On the As and Its Parts: Five Books

Creator: Guillaume Budé | Date: 1514/1515 | Notes: Original title: De Asse et partibus eius libri quinque A five-book humanist treatise on Roman coinage, weights, and measures. It seeks to recover the true value and subdivisions of the Roman as and related monetary units by comparing corrupted textual numerals with Greek sources and with ancient coins weighed against contemporary standards. The work also converts ancient sums into French money and measures and includes discussions of Roman law, fiscal practice, luxury, and political counsel. 👉 <a href="https://tryleo.ai/collections/exlatinis/the-twenty-four-gold-coins-how-a-parisian-jurist-made-a-weighed-coin-overrule-the-page">Read our introductory primer, full report, and finding guide here</a> 📜 <a href="https://archive.org/details/bub_gb_2Iqok-Lv-wcC/mode/2up">View the original file on Internet Archive</a> This text was transcribed and translated as part of the ExLatinis project—an effort by Leo to make English translations of every published text in Latin in early modern Europe (between 1450 and 1750) available to the public for free online.

Title: On the As and Its Parts: Five Books
Creator: Guillaume Budé
Date: 1514/1515
Notes: Original title: De Asse et partibus eius libri quinque A five-book humanist treatise on Roman coinage, weights, and measures. It seeks to recover the true value and subdivisions of the Roman as and related monetary units by comparing corrupted textual numerals with Greek sources and with ancient coins weighed against contemporary standards. The work also converts ancient sums into French money and measures and includes discussions of Roman law, fiscal practice, luxury, and political counsel. 👉 <a href="https://tryleo.ai/collections/exlatinis/the-twenty-four-gold-coins-how-a-parisian-jurist-made-a-weighed-coin-overrule-the-page">Read our introductory primer, full report, and finding guide here</a> 📜 <a href="https://archive.org/details/bub_gb_2Iqok-Lv-wcC/mode/2up">View the original file on Internet Archive</a> This text was transcribed and translated as part of the ExLatinis project—an effort by Leo to make English translations of every published text in Latin in early modern Europe (between 1450 and 1750) available to the public for free online.

Document notes

Original title: De Asse et partibus eius libri quinque A five-book humanist treatise on Roman coinage, weights, and measures. It seeks to recover the true value and subdivisions of the Roman as and related monetary units by comparing corrupted textual numerals with Greek sources and with ancient coins weighed against contemporary standards. The work also converts ancient sums into French money and measures and includes discussions of Roman law, fiscal practice, luxury, and political counsel. 👉 Read our introductory primer, full report, and finding guide here 📜 View the original file on Internet Archive This text was transcribed and translated as part of the ExLatinis project—an effort by Leo to make English translations of every published text in Latin in early modern Europe (between 1450 and 1750) available to the public for free online.

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Bud. de

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Bud. de

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6 Bibliotheca 3-D ori Coll. Rom. 77 Societ. Jesu 6 11 23 M

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6 Library 3-D ori Coll. Rom. 77 Society of Jesus 6 11 23 M

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11 11 12 12 13 13 14 14 15 15 16 16 17 17 18 18 19 19 20 20 21 21 22 22 23 23 24 24 25 25 26 26 27 27 28 28 29 29 30 30 31 31 32 32 33 33 34 34 35 35 36 36 37 37 38 38 39 39 40 40 41 41 42 42 43 43 44 44 45 45 46 46 47 47 48 48 49 49 50 50 51 51 52 52 53 53 54 54 55 55 56 56 57 57 58 58 59 59 60 60 61 61 62 62 63 63 64 64 65 65 66 66 67 67 68 68 69 69 70 70 71 71 72 72 73 73 74 74 75 75 76 76 77 77 78 78 79 79 80 80 81 81 82 82 83 83 84 84 85 85 86 86 87 87 88 88 89 89 90 90 91 91 92 92 93 93 94 94 95 95 96 96 97 97 98 98 99 99 100 100 101 101 102 102 103 103 104 104 105 105 106 106 107 107 108 108 109 109 110 110 111 111 112 112 113 113 114 114 115 115 116 116 117 117 118 118 119 119 120 120 121 121 122 122 123 123 124 124 125 125 126 126 127 127 128 128 129 129 130 130 131 131 132 132 133 133 134 134 135 135 136 136 137 137 138 138 139 139 140 140 141 141 142 142 143 143 144 144 145 145 146 146 147 147 148 148 149 149 150 150 151 151 152 152 153 153 154 154 155 155 156 156 157 157 158 158 159 159 160 160 161 161 162 162 163 163 164 164 165 165 166 166 167 167 168 168 169 169 170 170 171 171 172 172 173 173 174 174 175 175 176 176 177 177 178 178 179 179 180 180 181 181 182 182 183 183 184 184 185 185 186 186 187 187 188 188 189 189 190 190 191 191 192 192 193 193 194 194 195 195 196 196 197 197 198 198 199 199 200 200 201 201 202 202 203 203 204 204 205 205 206 206 207 207 208 208 209 209 210 210 211 211 212 212 213 213 214 214 215 215 216 216 217 217 218 218 219 219 220 220 221 221 222 222 223 223 224 224 225 225 226 226 227 227 228 228 229 229 230 230 231 231 232 232 233 233 234 234 235 235 236 236 237 237 238 238 239 239 240 240 241 241 242 242 243 243 244 244 245 245 246 246 247 247 248 248 249 249 250 250 251 251 252 252 253 253 254 254 255 255 256 256 257 257 258 258 259 259 260 260 261 261 262 262 263 263 264 264 265 265 266 266 267 267 268 268 269 269 270 270 271 271 272 272 273 273 274 274 275 275 276 276 277 277 278 278 279 279 280 280 281 281 282 282 283 283 284 284 285 285 286 286 287 287 288 288 289 289 290 290 291 291 292 292 293 293 294 294 295 295 296 296 297 297 298 298 299 299 300 300 301 301 302 302 303 303 304 304 305 305 306 306 307 307 308 308 309 309 310 310 311 311 312 312 313 313 314 314 315 315 316 316 317 317 318 318 319 319 320 320 321 321 322 322 323 323 324 324 325 325 326 326 327 327 328 328 329 329 330 330 331 331 332 332 333 333 334 334 335 335 336 336 337 337 338 338 339 339 340 340 341 341 342 342 343 343 344 344 345 345 346 346 347 347 348 348 349 349 350 350 351 351 352 352 353 353 354 354 355 355 356 356 357 357 358 358 359 359 360 360 361 361 362 362 363 363 364 364 365 365 366 366 367 367 368 368 369 369 370 370 371 371 372 372 373 373 374 374 375 375 376 376 377 377 378 378 379 379 380 380 381 381 382 382 383 383 384 384 385 385 386 386 387 387 388 388 389 389 390 390 391 391 392 392 393 393 394 394 395 395 396 396 397 397 398 398 399 399 400 400 401 401 402 402 403 403 404 404 405 405 406 406 407 407 408 408 409 409 410 410 411 411 412 412 413 413 414 414 415 415 416 416 417 417 418 418 419 419 420 420 421 421 422 422 423 423 424 424 425 425 426 426 427 427 428 428 429 429 430 430 431 431 432 432 433 433 434 434 435 435 436 436 437 437 438 438 439 439 440 440 441 441 442 442 443 443 444 444 445 445 446 446 447 447 448 448 449 449 450 450 451 451 452 452 453 453 454 454 455 455 456 456 457 457 458 458 459 459 460 460 461 461 462 462 463 463 464 464 465 465 466 466 467 467 468 468 469 469 470 470 471 471 472 472 473 473 474 474 475 475 476 476 477 477 478 478 479 479 480 480 481 481 482 482 483 483 484 484 485 485 486 486 487 487 488 488 489 489 490 490 491 491 492 492 493 493 494 494 495 495 496 496 497 497 498 498 499 499 500 500 501 501 502 502 503 503 504 504 505 505 506 506 507 507 508 508 509 509 510 510 511 511 512 512 513 513 514 514 515 515 516 516 517 517 518 518 519 519 520 520 521 521 522 522 523 523 524 524 525 525 526 526 527 527 528 528 529 529 530 530 531 531 532 532 533 533 534 534 535 535 536 536 537 537 538 538 539 539 540 540 541 541 542 542 543 543 544 544 545 545 546 546 547 547 548 548 549 549 550 550 551 551 552 552 553 553 554 554 555 555 556 556 557 557 558 558 559 559 560 560 561 561 562 562 563 563 564 564 565 565 566 566 567 567 568 568 569 569 570 570 571 571 572 572 573 573 574 574 575 575 576 576 577 577 578 578 579 579 580 580 581 581 582 582 583 583 584 584 585 585 586 586 587 587 588 588 589 589 590 590 591 591 592 592 593 593 594 594 595 595 596 596 597 597 598 598 599 599 600 600 601 601 602 602 603 603 604 604 605 605 606 606 607 607 608 608 609 609 610 610 611 611 612 612 613 613 614 614 615 615 616 616 617 617 618 618 619 619 620 620 621 621 622 622 623 623 624 624 625 625 626 626 627 627 628 628 629 629 630 63

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16 1817 J. H.

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16 1817 J. H.

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1 16 B

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1 16 B

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GVLIELMI BVDAEI PARISIENSIS, CONSI- LIARII REGII, Col. Vom. DE Soc. Iesu. ASSE ET PAR- TIBVS EIVS LIBRI V. * To Libray Iapuri VIRTUTE DVCE, COMITE FORTUNA. LVGDVNI, APVD SEB. GYRPHIVM, 1542.

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GVLIELMI BVDAEI PARISIENSIS, CONSI- LIARII REGII, Col. Vom. DE Soc. Iesu. ASSE ET PAR- TIBVS EIVS LIBRI V. * To Libray Iapuri VIRTUTE DVCE, COMITE FORTUNA. LVGDVNI, APVD SEB. GYRPHIVM, 1542.

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1 1

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1 1

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GVLIELMVS BV= DAEVS PARISIENSIS, Regius Secretarius, ad optimum quenq; & candidissimum uirum, litera= rum & philosophiæ studiosum, PRAEFATIO IN LIBROS DE ASSE ET PARTI= BV S EIVS. NATVRA comparatum esse uidemus, ut qui aliquid efficere se posse confidat, ij ad id aggrediendum, auspicandum, ab soluendum, toto (ut dicitur) pectore to- taq; cogitatione incumbant: idq; nihil o secius etsi absq; rei familiaris detrimento, aut ualetudinis incommodo facere non posse intelligent, nedum si nullu[m] inde dignum operæ precium expectent. tanta uis est natu ræ ad ea impellentis, ad quæ nos aptos fecit. Quum au= tem humanis animis nihil magis intelligentia ingenitum sit, quæ parens est ipsa omnis inuentionis: sit eiusdem na= turæ instinctu, ut quàm quisque ingenio maximè præstat, tam is ad comminiscendum semper aliquid maximè inten= tus sit & pronus. Quod uidens (ut arbitror) Homerus in= geniorum uertex, homines alphestas interdum appella= uit, quasi indagatores, & inueniendi ui præditos. Inter= dum id uocabulum pro hominibus usurpauit, quasi scili= cet hoc hominis maximè proprium esse existimaret, inda= gare & inuenire. Inde artium omnium cõsummatio, quas Varro intra mille annos repertas & absolutas fuisse tra= dit

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WILLIAM BUDÆUS OF PARIS, Royal Secretary, to every excellent and most upright man, devoted to letters and philosophy, PREFACE TO THE BOOKS ON THE AS AND ITS PARTS. We see that it is natural that those who trust they can accomplish something should, in undertaking, initiating, and carrying it through, apply themselves with all their heart and whole mind, as they say; and this they do none the less even when they understand that it cannot be done without detriment to their private affairs or injury to their health, much less if they expect no worthy reward from it. So great is the force of nature impelling us toward those things for which she has fitted us. But since there is nothing more innate in human minds than intelligence, which is itself the parent of all invention, it is by the same impulse of nature that the more greatly anyone excels in talent, the more inclined and intent he is always upon devising something. Seeing this, Homer, the summit of genius, if I am not mistaken, called men alphestai at times, as if hunters and endowed with the power of discovery. At times he used that word for human beings, as though he judged this to be most proper to man: to search out and to discover. Hence comes the completion of all the arts, which Varro says were discovered and perfected within a thousand years.

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dit, cum uarias scilicet usus meditando excuderet artes: ut inquit Homerus alter. Verumenimuero res multæ præclaræ ab antiquis uel inuentæ, uel usurpatæ, et in corum usu positæ, ita uel æui situ squalidæ, uel incuria temporum neglectæ, uel rerum inclinationibus diu desitæ fuerunt, ut iterum inueniendas in usum suum easdem posteritas habuerit. Quare uirorum acrium doctorum que diligentia tantum una et altera ætate effectum est commentando, ut antiquitas propemodum interpolata in usum linguæ Latinæ ad nos peruenisse uideatur. Quum igitur ad ea quæ restabant inuestiganda, ita animatos æquales ætatis nostræ studiosos animaduerterem, ut certatim unusquisque in commune negotium nauare operam contenderet, quasi è medio desumere sibi gloriæ argumentum: ausus sum et ipse, cum ad hæc studia nec parum nec leuiter incubuissem, quæ comminisci potueram, in medium afferre: si forte ipsa quoque placere, et adiuvare laborem inquirentium possent. Itaque Annotationes primum in Pandectas edidi: in quibus non pauca contra receptam in uulgus hominum opinionem, et multarum ætatum sententia præiudicatam, in iudicium deduxi, nonnulla etiam fortasse ne inter doctos quidem satis animaduersa. Qua in re utinam mihi non obfuerit quòd tumultuosius quàm decebat, in medium attuli quæ tumultuariè collegera. ita enim inconsulto seruore me intuli in publicum, ut facilius culpam deprecari, quàm nunc inficiari aut excusare possim: ausus ipse Mineruam (ut aiunt) Athenis uiolare, id est Accursij autoritatem inter iurisperitissimos obtrectare, quæ summa et optima pars est nostrorum magistratum. Nunc alteram lucubrationem grandioris incepti operosiorisq[ue] profero: no[n] in unum genus illam quidem editam aut disciplinarum

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He, that by meditating upon various uses, fashioned out arts, as Homer says of another. But indeed many excellent things, either invented by the ancients, or employed, and placed in use among them, have so fallen into rust through the decay of time, or been neglected through the carelessness of the ages, or for a long time abandoned through the changes of circumstances, that posterity has had them to rediscover and restore to its own use. Therefore, by the diligence of sharp-minded scholars, in only one or two ages so much has been accomplished by commenting, that antiquity, almost renewed in a form suited to the Latin language, seems to have come down to us. Since therefore I observed those contemporaries of our age who were eager to investigate what remained, so animated that each strove in rivalry to devote his labor to the common task, as though to draw from it a matter of glory for himself from the midst of it, I too ventured, since I had not applied myself to these studies a little or lightly, to bring forth into the open what I had been able to devise: if perhaps they too might please, and help the labor of inquirers. And so I first published the Annotationes on the Pandects: in which I brought into question not a few things contrary to the opinion commonly received among ordinary people, and prejudged by the view of many ages, and also some things perhaps not sufficiently noticed even among the learned. In this matter I wish that I had not been hindered by the fact that, more turbulently than was proper, I brought into the open what I had collected in a disorderly way. For so inconsiderately did I rush into public view, that I can more easily beg pardon for the fault than now deny or excuse it: I, who dared to violate Minerva at Athens, as they say, that is, to disparage the authority of Accursius among the most learned jurists, who is the chief and best part of our teachers. Now I present another fruit of a greater and more laborious undertaking: not indeed published under one genre or of the disciplines

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plinarum, aut artium: sed in uniuersum pertinentem ad antiquitatis interpretationem, & per omne propè genus autorum probiorum utraq[ue] lingua patentem. Quin & illud interest, quòd in illa commentatione cum ignorantiæ alumnis res nuhi tantu[m] fuit, quibus ferè ueritas retrorsum longius repetita persuaderi uix potest. Docti autem uiri nullum nuhi negotium facessere uidebantur, qui uel ipsi ueritatem suapte intelligentia deprehendere solent, uel do ciles ad optimam quanq[ue] doctrinam se præbere non grauantur. At uerò huius ea ratio est & conditio, minimè quidem ipsa popularis, ut quas res in iudicium affero, ijs de rebus censuisse rectè no[n] nisi solus & unus possim. Quo fit, ut si in summa forte operis (o præcipitem scribendi sortem, non modò ancipitem) hallucinatus esse uidear, omnium scriptorum recentiorum præiudicijs, & præcipuè doctissimi cuiusque, damnatum me iri necesse sit. Huius anxietatis unum id demum solatium habeo, quòd si secundum me (ut spero) doctoru[m] qui nunc sunt superstites, consensus pronuntiarit, in huius certaminis palma nullam sibi partem fortuna uendicabit, nullam inde frondem hominu[m] quisquam præscripturus est. Nam cum res attuli non forte fortuna repertas, ut legendo fit interdum, sed omnibus uestigijs indagatas, ijsq[ue] partim exoletis, partim perplexè inuolutis: tum uerò ita res nata tulit, ut enarratorum lites nullas uertere in meam rem potuerim, quum eodem errore (nisi fallor) concordes ad unum offenderim. sic fit ut nec repositum cibum, nec frigidum attulerim, nec qui fastidiu[m] mouere stomachis à copia lectionum redundantibus possit. Primus enim (ut reor) instaurandam hanc partem uetu statis suscepi, non ab alijs illam quidem neglectam, sed uel hactenus conclamatam, uel præuaricatione transmis= sam

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not of the liberal arts, or of the arts: but in general belonging to the interpretation of antiquity, and open through almost every kind of the better authors in either language. And this also makes a difference: that in that earlier treatise I had to do only with the children of ignorance, to whom truth, being carried back rather far, can hardly be persuaded. Learned men, however, seemed to me to cause no trouble, since they either by their own understanding are accustomed to detect the truth, or do not refuse to submit themselves to whatever is best in learning. But the reason and condition of this present work is such, and by no means popular, that regarding the matters I bring before judgment, I can rightly be thought to have judged of them only by myself alone. Hence, if in some main point of the work I should seem to have gone astray—O the headlong, not to say precarious, lot of writing—it is necessary that I be condemned by the prejudices of all recent writers, and especially of every most learned man. The one solace I finally have in this anxiety is that, if the consensus of the learned who now survive should pronounce in my favor, then Fortune will claim no part for herself in the palm of this contest, nor will anyone set down any leaf of glory from it for men to prescribe. For I have brought forward not things casually found by chance, as sometimes happens in reading, but things tracked down by every clue, some of them now obsolete, others tangled in perplexity; and then, indeed, the matter itself so turned out that I could not bring into my own account any disputes among the narrators, when I found them all, as I do not mistake, agreeing in the same error. Thus it comes about that I have brought neither stored-up food nor cold victuals, nor anything that could offend stomachs overflowing from an abundance of reading. For I was the first, as I think, to undertake the restoration of this part of antiquity—not indeed neglected by others, but either so far abandoned as hopeless, or passed over by evasion.

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6 sam. Addidi etiam uocabula non è prôptuaria penu sumpta, quum ipsum per se operis argumentum suopte gustu posset ad stomachos acriores facere, nulla etiam sermonis iucunditate conditum. Titulum operis eum elegi, qui rem tractandam implere rectè intelligentibus posset, nec tamen profiteri Archimedem quoddam inuentum uidere tur, aut auidam spem legentium immani pollicitatione frustri. Nam neque eiusmodi librum condidisse glorior, qui in arce Mineruæ statim consecrandus sit: nec rursus cuiuslibet industriæ esse censeo, pondera & mensuras prisco= rum, nomismatis Græci Latiniq[ue]; rationem æstimationeq[ue]; simul numerandi colligendiq[ue]; modum hoc tempore expli casse, ac priscam mundi opulentiam ad nummum perpen= disse. Id quod nisi effecisse uidebor, propositi compos non ero. Mercimonij uerò expositi explicatio docebit (ut est in sermone hominum) quid institor rerum nouarum uisen dum attulerit. Neque uerò uitio mihi uertetur (ut arbi= tror) quòd adhuc unus inuentus sim qui res densissimo situ uetustatis obductas refricare nunc auderem, reiq[ue] complo ratæ & ab alijs abiectæ explicationem ab longioribus se= culis repetere, quàm ut eorum nunc redire scientia postli= minio posset, præsertim accedentibus tot memoriæ nostræ superiorisq[ue]; præiudicijs. Non sum enim nescius quosdam de opere tantum fama cognito, nec adhuc absoluto, senten tiam eam tulisse, propè ut bidental mouisse à quibusdam existimarer, qui tanto interuallo hunc lapidem molirer ab omnibus intactum, aut certè inconcussum. Hoc autem ea de causa libentius suscepi, ut æqualium posterorumq[ue]; studia, nostrorum præcipuè, ad parem aut maiorem con tentionem excitarem, & in eandem causam mecum quam= plurimi incumberent. simul otiosæ huius uitæ rationem, quam

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6 I have also added words not taken from the pantry storehouse, since the very subject of the work, by its own taste, could make sharper appetites keen enough, even without being seasoned by any charm of style. I chose the title of the work such as could rightly convey, to those who understand it, the matter to be treated, and yet not seem to proclaim some Archimedean invention, or to deceive the eager hope of readers with extravagant promises. For I do not boast that I have produced such a book as must at once be consecrated in Minerva’s citadel; nor do I think it within anyone’s power to explain at this time the weights and measures of the ancients, the system of Greek and Latin coinage, together with their valuation and the methods of counting and reckoning, and to have weighed exactly the ancient wealth of the world down to the last coin. Unless I seem to have accomplished this, I shall not have achieved my purpose. Indeed, the explanation of the mercantile matter set forth will show, as men commonly speak, what the dealer in new things has brought for inspection. Nor, I think, will it be held against me that I alone have so far dared to reopen things covered over by the densest rust of antiquity, and to repeat from ages long past the explanation of a matter long lamented and abandoned by others, when knowledge of it could now scarcely return even after exile, especially with so many prejudices of our own and of earlier times attached to it. For I am not unaware that some, having known the work only by report and not yet completed, have passed judgment on it, so that I might almost seem to some to have stirred a bidental, since I was heaving up this stone, untouched by all, or at least undisturbed, over so great an interval. But I undertook this all the more willingly for this reason: to stimulate the studies of my contemporaries and of those who come after, especially our own, to equal or greater effort, and so that as many as possible might labor with me in the same cause. At the same time, I might also...

