 Planeta. Casula. Cotta. I. 189 ποδύπος, Poderis. I. 187. Camisia. 188. Populus pullatus, & tunicatus. I. 103 cur tunicatus. II. 83 Prætexta pro Prætextata. 143 Prætexta, toga. I. 43 quid. 134 Eiusorigo. ibid. υςus. 76. 134. 143. in sacris. 135. υtriusque sexus. 134 Quando posita. ibid. Magistratum. 136 non fuit Senatorum. 140 neque censorum: 142 Tribunorum. ibid. Prætextata ætas. 135 Prætextati, Prætextatæ. ib. Prætextata verba. ibid. & prætexta. 143. Prætextati, Consul, Pontifex, Augur. 135. 136. Ædilis. 138 Prætor. 139. Prætorio Præfectus. ib. Dictator. ibid. Præfectorum, & Præsidum habitus. I. 166. Proconsules domi prætextam, in exercitu paludamentu[m] gestarunt. II. 139 Prologomena ad Terentium diuersoru[m] sunt, & varie interpolata. II. 130. 131. Propola. | I. 246| Psichrolutos. | II. 17| Pullus color in luctu. | I. 71. 146| Pullata multitudo. | I. 259. II. 187| Pullatus circulus. | I. ib. II. ibid.| Purpuræ discrimina. | I. 147| Purpura pro Prætexta. | I. 154. 204| Purpura symbolum principatus. | 152| Purpuram sumere. | ibid.| Purpura summa, id est Imperatoria, | 158| principalis. | || |veri luminis. | ib.| |maior laticlauia. | 210| |dibapha matronarum. | 249| |interdictum meretricibus. | 249| |cocco pretiosior. | II. 51| Purpureus color superbiæ notatus. | II. 172.| πυππὸς. | II. 57| Pythagoræ vestis. | II. 184| Q Qvadrantaria res, id est balneum. I. 192. Quintilianus non est auctor; libri de causis corruptæ eloquentiæ. | II. 70| Quirinorum domus Patauii. | II. 144| R Pάνοσί | I. 177. 179: II. 210| Pάντα. | I. 118| Ralla toga. | I. 162. vestis; & rata. | 240| G g Ra-

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& Verborum. was not girded. 83 not of soldiers only, but common. 88 Pænulæ Antonianæ. II. 90 Pænula, also a woman’s garment. ibid. & more precious for matrons than for men. ibid. περιβόλαιον. περιβολή. περιβλημα. II. 136. 157. περισπάσμη τὴν περιβολήν II. 153 Pexa vestis. I. 54. 240 Pexitas. 54 Phryxiana toga. 162. 240 Pileus, emblem of liberty. II. 40 Planeta, the garment of priests. I. 104. 105. II. 82. Sometimes the common people in a toga. I. 78 Feathered garment. I. 244 Featherwork. ib. Pluvial. I. 113 Planeta. Casula. Cotta. I. 189 ποδύπος, Poderis. I. 187. Camisia. 188. The people in mourning dress, and in tunics. I. 103 why in tunics. II. 83 Prætexta for Prætextata. 143 Prætexta, a toga. I. 43 what. 134 Its origin. ibid. use. 76. 134. 143. in sacred rites. 135. of both sexes. 134 When put on. ibid. Magistracy. 136 was not for Senators. 140 nor for censors: 142 Tribunes. ibid. Prætextata age. 135 Prætextati, Prætextatæ. ib. Prætextata verba. ibid. & prætexta. 143. Prætextati, Consul, Pontifex, Augur. 135. 136. Ædile. 138 Prætor. 139. Prætorio Præfectus. ib. Dictator. ibid. The attire of prefects and governors. I. 166. Proconsuls wore the prætexta at home, the paludamentum in the army. II. 139 Prolegomena to Terence are diverse, and variously interpolated. II. 130. 131. Propola. | I. 246| Psichrolutos. | II. 17| Pullus color in luctu. | I. 71. 146| Pullata multitudo. | I. 259. II. 187| Pullatus circulus. | I. ib. II. ibid.| Differences of purple. | I. 147| Purple for prætexta. | I. 154. 204| Purple, emblem of sovereignty. | 152| To assume purple. | ibid.| The highest purple, that is, imperial, | 158| principal. | || |the true light. | ib.| |greater laticlavia. | 210| |dibapha of matrons. | 249| |forbidden to prostitutes. | 249| |more precious than scarlet. | II. 51| Purple color marked with pride. | II. 172.| πυππὸς. | II. 57| The garment of Pythagoras. | II. 184| Q Quadrantaria res, that is, a bath. I. 192. Quintilian is not the author; the books on the causes of corrupt eloquence. | II. 70| The house of the Quirini at Padua. | II. 144| R Pάνοσί | I. 177. 179: II. 210| Pάντα. | I. 118| Ralla toga. | I. 162. a garment; and rata. | 240| G g Ra-