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7 quam libens amplexatus sum, occasionem præbente temporis conditione, constare mihi apud patriam meam uole bam. Cuius rei indicium hoc esse uolo, quòd nemini uni bunc librum, sed genio Franciæ patriæ que dicare constitui. Nullum enim amplius præmium laboris propè sesqui annui exoptaui, quàm ut gratiam uniuersim à Francis, & subinde à Parisiensibus municipibus meis inirem. Dolebam etiam uehementer eam opinionem temere inualuisse, quasi ingenia Gallica à Quinquatribus Mineruæ interdicto naturæ summouerentur. Qua dere in opere ipso quid sentirem explicui, nescio quàm appositè. Itaq[ue] sub nomine iam dicto librum auspicatè proditurum censui, ut uel Genio uel Mineruæ Franciæ, quasi que in æde Honoris publici dicatus esse uideatur. Nunc uiros doctos huius certaminis iudices, qui de captu nostro scriptis alijs cognito, coniecturam facturi sunt in huius operis summam, exorandos habeo, ut Areopagitarum more rem magis iudicandam quàm reum animaduertant. librum prius perlegant, relegant que, argumenta probationes que expendant: ita quod uisum fuerit, ad extremum pronuuntient. Et quando ita necesse est, ut ex oratione nostra æstimatio nostri fiat, quum libris in publicum editis calculum ipse iudicibus iam porrexerim, monitos eos uelim, ut specimen iudicij non à musteo adhuc stylo nostro tyrociuij que seruore exultanti, sed ab austeriore sumant, aut qui iam intepuisse & consedisse uideatur: non aliter atque si de uino iudicium facie[n]dum habeant, de amphora potius aut certè de dolio quàm de lacu sumi par sit. Postremò autem hoc libens ab omnibus lectoribus arbitris & ipsis operis postularim, ut cum mihi leuiores culpas condonarint, cui Aristarcho nullo uti licuit: sicubi obscuriores a 4

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7 How gladly I embraced this, since the condition of the times offered the opportunity, I wished to make myself known in my own country. As a sign of this, I wish it to be known that I have decided to dedicate this book not to any one person, but to the genius of France and to my native land. For no greater reward for my labor of nearly a year and a half did I long for than to win the favor of the French in general, and, in turn, of my fellow citizens the Parisians. I was also deeply grieved that the opinion had rashly gained ground that French minds were, by a prohibition of the Quinquatrus of Minerva, removed from nature. What I thought on that matter I explained in the work itself, though I know not how aptly. Thus I judged that the book should auspiciously appear under the name already mentioned, so that it might seem to be dedicated either to the Genius or to Minerva of France, as if in the temple of Public Honor. Now I must entreat the learned men, the judges of this contest, who, knowing the scope of my ability from my other writings, will form a conjecture about the sum of this work, that, in the manner of the Areopagites, they look upon the matter as something to be judged rather than the man to be condemned. Let them read the book through first, and reread it; let them weigh the arguments and the proofs: then let them pronounce at the end whatever shall seem fitting. And since it is necessary that our estimation be made from our speech, since I have already laid my account before the judges by publishing books to the public, I would wish them to be warned that they should take the specimen of judgment not from our still youthful, new, and over-exultant pen, but from a more severe one, or one that seems already to have grown warm and settled down: just as, if a judgment is to be made about wine, it is proper to take it rather from an amphora, or certainly from a cask, than from a basin. Finally, from all readers and arbiters, and from the work itself, I would gladly ask this: that, since I have no Aristarchus to whom I could appeal, if they have pardoned my lighter faults, wherever the more obscure a 4

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obscuriores fuimus, quàm ut abs quolibet lectore planè aut facilè intelligamur (ut certè interdum de industria fuimus, quoniam ita referre aut nostra aut decori arbitra bamur) ibi ut diem ipsi partim iudicij sui diffundant, quoad alios acriores consuluerint: partim quasi sibi hæc inquirere non uacet, aut pigeat, de figuratis locis non li= quere fateantur potius, quàm ut præproperè aut iniquè quicquam de nobis pronuntient. Vale optime le= ctor, et eandem in causam mecum primo quoq[ue] tempore incumbe. Parisijs Idi= bus Martij, Anno domini M.D. X I I I.

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We have been too obscure to be clearly or easily understood by any reader whatsoever (as indeed we have sometimes deliberately been, since we thought it fit either for our own sake or for the sake of propriety to do so), so that they may themselves in part suspend the day of their judgment until they have consulted others more sharp-sighted; and in part, as though they have not the leisure, or are reluctant, to inquire into these matters for themselves, they should rather confess that they are not certain about the figurative passages, than too hastily or unfairly pronounce anything against us. Farewell, most excellent reader, and at the earliest opportunity join me in the same cause. At Paris, on the Ides of March, in the year of our Lord 1513.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. lium à nostris etiam appellatur, ut sesquipes, sesquicubitus, sesquidigitus, sesquijugerum. unde sesquipedalia tigna apud Cæsare, hoc est, pedis unius & dimidiati, quod ad crassitudinem referendum est: & apud Horatium sesquipedalia uerba: & sesquimensis, mensis & semis. Hoc autem sesqui significat siue cum uocabulo compona tur mensuram aut numeri aut temporis aut modi significante, siue etiam cum alio quocunque uocabulo, ut sesquiopera apud Columellam, & sesquiplaga apud Plautum & Tacitum, & sesculyxes in præfatione Plinij: quo < Sesculyxes.> uerbo, si recte emedatu est (nam eius uerbi Plinij uestigiu[m] nullum in antiquis exemplaribus Plinij extat) ego hominem summè astutum & ueteratorem planè expolitum intelligo. fit eius uocabuli mentio apud Nonium. Tacitus libro x v. Et ille multum tremens, quum uix duobus iactibus caput amputauisset, sæuitiam apud Neronem iactauit, sesquiplaga interfectum à se dicendo. Plautus in Captiuis: Inde porrò in latomias lapidarias: ibi quum alij octonos lapides effodiunt, nisi quotidianus sesquiopus effeceris, sexcentoplago nomen indetur tibi. hoc est, nisi tu duodenos effoderis. Sesqui Græci non habent quomodo uno uocabulo significent, nec ideo minus eleganter id exprimunt, hoc modo loquentes, ut Demosthenes , ἐν τὴν τὸ ἀρισομάχε οἰκία ἐδὸν πια ἐμιμμοῦνα τοῦτον τῶ ἀδροδωκητω. Cum sesquiminam dicere uellet, πια ἐμιμμοῦνα dixit, hoc est, tres semiminas. Sic Xenophon πια ἐμισκρηκα pro sesquidarico dixit. πῶς ἡπιώτοις ἐπισκρη ἐμιόλιον τὸν μιδὸν, αντὶ δαρκὴν πια ἐμισκρηκα. Militibus sesquistipendium dedit, uel sesquiplum stipendium, & pro darico sesquidaricum pependit. Et in Oeconomico πιημιτόσων sesquipes, ut πενθημιτόσων, duo pedes & semis

Transcription: Translated (English)

It is also called by our authors “sesqui-” in compounds such as sesquiped, sesquicubit, sesquidigit, sesquijugerum. Thus at Caesar, sesquipedalia tigna means beams one foot and a half long, which is to be referred to thickness; and in Horace, sesquipedalia verba; and sesquimensis, a month and a half. Now sesqui means either when joined to a word signifying measure, number, time, or manner, or even with any other word whatsoever, as sesquiopera in Columella, and sesquiplaga in Plautus and Tacitus, and sesculyxes in the preface of Pliny; by which word, if it is correctly restored—for no trace of that word in Pliny survives in the ancient manuscripts—I understand a man most astute and plainly a thoroughly seasoned old hand. Mention of this word is made by Nonius. Tacitus, book XV: “And he, trembling greatly, when with difficulty he had cut off the head with two blows, boasted before Nero of his cruelty, saying that the man had been killed by a sesquiplaga.” Plautus in the Captives: “Then on to the stone quarries: there, while others dig out eight stones apiece, unless you do the daily sesquiopus, the name of six-hundred-blows will be given to you,” that is, unless you dig twelve. The Greeks do not have sesqui as a single word, nor on that account do they express it any less elegantly, speaking in this way: as Demosthenes ... When he wished to say sesquimina, he said ..., that is, three semiminae. So Xenophon said ... for sesquidaricum. ... Instead of daric, he paid a sesquidaricum. And in the Oeconomicus ... sesquipes, as ... two feet and a half.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 15 Decussare. quinto de iugata uinea loqués: Ferè autem prædicta ætas læto solo trunco'que tres materias, rarò quatuor desiderat, quæ per totidem parteis ab alligatore diuidi debet: ni hil enim refert iugum in stellam decussari atque diduci, nisi & palmites adiungantur. Decussare propriè per medium secare significat, id quod ostendit Cicero in li= bro de uniuersitate, quum inquit, Hanc igitur omnem coniunctionem duplicem in longitudine diffidit, mediæq[ue] accommodans, mediam quasi decussauit. Plena enim de= cussatio fit cum litera X, in seipsam transuersa incidit, ut ex eo loco Platonis intelligendum datur, quem Cicero Latinum fecit. Martianus de coluris loquens in octauo, Alij à cardine meridiano inchoamenta circuli perhiben= tes, eundem per arcticum uerticem unde ortus est, denuo retulerunt: qui quidem alium ab ortu circulum decussan= tes, in quatuor quadras mundi ambitum discreuerunt. Et Decussatim apud eundem in primo, Hinc rosis decussatim uinculatis sertata contextio. Post unciam sequutur par= tes unciæ, ut semuncia, id est dimidium unciæ: & sextula, Sextula. Sexta pars unciæ: uerbum etiam in testamentis usurpatu[m]. Cicero pro Cecinna: Testam[en]to facto mulier moritur: fa= cit hæc hæredè ex deunce & semuncia Cecinnam, ex duæ bus sextulis M. Fulcinium libertu[m] superioris uiri, Ebutio sexulam aspergit. Hæreditatem, id est assem, his uerbis Cicero in deuncem, semunciam, & tres sextulas diuisit. Ex quo liquet sextulam tertiam esse partem semuciæ, & unciæ sexta. Duas sextulas dixit pro tertia parte unciæ, quu[m] tamen aliud uocabulu[m] Latinu[m] haberet, duellâ scilicet. Duella. na[m] duæ sextulæ duellâ faciunt: quæ tertia pars est unciæ, hoc est sexta de tricesima totius assis. Post hæc sequitur Drachma, octaua pars unciæ: quæ ipsa geminata siciliquu[m] efficit Drachma. Siciliquum.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. HIS BOOK I. 15 Decussare. You will speak of the fifth with respect to the vine trained on a trellis: for usually the aforesaid age, on fertile soil and with the trunk, desires three shoots, rarely four, which the binder ought to divide into so many parts; for it makes no difference whether the yoke is crossed into a star and separated, unless the shoots are also joined. Decussare properly signifies to cut through the middle, as Cicero shows in the book On the Universe, when he says: “Thus he cuts in two this whole double conjunction in length, and fitting the middle parts together, as it were he crossed the middle.” For a complete decussation is made when the letter X is cut across itself, as is understood from that passage of Plato which Cicero rendered into Latin. Martianus, speaking of the circles in the eighth book, says: “Others, beginning the circle from the southern pole, brought it back again through the arctic summit from which it had risen; and indeed, crossing a circle from the east, they divided the world’s circumference into four quarters.” And in the same author, in the first book, Decussatim: “Hence a garland woven with roses bound crosswise in linked arrangement.” After an uncia come the parts of an uncia, such as a semuncia, that is, half an uncia; and a sextula. Sextula. The sixth part of an uncia; the word is also used in wills. Cicero, For Caecina: “A will having been made, the woman dies: this gives Caecina as heir of eleven-twelfths and a semuncia, and M. Fulcinius, a freedman of the former husband, of two sextulae; Ebutius sprinkles him with a sextula.” By these words Cicero divided the inheritance, that is, the whole as, into eleven-twelfths, a semuncia, and three sextulae. From this it is clear that a sextula is the third part of a semuncia, and the sixth of an uncia. He used “two sextulae” for the third part of an uncia, although Latin had another term for it, namely duella. Duella. For two sextulae make a duella, which is the third part of an uncia, that is, the sixth of one-thirtieth of the whole as. After this comes Drachma, the eighth part of an uncia; when doubled, it makes a siciliquum. Drachma. Siciliquum.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Scrupulum. Gramma. efficit, assis duodequinquagesimam. Drachma in terna scrupula distribuitur, quæ à Græcis grammata, id est, li= teræ ideo dicuntur, quòd quatuor & uiginti literas Græ= ci in alphabeto suo habet, quot uncia scrupulos capit, & dies ciuilis horas. Scrupulum rursus in binos obolos diuiditur, Semiobolos. ut obolus in binos semiobolos. Vltra has minutias nullum est uocabulum facilè Latinis usurpatum. Itaque Vocabula me[m] sorum. mensores post mensuras maiores (de quibus ipsis satis la= tè in Annotationibus nostris diximus) ad pedem descen= dentes & palmum, nec habentes quomodo palmum com= mode deuiderent (ut autor est Boëthius) id quod inter pal mum & digitum medium erat, unciam uocare institue= Stater. runt, secundo loco digitum, tertio staterem, id est, semun= ciam, quarto quadratem, quinto drachmam, sexto scrupu lum, septimo obolum, octauo semiobolum, quem Græci ce ratium uocant, nono siliquam, decimo loco punctum, un= decimo minutum, duodecimo momentum posuerunt. Alij Ceratium. Siliqua. siliquam Latine putant esse id quod Græci ceratium di= cunt, hoc est, siliquæ fructus granum. Siliqua in Italia na scitur hodie quoque longitudine digitali, latitudine pol= licari, ut autor est Plinius, intus habet grana, quæ senæ Pedis diuisio. singula scrupula pendent, hoc est, diobolum. Pes igitur in duodenas uncias partitur, dicimusq[ue] semissem pro sex pollicibus, ut nostrates loquuntur, id est, octo digitis. Spi thame Græco uocabulo dicitur mensura digitorum duo= decim. hanc nostri dodrantem appellare solent. Pal= mus quaternos digitos significat, & alio nomine qua= drans uocatur. eademq[ue] ratio in reliquis seruatur, ut in triente & besse, quoru ratio facilius pollicum usu, quàm digitorum iniri potest, ut triens quaternos pollices signi= ficet, & bes octonos. & itidem in minutiijs. est enim pollex

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE AS AND Scruple. Gram. makes up one fifty-second part of an as. A drachm is divided into three scruples, which by the Greeks are called grammata, that is, letters, because the Greeks have twenty-four letters in their alphabet, as many as the ounce contains scruples, and the civil day hours. The scruple in turn is divided into two obols, Semiobols. just as the obol is into two semiobols. Beyond these small divisions there is no term readily used by the Latins. Therefore Terms of measu- rers. measurers, after the larger measures (of which we have already spoken at length in our Notes) descending to the foot and palm, and not having how they might conveniently divide the palm (as Boethius is the authority), established as the name for that which was between the palm and the middle finger, the ounce; then, in the second place, the finger; third, the stater, that is, the semun- ce; fourth, the quadrans; fifth, the drachm; sixth, the scruple; Stater. seventh, the obol; eighth, the semiobol, which the Greeks call the ce- ratium; ninth, the siliqua; tenth, the point; elev- Ceratium. Siliqua. enth, the minute; twelfth, the moment. Others think that siliqua in Latin is the same as what the Greeks call ceratium, that is, the grain of the siliqua fruit. The siliqua grows in Italy even today, of finger-length, of thumb- width, as Pliny says; inside it has seeds, each of which weighs six Divisio of the foot. scruples, that is, a diobol. The foot therefore is divided into twelve ounces, and we say semis for six inches, as our people speak, that is, eight digits. A span is the measure of twelve digits. Our people are accustomed to call this the dodrans. A palm signifies four digits, and by another name is called the quadrans. The same rule is observed in the rest, as in the triens and bes, whose proportions can more easily be reckoned by the use of inches than of digits, since the triens signifies four inches and the bes eight. And likewise in the smaller divisions. For the thumb

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apud eundem Columellam sequuntur: quanquam & ipsa corruptissima sunt. sed hoc modo emendanda, totusq[ue] locus ille sic legendus, Vt à minima parte, id est à dimudio scrupulo incipiamus, pars quingentesima septuagesima sexta, pedes efficit quinquaginta, id est iugeri dimidium scrupulum. pars ducentesima octogesimaoctaua, pedes centum, hoc est scrupulum. pars centesima quadragesimaquarta, pedes ducentos, hoc est scrupula duo. pars septuagesimasecunda, pedes quadringentos, hoc est sextulam, in qua sunt scrupula quatuor. pars quadragesimaoctaua, pedes sexcetos, hoc est siciliquum, in quo sunt scrupula sex. Reliqua quæ sequuntur eo in loco, emendata ferè sunt. Columella igitur minutias à semiscrupulo inchoandas esse censet. nam ulteriores (inquit) persequi superuacuum est, pro quibus nihil dependitur mercedis, sed superiores tantum partes cadunt in æstimationem facti operis. de mercede fossorum & agricultorum intelligens. Ordo igitur huiusmodi est, ut à dimidio scrupuli ad scrupulum transeat, à scrupulo ad sextulam, in qua sunt scrupula quatuor. idem est enim scrupulum quod gramma, quarta & uicesima pars unciæ, & sextula sexta pars. Porro à sextula transitum facit ad siciliquum, id est scrupula sena. nam drachma geminata siciliquum efficit. quare siciliquus quarta pars est unciæ. à siciliquo ad semunciam progreditur, in qua scrupula duodecim. ita ad unciam, & ab ea ad sextantem, deinceps ad quadrantem trientemq[ue] & quincuncem usque dum ad assem, id est iu gerum perueniat. hic est eorum uerborum ordo sursum uersus, & uiceuersa deorsum, id est ab asse ad semiscru pulum. Vncia autem à Boëthio non pro duodecima iu geri parte, sed pro digito ac triente digiti accipitur, quem

Transcription: Translated (English)

In the same Columella they follow: although these too are very corrupt. But they should be emended in this way, and that whole passage should be read as follows: So that we begin from the smallest part, that is, from half a scruple, the five-hundred-and-seventy-sixth part makes fifty feet, that is, half a iugerum, a half-scruple. The two-hundred-and-eighty-eighth part makes one hundred feet, that is, a scruple. The one-hundred-and-forty-fourth part makes two hundred feet, that is, two scruples. The seventy-second part makes four hundred feet, that is, a sextula, in which there are four scruples. The forty-eighth part makes six hundred feet, that is, a sicilicus, in which there are six scruples. The rest that follow in that place are nearly all corrected. Columella therefore considers that the fractions are to begin from half a scruple. For, he says, it is superfluous to pursue the smaller divisions, for which no wages are paid, but only the larger parts are taken into account in estimating the work done, speaking of the wages of diggers and farmers. The order, then, is of this sort: from half a scruple to a scruple, from a scruple to a sextula, in which there are four scruples. For a scruple is the same as a gram, the twenty-fourth part of an ounce, and a sextula is a sixth part. Then it passes from the sextula to the sicilicus, that is, six scruples; for two drachms make a sicilicus. Therefore the sicilicus is a fourth part of an ounce. From the sicilicus he proceeds to the semuncia, in which there are twelve scruples; thus to the ounce, and from that to the sextans, thereafter to the quadrans and the triens and the quincunx, until he comes to the as, that is, to a iugerum. This is the order of those words upward, and conversely downward, that is, from the as to the half-scruple. But Boethius takes the ounce not as the twelfth part of a iugerum, but as a finger and a third of a finger, whom

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET. missæ ex orbibus dimidiatis duobus, à rege Mauritaniæ Ptolemæo, quatuor pedum & semipedis per medium ambitum, crassitudine quadrantali: maiusq[ue] miraculum in ea est artis latente iunctura, quàm potuisset esse natura solidæ. item à Nomio Tyberij Cæsaris libero cognomen trahentis, tribus siciliquis infra quatuor pedes, totidemq[ue] infra semipedem crassitudinis. Plinius crassitudinem quadrantalem dixit, quæ quatuor esset digitorum. longitudini autem quaternum pedum tres pollicis partes, id est, dodrantem pollicis defuisse significat, qui unus est digitus: & tantundem semipedali crassitudini. Idem libro Cap. 5. X X V I I. Asplenum sunt qui Hermionium uocant, folijs trientalibus multis, radice limosa. & rursus eodem Cap. 11. libro, Inter omnes herbas lithospermo nihil est mirabilius, alij ægonychon uocant, alij diospyron. herba quincuncialis ferè, folijs duplo maioribus quàm rutæ. Quincuncialem herbam appellauit minorem semipede, & septenùm ferme digitorum. sequitur enim post paulò: Ia cere eam atque humi serpere autores tradunt. Idem libro Cap. 8. X X X I I I. de lapide Lydio loquens, Sunt autem modici, quaternas uncias longitudinis, binasq[ue] latitudinis non excedentes. Vitruuius libro I I I. Crassitudines autem graduum ita finiendas censeo, ut neque crassiores dextante, neque tenuiores dodrante sint collocatæ. sic enim durus non erit ascensus. Dodrantem appellauit duodecim digitos, dextantem decem pollices. Idem libro quinto, Superq[ue] laterculis bessalibus pilæ struantur, ita dispositæ, uti bipedales tegulæ possint suprà esse collocatæ. Bessales dixit laterculos, qui octo pollicum longitudinem habent. Liuius libro quinto ab Vrbe condita: Terna iugera & Totunces uiritim diuiserunt. Septunces dixit pro dimidiato

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET. made from two half-orb-shaped pieces, by King Ptolemy of Mauretania, four feet and half a foot in circumference, with a thickness of a quarter of a foot: and the greater wonder in it is the hidden joining of the workmanship, than nature could have made in a solid piece. Likewise from Nomius, the freedman of Tiberius Caesar, deriving his surname three sicilici below four feet, and likewise below half a foot in thickness. Pliny said a thickness of a quarter of a foot, which would be four fingers. But as to the length, he indicates that three parts of a palm were lacking to four feet, that is, a little less than a finger-width, which is one digit; and just as much to the half-foot thickness. The same, book Chap. 27. X X V I I. Asplenium, which they call Hermionium, with many leaves a third of a foot long, and a slimy root. And again in the same Chap. 11. book, “Among all herbs nothing is more wonderful than lithospermum; some call it aegonychon, others diospyron. It is almost a five-cubit herb, with leaves twice as large as rue.” He called it a five-cubit herb, smaller by half a foot, and nearly seven fingers. For he adds shortly afterward: “The authorities say that it lies down and creeps along the ground.” The same, book Chap. 8. XXXIII. speaking of the Lydian stone, “These, however, are small, not exceeding four inches in length and two in breadth.” Vitruvius, book III. “The thicknesses of the steps, however, I think should be fixed so that they are neither thicker than a span, nor thinner than three-quarters of a span when laid. For thus the ascent will not be steep.” He called a three-quarters span twelve fingers, and a span ten inches. The same, book five, “On top of this, walls are built from bessal bricks, arranged so that bipedal tiles may be laid above them.” He called those bricks bessales which are eight inches in length. Livy, book five On the Founding of the City: “They divided three iugera and totunces apiece among each man.” He used septunces for a half