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& Verborum. Soriculata vestis. I. 161 ... I. 163 Spissa toga. I. 162. vestis. 240 Spina Germanis fibulæ vice. II. 113 Spinther Lentulus. II. 33 Statuæ togatæ. 14 Statua palliata. II. 144 Sibæs. I. 188 Stibadium tricliniare. ibid. Slatum, id est latum. I. 209 Stillicidium impluuiatum ignoratur. 239 Stoicum pallium. I. 9 Stola mulieribus propria. I. 172 honestis, & ingenuis. 222. item libertinis. 228. qualis. barbaris & Græcis vestis communis. 222 pro matrona. 223 solù d'χικη . Toga prætexta. I. 141. II. 105. ελευτική , latus clauus. I. 209 ελευτική . II. 138 Stola tunica, non pallium. II. 135 Stola cingebatur zona. I. 228 muliebris. 231 Stola crucium. I. 243 Stragula gausapina purpurea. II. 14 Strophium. I. 147 Strophiarii. ibid. Subarmalia. II. 6. & Subarmale. vestis militatis. 129 Sagum. ib. Purpurea. 129 Subucula. I. 109. linea. Supparum à subucula differt. I. 242 Supparum Tertulliani. I. 243 Sutela. I. 247 Sutor. ib. Sutura fibulæ loco. II. 31 Synthesis. I. 87. 88. qualis. Eius vsus. II. 20 Syrina Tragoedis proprium. II. 131 T T II. 56 T Aneto. II. 29 Tapetes. I. 1 Tebenna. I. 138 Tuberos. II. 39 Thorax quid. I. 181 Thoraces linei. II. 163 θομάτιον pallium. II. 133 Tirocinii anno dextra chlamyde inuoluta apud Græcos, apud Romanos toga. II. 96. 143 Togæ vetustas. I. 1. notitia difficilis. 114. Toga Romanorum. II. 130 Eius materia. 116 Ius. II. 138 exteris tyrannis à Romanis concessus. 2 forma dubia. ib. vera. 119. 127 vestimentum rotundum, & clausum. 3 Gestatio. 12. duplex. magnitudo. 15. mensura, & longitud. color albus, 54. 66. sed vrbanorum. Rasa. 56. Pinguis. ibid. Regia vndulata. 53 Alba. 258 Alba discrepat à candida. 66 Splendens, id est nitida. 67 Pulla. 71 Laxior, angustior. 72 Talaris. 73 Tam virorum quam seminarum. 74. 76. 222. meretricum. 77 Imp. Purpurea. 80 Togulæ. 16. 72 Toga caput inuoluebatur. 32 G g 2 cum