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nus est in quo poëta omnia narrat sine ulla personarum interlocutione. In hoc omnia didascalico more & simplici traduntur, ut Georgica eiusdem Maronis. Is igitur liber qui I ob inscribitur, uel id poëma potius (ut autor est Hieronymus) dramatico & mimetico, id est, imitatiuo, charactere conscriptus est. siquidem in eo personarum actus uidemus uelut in scenam quandam prodeuntium, non popularibus oculis, sed philosophicis inseruientem. Porrò cum schemata exornandis poëmatis & orationibus inuenta sint, cum etiam præbent usum, quòd magis ijs multo afficimur & permouemur, quæ figuratè nobis, quàm quæ simpliciter & communi sensu traduntur: propter quod Fabius de ui figuratæ orationis loquens, Nam si frons (inquit) oculi, manus, multum ad motum animorum ualent: quanto plus orationis ipsius uultus, ad id quod intendimus conficere, compositus? < Figura.> Est enim figura, sicut nomine ipso apparet, conformatio quædam orationis remota à communi & primùm se offirente ratione. Tranquillus in Vespasiano: Amicorum libertatem, causidicoru[m] figuras, ac philosophorum contumaciam leuissimè tulit. Figuras Tranquillus appellat obliqua dicta, quæ non recta & simplici sententia, sed obliqua prætextaq[ue] impera torem ipsum taxabant. Idem in Domitia. Hermogenem Tarsensem occidit propter quasdam in historia figuras, librarijs etiam qui eam descripserant, crucifixis. Ruffinus contra Hieronymum scribens, Nam & sanctum, inquit, Ambrosium episcopum qualibus figuris laceret, qualibus obtrectationibus secet, in ijs ipsis in quibus laudet Origenem, ex præfationibus eius edocebo. & Hieronymus ad Ruffinum, I am tuæ moderationis erit, & tuorum, nullam occasionem impatientibus dare, ne non omnes similes mei b 4 inuen

Transcription: Translated (English)

...is that in which the poet narrates everything without any interlocution of the persons. In this all is handed down in a didactic and simple manner, as in the Georgics of the same Maro. Therefore that book which is inscribed Job, or rather that poem, as Jerome is author, is written in a dramatic and mimetic, that is, imitative, character. For in it we see the actions of persons, as though coming forth upon a kind of stage, serving not the eyes of the common people, but philosophical ones. Moreover, since figures were devised for adorning poems and speeches, and since they also have this use, that we are much more affected and moved by those things which are conveyed to us figuratively than by those which are handed down simply and in the common sense: for this reason Fabius, speaking of the force of figurative speech, says, “If the brow, the eyes, the hand have much power to move the feelings, how much more the countenance of speech itself, fitted to accomplish what we intend?” <Figure.> For a figure is, as the name itself shows, a certain shaping of speech removed from the common and first-offering sense. Suetonius in Vespasian: “He bore with the liberty of his friends, the figures of advocates, and the obstinacy of philosophers most lightly.” Suetonius calls figures those oblique sayings which did not attack the emperor with a straight and simple statement, but obliquely and under a pretext. The same writer, in Domitian: “He put to death Hermogenes of Tarsus because of certain figures in a history, and even had the copyists who had transcribed it crucified.” Rufinus, writing against Jerome: “For I shall show, he says, by what figures, by what reproaches, he rends the holy bishop Ambrose, and how he cuts him with slanders, in those very passages in which he praises Origen, from his prefaces.” And Jerome to Rufinus: “Now it will be your moderation, and that of your followers, to give no occasion to the impatient, lest not all be like me...”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET inuenias, qui possint figuratis laudibus delectari. Et apud eundem figuratæ controuersiæ in eundem sensum intelligendæ. Martialis libro I I I. Epigramm. Schema. Schemate nec dubio, sed apertè nominat illam, Quam recipit sexto mense superba Venus. Cap. 14. Vt ad rem longiuscule digressi redeamus, res omnis in assis partes facilè diuiditur. Plinius libro secundo, Lunam haud dubium est lucere dodrantes semuncias horarum, ab secunda adjicientem ad plenum orbem, detrahen- temque in diminutionem. Cuius dicti subobscuri huius- cemodi sensus est, Lunam cum à coitu (quod interlu- nium dicitur) emergit, id quod fit secunda statim die: lucere primùm tres partes unius horæ nocturnæ, & in- super quartam & uicesimam horæ partem, seu mavis, un- deuiinti uicesimasquartas horæ: à secunda deinceps ad plenilunium die quolibet tantundem incrementi lucendo adijcere: & rursus à plenilunio eadem ratione eodemq[ue] modo decrementi lucere minus, minusq[ue]; quotidie usque ad intermestrem lunam, quo tempore cum sole coit. Idem Cap. 32. libro X V I I I. de eadem luna loquens, Supra terras au- tem erit quandiu & sol, interlunio, & prima tota die: secunda, horæ noctis unius dextante siciliquo: ac deinde tertia usque ad quintamdecimam, multiplicatis horarum ijsdem portionibus. quintadecima, tota supra terras no- ctu erit, eademq[ue] sub terris tota die: decimasexta, ad pri- mæ horæ nocturnæ dextantem siciliquum sub terra aget: easdemque portiones horarum per singulos dies adijciet usque ad interlunium: & quantum primis partibus no- ctis detraxerit, quòd sub terris agat, tantundem nouissi- mis ex die adijciet super terram. Dextantem & siciliquu[m] decem esse uncias cum quarta parte unciæ, nemo est qui ignoret.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET you will find those who can delight in figurative praises. And in the same author, figurative controversies are to be understood in the same sense. Martial, Book III, Epigrams. Schema. He plainly names that woman, not with any doubtful figure, Whom proud Venus receives in the sixth month. Chap. 14. But to return to the matter after a somewhat lengthy digression, everything in the as can easily be divided into parts. Pliny, in the second book, says of the moon: it is beyond doubt that it shines a dodrans and a semuncia of hours, adding from the second day to the full orb, and diminishing in decrease. The sense of this somewhat obscure statement is this: that the moon, when it emerges from conjunction (which is called interlunium), which happens immediately on the second day, first shines three quarters of one nocturnal hour, and moreover one twenty-fourth and one quarter of an hour, or if you prefer, one twenty-ninth of an hour: from the second day onward, up to the full moon, each day it adds by shining the same amount of increase; and again from the full moon, in the same way and by the same method, it shines with less and less of the decreasing light each day, until the new moon, at which time it joins with the sun. The same writer, Chap. 32, speaking of the same moon in Book XVIII, says: Above the earth, however, it will be, just as the sun is, during the interlunium and the whole of the first day; on the second, for a dextans and siciliquus of one night hour; and then from the third to the fifteenth, with the same portions of hours multiplied. On the fifteenth, it will be wholly above the earth by night, and likewise wholly beneath the earth by day; on the sixteenth, it will pass beneath the earth up to a dextans and siciliquus of the first nocturnal hour: and it will add the same portions of hours on each successive day until the interlunium; and whatever it takes away from the first parts of the night, by being beneath the earth, it will add in equal amount to the last parts of the day above the earth. Everyone knows that a dextans and siciliquus make ten unciae and a quarter of an uncia.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 25 ignoret. ita quod Plinius libr. I 1. undeuiiginti quartas & uicesimas horæ dixerat crescenti lunæ quotidie accresce= re, amplius deinceps ampliusq[ue] lucendo, & uiceuersa de= crescêti ratione eadem moduloq[ue] eodem decedere: ipse li= bro X V I I I. quasi eorum immemor quæ secundo uolu= mine dixerat, uiginti quartas & uicesimas & semis præ= terea dixit, id est, unam quadragesimam octauam. dextans enim uiginti uicesimas quartas ualet, & siciliquus unam duodequinquagesimam: ut suspicarisubeat Plinium utro= biq[ue] non eundem autorem eâdemq[ue] obseruationem secu= tum: quanquam in nonnullis alijs quoq[ue] locis, uel amanuē= sium culpa, uel propria hallucinatione (ut fit in uaria ac multiplici lectione) lapsus est: tametsi id fidem excedere uidetur, uirum usqueadeo & ingenio acrem, & industria accuratum, apertis interdum in rebus lapsum esse: ac ne id quidem modò, sed eidem etiam obliuionem antedictorum obrepsisse, præsertim cum ad principem scriberet, & ob= seruari præterea se acribus obtrectatorum oculis, capta= riq[ue] non nesciret: id quod facilè intelligimus ex librorum præfationibus interdum amarulentis. Proinde apologiam Plinij licet quis meditetur, qui hæc & huiuscemodi dilue= re se posse speret: ego (quod ad me attinet) non usqueadeo sacrosanctam Plinij autoritatem, ac ne cuiusquam quidem antiquorum, debere esse censeo, ut non præsentissimum Veritatis numen fuisse semper foreq[ue] apud æquos bonosq[ue] iudices memincrimus: cuius ut sacerdotes multi olim fue= runt, sic Plinius ipse antistes mihi fuisse uidetur. non enim tantum maioribus ipse tribuisse comperietur, si quis ani= maduerterit, ut eorum quaque in parte culpam ullam ob= ruendam silentio censuerit posteritati dispendioso: ne= dum ut cuiusquam errata quo iure quâque iniuria tue= b 5 ri Plinius inter- dum memoria defectus est. Pliniij laus.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART I. BOOK I. 25 He is unaware. Thus Pliny, in Book I, where he had said that the twenty-fourths and twenty-fifths of an hour, as the moon waxes, increase daily—shining more and more thereafter, and conversely, as it wanes, diminish by the same ratio and the same measure—himself, in Book XVIII, as though forgetful of what he had said in the second volume, said “twenty-fourths and twenty-fifths and a half” besides, that is, one forty-eighth. For a dextans is equal to twenty-fourths, and a siciliquus to one forty-eighth: so that one may suspect that Pliny in both places did not follow the same author or the same observation. Yet in certain other places as well, either through the fault of the copyists or his own lapse (as happens in varied and complex reading), he has slipped; although it seems beyond belief that a man so sharp in intellect and so exact in diligence should have erred in matters so obvious: and not only that, but that forgetfulness of what had been said earlier should have crept over him too, especially when he was writing to the chief ruler, and knew besides that he was being watched by the keen eyes of detractors and was being sought out for attack; something we can easily understand from the sometimes bitter prefaces to his books. Therefore let whoever wishes to devise an apology for Pliny, and hopes to be able to clear away these and similar points, do so: for my part, I do not think the authority of Pliny—or indeed that of any of the ancients—ought to be held so sacrosanct that we should not always remember that the most present deity of Truth has been and will be before fair and good judges; and as many once were her priests, so Pliny himself seems to me to have been one of her chief ministers. For he will not be found to have given greater weight even to his elders, if one considers how in every case he judged that any fault of theirs should be covered over in silence, to the posterity’s loss; let alone that he should have defended anyone’s errors, right or wrong, in any way whatsoever. Pliny was sometimes at fault in memory. Pliny’s praise.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ri insliterit. In quo mihi nostræ memoriæ homines doctissimi absurdula quadam religione obstrinxisse æqualium suorum & posterorum iudicia uidentur, qui qui dem ipsi eorum exemplo antiquitatis nomen nudum, ue- nerandum esse numinis instar duxissent. Ego uerò anti- quos quoque illos, homines ut nos fuisse puto, & aliqua etiam scripsisse quæ patrum intelligerent. nec ita annosi æui prærogatiuam sequor, ut non in opus hoc Pliniæ- num, eximium omnino & rerum propè omnium ut di- gestione consertu[m], sic uarietate distinctum, errores quos- dam irrepsisse, affirmare præsidenter ausim: quos ne- mo quantumuis acer, modò non impudens quoq[ue] sit, de- fendendos recipere sustineat. siquidem ut nunc mittam ea quæ in stirpibus, quæ in herbis, quæ in medicinis ex Dioscoride & Theophrasto docti quidam & diligen- tes harum rerum obseruatores adnotauerunt, in quibus sæpe Plinius nunc exemplarium uitio, nunc æquiuoca- tione falsus est, dum uel opus immensum lectionisq[ue] mul- tiplicis urgeret, uel iudicium ipse certum ijs rebus descri- bendis adhibere nequiret, quas aut oculis non subiecerat, aut non satis meminerat: Vt igitur illa mittam, quæ cul- pæ magis quàm crimini dari possunt, neminem esse arbi- tror eorum qui Plinij studiosi sunt, qui Plinio patrocinæ- ri in eo uelit quod libr. quarto de Hyperboreis dixit: Po- ne eos, inquit, montes ultra Aquilonem gens felix (si credimus) quos Hyperboreos appellauere, annoso degit- æuo, fabulosis celebrata miraculis. Ibi creduntur esse car- dines mundi, extremu[m]que siderum ambitus, semestri luce & una die solis auersi: non (ut imperiti dixere) ab æ- quinoctio uerno in autumnum. Semel in anno solstitio oriuntur ijs soles: brumá que semel occidunt. & libr. secundo Plinij erratum Cap. 12

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ri insliterit. In this matter the most learned men of our memory seem to me to have bound the judgments of their contemporaries and of posterity with a certain absurd religion, in that they themselves, by their example, would have the bare name of antiquity held venerable like a god. But I truly think that those ancient men too were human beings like us, and that they even wrote some things which their descendants could understand. Nor do I so follow the prerogative of age that I would not boldly venture to affirm that errors have crept into this Plinian work, which is altogether outstanding and distinguished, in the arrangement of nearly all things as well as in its variety; errors which no one, however sharp, provided he is not also shameless, would undertake to defend. For now I set aside those matters concerning plants, herbs, and medicines which certain learned and diligent observers of these things have noted from Dioscorides and Theophrastus, in which Pliny has often been at fault, now through the corruption of the manuscripts, now through ambiguity, either because the vastness of the work and its manifold reading pressed upon him, or because he himself was unable to apply a certain judgment to those things in describing them, since he had either not placed them before his own eyes or had not remembered them sufficiently. So then, passing over those matters which may be attributed more to fault than to crime, I think there is no one among those devoted to Pliny who would wish to defend Pliny in what he said in the fourth book about the Hyperboreans: “Beyond those mountains,” he says, “there is a fortunate people, if we believe it, whom they called the Hyperboreans; they pass their old age, celebrated for fabulous wonders. There, it is believed, are the pivots of the world and the outer circuit of the stars, with six months’ daylight and one day turned away from the sun; not, as the inexperienced have said, from the vernal equinox into autumn. Once a year, at the solstice, the suns rise there; and once in winter they set.” And in book second Pliny's error Chapter 12

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CAP. EIVS LIB. I. 27 < Cap. 75.> secundo. In Britannia lucidæ noctes haud dubiè repro= mittunt, id quod cogit ratio credi, solstitialibus diebus accedente sole propius uerticem mundi, angusto lucis ambitu, subiectæ terræ continuos dies haberi senis mensibus, noctes'que è diuerso ad brumam remoto: quod fieri in insula Thyle, Pytheas Massiliensis prodidit. Quæro quonam modo hoc dictum tueri possemus, etiam si ab Eudoxo dictum esset: cum ratio sphærica haud du= bie deprehendat eos, qui polum Arcticum pro uertice habent, etiam æquinoctialem habere pro circulo finitore? At qui æquinoctialem pro finitore habent, eos necesse est nullam noctem habere, sed diem perpetuum quoad sol fertur per signa septentrionalia: id quod fit ab Ariete ad Libram, id est, ab æquinoctio uerno ad alterum æquinoctium. & uiceuersa perpetuam noctem, quoad sol per signa australia uiam facit, id est, à Libra ad Arietem: ita ut illis annus uertens semestri luce & æquali nocte transigatur, unico per annum ortu atque occasu solis. At hoc Plinius non ab æquinoctio uerno ad autumnum, sed à stolstitio ad brumam fieri locis illis contendit: qui rursus libro quarto, quasi parum sibi in ea re constans, ita inquit, Vltima omnium quæ memorantur, < Cap. 16.> Thyle: in qua solstitio nullas esse noctes indicauimus, Cancri signu[m] sole transeunte: nullosq[ue]; contrà per brumam dies. Hæc quidam senis mensibus continuis fieri arbitrantur. Ex quibus uerbis coijcio, quod Pytheas Massiliensis de solstitio et bruma dixerat, id est, de duo= bus tantum diebus, id Plinium de senis mensibus dixisse: propterea quòd sphærici autores rationibus id demonstrat. quare in hoc hallucinatus esse uidetur, qui quod ab æquinoctio in æquinoctiu[m] fit, a solstitio ad stolstitiu[m] fieri scripsit

Transcription: Translated (English)

CAP. EIVS LIB. I. 27 < Cap. 75.> Second. In Britain the bright nights unquestionably occur, which reason compels us to believe, because at the solstitial days, as the sun approaches more nearly to the top of the world, within a narrow circuit of light, those lands beneath have continuous days for six months, and, conversely, nights, removed toward the winter solstice; and this, Pytheas of Massilia reported to happen on the island of Thule. I ask in what way we could defend this statement, even if it had been said by Eudoxus: since spherical reasoning unquestionably shows that those who have the Arctic Pole as their zenith also have the equinoctial circle as their circle of boundary? But those who have the equinoctial circle as their boundary must necessarily have no night, but perpetual day so long as the sun travels through the northern signs; that is, from Aries to Libra, namely from the vernal equinox to the other equinox. And conversely a perpetual night, so long as the sun makes its way through the southern signs, that is, from Libra to Aries: so that with them the turning year is spent in six months' light and equal night, with a single sunrise and sunset in the year. But Pliny maintains that this happens in those regions not from the vernal equinox to autumn, but from the solstice to the winter solstice; and in the fourth book, as though somewhat inconsistent with himself in this matter, he says: “Thule, last of all the places mentioned, < Cap. 16.> in which, while the sun passes through the sign of Cancer, we have indicated that there are no nights at the solstice, nor, on the contrary, any days during the winter solstice. Some think that this continues for six continuous months.” From these words I conjecture that what Pytheas of Massilia had said of the solstice and the winter solstice, that is, of only two days, Pliny said of six months; for this reason, because he shows it by the reasoning of spherical writers. Wherefore in this he seems to have gone astray, since he wrote that what takes place from equinox to equinox happens from solstice to solstice.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET scripsit Strab. li. VII. de Sauromatis loquès, qui et Sarmatæ dicuntur, δηλεπω ἀγνοιαν τῶν τόπων τὸντων οἰ τὰ ἐγεποῦα ὑφη καὶ ποῦς ὑποδορεῖνς μυδοψιῶντες, λόγα ἡγίωνταί, καὶ πυθέας ὃ μακαλιώτης κατετοῦτο ταῦτα τὰ ἑπικεαντίδας, προξηματι χρώδιν & τὴν περί τὰ ὑράνια καὶ τὰ μαθηματικὰ ἰσοδια. Propter horu[m] autem (inquit) locoru[m] ignorantiâ, ij qui Riphæos mo[n]tes, & populos Hyperboreos fabulati sunt, in hominum existimationem uenerunt, & ipse Pytheas Massiliensis mendaciter hæc scripsit, quæ ad Oceani littus pertinent, illo usus prætextu, quòd coelestium & mathematicarum rerum historiam scriberet. Martianus (quod miror) Plinium in hoc sequutus est, his uerbis in sexto: In Britannia (inquit) noctes decem & septem horarum: solstitiali uerò tempore cum coeli uerticem sol inuictus, subiectas læuorsum terras perpetui dici continuatione collustrat, item que brumali descensu semianuam facit horrere noctem: quod in insula Thyle compertum Pytheas Massiliensis asseruit. Pomponius Mela de his loquens libro tertio ita inquit, In Asiatico littore primi Hyperborei super Aquilonem Riphæos que montes sub ipso siderum cardine iacent: ubi sol non quotidie ut nobis, sed primùm uerno æquinoctio exortus, autumnali demum occidit: & ideo sex mensibus dies, & totidem alijs nox usque continua est. Si uerum est Plinij dictum, necesse est ut Mela autor probatissimus ignarus sphæricæ rationis fuerit, & unus eoru[m] quos Plinius imperitos appellauit. Enimuero in supradictis lapsum esse Plinium per rerum mathematicarum ignorantiam, ut persuadere mihi nolim, sic nequeam si uelim. non enim rudim[en]ta tantùm mathematicarum artium perdidicisse Plinius uidetur, id est, sphæricæ disciplinæ rationem,

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET wrote Strabo, book VII, speaking of the Sauromatae, who are also called Sarmatae, because of ignorance of these places, those who have told tales of the Rhipaean mountains and the Hyperborean peoples have come to be held in high esteem among men, and Pytheas of Massilia himself falsely wrote these things concerning the shores of the Ocean, using as his pretext that he was writing the history of celestial and mathematical matters. Martianus, which I wonder at, followed Pliny in this, in the sixth book with these words: In Britain, he says, the nights are of seventeen hours; and at the time of the summer solstice, when the unconquered sun reaches the pole of the heavens, it enlightens the lands beneath, extending to the left, by a continual continuation of daylight, and likewise in its winter descent it makes the night shudder with a half-year length: this, Pytheas of Massilia asserted, had been discovered in the island of Thule. Pomponius Mela, speaking of these things in the third book, says thus: On the Asiatic shore the first Hyperboreans, above the North Wind and the Rhipaean mountains, lie beneath the very pole of the stars; where the sun does not, as with us, rise each day, but having first risen at the vernal equinox, finally sets at the autumnal equinox; and therefore for six months the day, and for just as many other months the night, is continuous without interruption. If Pliny's statement is true, it is necessary that Mela, a most approved author, was ignorant of spherical theory, and one of those whom Pliny called unlearned. Indeed, that Pliny in the aforesaid passages slipped through ignorance of mathematical matters, so that I would not wish to persuade myself, I cannot deny if I would. For Pliny seems not only to have lost the rudiments of the mathematical arts, that is, the principles of spherical doctrine,