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& Words. Soriculata vestis. I. 161 ... I. 163 Spissa toga. I. 162. vestis. 240 Spina in place of a clasp among the Germans. II. 113 Spinther Lentulus. II. 33 Statues clothed in the toga. 14 Palliated statue. II. 144 Sibæs. I. 188 Stibadium, a tricliniare. ibid. Slatum, that is, broad. I. 209 Stillicidium imbedded with rain is not known. 239 Stoic cloak. I. 9 The stola proper to women. I. 172 for the respectable and freeborn. 222. item for freedwomen. 228. qualis. a common garment for barbarians and Greeks. 222 for a matron. 223 solù d'χικη . Toga prætexta. I. 141. II. 105. ελευτική , wide stripe. I. 209 ελευτική . II. 138 The stola, a tunic, not a cloak. II. 135 The stola was girded with a belt. I. 228 female. 231 Stola crucium. I. 243 Stragula gausapina, purple. II. 14 Strophium. I. 147 Strophiarii. ibid. Subarmalia. II. 6. & Subarmale. military garment. 129 Sagum. ib. Purple. 129 Subucula. I. 109. linen. Supparum differs from subucula. I. 242 Supparum of Tertullian. I. 243 Sutela. I. 247 Sutor. ib. Seam in place of a clasp. II. 31 Synthesis. I. 87. 88. qualis. Its use. II. 20 Syrina, proper to tragedians. II. 131 T T II. 56 T Aneto. II. 29 Tapetes. I. 1 Tebenna. I. 138 Tuberos. II. 39 Thorax: what. I. 181 Linen thoraces. II. 163 θομάτιον pallium. II. 133 In the year of military service, the right hand wrapped in a chlamys among the Greeks, among the Romans a toga. II. 96. 143 Antiquity of the toga. I. 1. difficult to identify. 114. Toga of the Romans. II. 130 Its material. 116 Right. II. 138 granted by the Romans to foreign tyrants. 2 its form doubtful. ib. true form. 119. 127 a round, closed garment. 3 Wearing. 12. double. size. 15. measure, & length. color white, 54. 66. but of townsmen. Shorn. 56. Thick. ibid. Royal, wave-like. 53 White. 258 White differs from candida. 66 Bright, that is, shining. 67 Dull. 71 Looser, tighter. 72 Floor-length. 73 For both men and women. 74. 76. 222. of courtesans. 77 Imperial purple. 80 Togulæ. 16. 72 The toga was wrapped over the head. 32 G g 2 with

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Index Rerum cum calceis gestata. 36. II. 160 Toga nô cingebatur. I. 39. nisi vbi ad manus ventu, & spolia cremaretur. 44 item dum mappa mitteretur. 46 Togati Romani. 74 Id est Salutatores. II. 74 Toga deposita in luctu, & calamitate publica. I. 81 item in deprecatione. 83 cuius loco angusti clauia, etiam apud consulares. 82 Vestis olim domestica. 83 Toga, stola forensis. 84 Toga in conuiuiis induta. ibid. Toga submissa. ibid. Coenatoria. 85 quæ Synthesis. 86 muliebris. 88 Toga præsidiaria. 84. 122. 131. Togæ vsus extra vrbem, Italis p[er]p[er]ne omnibus communis. 92. 93. etiam in militia. 94 desuetudo. 95. 102 vsus etiam in populo. 95 Toga salutatorum. ibid. meretricum. 238 Toga pro clientibus togatis. 96 Togati Augustorum. 97 Aduocati. ibid. Præsectorum. ibid. Togatus. Aduocatus. 98 100 Togati vulturii. ibid. Toga Imperatorum æuo non penitus deposita. 100 Festuitatum. 1. 69 in ludis vsurpata. 101 Togæ successit lacerna, & penula. 102 Togæ sinus ab vmbone diuersus. 117 Toga submissa. 121 Virilis, pura, & libera. 134 Communis. 139 Triumphalis primum purpurea: deinde picta. 152. itemque Capitolina. 153. Iouis. 155. palmata. 156. Consulum, ac Prætorum. 154. 155 itemque Tribunorum. 155. etiam priuatis concessa. 156 Togæ palmatæ figuræ intextæ, vel pi- cæ. 156 Triumphalis, Regia. 157 Vndulata. 161. Cumatilis. ibid. Soriculata. 161 Phryxiana. 162. Rasa. ib. Paue- erata. 163 Græcanica. 163. Germanica. 164 Flammata. ib. Duplex. id est Læna. 170 Togati nudo capite incedebant. II. 40 Tomentum. I. 57 Lingonicum, & Circense. 58 Toribilices, trilices. II. 164 Trechedipna vestes gymnice. II. 25 Trabea qualis. I. 144. triplex. ib. eius vsus ib. 239. II. 132. toga. 145. II. 127. picta 146. non paludamentum. 145. II. 109. Eius vsus. I. 145. Consulis vestimentum. 146 toga palmata. 153 Tribonium. II. 134. πτιλῶν. πτιλῶνιον. 175. 176. 177. non pauperiorum modo gestamé, sed etiam honestic- rum, & vestis forensis, ac judicialis, 179. 181. à lacerna diuersum. 178 πτιλῶνιῶs. 180. 194 Cynicorum. 176. Stoicorum, & Philosophoru[m]. 181. 184. item Pythagoricorum. 184 Professorum liberalium discipli- narum. 185. eiusque colores. 188. Eius color. 187. 188 Primus induit Socrates. II. 182 Triboniu[m] ascetaru[m] Christianoru[m]. 189 Tribonophoria Christianorum breuis moræ. 192 Cyni-

Transcription: Translated (English)

Index of Matters carried with shoes. 36. II. 160 The toga was not girded. I. 39. unless when it came to the hands, and was burned with the spoils. 44 also when the napkin was thrown. 46 Roman men in toga. 74 That is, salutation-makers. II. 74 The toga was laid aside in mourning, and public calamity. I. 81 also in supplication. 83 in place of which the narrow claudia, even among consuls. 82 A garment formerly domestic. 83 The toga, a garment for the forum. 84 The toga worn at banquets. ibid. The toga lowered. ibid. For dinner. 85 which is the synthesis. 86 women’s. 88 The toga of attendance. 84. 122. 131. The use of the toga outside the city, common to almost all Italians. 92. 93. also in military service. 94 disuse. 95. 102 use also among the people. 95 The toga of the greeters. ibid. of prostitutes. 238 The toga for clients in toga. 96 Men in toga of the Augusti. 97 Advocates. ibid. Of the prefatory officers. ibid. A man in toga, an advocate. 98 100 Men in toga as vultures. ibid. The toga of emperors was not wholly laid aside in the age. 100 Festival attire. I. 69 used in games. 101 The lacerna and penula succeeded the toga. 102 The fold of the toga differs from the umbo. 117 The toga lowered. 121 Manly, pure, and free. 134 Common. 139 Triumphal, at first purple: then embroidered. 152. and also Capitoline. 153. of Jupiter. 155. palmata. 156. of consuls, and praetors. 154. 155 also of tribunes. 155. also granted to private persons. 156 The figures woven or painted in the palmata toga. 156 Triumphal, royal. 157 Wave-patterned. 161. Cumatilis. ibid. Soriculata. 161 Phrygian. 162. Shaved. ib. Paved. 163 Greek-style. 163. German. 164 Flamed. ib. Double, that is, laena. 170 Men in toga went with uncovered head. II. 40 Tomentum. I. 57 Lingonicum, and Circus-cloth. 58 Toribilices, trilices. II. 164 Trechedipna, gymnastic garments. II. 25 Trabea, what sort. I. 144. triple. ib. its use ib. 239. II. 132. toga. 145. II. 127. embroidered 146. not a paludamentum. 145. II. 109. Its use. I. 145. The consul’s garment. 146 toga palmata. 153 Tribonium. II. 134. πτιλῶν. πτιλῶνιον. 175. 176. 177. worn not only by the poor, but also by respectable men, and as a garment for the forum and for court, 179. 181. different from the lacerna. 178 πτιλῶνιῶs. 180. 194 of the Cynics. 176. of the Stoics, and philosophers. 181. 184. likewise of the Pythagoreans. 184 of teachers of the liberal arts. 185. and its colors. 188. Its color. 187. 188 Socrates was the first to wear it. II. 182 The tribonium of Christian ascetics. 189 The brief wearing of the tribon among Christians. 192 Cyni-