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. nem, quam necessariam esse de situ orbis scribētibus Strabo nobilis geographus libro primo docuit: sed etiam astronomiam ipsam non leuiter attigisse: eiusq[ue] asseclam diopticam. nam absque harum rerum peritia quonam modo stellarum erraticarum circulos, cursus, stationes, retrogressus, accessus terræ citimos, recessus que ultimos, res omnino perplexas, explicare inaudita breuitate qui ret? Adde triplicem umbrarum rationem luculenter ab eo scite que expeditam. nam solis lunæq[ue] magnitudinem, & eorum deliquia, ecquis enarrare expeditius aut docere potuit? Ambages certè lunares, & desulterij sideris mirificas uicissitudines, nec elegantius quisquam priscorum, nec explanatius totidem uerbis complecti potuisset: tametsi rursus in magnitudine Lunæ etiam suo sibi testimonio reprehenditur: quum mucrone umbræ terræ luna in deliquio obscuretur eodem ipso autore, & ipse tamen lunam maiorem esse terra dixerit: quæ duo dicta colliduntur inuicem. sed sic sunt res mathematicæ. Neq[ue] uerò legitimam ipsam harum rerum scientiam nouisse tantùm Plinius uidetur, sed etiam genethliologorum commenta non ignorasse: id quod ex libro eius septimo intelligere possumus, quo in loco de spatijs uitæ longissimis loquens, Poscere, inquit, uidetur locus ipse sideralis scientiæ sententiam. Epigenes centum uigintiduos annos impleri negauit posse, Berosus excedi centum & septemdecim. Durat & ea ratio quam Petosiris & Necepsos tradiderunt, & trimorion appellant, à trium signorum portione: qua posse in Italiæ tractu centum uigintis ex annos uitæ contingere apparet. Negauere illi quenquam nonaginta partium exortiu[m] mensuram (quod anaphoras uocant) transgredi, & eas ipsas incidi occur- su

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART I. BOOK I. Nor only that he understood the position of the world, which Strabo the distinguished geographer taught in the first book to be necessary for those who write about it; but also that he had by no means slight acquaintance with astronomy itself, and was a devotee of dioptrics. For without knowledge of these things, in what way could one explain, with unheard-of brevity, the circles of the wandering stars, their courses, stations, retrogressions, the near approaches of the earth, and their farthest recesses—matters altogether perplexing? Add to this the threefold theory of shadows, set forth by him clearly and skillfully. For who could have explained more readily or taught more clearly the size of the sun and moon, and their eclipses? Surely no one among the ancients could have comprehended the lunar labyrinths and the marvelous alternations of the errant star more elegantly, or in the same number of words more clearly; although again, in the matter of the moon’s size, he is refuted by his own testimony: since, in eclipse, the moon is darkened by the point of the earth’s shadow, according to that same author, and yet he himself said that the moon is greater than the earth; which two statements clash with one another. But such are mathematical matters. Nor indeed does Pliny seem to have known only the proper science of these things, but also not to have been ignorant of the conjectures of the genethlialogers; as we may understand from his seventh book, where, speaking of the longest spans of life, he says, “The very place seems to demand the judgment of sidereal science. Epigenes denied that one could live to be one hundred and twenty-two years; Berosus, beyond one hundred and seventeen. There also remains that theory which Petosiris and Necepsos handed down, and call trimorion, from the portion of three signs; by which it appears that in the region of Italy a span of one hundred and twenty years of life can occur. They denied that anyone could pass beyond the measure of ninety parts of rising (which they call anaphoras), and that these very parts could be cut off by conjunction.”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET su maleficorum siderum. Quo in loco non trimorion, ut < Plinij locus.> male emendatum est, sed tetartemorion lego, ex anti= < Tetartemorio> quis exemplaribus in quibus artemorion legitur. Est au= tem tetartemorion Græcè, qui Latinè quadrans dicitur, id est quærtæ pars signiferi circuli, hoc est tria signa. Ad cuius rei intelligentiam sciendum quòd numerus duode= narius & Astronomicis & Genethliacis familiaris & accommodatus est: unde & aspectus quadrantales obser= < Aspectus quadrantalis.> uant, & trientales, sextantes que: hos duos extremos trinos & sextiles uulgò uocant. Quadrantalis aspectus, < Nonagenarius aspectus.> qui quadratus etiam appellatur, fit per trium signorum interstitium, & gradus nonaginta: ob id nonagenarius appellatus. Plinius libro secundo, Martis (inquit) stella, ut propior, etiam ex quadrato sentit radios ab nona= ginta partibus, unde & nomen accepit. Is motus pri= mus & secundus nonagenarius dictus ab utroque exor= < Trientalis aspectus, qui & Triquetrus.> tu. Trientalis est aspectus, qui in quatuor fit signis, hoc est in tertia parte signiferi, quæ constat centum & uigin= < Sextus aspectus.> ti gradibus. Hunc triquetrum Plinius uocat. Sextans au= tem fit in sexta parte signiferi, hoc est sexaginta gradibus, & signis duobus: ob id sexagenarius dictus. Semissis a= < Sexagenarius.> spectus est qui fit per diametrum, id est, per lineam cir= < Semillis aspectus.> culi dimetientem. Hanc radiationem mathematici, id est, Chaldæi, minacem malignam que esse dicunt. hæc fit à signo uno ad aliud signum quod ab eo ordine sit septimu[m]: ut ab Ariete ad Libra. Triquetrus aspectus, id est, trigo= nus, qui trientem signiferi capit, quinto signo fit, ut (uerbi gratia) in duobus signis quæ tantum inter se distet, quantum Aries & Leo. huiusmodi radiatio læta felixq[ue] esse dictitatur. Tetragonus, id est, quadratus, fit in quarto < Quadratus & Tetragonus aspectus:> ab eo à quo inchoatur signo, id est, ab horoscopo, ut ab Leone

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET of the evil stars. In this place, not trimorion, as < Pliny’s passage.> it has been badly emended, but I read tetartemorion, from < Tetartemorio> ancient exemplars in which artemorion is read. Now tetartemorion in Greek is what in Latin is called quadrans, that is, the fourth part of the zodiacal circle, namely three signs. For an understanding of this matter it must be known that the number twelve is familiar to and suitable for both astronomers and genethliacians: hence they observe quadrantal aspects as well < Aspectus quadrantalis.> as triental and sextant aspects; these two extremes are commonly called trine and sextile. The quadrantal aspect, < Nonagenarius aspectus.> which is also called square, occurs by the interval of three signs, and of ninety degrees: for that reason it is called nonagenarian. Pliny, book two: “The star of Mars,” he says, “as being closer, also feels the rays from a square position at ninety parts,” whence it also took its name. This movement is called first and second nonagenarian from each of the two beginnings. < Trientalis aspectus, qui & Triquetrus.> The triental aspect is that which occurs in four signs, that is, in the third part of the zodiac, which consists of one hundred and twenty < Sextus aspectus.> degrees. Pliny calls this triquetrus. The sextant aspect is found in the sixth part of the zodiac, that is, in sixty degrees, and in two signs; for that reason it is called sexagenarian. < Sexagenarius.> The semissis aspect is that which occurs by the diameter, that is, by the line < Semillis aspectus.> that bisects the circle. Mathematicians, that is, the Chaldeans, say that this radiation is threatening and malignant. This occurs from one sign to another sign that is seventh from it in order: as from Aries to Libra. The triquetrus aspect, that is, trigonus, which takes a third of the zodiac, occurs in the fifth sign, as (for example) in two signs that are separated from each other by only the distance between Aries and Leo. Such radiation is said to be joyful and fortunate. The tetragon, that is, square, occurs in the fourth sign < Quadratus & Tetragonus aspectus:> from the one in which it begins, that is, from the horoscope, as from Leo

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PARTIB. EIVS LIBER I. Leone in Scorpiu[m]. Hanc radiatione[m] tristem putant. Hexa= gona est quam sextante[m] diximus, quæ fit in tertio signo, eadem benignitate cum trigona prædita. Propterea Pli= nius de sexagenario aspectu loquens, Hic numerus (in= quit) sexangulas mundi efficit formas. Antedictis quæ= tuor, Genethliaci etiam cardines quatuor addu[n]t, ortum scilicet & occasum, & mesuranium, quod & mesu= ranema dicitur (uocabulum ubiq[ue] in Firmico depraua= tum) hoc est locus medij coeli, & huic oppositum locum quod hypogeon dicitur, hoc est punctum subterraneum inter ortum occasum que medium. Vt autem as ipse ma= thematicus impleatur, & omneis suas partes habeat, ad= dunt & alia quatuor loca, quæ pigra deiecta[m]; esse di= cunt: quòd nullo ferme radiationis foedere cum ortu, id est, cum horoscopo coniungantur. Hæc sunt in secundo, sexto, octauo, & duodecimo ab horoscopo signo. Horo= scopus est ea pars coeli quæ genituræ tempore ab orienta= li parte coeli emergit in hemisphærium nostrum, & ortus appellatur: quam ex Cicerone natalem horam & natali= tiam appellare possumus: ex cuius obseruatione natalitia prædicta fiunt, ut ipse loquitur. Possumus etiam ex Pli= nio exortiuam horam uocare. Græci horoscopum ab ho= rae natalis notatione appellauerunt. Huic pars per dia= metrum opposita in septimo, ut diximus, signo in occi= dua coeli parte, occasus appellatur. Ea autem pars coeli quæ triginta partibus ab horoscopo distat, in secundo si= gno existens ab eo in quo horoscopus inchoatur, ana= phora appellatur, & interdu[m] epanaphora. quasi pars ia= iam emersura. Quæ autem pars signiferi totidem parti= bus in demersu occiduum punctum signiferi præcesserit, quot partibus in emersu anaphora ab horoscopo relin= quitur

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PART I. BOOK I. Under Leo in Scorpio. They consider this an unfavorable aspect. It is hexagonal, which we called sextile, occurring in the third sign, and endowed with the same benign quality as the trine. For this reason Pliny, speaking of the sixty-degree aspect, says: “This number produces the six-sided forms of the world.” Besides the four already mentioned, the astrologers also add four angles: namely, the rising and setting, and the mesuranium, which is also called mesuranema (a term everywhere corrupted in Firmicus), that is, the place of midheaven; and the opposite place, which is called hypogeon, that is, the subterranean point between rising and setting, the middle. But in order that the astrological figure itself may be complete and have all its parts, they add four other places, which they call the “idle” or “fallen” places, because they are connected by almost no bond of aspect with the rising point, that is, with the horoscope. These are in the second, sixth, eighth, and twelfth signs from the horoscope. The horoscope is that part of the sky which at the time of birth rises from the eastern part of the heavens into our hemisphere, and is called the rising point: following Cicero, we may call it the birth hour and nativity; from its observation, as he says, matters concerning birth are foretold. We may also, following Pliny, call it the rising hour. The Greeks called it horoscopus from the marking of the birth hour. The part opposite to it by diameter, in the seventh sign, as we said, in the western part of the sky, is called the setting. But that part of the sky which is thirty degrees distant from the horoscope, existing in the second sign from that in which the horoscope begins, is called anaphora, and sometimes epanaphora, as it were a part about to rise. But that part of the zodiac which has preceded by the same number of degrees the setting point sunk below the horizon, by which number it is left behind by anaphora in its rising from the horoscope

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. tius legem ipse suaserim: Qui discendi cupidi sint, iuræ= tissimu cuiusq[ue] scriptoris maiestatem comiter conseruan= to. quod secus (ut sunt humana) dictum in eorum cuiusq[ue] libros irrepserit, obrepserit, sefellerit: qui de eo dicto indæ gandæ ueritatis ergò addubitet, addubitauerit, quæstione referat, retulerit: quod eorum ab unoquoque absq[ue] dolo malo aut liuore animi factum sit, eius rei mulcta ne sit, nec bonorum offensio, quod instar est extremi supplicij. Pro= inde adnotatis tantum locis hærendum esse censeo, ut eo= rum more philosophorum qui Ephectici dicuntur (nos < Ephectici.> cunctatores appellare possumus) iudicium sustineamus po tius, quàm ut quicquam arrogantia critica statuamus de classicis autoribus, citraq[ue] controuersiam receptæ autori= tatis. Sunt qui Plinium multa in mathematicis non intelle xisse affirmant, quæ quidem ex Græcis transcriperit, quale est illud quod de signifero dicit cap. x v 1. secundi libri, quod omnino explanatius dici debuit, etiam si uerè dictum esse uidetur & acutè. id quod uix mihi persuase= rim. Eiusdem notæ cum superioribus, si dicere fas est, illa < Entelechia.> entelechia Ciceronis est, cuius hæc sunt uerba in primo Tusculanarum: Aristoteles logè omnibus (Platonem sem per excipio) præstans & ingenio & diligentia, cu[m] qua= tuor illa genera principiorum esset complexus, è quibus omnia orirentur: quintam quandam naturam censet esse, è qua sit mens cogitare enim & prouidere, & discere & docere, & inuenire aliquid, & tam multa meminisse, ama= re, odisse, cupere, timere, angi, lætari, hæc & similia eo= rum in horum quatuor generum nullo inesse putat. Quin tum genus adhibet uacans nomine: & sic ipsum ani= mum entelechiam appellat nouo nomine, quasi quandam continuatam motionem & perennem. Entelechiam Ci= cero

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...I myself would have advised this rule: Those who are eager to learn should carefully preserve the dignity of each writer. If anything should slip into their books, as happens with human things, something said otherwise, something that creeps in, or escapes notice: if anyone, for the sake of inquiring into the truth of that statement, doubts it, or has doubted it, or refers the question elsewhere: whatever of this is done by any one without bad faith or malice, let there be no penalty for it, nor any offense to good men, which is the equivalent of the most extreme punishment. Accordingly I think that one ought to cling only to the marked passages, so that, after the manner of those philosophers who are called Ephectici (we may call them “doubters”), we may rather suspend judgment than arrogantly determine anything about classical authors, beyond the controversy of received authority. There are some who affirm that Pliny understood many things in mathematics, which he had copied from the Greeks, not at all; such is what he says about the “signifer” in chapter xv i of the second book, which certainly ought to have been explained more clearly, even if it seems to have been said truly and sharply—something which I can scarcely persuade myself of. Of the same sort as the foregoing, if one may say so, is that “Entelechia” of Cicero, whose words are these in the first book of the Tusculan Disputations: “Aristotle, superior to all others in genius and diligence, Plato always excepted, when he had embraced those four classes of principles from which all things arise, thinks there is a certain fifth nature, from which mind derives its power of thinking and foreseeing, and of learning and teaching, and of discovering something, and of remembering so many things, of loving, hating, desiring, fearing, being distressed, rejoicing, and such like; and he thinks none of these is found in any of those four classes. He introduces a fifth class, without a name: and thus he himself calls the soul entelechia by a new name, as a kind of continuous and perpetual motion.” Entelechia Cicero

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET cero continuum motum intellexit, quasi Aristoteles ende= lechiam per d, literam scripserit, id est c[on]tinuationem, & non entelechiam potius, quam actum & perfectionem do < Cicero meritò à Græcis accusatus.> etissimi Græcorum interpretantur. ob id Ciceronem à Græcis accusatum non magnopere miror: utpote quos & orationibus suis exagitare non desinit, quanquam ab ipsis præclara illa ingenij ornamenta philosophiam & oratoriam facultatem accepisse se non dissimulat. Quare si uerum fateri uolumus, eloquentiæ Latinæ princeps pa= rensq; à Plinio iure ac meritò dictus, diserti nonnunquam magis uiri quàm oratoris officio functus esse iudicandus est, si quidem eius ipsius autoritati credimus, oratorem eum esse non posse, qui non idem uir bonus sit. Viri au= tem boni esse persuadere mihi nequeo, non modò Græcos uiros, sed etiam Græcam ipsam linguam Latinæ eloquen= tiæ autorem, ut inopem & ieiunam conuitiose uocitare, & Latinæ liuguæ ueluti exuberantem copiam præ illius inopia admirari. Nisi uerò credimus Ciceronem recta fre tum conscientia, & ex animi sui sententia id dixisse, & non planè auræ populari Romanoru[m] suorum inseruijsse: cuius populi gratia nullum unquam numen præsentius esse credidit. Calumniæ igitur Cicero excusari non po= test, quasi ita existimauerit. nam præterquam quòd Græ cam omnem facundiam pernouerat, ut uel eo nomine Græ cis ipsis æqualibus admurandus esset: si cui etiam eloquen tiæ Græcæ elogia ex eius scriptis colligere uacet & li= beat, eum aliter censuisse haud dubiè iudicabit. Fabius li= bro decimo de comparatione Demosthenis & Ciceronis loquens, Cedendum uerò in hoc, inquit, quòd & ille prior fuit, & ex magna parte Ciceronem quantus est fecit. Nam mihi uidetur Marcus Tullius cum se totum ad imi= =tationem

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Cicero understood the continuous motion, as if Aristotle had written endelechiam with the letter d, that is, continuation, and not rather entelechia, meaning act and perfection. < Cicero rightly accused by the Greeks.> The most learned of the Greeks interpret it. For this reason I do not greatly wonder that Cicero was accused by the Greeks: since he never ceases to assail them in his speeches, although he does not deny that he received from them those splendid ornaments of intellect, philosophy and the art of eloquence. Therefore, if we wish to speak the truth, he must be judged to have acted sometimes more in the office of a cultivated man than of an orator, since, if we trust his own authority, an orator cannot be such unless he is also a good man. Yet I cannot persuade myself that it is the mark of a good man to call not only the Greek writers, but even the Greek language itself, the author of Latin eloquence, as if it were poor and meagre, and to admire the Latin tongue as though it possessed a superabundant abundance in comparison with its poverty. Unless indeed we believe that Cicero, relying on a clear conscience and speaking from the conviction of his own mind, said this, and did not plainly serve the popular favor of his fellow Romans: for whose goodwill he believed no deity had ever been more present. Therefore Cicero cannot be excused from slander, as though he had thought so. For apart from the fact that he had thorough knowledge of all Greek eloquence, so that on that very account he ought to be admired even by the Greeks themselves as their equal: if anyone also has the leisure and desire to gather from his writings the praises of Greek eloquence, he will certainly judge that Cicero thought otherwise. Fabius, speaking in the tenth book about the comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero, says, “Yet in this one point yield, namely, that he was earlier, and by a large part made Cicero as great as he is. For Marcus Tullius seems to me, when he devoted himself wholly to imitation

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. tationem Græcorum contulisset, effinxisse uim Demosthenis, copiam Platonis, iucunditatem Isocratis. Idem libro duodecimo: Latina mihi facundia, ut inuentione, dispositione, consilio, cæterisq[ue] huius generis artibus similis Græcæ, ac prorsus discipula eius uidetur: ita circa ratione eloquendi uix habere imitationis locum. Si igitur teste Fabio, penè altero Cicerone, lingua Latina discipula & imitatrix linguæ Græcæ, cum se totam ad præscriptum parentis suæ componere effingeréq[ue] instituisset, in ea parte artis oratoriæ à qua eloquentia nomen accepit, imitationem implere non potuit, id est in eloquendi magnificentiæ & sublimitate: quo nam modo præferendam hanc illi Marcus Tullius utriusque peritissimus existimare potuit? Ceu uerò siquam Protogenes tabulam ex nobili illa Apellis Anadyomene effingere statuisset, omnia que lineamenta ad præscriptum ducere, tú que id apographum præstantius esse exemplari suo contenderes: non aut improbus esse aut ridiculus uiderere? Atenim Venere nos Græci, & uerborum suauitate, non etiam copia superauerunt. Hoc rursus iudicandum ad Fabium reijciamus: apud quem libro eodem sic legitur: Itaque tanto est sermo Græcus Latino iucundior, ut nostri poëtæ quoties dulce carmen esse uoluerunt, illorum id nominibus exornent. His illa potentiora, quòd res plurimæ earent appellationibus, ut eas necesse sit transferre, aut circumire. etiam in ijs quæ denominata sunt, summa pauertas, in eadem nos frequentissimè reuoluit. at illis non uerborum modò, sed linguarum etiam inter se differentium copiæ. Quare qui à Latinis exigit illam gratiam sermonis Attici, det mihi in loquendo eandem iueunditatem, & parem copiam. quod si negatu est, sententias aptabimus

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. ... had compared them with the oratory of the Greeks, he had fashioned the force of Demosthenes, the richness of Plato, the charm of Isocrates. The same author, in book twelve: Latin eloquence, in invention, arrangement, judgment, and the other arts of this kind, seems similar to Greek, and altogether its disciple; thus, as regards the manner of speaking, it can scarcely have a place for imitation. If therefore, on the testimony of Fabius, almost another Cicero, the Latin language is the disciple and imitator of the Greek language, and when it had determined to compose and shape itself wholly according to the pattern of its mother, it could not fulfill imitation in that part of the orator’s art from which eloquence received its name, that is, in magnificence and sublimity of speech: by what means, then, could Marcus Tullius, most skilled in both, have thought this preferable to that? As if indeed someone had decided to fashion a panel by Protogenes from that noble Anadyomene of Apelles, and to draw all the outlines according to the pattern, and you were to contend that this copy is superior to its original: would you not seem either unjust or ridiculous? But perhaps the Greeks have surpassed us in Venus, and in the sweetness of words, though not also in abundance. Let us refer this question again to Fabius for judgment: in the same book he reads thus: “Thus Greek speech is so much more pleasing than Latin, that our poets, whenever they wish a poem to be sweet, adorn it with Greek names. Those names have greater power, because many things lack proper designations, so that it is necessary either to transfer them or to describe them at length. Even in those things which do have names, there is such great poverty that it very often drives us back to the same terms. But among them there is abundance not only of words, but even of languages differing from one another. Therefore, he who demands from the Latins that charm of Attic speech, let him give me in speaking the same sweetness and equal abundance. But if this cannot be denied, we shall adapt the thoughts...”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET clarius uolens quid sit anima: Πο [μι]νιεριεντελιχεια ἐν πρῶτη σώματον φυσικὴς ἐωλω ἐκονθες δυνάμει. ποιήτον Σή ἀρι δηχανικὸν. Ideo anima est entelechia prima corporis naturalis uitam habentis potestate. tale autem est quodcunque organicum est. Potestate uitam habens appellat, quod actu uitam non habet, qualis est dormiens, qui habitum tantum habet. plus est enim actu habere, qualis est uigilans. & paulo inferius, ὑδι πνεινον ἐπι πισον [μι]νχυς δεῦ λεγδν, ἐν ἀν ἐν πρῶτη ἐντελιχθα σώματον φυσικὴν ὑδχανικὴν. Quod si commune aliquid in omni anima dicere oportet, erit quidem prima corporis entelechia corporis naturalis <Entelechia. Dynamis. Organicu[m] corpus.> organici. Entelechiam ubique pro perfectione & actu ponit. Duo enim sunt in rebus, actus, id est entelechia, quæ etiam interdum ab eo energia appellatur: & dynamis, id est potentia. Organicum appellat corpus, quod ad aliquid conditum est, ut oculus ad uisum, & auris ad auditum. Naturale autem dixit ad differentiam opificalis, & manu facti. Summa igitur antedictorum hæc est, ut ex Themistio Aristotelis clarissimo paraphraste intelligi facilè potest, animam, primam esse perfectionem corporis, id est entelechiam: quod quidem corpus potestate in actum prodeunte uitam habeat. atque id quod ex duobus conditum est & concretum, iam integrum factum, animal est. Forma enim, id est entelechia, licet in materia edatur, non tamen materiæ forma est: sed eius forma est quod Græce δύνολον dicitur, id est ex ambobus concretum. omne enim tale simulatque in aliquam speciem formatum est, hoc aliquid esse coepit. Id ut facilius intelligeretur, hoc (inquit Aristoteles) speculari partium exemplo conuenit. Esto igitur ut oculus sit animal. animam eius esse, id est entelechiam, aspectum oportebit: cum sit uisus sua oculis subst

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET more clearly wishing to know what the soul is: Πο [μι]νιεριεντελιχεια ἐν πρῶτη σώματον φυσικὴς ἐωλω ἐκονθες δυνάμει. ποιήτον Σή ἀρι δηχανικὸν. Therefore the soul is the first entelechy of a natural body having life in potentiality. But such is whatever is organic. He calls “having life in potentiality” that which does not actually have life, such as one who is sleeping, who has only the habit of it. For it is more to have it actually, such as one who is awake. & a little lower down, ὑδι πνεινον ἐπι πισον [μι]νχυς δεῦ λεγδν, ἐν ἀν ἐν πρῶτη ἐντελιχθα σώματον φυσικὴν ὑδχανικὴν. But if something common must be said in every soul, it will indeed be the first entelechy of a natural body, the body of the organic. <Entelechia. Dynamis. Organicu[m] corpus.> He everywhere uses entelechy for perfection and act. For there are two things in things: act, that is, entelechy, which is also sometimes called by him energia; and dynamis, that is, potentiality. He calls a body organic which has been made for something, as the eye for seeing, and the ear for hearing. But he said natural in distinction from artificial and made by hand. The sum therefore of the foregoing is this, as may easily be understood from Themistius, the most famous paraphrast of Aristotle: that the soul is the first perfection of the body, that is, the entelechy; namely, that body having life by the passage from potentiality into act. And that which is composed and made up of two things, now having become complete, is an animal. For form, that is, entelechy, although it is produced in matter, is not however the form of matter: but its form is what in Greek is called δύνολον, that is, something made up of both. For every such thing, as soon as it has been fashioned into some species, has begun to be this something. That this might be more easily understood, it is fitting to consider this by the example of the parts, says Aristotle. Suppose then that the eye is an animal. Its soul, that is, its entelechy, must be sight: since sight is the eye’s own subst

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. substantiæ ratio, id est forma & perfectio. sic enim appellare solet rationem substantiæ. et ἰαρὴν ἀυτὴν ἐν ἔν ἐν ὑφις. ἀυτὴν ἰαρὴν ὑσία ὑφαλμὸς ἐν πατι λόγον. At uerò oculus, materia est uisus. quo defectus oculus, iam non est oculus, nisi æquiuocè, quo modo oculus lapi deus aut pictus. ὑδὲ ὑφαλμὸς ὑπι ὑφιεως. ἐς ἀγολιποῦσις ἐν ἐν ὑφαλμὸς, πλω ὑμωνύμως. Proinde Aristotelis entelechia perfectio est & forma, cum corpus naturale à potestate, id est à materia nuda in actum prodijt, & animal esse coept, uel uiuum esse. quare entelechia etiam brutorum est, & stirpium etiam, eorumq[ue] corporum quæ uegetabilia sunt. estq[ue] entelechia non continua motio, sed perfecti corporis comprehensio, id est Ἷεντελῶς σωοχὰ. hoc < Entelechia.> enim etymum eius uerbi significat. Quare liquidò (ut arbitror) constat uerba illa Ciceronis de animo humano non esse consentanea cum entelechia Aristotelis. Quid illa quæ alio loco eiusdem libri subdidit, diuinitatem animis humanis asserere uolens? Sinautem est, inquit, quinta quædam natura ab Aristotele inducta, primùm hæc & deorum est & animorum. Hanc nos sententiam secuti, his uerbis in Consolatione hæc expressimus. Animorum nulla in terris origo inueniri potest. nihil est enim in animis mixtum atque concretum, aut quod ex terra natum atque fictum esse uideatur: nihil ne aut humidum quidem, aut flabile, aut igneum. His enim in naturis nihil inest quod uim memoriæ, mentis, cogitationis habeat, quod & præterita teneat, & futura prouideat, & complecti possit præsentia, quæ sola diuina sunt: nec inuenietur unquam unde ad hominem uenire possint, nisi à deo. Singularis est igitur quædam natura atque uis animi seiuncta ab his usitatis notisq[ue] naturis. Ita quicquid c 4 est

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PARTIB. HIS BOOK I. the ratio of substance, that is, form and perfection. For so he is accustomed to call the ratio of substance. and ἰαρὴν ἀυτὴν ἐν ἔν ἐν ὑφις. ἀυτὴν ἰαρὴν ὑσία ὑφαλμὸς ἐν πατι λόγον. But indeed the eye is the matter of sight. when the eye is deficient, it is no longer an eye, except equivocally, in the way that an eye is stone or painted. ὑδὲ ὑφαλμὸς ὑπι ὑφιεως. ἐς ἀγολιποῦσις ἐν ἐν ὑφαλμὸς, πλω ὑμωνύμως. Therefore Aristotle’s entelechy is perfection and form, when a natural body has passed from potency, that is, from bare matter, into act, and has begun to be an animal, or to be alive. Wherefore entelechy also belongs to brute creatures, and to plants too, and to those bodies which are vegetables. And entelechy is not continuous motion, but the completion of a perfect body, that is, Ἷεντελῶς σωοχὰ. For this is the etymology of the word itself. Therefore it is clear enough, as I think, that those words of Cicero concerning the human soul do not accord with Aristotle’s entelechy. What then of what he added elsewhere in the same book, when he wished to assert divinity for human souls? “If, however,” he says, “there is some fifth nature introduced by Aristotle, firstly this belongs both to gods and to souls.” Following this opinion, we expressed these things in these words in the Consolation. “No origin of souls can be found on earth. For there is nothing in souls mixed and compounded, or that seems to have been born and fashioned from earth: nothing indeed even moist, or airy, or fiery. For in these natures there is nothing that has the power of memory, mind, thought, that can hold fast both the past and foresee the future, and embrace the present, which alone are divine; nor will it ever be found from where they could come to man, unless from God. Therefore there is a certain singular nature and power of the mind, separated from these familiar and known natures. So whatever c 4 is

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 41 non posse ad Aristotelem referri, qui entelechiam pro a= nima & forma, non pro mente & animo intellexit: nec entelechiam perpetem quandam motionem significare: cum Aristoteles immobile entelechiam esse dixerit motu suo & proprio. Idem Plutarchus eodem in libro hoc uer= bum interpretans ab Aristotele de anima prolatum ita subdit: tùs sì εντελεχδαν ανασεστι τὸν ἔνδρειας. Ente= lechiam autem pro actu exaudire oportet. De quinta au= tem natura ab Aristotele inducta Laërtius ita inquit, εἰν δὲ παρὰ πατεωαρα σοι χεῖα και άλλο πεμπορ, εξ ὑντὸς παίδε= ρια σωισανα. άλλοιαν δὲ αυτὴς πιλικινησιν εἰν. κυκλοφορι= πλω γαρ. και πιλιον τυχιω δὲ ασωματον, εντελεχδαν ούτον πιλιον πρώτω σώματος φυσικῶ και δρασικῶ σωάμεν ὑπω ἐκκνεσ. Esse autem præter quatuor elementa & aliud quintu cens suit, ex quo ætheria omnia constituta sint. Sed & eius a= lium esse motum, utpote circularem. Animam etiam incor poream esse uoluit, & entelechiam primam corporis na= turalis organici potestate uitum habentis. Ex quibus uer= bis apparet entelechiam non esse ab Aristotele in quinta natura positam. Id autem de intellectu & mente censuisse Aristotelem melius dici posset. de quo cum multifariam ac subtiliter Aristoteles & Themistius disseruerint, unu[m] ex utroq[ue] locum assuma[m], qui id planum fieri possit: ne si iu= sta disputatione id probare conemur, in tædium abeat logior hæc multo digressio, quàm initio destinaueramus. πει δὲ ὑποδειν απομη τὴν φυσιν ἐσί πι, ὑπο μὴν ὑπεκάσω γενδ, πεπο δὲ, ὑπο πᾶντα σωάμεν ἐκδυν. ἔτερον δὲ, ὑπο ούτον και ποιη= πικον, ὑπο ποιητον πᾶντα, οἰον οὴ τεχνη πρὸς πιλικιν περισθεν, ανάγη και ιν τὴν τυχιν ὑπομέρ χρην τῶντας τῶς διαφορὰς. κι ἐσιδι ο μὴν τοιχτον νῦς, ὑπο πᾶντα γίνεατ. ὑπερ, ὑπο πᾶντα ποιητον, ὑπο ἐξίσ τις, οἰον ὑπος. πρῶσων γαρ πινα και ὑπος ποιητὸν τὴν σωάμεν c 5 ὑπτὰ

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART IV. OF HIS BOOK I. 41 cannot be referred to Aristotle, who understood entelechy as soul and form, not as mind and spirit; nor does entelechy signify some perpetual motion: since Aristotle said that entelechy is motionless in its own and proper motion. Plutarch, in the same book, interpreting this word as used by Aristotle concerning the soul, adds as follows: the entelechy ought to be understood as act. Concerning the fifth nature, however, introduced by Aristotle, Laertius says thus: [Greek text] that there is besides the four elements another fifth thing, from which all heavenly things are constituted. And that its motion is different, namely circular. He also held the soul to be incorporeal, and the first entelechy of a natural organic body having life in potency. From these words it is clear that entelechy was not placed by Aristotle in the fifth nature. It could rather be said that Aristotle thought this about intellect and mind; and since Aristotle and Themistius have discussed this in many ways and with subtlety, let me take one passage from each, from which it may be made clear: lest, if we attempt to prove it in a proper discussion, this longer digression should become tedious, far more than we had intended at the beginning. [Greek text] and one thing is before nature and is in potency, and another is after it and is in act; and one thing is productive and another produced, as art stands in relation to what is made; therefore one must note the differences in these things. And the mind is such a thing: it comes to be all things, and is productive of all things; for as an image and what is produced, the soul... c 5 ὑπτὰ

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 43 tuum à morticino caduco que. Hactenus Themistius. Hoc ultimum dictum ideo addidimus, primum ut planum fie= ret, id quod Cicero entelechiæ tribuit, Aristotelem non animæ, quam formam, id est, substantiæ ratione esse uult, sed intellectui tribuisse, duntaxat agenti, qui ab intellectu potentiæ differt, ut ars à materia. & hunc imparibilem esse immortalemq[ue], animam autem mortalem: siue Aristote les intellectum & mentem, partem esse animæ diuinam præstantissimamq[ue] intellexerit, siue aliud ab anima forma lem rationem obtinente, quam entelechiam uocat. Prisci enim differentiam inter animum & animam posuerunt. Animus est (inquit Nonius) quo sapimus, anima qua uiui mus. Sine animo anima est debilis. Varro, In reliquo cor= pore ab hoc fonte diffusa est anima: huic animus ad intel= ligentiam tributus. Plinius libro x x i i. de iracundia lo= quens, Ergo & animi asperitas, seu potius animæ, dulcio re succo mitigatur. Verumenimucro inde maior illa quæ= stio existit, utrum intellectum illum singulorum esse ho= minum Aristoteles ita existimauerit, ut homo post obitu[m] suum immortalis futurus sit, quod mihi non uidetur: an unum esse intellectu[m] uniuersorum, quem uocat. Ita enim hoc implicuisse disputationu[m] ambage ipse existi= matur, ut ingenia studiosoru[m] torserit potius, quàm certu[m] aliquid fixumq[ue] reliquerit: de quo Alexander ut de men te ita inquit, o[mn]ibus d[e]t [n]o[n] v[er]s [n]o[n] m[anu]v[er]s p[ro]p[ter]s p[ro]p[ter] t[em]p[er]a [con]t[en]t[us] οναφοραν, p[ro]p[ter]s t[em]p[er]a [con]t[en]t[us] ου λιμιν[us] γος. [n]o[n] μεταν[ε]ν t[em]p[er]a [con]ταυνιων οπ[er]αντα πινυσεως. [n]o[n] πορ[τ]αυταν[ε]ν γινεν) t[em]p[er]a [con]νθάσεν π[ro]πi προσοδων μ[ε]ν αφοδω t[em]p[er]a [con]νλία. Sunt tame[n] nihilo secius qui existiment entelechiam duplicem esse. unam illam quam diximus ex sententia Themistij, Laër= tij & Plutarchi, quæ nomen est animæ non modo rati= nalis <Animus, Anima.> <Entelechia du plex.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART I. BOOK I. 43 your own from a morticino caducous thing. Thus far Themistius. We have added this final statement in order, first, to make it clear that what Cicero attributes to entelechy Aristotle did not attribute to the soul, which he wishes to be a form, that is, a substantial principle, but to intellect alone, namely the agent intellect, which differs from the potential intellect, as art differs from matter; and that the former is impassible and immortal, while the soul is mortal; whether Aristotle understood intellect and mind to be the divine and most excellent part of the soul, or something other than the soul, possessing formal principle, which he calls entelechy. For the ancients made a distinction between mind and soul. “Mind,” says Nonius, “is that by which we understand; soul is that by which we live. Without mind, the soul is weak.” Varro says, “From this source the soul is diffused through the rest of the body; to this the mind is granted for understanding.” Pliny, speaking in Book XXII on anger, says, “Therefore the harshness of the mind, or rather of the soul, is softened by a sweeter juice.” But from this there arises that larger question, whether Aristotle thought this intellect of each individual man to be such that man would be immortal after his death, which does not seem to me the case; or whether there is one intellect common to all, which he calls the universal intellect. For in this way he is thought to have involved the discussion in such ambiguity that he has tormented the minds of students rather than left anything definite and fixed. Alexander, speaking of the mind, says this accordingly: <Mind, Soul.> <Double Entelechy.>

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nalis atque irrationalis, sed etiam physicæ. & hæc à cor pore organico inseparabilis est. Alteram dixer[um] ut corpore ita separabilem, ut à naui nautam, animam scilicet rationalem, quæ cum aliud sit à corpore, nec sit coporis forma, corpus ipsum, id est, subiectum, componit & moderatur, perficitq[ue], & ita regit ut nauem nauta. ὑπις εντελεχδα ἐθοδεν ὑποσκυτάτη κα διακρομή κατελδοστο ὑποκείμνον: ὑπον ἐννη λεγη πιν λογκλιν ἐντελεχδαν, & κεχωσιμύνον ἔνδο τὴν σώματον λεγδ: Secundum hoc nonnulla ex parte Ciceronis dictum defendi posset: qui fortasse quod apud aliquem philosophum legerat de entelechia, hoc Aristoteli tribuit eius nominis autori, ut surrepere solet scribentibus obliuio. Themistius in secundo de anima cu[m] dixisset anima esse inseparabilem à corpore, quatenus sic est corporis totius entelechia, ut in securi ferri forma est entelechia, subdit, ἐμιλιν ἀλλ ἐνία χε, ἔδεν καλυδ τῶν μερῶν τ[.] ἐυχης, δυναδ[em] καὶ χωρίζεαν τὴν σώματον, ὃξε μύτε ὃλα τὴν σώματον, μύτε μερῶν πιῶν, ποικιών εἰν[en] εντελεχδα, ὃς ὃ χημα καὶ ἐν μορφή: ὑμω δὲν ὃνιν ἐχδειδει. ὑπω χαρ δηλον, ὃ καὶ ὑμτον σώματον πνος εντελεχδα ἐφα ποικώτη, ὃς ἐν χωριστος ἐνν, ἃς ἐν χωρίζεαν, ἐνδερ ὃν κυβερνύτης τὴν πλοῦν ὑμτον χαρ ἐντελεχδα μὲν, ἀλλὰ χωρισμ. Hæc ratione animus huiusmodi est entelechia, ut à copore separabilis sit. quod de intellectu actuoso intelligendum: cuius multa mentio apud eundem in tertio: & ab Aristotele ὑπιτκὸς appellatur, & deo similis hic esse ab ipso osteditur. Hunc Alexander in 1 1. de anima τὸν θῶν νῦν, καὶ ευραθεν ἐστιντα appellat: qui longa & subobscura disputatione ostendit quonam modo ab Aristotele ἀρθαρες ἐν dictus sit. Vtcunque, quiduis potius communisci par est, quàm ut inter reos inscitæ sententiæ, eius nomen au- toris

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nalis and irrational, but also physical. And this is inseparable from the organic body. The other may be said to be separable from the body, like a sailor from a ship: namely, the rational soul, which, though it is different from the body and is not the form of the body, composes and governs the body itself, that is, the subject, and perfects it, and thus rules it as a sailor does a ship. ὑπις εντελεχδα ἐθοδεν ὑποσκυτάτη κα διακρομή κατελδοστο ὑποκείμνον: ὑπον ἐννη λεγη πιν λογκλιν ἐντελεχδαν, & κεχωσιμύνον ἔνδο τὴν σώματον λεγδ: According to this the statement of Cicero might in some measure be defended: for perhaps, because he had read about entelechy in some philosopher, he ascribed this to Aristotle, the author of that name, as forgetfulness is apt to creep in on writers. Themistius in the second book De anima, when he had said that the soul is inseparable from the body, inasmuch as it is the entelechy of the whole body, just as in an axe the form of the iron is its entelechy, adds, ἐμιλιν ἀλλ ἐνία χε, ἔδεν καλυδ τῶν μερῶν τ[.] ἐυχης, δυναδ[em] καὶ χωρίζεαν τὴν σώματον, ὃξε μύτε ὃλα τὴν σώματον, μύτε μερῶν πιῶν, ποικιών εἰν[en] εντελεχδα, ὃς ὃ χημα καὶ ἐν μορφή: ὑμω δὲν ὃνιν ἐχδειδει. ὑπω χαρ δηλον, ὃ καὶ ὑμτον σώματον πνος εντελεχδα ἐφα ποικώτη, ὃς ἐν χωριστος ἐνν, ἃς ἐν χωρίζεαν, ἐνδερ ὃν κυβερνύτης τὴν πλοῦν ὑμτον χαρ ἐντελεχδα μὲν, ἀλλὰ χωρισμ. These reasons show that mind of this kind is an entelechy, in such a way that it is separable from the body; this must be understood of the actual intellect, of which there is much mention in the same author in the third book; and by Aristotle it is called ὑπιτκὸς, and is shown by him to be here similar to God. Alexander in book 1.1, De anima, calls this τὸν θῶν νῦν, καὶ ευραθεν ἐστιντα: and by a long and rather obscure discussion he shows in what way it was said by Aristotle to be ἀρθαρες. However, it is better to invent anything at all than to be counted among those guilty of ignorance of the doctrine, with his name as author

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 47 philosophico lapsus sit, ut qui uniuersum moueri per acci dens dixerit, quod per partes moueri constat: tanquam utroq[ue] uerbo idem significaretur. qua in re, quod mireris, secu[m] ipse pugnare co[n]uincitur. qua de re Themistius, [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij 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Transcription: Translated (English)

has fallen into a philosophical error, as one who would say that the universe is moved accidentally, since it is evident that it is moved by parts: as though the same thing were meant by both expressions. In this matter, what is more surprising, he is proved to be fighting against himself. On this matter Themistius, [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET libro VIII. ab Vrbe condita: Latinus ager & Phalernus, qui populi Campani fuerat usque ad Vulturnum flumen, plebî Romanæ diuiduntur. bina in Latio iugera, ita ut dodrantem ex Priuernati complerent, data, terna in Falerno, quadrantibus etiam pro longinquitate adieetis. Columella libro secundo: Sed iugerum talis agri quæ tuor operis expeditur. nam commodè proscinditur duabus, una iteratur, tertatur dodrante. in liram statim redigitur quadrante operæ. Dodrantem operæ pro tribus partibus dici artificialis dixit, ut quadrantem pro quarta, hoc est, pro nouem horis, & pro tribus. Plinius libro decimo octauo: Iustum est proscindi sulco dodrantali iugerum uno die, iterari sesquijugerum, si sit facultas soli. si minus, proscindi semissem, iterari assem: quando & animalium labori natura leges statuit. Quadrantem Græci dicunt, & trientem, bessem, dodrantem, sextantem. Plato uocat libro sexto de Legibus. Sunt & hæc uocabula signatæ pecuniæ nomina, ut docet Varro. As nummus erat libralis, dupondius nummus bilibris, sestertius nummus duarum & semis librarum, dictus quasi semistertius, Græcorum imitatione, qui dicunt duas drachmas & semis, & pro talentis sex & semis. Herodotus in primo, Pollux, id est pedens sex taleta & semissem. & apud eundè id est tria & semis talenta. Denarius, decè libraru[m] nummus erat, cuius quarta pars sestertius, eo tempore scilicet, quo denarius decussi ualebat. Erat autem denarius argenteus nummus

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Book VIII, from the founding of the City: the Latin and Falernian land, which had belonged to the Campanian people as far as the river Volturnus, is divided among the Roman plebs. Two iugera in Latium, so that they made up three quarters of a Priuernate measure, were given, three in Falernum, with quarters also added because of the distance. Columella, book two: But an iugerum of such land is worked by four tasks. For it is conveniently broken up by two, worked over again by one, and harrowed by three quarters. It is immediately reduced into ridges with a quarter of a task. Dodrans, as a measure of labor, he said, is called from three parts, just as quadrant is from the fourth part, that is, for nine hours, and for three. Pliny, book eighteen: It is proper to break up by the furrow in one day an iugerum of three-quarters, to work over again one and a half iugera, if the soil allows. If not, to break up half, to work over again a whole iugerum: for nature has also set limits to the labor of animals. The Greeks call it quadrant, and trient, bes, dodrans, sextans. Plato uses these terms in book six of the Laws. These are also the names of coined money, as Varro teaches. An as was a one-pound coin; a dupondius, a two-pound coin; a sestertius, a coin of two and a half pounds, so called as though semistertius, by imitation of the Greeks, who say two and a half drachmas, and for talents six and a half. Herodotus in the first book, Pollux, that is, five and a half talents. And with him, that is, three and a half talents. A denarius was a ten-pound coin, of which the fourth part was a sestertius, namely at that time when the denarius was worth ten asses. The denarius was a silver coin