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& Verborum. Cynicorum peculiariis. 194 Tribunus angusticlauius. 213 Triumphalis habitus. 80.156 Tunicæ initium. I. 173 Tunicæ Carthaginensium. I. 8. Materia. II. 116. color albus. I. 54. 103. 203. Tunica sola cingebatur. I. 42. præterquam à Senatoribus, & laticlauiis. II. 122. in petitione honorum deposita. 177. sola cingebatur. 178. 194 superior, & superaria. 190 laticlaui non cingebatur. 74 Tunicæ mensura. 190 Tunica talaris. 194 Tunica quæ. 109. 172. virorum. 172. interior, & exterior. 176. 178 Palmata. 153. 205 Tunicula. 177 sacricolarum talaris, & manuleata. 189 Tunica Græcis, & Romanis. II. 130 Tunica centurionum, ac militum. 194 Tunicæ manuleatæ. 196 Tunicata iuuentus. 173. plebs. 257 Tunicatus populus. ibid. Tunica plebeia. 204. 257 Rulsa militaris. 205. Purpurea recta. 123. militaris. ib. Tribunorum, & Ducum. 123 Fusca. II. 187 Galbina. I. 205 Punicea. ib. II. 122. 123 Senatorum, & Equitum clauis purpureis distincta. 206. 216 pro lata claua. 209 Virilis. 211. Muliebris manicata. 229. Laticlauia. Angusticlauia. 205 Asema. 215 Eius ornamenta. ibid. Tunica indusiata. 240 araxa . II. 38 Christi inconsutilis. 63 Tunicarum alæ. 226 manicę. II. 83 In agro, & municipiis communis. 257. Tunicæ Patauinæ. II. 13 Gausapinæ. 26 Lineæ Atheniensium quæ. 162 Tunica paganis communis. 91 militum breuior. 108. alba. 122. 123. paganorum longior. 109 palliolata. 115 cingebatur militibus. 119 Recta. 120 muliebris virili promissior. 150 Cynicis nulla. 158 V. Georgius Valla multa ex Interprete Iuuenalis habuit. II. 49 Ventralia. I. 58. 59. 60 gausapina. II. 26 Vestimenta quadrata. I. 8 Vestes poliebantur erinacei cute. 68 Vestis domestica; forensis. 83 balnearis. II. 19 cænatoria. ib. sacra. 143 peruersa. ibid. triumphalis in Capitolio seruata. 156. Alethina. 158. ἀληθινοῦν ἀγαμαίο 159. holoserica. Holouera. Vid. H. Senatoria, latus clauus. 209 Equestris, id est militaris. I. 214. II. tunica. 73 Vrbana. Toga. I. ibid. muliebris varia. I. 238 florida. 252. pulla. II. 73 prælo subiecta. II. 55 Ves-