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 49 Siliqua. nummus quatenor & uiginti siliquas pendens. Apud Pri= sciamus ita legitur, Siliquæ tres obolum faciunt, duo autem oboli scrupulu[m], tria scrupula drachmam. ita duodeui ginti siliquæ in drachma. sic quatuor drachmæ in tribus dena= rijs, hoc est duæ & septuaginta siliquæ. Hactenus apud Priscianum legitur. Quadrans etiam nummus erat, ut a= pud Iuuenalem. Quadrans n[ost]rumus. Cædere Syluano porcum, quadrante lauare. Sextans. & centum quadrantes sæpe apud Martialem. Sic etiam sextans nummus erat, cum populus Romanus in funere Menenij sextantes contulisse dicatur à Valerio et Plinio. Sunt & uasorum nomina, ut apud Persium, - Calidumq[ue] trientem Excutit è manibus. Vasoru[m] nomina. Triens & Quadrans. Sunt & ponderu[m] Pli. li. x x v i i. Bibitur ad dolorem uuluæ & uitia. macerari oportet in sextarijs tribus quadratem radicis tusæ per noctem & diem. & lib. x x v i i i. Ad tussim ueterem recens decoquitur quadratis p[ro]dere, in uini sextarijs tribus. Idem, Ad hoc uitium immittitur butyrum heminis quatuor cum rhesinæ terebinthinæ sextante. Nec mirum est tam latè uerborum istoru[m] significationem patere, cum cognata sit et connexa ponderum ratio cum mensurarum ac numerorum rationibus: & ut aiunt illa carmina quæ Faunini esse dicuntur, si pondus mensuræ componimus, eadem est pars cyathi in sextario, quæ est in libra unciæ. & ut in ponderum minutius ad scrupulum peruenimus, sic in mensuris ad cochlear. Quinquuncialis Quinquuncialis ordinum ratio. Arbores in quinquuncem digestæ. autem ordinum ratio in arbustis & uineis, et in quinquu[m]cem arbores dispositæ cur dicantur, comminisci non potui: quid tame[n] sit, ex Fabio facilè intelligimus, apud quem hæc uerba lib. v i i i. legutur, Nullus ne etia[m] frugiservis ad= d hibendus

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 49 Siliqua. a coin weighing twenty-four siliquae. In Pris- cian it is read thus: three siliquae make an obolus, but two oboli make a scruple, three scruples a drachma; thus twelve siliquae in a drachma. So four drachmae in three dena- rii, that is, seventy-two siliquae. So far it is read in Priscian. Quadrans was also a coin, as in Ju- venal. Quadrans n[ost]rumus. To slaughter a pig for Sylvanus, to bathe with a quadrans. Sextans. and often a hundred quadrantes in Martial. Thus also sextans was a coin, when the Roman people at the funeral of Menenius is said by Valerius and Pliny to have contributed sextantes. There are also names of vessels, as in Persius, - and shakes off the warm triens from his hands. Names of vessels. Triens and Quadrans. There are also weights, as in Pliny, book xxvii. It is drunk for pain of the womb and ailments. it ought to be soaked, a quadrans of pounded root, in three sextarii overnight and through the day. and book xxviii. For a chronic cough, a fresh decoction is made of quadrates p[ro]dere, in three sextarii of wine. Likewise, for this ailment there is added butter, four heminae with a sextans of resin of terebinthine. Nor is it surprising that the meaning of those words should extend so widely, since the relation of weights is akin and connected with the relations of measures and numbers: and, as they say, in those verses said to be by Faunus, if we compare weight with measure, the part of the cyathus in the sextarius is the same as that of the ounce in the pound. And just as in weights we come down more minutely to the scruple, so in measures to the spoon. Quinquuncialis Quinquuncialis ratio of rows. Trees arranged in quinquuncem. But why the arrangement of rows in orchards and vineyards, and trees set out in quinquuncem, are so called, I have not been able to devise; yet what it means we can easily understand from Fabius, where these words are found in book viii: “No one is even to be employed as a farm laborer ...”

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET hibendus decor? Quis negat? nam & in ordinem certa? interualla redigam eas arbores. Quid illo quinquuce speciosius, qui in quamcunq[ue] partem spectaueris, rectus est? Sed protinus in id quoq[ue] prodest, ut terræ succum æqualiter trahant. Cicero in Catone, Cum autem miraretur Lysander & proceritatem arboru[m], & directos in quinquuncem ordines, & humum subactam atq[ue] puram, & suauitatem odorum qui afflarentur è floribus: tum cum dixisse, mirari se non modò diligentiam, sed etiam solertiâ eius. Collumella lib. I I I I. Hæc in quinquuncem uinearu[m] metatio, expeditissimaratione conficitur. Hoc Demosthenes in ea oratione quæ πρὸς νικόσματον inscribitur, ita expressit, καὶ τὰς συναδενομέντα ἐθενομε, νὴ φυτοθύμα ἐλαυῶν ποδισοὶ χων πατέκλασε. Arbustiuanas uites excidit, & oliueta in uersus quoquouersum digesta confregit. Quod uerbum Suidas assequi non potuit. Xenophon ipse, ex quo Cicero transtulit, ita scripsit, ἐπεὶ δὲ ἰδαύμασεν αυτὸν δὲ λύτανον, ὑς καλὰς μὴ τὰς δενοθατια, δὲ ἰσον ἐν τὰ περυτοθμημα, ὑφοδοὶ ἐν δὲ σίχοι τῶν δενοθων, στῶνια ἐν πᾶντα καλῶς ἀν. Cum autem locum consitu[m] miraretur Lysander, quòd decoræ essent arbores, & stirpium consitarum æquabilis series ita in uersus directos configurata uideretur, ut ad angulos rectos pulchrè exacta essent omnia. Ex quibus uerbis cum Ciceronis collatis conijcere statim possumus quid sit quinquuncialis ordo, etiam si nondum intelligimus cur ita appellatus sit. Fortasse aute[m] antiqui sic quinquuncem appellauerunt exactam plantarum metationem, ut decussem exactam spatij diuisione. Theodorus Gazes Ciceronis interpres directos in quinquuncè ordines Græcè ita expressit, καὶ τὰς ὑφθὰς ὑς πανταστι στώνιον σίχας. obseruato scilicet Xenophonte, Ciceronis uerba uertes. Eo

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET what beauty should be sought? Who denies it? for I would arrange those trees in certain regular intervals. What is more beautiful than that quinquuncial order, in which, from whatever side you look at it, everything stands straight? But it is also immediately useful, so that they draw up the moisture of the earth evenly. Cicero, in the Cato, when Lysander admired both the height of the trees, and the straight rows arranged in the quinquuncial fashion, and the soil loosened and clean, and the sweetness of the odors wafted from the flowers, then said that he was amazed not only at his diligence, but also at his skill. Collumella, book IIII. This setting out of vineyards in a quinquuncial pattern is accomplished with a most convenient method. Demosthenes, in that oration which is inscribed πρὸς νικόσματον, expressed it thus, καὶ τὰς συναδενομέντα ἐθενομε, νὴ φυτοθύμα ἐλαυῶν ποδισοὶ χων πατέκλασε. He cut down the wild vines and shattered the olive groves laid out in rows in every direction. Suidas was not able to understand this word. Xenophon himself, from whom Cicero translated, wrote thus, ἐπεὶ δὲ ἰδαύμασεν αυτὸν δὲ λύτανον, ὑς καλὰς μὴ τὰς δενοθατια, δὲ ἰσον ἐν τὰ περυτοθμημα, ὑφοδοὶ ἐν δὲ σίχοι τῶν δενοθων, στῶνια ἐν πᾶντα καλῶς ἀν. But when Lysander wondered at the planted place, because the trees were graceful, and the even arrangement of the planted trunks seemed set out in straight rows, so that everything was neatly laid out at right angles. From these words, when compared with Cicero's, we can immediately infer what the quinquuncial order is, even if we do not yet understand why it was so called. Perhaps the ancients thus called quinquunce the exact setting out of plants, as decussis means an exact division of space. Theodore Gaza, Cicero's interpreter, rendered “directos in quinquuncè ordines” in Greek thus, καὶ τὰς ὑφθὰς ὑς πανταστι στώνιον σίχας. Having observed Xenophon, you will translate Cicero's words. Eo

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 51 Eo anno quo hæc scripsi, uineâ habebam sterilem, et mul= tis iam annis decoctricé. Huic cum auctionem diu (ut fit) minitatus essem, nisi in posterum paria saltem cum expen= sorum ratione faceret, nec impensiorem ipsa culturâ sen= tire uideretur, proscripta etiam emptorem non inueniret (male enim ob id ipsum audire cæperat, quasi non da= mnosam uineam nunquam emancipaturus essem) ad ex= tremum eousq[ue] damnatæ succesui, ut in ortum eam trans= formare meditarer arboribus consitum, nondum tamen extirpatam. Hoc cum primùm in mentem mihi uenisset, arboribusq[ue] eam ad soli naturam acco[m]modatis co[n]seruis= sem, frugi me hominem existimabam, omniq[ue] religione ac superstitione solutum. nam ultimi anni calamitate percul= sus, tot superiorum annorum sterilitatem excipiente, tem= perare mihi non potuerâ quin præcipiti iurciurando ne= garem unquam me postea teruncium in eius uineæ cultu= ram impensurum. Quo iurciurando satis me defungi pos= se interpretabar, si ortum eam magis factam quàm adhuc uineam colere, præsertim cum nullus inueniretur tam ad= uerso Mercurio natus, qui sibi eam indicari peteret. Sic autem rationem impensæ subduxeram, uix ut uiginti fra[n]cicis eam mihi rem staturâ existimarem. at consitoris so= lertia quæstuosa eò me sensim perduxit noua in dies com= miniscendo, uisendum que operis absoluti decorem spe= ciem que pollicendo, ut à tenui illo et simplici pri= mordio iustum tandem pomarium instituerim iugerûm paulo minus quatuor. In quo mihi ita euenit, ut qui au= ctionem facere prius prædij mei meditabar, et num= mo propemodum addicere paratus eram, idem subin= de liceri magno cogerer particulas confinium agro= rum, ne instituti pomarij modulatio, ambulationumq[ue] d 2 metatio

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PART II. OF IT, BOOK I. 51 In the year in which I wrote this, I had a vineyard that was barren and, for many years already, had been a drain on me. Since I had long been threatening it, as is customary, with auction unless at least in future it should yield something equal to the expenses, and should not seem to feel more cultivation than it was worth, when it was advertised for sale it could find no buyer; for on that account I had already begun to be spoken of badly, as though I would never part with a vineyard that was not a loss. At length it came to such a pass, after repeated failures, that I was thinking of turning it into an orchard planted with trees, though it had not yet been uprooted. When this first came into my mind, and I had planted it with trees suited to the nature of the soil, I thought myself a prudent man, and one freed from all scruple and superstition. For, shocked by the disaster of the last year, after the barrenness of all the years before, I could not bring myself, without a rash oath, to deny that I would never afterward spend a single farthing on the cultivation of that vineyard. I understood that I could get off well enough with that oath, if I had made it more into an orchard than a vineyard, especially since no one could be found so born under an unlucky Mercury as to ask that it be pointed out to him. In this way, moreover, I had reckoned the expense so closely that I thought it would scarcely amount to twenty francs for me. But the cleverness of the planter, bent on profit, gradually led me on to this by devising new things day by day, and by promising the beauty and appearance of the work once completed to be seen; so that from that small and simple beginning I have at last established a proper orchard of a little less than four acres. In this I found myself in such a position that the same man who had first been planning to auction off my property, and was almost ready to knock it down for a trifle, was soon compelled to bid high for pieces of neighboring fields, lest the plan of the orchard and the measurement of the walks should be disrupted.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET metatio aliquo loco non quadraret. Intra id uillam ædificabam, simul et ipsum muro undenùm plus minus pedum cingebam crassitudine in summo sesquipedali, in medio atq[ue] imo pro portione emodulata. Hoc Sammaurianum prædium mihi futurum instar amoeni cuiuspiam Tusculani sperabam, quarto ab urbe lapide situm, in quo liberiores solutiores que congressus cum dilectissima mihi philologia exercens, mecum ipse sæpius commodius que uiuerem. Hoc faciens, didici duplicem quinquencialis ordinis rationem esse. Alteram nostrates scacariam, quasi alueolatam appellant. sumpsit enim formam à postica parte aluei in qua scrupos hodie lusitantes promouent et reducunt. altera ratio reticulata dici potest, non in quadras ut prior, sed in rhombos conformata, ea forma qua specularia apud nos plerunq[ue] uidentur in fenestris lumen uitro transmittentibus. Ego quadris usus sum pedum quoquo uersus quaternumdenum. Huiusmodi ordinum obseruatio Normannis solennis est instituendis pomarijs: quorum arboratores è seminarijs plantulas transferentes, ita stellatim decussare norût ordines, ut quamcunque partê te uerses, rectam semper seriem uideas, nusquam obliquante prospectu in longinquum. Hæc habui de his uocabulis quæ strictim primum dicerem, quæq[ue] uelutproxemium huius operis esse uellem. Itaque quando de integro sermonem instauratur i hac eadem de re sumus, ut eorum uocabulorum usum magna ex parte obsoletum Latinitati reddamus (sic enim futurum spero) facturum me operæprecium existimaui, si non modò rem hanc totam latis per se satis finibus patentem prosequerer et absolverem, sed etiam si disputationem aliam ad hûc locum nonnihil pertinentem, et ueluti cognatam adiungerem, tametsi iam alto

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON THE AS AND the laying out did not fit together well in some place. Within it I was building a villa, while at the same time I was enclosing the place itself with a wall, everywhere more or less of so many feet in thickness, a foot and a half thick at the top, and in the middle and at the bottom in due proportion. This estate of Sammaur would, I hoped, be to me like some pleasant Tusculan retreat, lying four miles from the city, in which, holding freer and more unrestrained meetings with my dearest Philology, I might live more pleasantly with myself and more often. In doing this, I learned that there is a double method of the quinquennial order. One our people call the scacaria, as it were alveolate. For it takes its form from the back part of a hive, in which today the little pebbles used by players are moved forward and drawn back. The other method may be called reticulated, not formed into squares as the former, but into rhombuses, in the shape in which panes of glass in our windows usually appear, transmitting light through the glass. I used squares of fourteen feet on every side. Observance of this kind of arrangement is customary among the Normans in the establishing of orchards: their tree-planters, transferring saplings from the nurseries, know how to arrange the rows in a star-like crisscrossing, so that whichever way you turn, you always see a straight line, and the view into the distance never swerves obliquely. These are the things I have had to say briefly at first about these words, and which I wished to serve as a sort of prelude to this work. And so, since I am starting the discussion anew on this same matter, in order that we may restore to Latinity the use of those words, now for the most part obsolete (for so I hope it will turn out), I thought it would be worthwhile if I not only pursued and completed this whole matter, which of itself is broad enough and sufficiently open within its own wide bounds, but also if I added another discussion pertaining somewhat to this place and, as it were, akin to it, even though already at a great height

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tot doctissimi ne primoribus quidè digitis sine noxa tra= etauerunt: id quod mox apparebit. Iure autem meritoq[ue] facturum me arbitror, si in ordinem lautiorem literis stu= dentium adnuttendum me censeam: quibus aliquando i= psis liceat post emerita audiendi uel legendi stipendia (non enim tam fortunatus sui, ut in hac disciplina uocale præ= ceptorem haberem) stylo specimen sui facere. Proinde cum aliorum scriptis his in rebus adiutus sim, quas ipse per me assequi non potuissem, & in id uideam literatos ferè conspirasse, ut uelut symbolam quisque quàm posset lautissimam in medium conferret, quasiq[ue] in musæo do= narium aliquod posteritati uisendum consecraret: com= motus & ipse sum, & æmulationis stimulis usqueadeo exagitatus (neque nûc primùm) ut impensiore studio eum locum inter scribentes tenere posse non diffiderem, quem multi aut ingenij præstantia freti, aut ingenti aliquo stu= diorum adminiculo subnixi, certatim sibi asserere quoti= die uidebantur. Itaq[ue] alteram iam aleam iacimus, quan= do quidem prior illa (de Annotationibus nostris loquor quas in Pandectas edidimus) non incommodissimè cecidit, tametsi incursura ipsa in primorum ordinum offensionem uidebatur. Quipperem per se inuidiosam, ferocius quàm par erat, in iudicium quasi in theatrum adduximus scri= bendi tyrocinio: id quod tum demum sensimus, cum iam opere edito (quod domi simul nostræ, & in officina chal= eographaria cudebatur) qui inferbuerat animus, paula= tim desflagrauit. & hactenus tamen impune ferre nobis contigit ab ijs etiam ad quos ea res maximè pertinebat, nedum ab illis hominibus quibuscum necessitudo nobis humaniorum literarum nomine intercedit, quanquam impunitatem nuhi stolidè fortasse promitterem, nisi etiam gratiam

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G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND even the most learned could not have handled it without harm, not even with the foremost fingertips: which will soon appear. And rightly, I think, I shall be doing this if I count myself bound to join the ranks of those devoted to letters in a more elegant fashion; so that at some time even they themselves, after their due years of listening or reading service are completed—for I was not so fortunate as to have, in this discipline, a spoken teacher—may try their hand at writing. Therefore, since in these matters I have been aided by the writings of others, which I myself could not have attained by my own effort, and since I see scholars for the most part to have conspired to this end, that each should contribute to the common store as lavishly as he could, as though dedicating some votive gift in a museum for posterity to behold: moved by this, and stirred to the point of emulation—not now for the first time—I was not without confidence that by more devoted study I could hold a place among writers, a place which many, relying either on excellence of talent or supported by some great aid to their studies, seemed to be striving daily to claim for themselves. So now we cast the second die, since indeed the first one—which I mean our Notes, which we published on the Pandects—fell out not unluckily, though the very undertaking seemed likely to run into the displeasure of the foremost ranks. For having brought to judgment, as though to a theater, something inherently envious and, in a manner more violent than was fitting, the beginner’s first essay in writing, we only then realized this when the work had already been published (being struck off both at our home and in the printer’s workshop), and the heat that had risen in us gradually died down. And up to this point, however, we have managed to bear it unpunished even from those to whom the matter most especially belonged, let alone from those men with whom, under the name of humane letters, some friendship binds us; although perhaps I would stupidly promise myself immunity, unless also favor

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 55 gratiam me inisse ijsdem ab ipsis iuris peritissimis ex= perimento didicissem. usqueadeo quod candido atque ingenuo proposuo susceperis, etiam si in eo trasigendo (ut est humana conditio) secus nonnihil imprudens ad= niseris, non solet id ferè non bene tandem uertere. nisi si fersan, id est, ueritatis numen, ut rem principio inui= sam, aduersó que rumore explosam, ad extremum etiam popularem reddere plausibilem que potuerit. Quorum enim hominum odium inexpiabile contraxisse musteo adhuc opere uidebar, eorum nunc occursum uix ferò, de pollicitatione me reliqui uoluminis conuitiose appellantium. Quorum autoritati tantum tribuo, ut rem depo= sitam nescio an abiectam, retractare denuo coactus sim. In qua ipsa cum occupatus essem, animi causa (ut fit) a= uocamentum quærentis, parergon hoc arripui, initio quidem modulis diuerticuli destinatum: rerum autem se= rie perpetua aliam atque aliam deinceps commenta= tionem ingerente, eousque progressum me esse sensi, ut ex parergo, id est, operis instituti diuerticulo, ple= num opus factum sit, ut Græci dicunt, ὑπεῖν ὑπο ποῦ= δοξον ἐπιστοιεῖνε. Hæc satis ad exteros Italos, & a= lios ubicunque gentium literatos, quibuscum sacris ijs= dem initiati sumus. Quibus quidem ipsis in musæi sel= la contigit incubare, non etiam qui ex pronao (ut aiūt) Musas salutauere. Eorum enim nullum ex albo reijci= mus: quando id fieri non posse putamus, ut qui literarum humaniorum studio sint expoliti, non ijsdem quoque sint iudices nobis æqui. Ab nostris autem metuendum nihil erat, nisi quosdam homines primariæ autoritatis aut di= ctitare aut mussitare cõperissem, cum unum tantum genus hominum literarum bonarum studio aptum, atque etiam d 4 nal u

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART I. BOOK I. 55 by experience I had learned that I had won favor with those same experts in the law themselves. So far indeed, that what you have undertaken with a candid and ingenuous purpose, even if in carrying it through you should, as is human, have been somewhat imprudent in some respects, does not usually turn out ill in the end. Unless perhaps the goddess of truth, having at first made the matter unwelcome and, because of adverse rumor, rejected, could at last make it also popular and deserving of applause. For the hatred of those men, from whom I seemed to have incurred an inexpiable enmity over this work still in hand, I now scarcely endure the approach of those who, after the promise of the rest of the volume, abuse me in a shameless way. I attribute so much authority to them that I have been compelled to take up again a matter laid aside, I know not whether even abandoned. While I was occupied with this very thing, seeking diversion, as happens, for the mind, I seized upon this by-work, at first indeed intended as an interlude; but as the continuous sequence of events kept bringing on one commentary after another, I became aware that I had advanced so far that out of a by-work, that is, a digression from the task begun, a complete work had been made, as the Greeks say, ὑπεῖν ὑπο ποῦδοξον ἐπιστοιεῖνε. This is enough for foreign Italians and others, wherever among the nations there are learned men, with whom we have been initiated into the same sacred rites. Among them it has indeed happened that those who have sat in the chair of the museum have been included, not also those who, as they say, have greeted the Muses from the vestibule. We reject none of them from the roll; for we think it cannot happen that those who have been polished by the study of humane letters should not also be fair judges for us. But from our own countrymen there was nothing to fear, except that I had discovered some men of first authority either speaking out or muttering, since I had found only one kind of men suited to the study of good letters, and even that...

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59 G. BVD. DE ASSE ET natum esse, tum uerò nos operam & oleum perdere, qui in eo uitæ instituto ingenia exerceamus: non aliter ac lie= nosos qui instituantur ad cursum. Hoc cum nostratiu[m] qui= dam rescissent, primum mirari autores, deinde eo magis succensere, postremò re planè intellecta fremere. Sed reli= qua (ut arbitror) silentio nunc premenda, ut omnia in potestate habeamus, si forte illi æquiores esse coeperint. Nisi uerò obscurum esse potest, cur homines Franci exter na ingenia sese exosculari dictitent, nec stomachi sui do= ctos in Gallia uidisse. Quos si ueritati inseruire potius, quàm animo suo indulgere existimarem, aut ea esse erudi= tione, ut Latinè loquentes intelligere sine magistri ope= < Dicendi facul- tas Gallis olim uernacula. > ra & præitoris possent: facilè (nisi fallor) ostenderem cur adhuc factum sit ut dicendi facultas olim uernacula Gal= liarum, literis iadiu in Italia illustratis, in Galliam non re= uersa sit, transalpinarum ipsam rerum plus quàm & par est & utile cupidam. Qua (malum) opinione fallere se in re tam clara hominum iudiciu[m] credunt, qui ne in ijs quidè se fellerunt, quæ integumentis omnibus compositi uultus speciosiq[ue] sermonis egerunt? Vsque adeò enim omnes hominum sensus iam innotuere in uulgus, ut fidem qui= dam non faciant uel si aram utraque manu tenentes au= si sint sanctissimè deierare. Ita ne uerò si Franci quidam homines aut malè obsequiosi, aut ex ingenio suo uiuêtes, nec per istorum genium iurare didicerunt, nec solitis hæc ætate lenocinijs eorum se potentiæ uenditare: satis digna causa fuit quamobrem calcata charitate patriæ, odio transuersi aut liuore raperentur? mihi certè non uide= tur. At qui si ingeniorum ipsi & doctrinæ (quæ nos quoq[ue] in externis mirificè agnoscimus) admiratores ue= ros credi sese uolebant: benignè igitur uel exteris faceret, idq[ue]

Transcription: Translated (English)

59 G. BVD. DE ASSE ET to have been born, then truly do we waste our labor and oil, who train our minds in that way of life: no different from those wretches who are trained for running. When certain of ours learned this, at first they wondered at the authors, then became the more angry, and finally, when the matter was plainly understood, they raged. But the rest, I think, must now be passed over in silence, so that we may keep everything in our power, if perchance they begin to be more fair-minded. Yet it cannot, indeed, be obscure why the French declare that foreign minds are their favorites, and that they have not seen men of learning in France who suit their taste. If I thought that they preferred to serve the truth rather than indulge their own disposition, or that they were so well educated as to be able to understand those speaking Latin without the help of a teacher and a prefect, I could easily, unless I am mistaken, show why it has still happened that the faculty of speaking, once native to Gaul < The ability to speak was once native to the Gauls. > has not, after letters were brought to light in Italy, returned to Gaul, which is too eager for foreign things, more than is both proper and useful. By what sort of opinion, damn it, do they think they are deceiving themselves in a matter so clear to human judgment, men who have not even deceived themselves in those things carried out under every disguise of the face and the showy language of a polished and handsome speech? For so completely have all human feelings now become known to the common people that some would not even be believed if, holding the altar with both hands, they dared swear most solemnly. So then, if certain Frenchmen, being either badly compliant or living according to their own character, have not learned to swear by their patron, nor in this age to sell themselves into his power by the usual flatteries: was this a sufficiently worthy cause why, with love of country trampled underfoot, they should be carried away by hatred of what is contrary or by envy? Certainly it does not seem so to me. But if, on the other hand, they wished to be thought true admirers of talent and learning—which we ourselves also recognize as wonderful in foreigners—then let them kindly act toward foreigners as well, and that

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idq[ue] eo nomine, ut intelligeretur cur uiros ipsi doctos præ mijs adsciscerent. Sic enim eloquentiam & poëticam & literas elegantiores patriæ dicerentur uel dedisse, uel red didisse. Nunc cum id non faciunt, uideant quæso ne ex= ternis uerba dare potius, quàm nobis facundiam optare uideantur: imò (ut planè loquar) ne subdolam mentem prodant, aut certè maleuolam, qui priuato uel studio uel odio instincti (nam quam aliam causam conijcere quis= quam possit?) suggillationem patriæ inurere non timeat. De qua quàm bene alioqui sint meriti, publica fama ui= derit. Sed criticam seueritatem cognoscere in hominibus imperitis precium est operæ: Galli omnino homines nec ad poëticam artem nec ad oratoriam nati. Quis hoc iu= dicium facit? homines germana in Francia nati, in sinu Franciæ aliti & educati, & nunc in gremio eiusdem hoc dictitantes. Qua igitur tandem fiducia hoc iudicare præ= sumunt? age quid tum postea? qui à patria honestissimum quodque decus meriti, immeriti tulerunt. Egregios ciues, & patriæ amantissimos. Audiamus porrò, Solis homi= num Italis hæc studia capessere iure ac moribus licet. Sic enim fert coeli soli[us]; natura, ut infantes etiam illic di= sertè numerose que uagiant. O acre iudicium hominum, quibus tamen ipsis inter classica recitanteis Italos exau= dire tantum uacauit. Sicce ne Francos homines pituito= sum fel habere ad iracundiam putant, & crassa quoque ad studia præcordia, eorum ut stomachum improbitate tan ta prouocare gaudeant? quanquam latius patet hæc con= tumelia, quàm ut in literarum studiosis consumatur. Ad eos enim etiam pertinet, qui literarum ipsi imperiti, in= geniosos tamen liberos & spei magnæ genuisse se arbi= trantur. Porrò etiam patet. Solis enim Italis doctos esse d 5 licet

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under that name, so that it might be understood why they themselves would enlist learned men as prizes. For thus they would be said either to have given to their country, or to have restored to it, eloquence, poetry, and the more refined arts of letters. But now that they do not do this, let them consider, I beg, whether they do not seem rather to be handing over words to foreigners than wishing eloquence for us: indeed, to speak plainly, whether they are not displaying a treacherous, or at least a hostile, mind, who, driven by private either zeal or hatred (for what other cause could anyone imagine?), do not fear to brand their country with reproach. How well, in any case, they have deserved of it, public fame will judge. But to recognize critical severity in men who are ignorant is worth the trouble: the French are in no respect men born either for the art of poetry or for oratory. Who makes this judgment? Men born in France itself, nursed and educated in the bosom of France, and now, within the embrace of the same, uttering this sort of claim. By what confidence, then, do they presume to judge thus? Come, what then? Men who have deserved from their country every most honorable distinction, whether deservedly or undeservedly, have borne it away. Excellent citizens, and most devoted lovers of their country. Let us hear further: it is lawful, by right and by custom, for Italians alone to pursue these studies. For thus does the nature of the sky and soil dispose things, that even infants there babble sweetly in a flowing and measured manner. O sharp judgment of men who, even while Italians are reciting among the trumpets, have had only leisure to hear them. Do they suppose that Frenchmen have a bilious gall, inclined to anger, and also coarse in their very dispositions toward study, so that they rejoice to provoke their stomachs with such great wickedness? Although this insult extends more widely than to be confined to students of letters. For it also concerns those who, though themselves ignorant of letters, nevertheless imagine that they have begotten gifted children and children of great promise. Moreover, it extends even further. For only Italians are allowed to be learned.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 59 tim nec periculum feceris, nec alium fecisse quenquam no= ris? partim ne facere quidem tu animo affirmaris, nec fa= ciendum curare, cum tu id si uelis facere fortasse non pos= sis? tum deinde exteros (si dijs placet) commendatione inani quassaq[ue]; prosequare, ut licentiore calumnia possis in quos uelis desæuire? Hic hic nigræ succus loliginis, ut < Horatius Ser- mon.lib.1.> lepidè inquit poëta. Cedo igitur cui unquam doctrinæ nomine benignè tute feceris, aut cui omnino non tua cau= sa bene tantum cupiueris? Heu candor Mecænatum eo= rum quos & uidere nobis & obseruare contigit: qui si= mul & studiosis sunt & Reipublicæ desiderati, insigni ad posteros inclinatione rerum. Superi immortales, quan= tum inter animos hominum interesse dicemus? Illos ut he= roicis annis editos, nihil appositius quàm uiscera charita= tis appelles. ita uniuersas cogitationes suas ad homines no= stros iuuandos contulerant. Isti huiusmodi animum rebus nostris exhibent, ut ad delendum Francici nonunis splen= dorem incubuisse uideantur: quos tamen & ipsos non adeò liuidos esse crediderim, ut nisi Transalpinis rebus oculos cupidius adiecissent, premendi nostrum gratia in cælum laudibus ferrent exteros. Quid enim consilij eos cepisse dicas? an ut eloquentiæ ac literarum gloriam de= sperare nos cogant? quid id eorum refert? quando quidem huius ætatis decreto, nihil cum literis aulico comitatui. an ut gratiam ab Italis ineant? Sed quò inter Gallos ab Ita= lis gratiam? Restat igitur ut aut priuatis studijs indulge= rint, aut non modò proterui, sed etiam propemodum a= mentes iudicentur. E quidem libens ab ipsis audierim, u= trum'ne studia literarum bonarum bodie flagrantissima quamlibet iniquo tempore, restinguere illa sua obtrecta= tione sperarint, an oblectandi sui gratia potius ingenia prouo

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART II. OF HIS BOOK I. 59 then you will have done neither yourself, nor will you know that anyone else has done any harm? in part, indeed, you do not even assert in your mind that it should be done, nor do you care that it should be done, when perhaps, if you wished, you could not do it? and then you commend outsiders (if the gods will it) with empty recommendation and wounding abuse; and you follow them, so that with freer slander you may be able to rage against whomever you wish? Here, here is the black juice of the cuttlefish, as Horace says in Satires , book 1. the poet says wittily. Tell me then, to whom have you ever shown kindness under the name of learning, or for whom, altogether apart from your own interest, have you even wished well? Alas, the candor of the Mæcenases whom it has been our lot both to see and to observe: who were at once desired by men of learning and by the Republic, with a remarkable turning of affairs to later ages. Immortal gods, how great a difference shall we say there is among the minds of men? Those, as though born in heroic years, you could call by no more fitting name than “the inward parts of charity.” They had devoted all their thoughts to helping our men. These men display toward our affairs a spirit of such a kind that they seem to have lain in wait to extinguish the splendor of the French name: yet I should not believe even them to be so envious that, unless they had turned their eyes more greedily toward Transalpine affairs, they would heap praises on outsiders in order to depress ours. For what purpose, then, would you say they have been moved? Is it that they may make us despair of the glory of eloquence and learning? What does that matter to them? since by the decree of this age nothing has anything to do with books and courtly attendance. Or is it that they may win favor among the Italians? But where, among the French, is favor among the Italians? It remains, therefore, either that they have indulged private studies, or that they must be judged not only insolent, but almost insane. I should gladly hear from themselves whether they hoped, by this calumny of theirs, to extinguish the now most flourishing studies of good letters, though the times were wholly unfavorable, or whether they rather provoked their talents for the pleasure of their own amusement

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET etos intulerunt, quum minimè ipsi esse didicissent artifices dicendi, Gallicæ fortasse doctrinæ, Italicæ discipulæ, extremam propediem manum accessisse sentient, quum ex atrio Libertatis, suis ipsi maledictis respondentes audient. Neque enim ex uno aut altero opere debuerunt omne genus structuræ omniumq[ue] æstimare. Sed quid hoc ego crimen persequor, quum ijs qui literas Gallis adimunt, non iam scientiam nobis elegantiorum artium, sed etiam prudentiam omnino quasi sensum communem abstulerint? Quæ contumelia non ad unum tantum eundemque neglectum ordinem, sed ad singulos uniuersosq[ue] pertinet. Notum est enim quòd eius societatis mancipes, quam minimè decebat, nihil pensi habere dicuntur quo minus errata sua luculenta clauo ductitando admissa, ignominia patriæ obliterare nitantur. Proh supreme seruator. Nonne satius erat nos culpam agnoscere quæ negari non potest, quàm clauum (ut dicitur) clauo protrudere, & culpam crimine expungere? Antiqui Romani dixerunt maiestatem in populo, autoritatem in Senatu esse: inde crimina maiestatis appellata læsæ, aut imminutæ: at nunc inuenti esse dicuntur, qui non contenti Rempublicam non iuuisse, imminuere etiam maiestatem clarissimæ gentis cupiant: & qui doctos posse Gallos fieri cum negauerint, insuper prudentes in Gallia nec reperiri contendant, nec inueniri. Qui quum hæc dicunt, inexpiabili se inuidia flagrare non animaduertunt. Quasi uerò cuiquam persuaderi possit quæstionem decretam de uiris bonis & prudentibus hoc tempore fuisse, quos uelut optiones sibi in rebus transigendis constituendis que cooptarent. Verùm hos paulisper mittamus, quibuscum ex æquo non licet hanc iniuriam expostulare, ac uidea= mus

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET they have brought forth, when they had not yet learned themselves to be craftsmen of speech, as perhaps pupils of Gallic learning, Italian disciples, they will soon feel that the final hand has been applied, when from the Atrium of Liberty, answering with their own insults, they will hear. For they ought not from one or two works to judge every kind of structure and everything. But why do I pursue this offense, when those who strip the French of letters have taken from us not only knowledge of the more elegant arts, but also prudence, indeed almost common sense itself? This insult pertains not only to one and the same neglected order, but to each and all. For it is known that the agents of that society, which least deserved it, are said to care nothing so that, by persistently driving home their own manifest errors with the nail, as it were, they may try to blot out the disgrace of their country. Oh supreme savior. Was it not better for us to acknowledge the fault that cannot be denied, than to drive out a nail with a nail, as they say, and erase fault by guilt? The ancient Romans said that majesty was in the people, authority in the Senate: hence crimes were called of violated or diminished majesty; but now there are said to have been found those who, not content that the Republic has not helped, also desire to diminish the majesty of the most illustrious nation; and who, when they have denied that the French can become learned, moreover contend that prudent men are neither to be found in France, nor can be found. When they say these things, they do not notice that they burn with inextinguishable envy. As if indeed it could be persuaded to anyone that the question had been settled about good and prudent men in this time, whom they would admit as choices for themselves in conducting and arranging affairs. However, let us set these aside for a little, with whom it is not permitted to make this injury a matter of equal complaint, and let us see

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. mus cuiusmodi Homerus poëtarum sapientissimus Achil= < Achilles Ho- mericus.> lem suum finxerit, ut ex eo scire possimus an res nostra publica rectè atque ordine hoc tempore constituta sit: & mirari homines desinant, quòd per hosce annos primum hominibus Francis animus cum re simul concidisse uisus est. Ille igitur rerum humanarum perspicacissimus æsti= mator, quum sub Achillis persona fortem ac strenuum mi= litem eundem que ducem formare statuisset, deam illi Mi= neruam instantem identidem finxit, quasiq[ue] conocefa= cientem monitione postica, nonnunquam cæsarie repre= hensantem, cum præcipitem eum firri, atque ira excan= descere sensit. Achillem autem suum inducit inter iram, ratiocinationem que alternantes, Mineruæ tandem mo= nitis obtemperantem, strictum ensem in uaginam ira sup= pressa edomitá que condentem. Videre est illam quidem imperiosè uetantem, hunc autem iram obsequiose pre= mentem. Illa, ni pareat ipse numini, uindictam intermu= natur: hic ponit uim animi, ne non paruisse dicatur. Me= morabile figmentum, ac memoria etiam atque etiam te= nendum: quo quid aliud poëtam significasse arbitremur, quàm animæ duas partes, iram, & rationem? Siquidem ille furorem iræ ac ferociam animi ratus circa præcordia grassari, rationis principatum, ac moderamen animi in parte summa capitis sedere censuit & uigere, uelut spe= culatorem à natura præfectum, qui omnia circunspecta= ret, atque ut auriga quadrigis, sic seruori ipse animi at= que alacritati moderaretur. Proinde quum ille poëta sons ingeniorum dictus, talem strenuum militem, eundem que ducem fortissimum inducat, ut nusquam ita destitutus, ita deprehensus sit, quin præstò consilium & rationem ha= beat (hoc est enim Minercuam uelut præslitem habere uel

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART I. BOOK I. For if we consider what kind of Achilles Homer, wisest of poets, fashioned for himself—<Homeric Achilles.>—we may be able to see whether our commonwealth is rightly and orderly constituted at this time; and men may cease to wonder that during these past years it has first seemed that in Frenchmen, mind and body alike, have fallen together. For that most keen observer of human affairs, when he decided to portray under the person of Achilles a brave and valiant soldier and at the same time a commander, repeatedly imagined the goddess Minerva as attending him, as though warning him from behind, and at times, when he saw him becoming headlong and blazing with anger, as pulling him back by the hair. But he presents his Achilles, alternating between anger and reflection, at last obeying Minerva’s counsels and, his anger suppressed and tamed, placing the drawn sword back in its scabbard. One may see her indeed forbidding with authority, and him obediently repressing his anger. She threatens vengeance unless he himself obey the divine power; he puts forth the force of his mind, so that he may not be said to have disobeyed. A memorable fiction, and one to be kept in mind again and again: by it, what else may we think the poet meant than the two parts of the soul, anger and reason? For he judged that the fury of anger and the ferocity of the mind rage about the breast, while the principality and governance of reason sit and dwell in the upper part of the head, as if a watchman appointed by nature, surveying everything, and as a charioteer, so to speak, ruling the slowness and the quickness of the soul. Accordingly, since that poet, called the fountain of genius, introduces such a valiant soldier and most courageous commander, so that he is nowhere so abandoned, nowhere so taken unawares, that he does not have counsel and reason at hand—that is, to have Minerva as it were as a guard or protector; or

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET uel astitem) planum fit utique, qui sapientia & prudentia careant, res ab ijs maximas nec bello nec pace geri posse. Porrò prudentia ipsa aut summa dote naturæ datur, aut literarum cognitione cum sapientia comparatur. at utrunque nobis adimunt, qui nobis nec natura imbui, nec studio institui concedunt. Caput uerò erroris est, quòd nobilium natio indecoram esse literarum cognitionem claris penatibus ortis, semper existimauit. Hac enim opinione effectum est, ut rerum nostrarum summa in tenebris plerunque densissimis hallucinetur. Nam < Proceru ignora utia.> quum primores procerum, ignorantiam literarum percupidè sibi uendicent, ac nihil sui muneris esse in pacis artibus credant: euenit ut plurima aulæ consulta ex paucorum commodo fiant, qui in rem ipsi suam suarum que necessitudinum concipere edicta principis consultaq[ue]; didicerunt. Sic fit ut regio nomine paucorum regimen obumbretur: nomen olim inuisum apud eos qui Respublicas in populis & ciuitatibus condiderunt. Atenim quosdam regibus subseruire necesse est, qui ijs muneribus fungantur, quæ per se reges obire iam nequeunt. quis negat? Sed si eo amplius legitimum iam & regium esse coepit, illis omnia credere ac delegare, quibus ab latere & auribus principibus esse contigit: sint sanè omnium potentes, quandò eò deliciarum uentum est, & inertiæ immunis & feriatæ: sed sint eiusmodi, qui optimates uocari & cupiant & debeant, quiq[ue] latus principis cingentes, maiestatem eius augustiorem faciant. Nec dicatur unum omnium Regem maximum, solo corporum stipatu quasi adminiculo subnixum, non animi uirtute ac scientia niti. Delectum modò hominum principes habere instituant, literis'que & ingenijs & industriæ fauere

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET or plainly enough, it is clear that those who lack wisdom and prudence can conduct neither the greatest affairs in war nor in peace. Moreover, prudence itself is either given by the highest gift of nature, or is acquired through learning together with wisdom. Yet both are taken from us by those who allow us neither to be formed by nature nor trained by study. The chief source of the error is that the nobility has always thought the knowledge of letters to be disgraceful for those born of illustrious houses. For by this opinion it has come about that the whole sum of our affairs usually wanders in the deepest darkness. For since the leading men of the nobles eagerly claim ignorance of letters for themselves, and believe that nothing in the arts of peace belongs to their duty: it happens that most court decisions are made for the advantage of a few, who have learned to frame the prince’s edicts and counsels so as to serve their own interests and those of their connections. Thus it comes about that under the name of royal authority the rule of a few is concealed: a name once hateful among those who founded commonwealths in peoples and cities. But indeed some men must serve kings, to perform those duties which kings themselves can no longer discharge. Who denies it? But if it has come so far that it is now considered lawful and royal to entrust and delegate everything to those who have happened to be at the prince’s side and in his ear: let them be powerful enough in all things, since the point has been reached of luxury, and of a life free from toil and at leisure; but let them be such as both desire and ought to be called nobles, and, surrounding the prince’s side, make his majesty more august. Nor should it be said that one greatest of all kings, supported only by the guard of his body as by a prop, does not rely on strength of mind and knowledge. Let princes take care to have only a select company of men, and to favor letters, talent, and industry

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. fauere: sic fiet ut nec doctorum Francia nec prudentium inops reperiatur. Sed enim eo tempore doctos & sa= pientes necesse est latere & secedere, quo tempore dis= simules ijs homines in lucem prodiere. Huius igitur mali causa est nobilium institutum, qui res consentaneas, & < Nobilium cul pa iacent literæ.> mutua ope nixas, generis claritatem, literarumq[ue] peri= tiam, collidi inter se & dissidere putant: quo errore fa= ctum est, ut disciplinæ olim ingenuæ appellatæ, ad ple= bem iamdiu transierint, non tantum à nobilibus, sed etiam (ò mores perditos) à sacricolis repudiatæ, ne non satis generosus esse & lautus antistitum ordo præsulumq[ue]; pu= taretur. Inde autem illa extitit indignitas, non tantum incommoda, sed memoria nostra etiam ferè dira, quòd principes natura boni, sed blandimentis incuriæ capti atque immunitatis, cui à pueris insueuerunt, autoritatem regiam, rectè, perperam, dignè, indignè factis accom= modant, quando semel omnia amicis permisere. Qui si literas scirent ipsi, gentilesq[ue] sceptrorum: nec sacro= sancta utique nomina inuidiæ opponerentur, nec tam li= center ob oculos principales cercopum præstigiæ ludifi= cari pergerent, quarum semper impunitas moribus no= stris fuit uel à iurisdictione summa. Adde quòd Senatus ille selectorum prætorianus & castrensis, interpres prin= cipis placitorum, paucissimis sæpe uiris, hominibus haud ita multis constat, partim literarum nescijs, partim iuris sui magis quàm publici consultis: unde uisi sunt aliquan= do turbines ex caligine densa co[n]siliorum oborti, latè spes popularium fortunasq[ue] percellere, ne quicquam superûm hominumq[ue] fidem populo implorante. Quid? illud qua= le est, quòd cum omnia pro potestate arbitrentur, cum ita comitijs nostris præsint, ut sine eorum auspicijs pauci e ren