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& Words. Of the Cynics, special garments. 194 Tribune with the narrow stripe. 213 Triumphal dress. 80.156 Beginning of the tunic. I. 173 Tunics of the Carthaginians. I. 8. Material. II. 116. white color. I. 54. 103. 203. The tunic was worn alone. I. 42, except by Senators and those with the broad stripe. II. 122. laid aside in seeking honors. 177. worn alone. 178. 194 upper, and outer garment. 190 not worn by those with the broad stripe. 74 Measure of the tunic. 190 Long tunic. 194 Tunica, which. 109. 172. of men. 172. inner, and outer. 176. 178 Palmata. 153. 205 Tunicula. 177 of priests, long and with sleeves. 189 Tunic among Greeks, and Romans. II. 130 Tunic of centurions and soldiers. 194 Tunics with sleeves. 196 Tunic-clad youth. 173. common people. 257 Tunic-clad people. ibid. Common tunic. 204. 257 Rulsa militaris. 205. Purple straight garment. 123. military. ib. Of tribunes and commanders. 123 Dark. II. 187 Yellowish. I. 205 Scarlet. ib. II. 122. 123 Of Senators and Knights, distinguished by purple stripes. 206. 216 for the broad stripe. 209 Man's. 211. Women's, sleeved. 229. With the broad stripe. Narrow-striped. 205 Asema. 215 Its ornaments. ibid. Tunica indusiata. 240 araxa . II. 38 Christ's seamless garment. 63 Wings of tunics. 226 sleeves. II. 83 Common in the countryside, and in the municipalities. 257. Tunics of Padua. II. 13 Gausapinae. 26 Linen garments of the Athenians, which. 162 Tunic common to pagans. 91 of soldiers, shorter. 108. white. 122. 123. of pagans, longer. 109 with a little cloak. 115 girded for soldiers. 119 Straight. 120 women's, longer than men's. 150 none among the Cynics. 158 V. Georgius Valla took much from the Interpreter of Juvenal. II. 49 Ventralia. I. 58. 59. 60 gausapina. II. 26 Square garments. I. 8 Garments were polished with hedgehog skin. 68 Garment of the house; for the forum. 83 for the bath. II. 19 for dinner. ib. sacred. 143 turned inside out. ibid. triumphal, preserved in the Capitol. 156. Alethina. 158. ἀληθινοῦν ἀγαμαίο 159. holoserica. Holouera. See H. Senatorial, broad stripe. 209 Equestrian, that is, military. I. 214. II. tunic. 73 Urban. Toga. I. ibid. women's, varied. I. 238 flowered. 252. dark. II. 73 placed under the plough. II. 55 Ves-

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Index Rerum Vestis discrimen cum Toga sublatum. I. 260. Vestimenta militaria. II. 91 alba. II. 169 Vitreæ togæ. I. 65 Violarii. I. 245 Virgata vestis. I. 251 Virilis habitus pro pallio. II. 193 Vmbo togæ. I. 17. nihil à sinu diuersus. 118. 127. quid 128. Vndulata vestis. I. 161. 244 X Xerampelinæ, chlamydes. II. 58 Y υποδιφικισ. ouis pellita. II. 117. tecta. 118. Z Z Ona quid. I. 248 Semizona. ibid. Zona muliebris. I. 129 FINIS.

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Index of Things The distinction of dress with the toga abolished. I. 260. Military garments. II. 91 white. II. 169 Glass-like togas. I. 65 Violet-sellers. I. 245 Striped garment. I. 251 Manly dress in place of the cloak. II. 193 Umbo of the toga. I. 17. nothing different from the fold. 118. 127. what 128. Waved garment. I. 161. 244 X Xerampelina cloaks. II. 58 Y υποδιφικισ. fleeced sheep. II. 117. covered. 118. Z Zona, what. I. 248 Semizona. ibid. Women's girdle. I. 129 END.

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Transcription: ATR-1

ERRATA Operarum grauiora sic corrigenda. Par. I. Pag. 3 V. 30 Scauro, 177 V. 9 indiscincta 32 pars. 180 17 alteram 32 3 inuoluere. 181 1 hiems, 35 26 Antonio 181 18 thorace 42 1 ἐπατιστικῶν 185 21 factionibus 55 22 Ægyptia 187 26 Alcuinus 67 26 candesceret 190 15 Centurionum 17 ταφή 34 mutandum 85 25 conuiuio 191 32 de scriptoribus 98 26 compendio 195 32 Inuide 104 18 inde 35 Apophthegm. 106 9 chlamydes, saga, 207 2 vestis 109 9 lithurgiam 35 Palæstina 110 15 indecorum 36 texendi 111 14 Leuitas 226 16 incessu. 114 26 ἀυπικῶν 227 8 è collo 117 10 à vulgatæ 229 12 confrinxere. 119 3 vestimentum 240 6 tunica 122 28 strangulare 241 6 πατάσω, 124 21 perbreues 11 diabathrarii, 126 23 caderet; 32 Inde 130 15 exhausta 246 20 malobathrarii à malobathro 132 1 studiis, 136 12 περιποῦρον 249 22 Roscida 138 7 Τυβεννος 252 18 ἀνθεραῦς 14 Prætorii 22 Vopiscum 140 19 prætextæ. 260 25 togatis Quiritibus 149 7 conatus est doctissimus 150 21 castrensis Pag. 2 V. 24 intexitur 33 Galatiæ, 5 32 ἧλαμυς. 36 colores: 16 24 deleeteris, 153 21 postquam 26 31 pluuiæ 154 7 Quirinali 29 16 Villis 34 curuleum 30 25 ἡωμα, 156 2 omisum, 32 31 ephebica 162 19 à stando 57 32 Canusini, 171 11 coccineam, 63 6 inconsutilis 176 32 incertum 70 25 Lamptidius, 117

Transcription: Translated (English)

ERRATA More serious printing errors should be corrected thus. Part I. Page 3 line 30 Scauro, 177 line 9 indiscincta 32 pars. 180 17 alteram 32 3 inuoluere. 181 1 hiems, 35 26 Antonio 181 18 thorace 42 1 ἐπατιστικῶν 185 21 factionibus 55 22 Ægyptia 187 26 Alcuinus 67 26 candesceret 190 15 Centurionum 17 ταφή 34 to be changed 85 25 conuiuio 191 32 de scriptoribus 98 26 compendio 195 32 Inuide 104 18 inde 35 Apophthegm. 106 9 chlamydes, saga, 207 2 vestis 109 9 lithurgiam 35 Palæstina 110 15 indecorum 36 texendi 111 14 Leuitas 226 16 incessu. 114 26 ἀυπικῶν 227 8 è collo 117 10 à vulgatæ 229 12 confrinxere. 119 3 vestimentum 240 6 tunica 122 28 strangulare 241 6 πατάσω, 124 21 perbreues 11 diabathrarii, 126 23 caderet; 32 Then 130 15 exhausta 246 20 malobathrarii from malobathro 132 1 studiis, 136 12 περιποῦρον 249 22 Roscida 138 7 Τυβεννος 252 18 ἀνθεραῦς 14 Prætorii 22 Vopiscum 140 19 prætextæ. 260 25 togatis Quiritibus 149 7 conatus est doctissimus 150 21 castrensis Page 2 line 24 intexitur 33 Galatiæ, 5 32 ἧλαμυς. 36 colores: 16 24 deleeteris, 153 21 postquam 26 31 pluuiæ 154 7 Quirinali 29 16 Villis 34 curuleum 30 25 ἡωμα, 156 2 omisum, 32 31 ephebica 162 19 à stando 57 32 Canusini, 171 11 coccineam, 63 6 inconsutilis 176 32 incertum 70 25 Lamptidius, 117

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Transcription: ATR-1

Pag. 117 V. 31 Ba[n]dúmælæ 119 15 Baias 120 34 XLVII. 134 6 lacinia, 11 ἀποκαλύζασι 161 9 inficiebantur purpura, 163 11 Thucydidis 167 21 ὑδόνιον 172 9 Purpuram 174 3 Thermopolio. 175 21 lamuginem 177 30 ἐπίβαν 179 V. 1 tribonio 19 vnquam 181 19 dimidiato 28 ἔπικανοφορία 189 35 Γραπίδος 197 18 ἐπιλοῖς 201 36 interula 202 24 poparum 203 33 viro 207 12 Aristophanem Ves spis

Transcription: Translated (English)

Page 117 V. 31 Ba[n]dúmælæ 119 15 Baias 120 34 XLVII. 134 6 lacinia, 11 ἀποκαλύζασι 161 9 were dyed purple, 163 11 Thucydidis 167 21 ὑδόνιον 172 9 purple 174 3 thermopolium. 175 21 lamuginem 177 30 ἐπίβαν 179 V. 1 tribonio 19 never 181 19 diminished 28 ἔπικανοφορία 189 35 Γραπίδος 197 18 ἐπιλοῖς 201 36 undershirt 202 24 poparum 203 33 man 207 12 Aristophanem Ves spis

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Transcription: ATR-1

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