Transcription: Translated (English)

to favor: thus it will happen that France will not be found lacking either in learned men or in prudent men. But indeed at that time it is necessary for the learned and wise to hide and withdraw, when men unlike them have come forth into the light. The cause of this evil, therefore, is the policy of the nobility, who think that things which are in agreement and supported by mutual aid—the distinction of rank and skill in letters—are to be brought into collision with one another and set at variance: by which error it has come about that disciplines once called liberal have long since passed over to the common people, rejected not only by nobles but also, alas for the corrupted customs, by the clergy, lest the order of bishops and prelates should be thought not sufficiently noble and splendid. From this there has arisen that indignity, not only troublesome but in our memory almost dreadful, that princes, naturally good, but taken in by the blandishments of carelessness and the immunity to which they have been accustomed from boyhood, adapt royal authority, rightly or wrongly, worthily or unworthily, to their actions, once they have yielded everything to their friends. If they themselves and the peoples of the scepters were learned, certainly sacred names would not be set against envy, nor would the tricks of apes be carried on so freely before the eyes of those in power, tricks whose impunity has always belonged to our customs, or at least to the highest jurisdiction. Add to this that that select praetorian and military Senate, the interpreter of the prince’s wishes, often consists of very few men, not so many in number, some ignorant of letters, some more intent on their own right than on the public good; whence at times storms seem to have arisen out of the dense darkness of counsels, to strike down widely the hopes and fortunes of the people, while the people in vain implored the faith of gods and men. What, moreover, is that like, when they think everything rests on their power, when they preside over our assemblies in such a way that without their auspices few...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET renuncientur: non satis eorum quidam habuisse dicuntur, meritos & graues permultos, & secundo rumore commendatos, aut aliquo uirtutis specimine cognitos, præterire, nisi etiam capitali conniuentia transmussos, aut ignominia afficere conarentur, aut huiusmodi esse omni= no scire se inficiari? Præterijssse dico? Quid si etiam ob= nunciasse constat, quasi latens aliquod uitium obuenis= set? siue id simultati datum est, siue ut ij tantum præfice= rentur, quos eis commodum fuit. Qui si de coelo seruassent, ut existimari uolunt, perniciosas sæpe renunciatio= nes disturbare potuissent. Quantam autem indignitatem homines haurire coguntur, cum certo certius sit, nihil sa= pere principi posse, quod his prægustatoribus non antè placitum sit & probatum? Quin igitur urgemus ut con= fessionem ab inuitis exprimamus? Necesse est enim ut uel linguam palatum que stupentia se habere fateantur, uel certè amori odio que seruientia, qui insulsos à sapientibus internoscere uel nolint, uel nequeant. tametsi huiusmodi hominum conatum non magis improbum esse quàm irri= tum puto, si quidem studij ardorem restinguere premendo, aut secundæ famæ splendorem obscurare nituntur. Nam ut palma arbor in pondus attolli dictitatur, sic uir= tus suppressa, studio maiore erigitur. Opinionem autem non uanis rumusculis collectam, sed claris industriæ docu= mentis emanantem, quis inhibere potest? Splendet enim, splendet, solidæ & expressæ uirtutis existimatio, etiam relictæ in umbraculis, aut procul ab ambitu remotæ: ut uiceuersa, in quibusdam fulgor adumbratæ uirtutis aut sæ pientiæ, obruitur plena luce, cum illustri magistratu ge= rendo, tanquam ad radios ipsi solis aut ad fasces admo= uentur.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASSE ET they renounce: some are said not to have had enough of them, to pass over many who were deserving and serious, and commended by widespread report, or known by some display of virtue, unless they even try to conceal them by capital connivance, or to brand them with disgrace, or to deny altogether that they know them to be such? I say pass them over? What if it is even clear that they have spoken against them, as though some hidden fault had come to light? Whether this is done out of enmity, or so that only those may be set over them whom it suits them to set over. If they were, as they wish to be thought, saviours from heaven, they could have put a stop to pernicious renunciations very often. And what indignity must men endure, when it is absolutely certain that a prince can know nothing which has not first pleased and been approved by these tasters? Why then do we insist on extorting confession from the unwilling? For it is necessary that they either admit that they have a tongue and palate that are numb, or else that they are servants of love and hate, who either do not wish, or are unable, to distinguish fools from wise men. Although I think that the attempt of such men is no less wicked than futile, since by pressing down they try to extinguish the ardor of study, or to obscure the brilliance of a good reputation. For just as the palm tree is said to be lifted to bear weight, so virtue, when suppressed, rises the more strongly through greater effort. But who can restrain an opinion, not gathered from vain rumors, but flowing forth from clear proofs of diligence? For the reputation of solid and manifest virtue shines, shines even when left in hiding places, or far removed from crowds; just as, on the other hand, in some people the brightness of masked virtue or wisdom is overwhelmed by full daylight, when they are advanced to a distinguished magistracy, as though they were being brought near the rays of the sun itself or to the fasces.

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uentur. Equidem (ut ad eos redeam quos interim omiseram) libens ipse suaserim, aut etiam postularim, si qui sunt ex ea secta Philoxeni superstites, qui reru[m] Gallicarum trass actores ideo in Italiam petendos esse duxit, ut nostrates homines rerum actu summoueret, non quod eorum solertiam prae nostrorum admuraretur: commodis ipsi ut immodicis comuter ornamentis que persruantur, quæ nostrarum rerum clade quæsita nullus est qui non norit: externosq[ue] ita suauientur si placent, ut François non despuant. satius enim id esse ceseo, quàm affirmata iniquitate eorum abrumpere patientiam, qui res tacendas effari Stentorea uoce possint. Neque uerò negauerim sæpe è re Gallica fuisse, in rebus transalpinis externorum operam experiri. Quosdam enim adscititios nouimus non modò industrios, sed & exploratæ fidei, qui egregiam & singularem operam & in quietis consilijs & in bellicis rebus nobis nauas se dicuntur. Sed si in rebus domesticis non modò externo milite, ut iam fieri coepit, sed etiam in omni parte reipublicæ externorum operam adsciscendam censebimus, magis id adeò ut paucorum commodis seruiant, quàm ut publicè prosint: quæ tandem nostroru[m] erit functio, aut quando suæ tutelæ Francia restituenda dicetur? O tempora? ô mores? Francia quæ olim sibi, alijsq[ue], & summæ rei Christianæ superesse uisa est, nunc degener & infans, ne suis quidem rebus satis est uel agendis, uel eloquendis. Rem suapte natura indignam, autores eius etiam fecerut atrocem, indigni omnino ipsi qui uel intra uerba peccarent, nedum ut uiris studiosis omni ope incommodarent, quos suffragio suo (ut scimus) prærogatiuo benignè subleuare debebant. Quòd si homines innocenter industrios te- stimo

Transcription: Translated (English)

…they will be brought about. Indeed, to return to those whom I had meanwhile omitted, I would gladly myself have advised, or even demanded, if there are any survivors of that sect of Philoxenus, that those who have undertaken the handling of Gallic affairs should therefore seek Italy, in order to remove our own men from the conduct of affairs, not because he admired their skill above that of our people: so that they themselves may enjoy advantages along with excessive gain and ornaments, which have been sought by the ruin of our affairs—there is no one who does not know this—and so that they may favor outsiders in such a way, if they please, that they do not despise the French. For I judge it better to do this than, with acknowledged injustice, to break the patience of those who can utter things that ought to be silent in a Stentorian voice. Nor indeed would I deny that it has often been to the advantage of France, in transalpine matters, to փորձ the help of outsiders. For we know that certain foreigners have been admitted who are not only industrious, but also of proven loyalty, who are said to render excellent and singular service both in quiet counsels and in military affairs to us. But if in domestic matters we judge that not only foreign soldiers, as has already begun to happen, but even in every part of the state the help of foreigners must be admitted, this will more and more serve the advantage of a few, rather than the public good: what, in the end, will be the role of our own people, or when will France be said to be restored to its own guardianship? O times! O manners! France, which once seemed sufficient for itself, for others, and for the highest interests of Christendom, now degenerate and infantile is not even enough for its own affairs, either to manage them or even to speak of them. A matter unworthy by its very nature, its authors have also made it atrocious, themselves altogether unworthy even to err within words, let alone to impede with every means men devoted to study, whom they ought, by their favorable and privileged vote, to have supported kindly. But if I bear witness to men who are innocently industrious,

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET testate habebat quæ tunc erat amplissima, is unus omnibus sufficere posse meritò credebatur. Quem autem plus iure ac legibus homines posse non dubiè intelligebant, extra eius præsidia agenti, seculo uix esse hominum opinione ius erat. Quin eousque inualuit hominum opinio, huius ut impotentia, atq[ue] illius obitu, aculei seueritatis, summæ etiam iurisdictioni excussi esse uiderentur. Habuit pro cohorte prætoria non modò candidatos principis, sed etiam munia tos, quorum stipatu se maximè uir clarus murabatur, fremente ipso loue Tarpeio hominum sacrosanctorum miniatore, qui sibi eas operas à Briareo exprimu[m] ægerrimè rebat. id quod eum ipse uidi audiuiq[ue]; in Vrbe dictitantem fremebundè, cum apud eum essem. quæ res in exitium tandem penè uertit dominicæ familiæ, euentu primordijs con gruo. Quis enim nescit uelamenta illa beata non tam cocco imbuta quàm cruore fuisse? O caram semper Franciæ mercem, & bellorum precijs comparatam. Et sic quoq[ue] (si dijs placet) nunc licemur, licebumurq[ue]; semper natalitiæ, ut uidetur, sceptrorum nostrorum necessitate? Verùm in eo ipsius in reliquo que comitatu literatum nullum hominem agnouisses, nisi siquis erat forte unus inter externas clientelas. tam procul enim id genus hominum ab eius uestibulo summouebatur, quàm ipse longè aberat ab cruditione iusta & liberali. Et alioquin nullus ei fermè eorum cordi erat, quos ille uir egregius de medio sublatus, fouisse uisus erat. Quippe ut ille uirtutis, & doctrinæ column, ijs sauerat præcipuè, qui aut cerui cem non obnoxiam, aut indolem ingenij præ se ferre videbantur: ita hic interioris aulæ manceps, & dictator in comitatu regio, in delicijs nunquam uisus est eos habere quos

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET since he held a testament which was then most extensive, he was rightly believed to be alone sufficient for all. But as men clearly understood that he could do more by right and by laws, outside his protections it was scarcely thought in the world that a man had any standing. Indeed the opinion of men prevailed so far that, by his incapacity and the death of the other, the sharp edge of severity seemed to have been struck away even from the highest jurisdiction. He had for a praetorian cohort not only the prince’s candidates, but also armed men, in whose escort the illustrious man especially marvelled at himself, while Jupiter Tarpeian himself thundered, the minter of men most sacred, who with great difficulty was extorting from Briareus those tasks for himself. This I myself saw and heard him, speaking loudly in the City, while I was with him. This matter at last almost turned to the ruin of the ducal household, in an event fitting its beginnings. For who does not know that those blessed coverings were not so much dyed with scarlet as with blood? O always dear merchandise of France, and purchased at the price of wars. And so too (if the gods please) are we now let out for hire, and shall be let out for hire; always by the necessity, as it seems, of our native sceptres? But in the rest of his company you would have recognized no learned man at all, unless perhaps there was one among the foreign retainers. For that sort of men was kept so far from his threshold as he himself was far from proper and liberal learning. And otherwise hardly any of those whom that excellent man, when he was removed from the midst of them, seemed to have cherished, were at all dear to him. Indeed, as he, a pillar of virtue and learning, had especially favored those who either seemed to bear an unconquered neck or to show a spirited nature: so this man, an inmate of the inner court and dictator in the royal retinue, was never seen to delight in having those whom

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re quos meritorum prærogatiua magis quàm suffragio aulicæ obseruantiæ fretos esse ac commendatos suspicabatur. Etenim cum prostitutæ frontis homines in fidem se rè libens recipiebat, sicut amare & scortari à lenone sunt qui iucundius esse putant, tum omnia beneficentiæ suæ accepta ferri uolebat, uir cætera egregius (ne meritis cum laudibus fraudem) & in primis commendabilis animi sublimitate, sordibus auaritiæ, atque omni obscæna uoluptate maiore, dignus que qui uiam ueram intelligeret assequendæ gloriæ, tanti que fastigij sustinendi & perferendi, quod regium penè æquauit arbitrium: cæterùm soliuagus accipiter (ut est in hominu[m] prouerbio) nec in prædatu sociabilis, ut qui in rerum actu collegam ferre non posset. nam qui genesim summam habere se arbitrabatur, nullum no[n] fastigium sibi secundum esse censuit. Hic cum fortunam perpetuo sibi fauore aspirantem multum iam fatigasset, tandem grandioribus inceptis obrutus, quàm quib[us] par esse posset (& neminem solitarius rerum arbiter, ut dictum est, in consortium admuttebat) ipse quoque fato concessit: unus (ut arbitror) omnium quos ætas nostra memunit, æstu perpetuo iactatus inusitatæ ante se felicitatis: quare præter omnium ferme opinionem accidit, quòd ei fortuna summam manum negauit, fauoris que colophonem, destituta tot hominum spe, & præsertim cohortis miniatulæ iam ad comutia honorum fastigij uerticis que properantis, quæ longius ipsa expectatione hominum prorogata sunt. Tantæ autem potentiæ non unum aut alterum, sed complureis successores reliquit, ex sinu tamen suo ante mortem productos. Nullus enim adhuc posthumus successor mortuo agnatus est: tametsi corum unus fortunæ se litasse confidens, cuius alu- -4-

Transcription: Translated (English)

He suspected that they were supported and recommended more by a prerogative of merit than by the vote of courtly favor. For indeed, since he gladly received into his confidence men of brazen and shameless front, as those who think it more pleasant both to love and to consort with whores are taken in by a pimp, so too he wished all things to be laid to the credit of his own beneficence: a man outstanding in other respects, and not to be cheated of praise when due to his merits, and above all worthy of admiration for the loftiness of his spirit, far removed from the filth of avarice and every obscene pleasure, and deserving to understand the true path to glory and the means of sustaining and bearing so great a height, one that almost equaled royal authority. But otherwise, like a solitary hawk (as the proverb goes among men), not sociable in the hunt, since in the conduct of affairs he could not bear a partner. For he who thought himself to have the highest destiny judged that no height was second to his own. When he had long worn out Fortune, which had long been breathing upon him with constant favor, he at last, overwhelmed by grander undertakings than he could meet, and admitting no one into partnership in affairs, as has been said, himself also yielded to fate: one, as I think, of all whom our age remembers, tossed continually on the waves of an unprecedented happiness before him. Wherefore, contrary to almost everyone’s expectation, it came about that Fortune denied him the final hand, the crowning of favor, leaving the hope of so many men disappointed, and especially that of the little red-capped cohort now hastening toward the summit and peak of honors, whose promotion had been delayed beyond even human expectation. But of such power he left not one or two, but many successors, though brought forth from his own bosom before his death. For no posthumous successor has yet been recognized as kin to the dead man; although one of them, trusting that he had propitiated Fortune, whose alu-

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72 G. BVD. DE ASSE ET mnus erat, uelut solus summi rerum arbitrij creuisset hæreditatem, tantos repentè spiritus sustulisse uisus est, ut præter insolentiam in uultu emunentem, ferociam quoque territantem loquendo exhalaret. Is in summo magistra= tu dissimulimus sui factus, usqueadeo omnia sibi suscipere permisit, & ad extremum tueri quicquid ipse suscepisset fouendum, ut dignos indignos, quos sibi morigeros se= mel expertus esset, in omni parte Reipublicæ præficien= dos curarit. moratos uerò perinde ac morosos iuutiles Reipublicæ existimans, quàm potuit longissimè in seces= sus ablegauit. utrisque enim iratos superos esse credebat. Videlicet fortunæ indulgentia corruptus, atque immemor personæ quam gerebat, quod uirtuti debebatur, illibera= li obsequio dandum esse censuit. Ex quo factum est ut quam existimationem primis & secundis uitæ actibus col= legerat, eam ipse in ultimo eodem que summo actu totam effudisse uideatur. Aliquandiu autem autoritate grassa= tus asseclis suis promouendis, quum orbis formam nouam mundo stupente coepisset architectari, subita manus in= iectione uim Parcarum expertus est: uir (ut omnes arbi= trantur) summo magistratu dignus, si summum semper magistratum expectauisset, ac nunquam adeptus esset. usqueadeo in secunda ei sorte consenuisse, & uita perfun= ctum esse præstabat. Sed qui fortunæ omnia tribueret, ut cuius præsentissimum numen in rebus humanis esse exi= stimabat, ne extremum quidem fortunæ obsequium re= muttendum esse censuit. Hic est ferè eorum exitus qui mo= dum non nouerunt adhibere felicitati. Verum ille quoque mortuus est, cum summi honoris conuulsa maiestate, tum uerò summæ curiæ lacessita seueritate, senunibus earum rerum iactis, quæ insigni nostrarum rerum clade postea expiat

Transcription: Translated (English)

72 G. BVD. DE ASSE ET He was as if, having inherited the whole administration of the supreme control of affairs as though it were his own alone, he had suddenly raised such a lofty spirit, that, besides the arrogance showing itself in his face, he also breathed out a terrifying ferocity in his speech. Having made himself oblivious of all restraint in the highest magistracy, he allowed himself to undertake everything, and at last to safeguard whatever he himself had undertaken; so that, having once found certain men, worthy and unworthy alike, compliant to his will, he took care to place them in every part of the commonwealth. But those who were well-mannered, as though they were merely troublesome, he judged useless to the commonwealth and sent them, as far as he could, far away into retirement. For he believed the gods were angry with both kinds alike. Thus, corrupted by the favor of fortune, and forgetful of the person he bore, he thought that what was owed to virtue must be given to servile compliance. From this it came about that the reputation he had gathered in the first and second acts of his life, he seems himself to have completely squandered in that final, and highest, act. For a time, however, having gained strength through authority by promoting his own followers, when, to the astonishment of the world, he had begun to construct a new form of empire, he experienced the force of the Fates through a sudden laying on of hands: a man (as all judge) worthy of the highest magistracy, if only he had always expected the highest magistracy and had never attained it; he had lived so long in a second-place condition, and it was better that he had been merely passing through life. But he, who attributed everything to Fortune, whose most immediate divinity he believed to be active in human affairs, thought that not even the final compliance with Fortune should be withheld. This is almost the end of those who do not know how to set limits to good fortune. Yet he too died, when the majesty of the highest office was shaken, and indeed when the severity of the highest senate was provoked, after the seeds of those matters had been sown, which were later expiated by the great ruin of our affairs.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET bere, ut rerum præclarè gestarum ueluti quibusdam gradibus in coelum (id quod exoptabat) hominum ore ferretur, monumentis que æternis scriptorum post mortem conderetur: is ut Aspendius ille citharistes, qui omnia sibi <Aspendius citharistes.> intus cecinisse dicitur, in libera penus amplissimæ dispensatione, sibi suis que prolixissimè frangens, publicæ opulentiæ dispendio se suos que augendos esse cum cohorte amicorum asseclarum que ratus est. Atque etiam (ô stultum hominem) libens fecit, ut orandis assentatoribus, ac supprimendis uiris doctis & grauibus, autoritatem, & extruendis insanis ac portentosis prætorijs opulentiam uanissime consumeret, illam quidem (si superis placet) <Donatiua uenialia.> ex donatiuis uenialibus exuberantem, uacationibus que diuenditis sacrosanctorum munerum. Eorum non absimulis, qui ex materia cariosa & uermuculante statuas sibi erigentes, prorogare ijs sese in æuum, sui que memoriam arbitrantur. Sic Bagoarum apud Persas immodica potentia, nihil post obitum eorum præter memoriam solam eunuthorum relinquebat. Deus immortalis, quantum interest inter hominum cogitationes, actus, & institutas. Primus ille tot ingenij dotibus instructus, in muneribus obeundis remussus & compositus (nisi si iracunda seueritas uitio ei data est) ita se in magistratu gessit, ut in eius funere summu honoris maiestas, Franciciq[ue] nominis splendor & claritas, elata fuisse uideantur: cuius rei opinionem auxit secuta rerum inclinatio. At contrà secundus incitatus & uibrans, tertius eo amplius præceps, eo maximè nomine memoriam sui rebus Gallicis inussere, quod felicitati & gloriæ Francicæ funus indixisse existimantur. Hæc est enim omnium opinio, hic sermo, quem fama tumultuosè his annis circuntulit. Cui opinioni et si iudic

Transcription: Translated (English)

B. BVD. OF ASSE AND so that his splendid deeds might, as it were by certain steps, be carried up to heaven, and that which he desired be borne by men’s mouths and be laid up after death in the eternal monuments of writers: he, like that Aspeidian citharist who is said to have played everything inwardly to himself, <Aspendius citharistes.> in the free abundance of a most ample dispensation, wasting himself and his own most lavishly, thought that he and his followers must be increased at the cost of public wealth, together with a band of friends and adherents. And indeed (O foolish man) he gladly did so, that he might vainly spend authority on flattering sycophants, and on suppressing learned and grave men, and wealth on erecting mad and monstrous praetorian quarters, that wealth, indeed (if the gods be pleased), <Donatiua uenialia.> overflowing from venal gifts, and from the selling of exemptions from the most sacred offices. Not unlike those who, setting up statues for themselves out of rotten and worm-eaten material, imagine that they thereby prolong themselves into eternity, and preserve their own memory. So too the excessive power of the Bagoae among the Persians left behind, after their death, nothing but the memory of eunuchs. Immortal God, how great is the difference between men’s thoughts, deeds, and institutions. That first man, endowed with so many gifts of intellect, somewhat restrained and composed in the discharge of duties (unless perhaps an irascible severity is to be laid to his charge), conducted himself in office in such a way that at his funeral the highest dignity, and the splendor and renown of the French name, seemed to have been lifted up; and the opinion of this was increased by the change of fortune that followed. But on the contrary the second, driven on and flashing forth, the third even more headlong, have all the more engraved upon French affairs the memory of themselves, because they are thought to have pronounced a funeral oration over the happiness and glory of France. For this is indeed everyone’s opinion, this is the talk which rumor has tumultuously spread about during these years. And although to this opinion the judg

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. sequi posse simul ut coeperint assequi uelle: & rerum sud= rum præcones Franciam, non quoslibet, sed etiam Tal= thybiadas edituram, si modò hoc principes intellexerint, priscorum regum clarissima gesta ideo in obscuro iacere, quòd rite initiatos eloquentiæ scriptores non inuenerint ipsi, nec æqualeis, nec posteros. Quum autem per litera= rum ignorantiam incuriam que hoc principibus scire uel intelligere non liceat, fit ut qualibet sublimes ipsi & ere= cti, hoc præstare nequeant, quin à recto cursu felicitatis gloriæq[ue] exorbitent. Etenim cum habenas ferè ignaris re= ctoribus committant, illi[us]; in temonem peritos admittere rarò in animum inducant: quî fieri tandem potest ut inof= fenso cursu plaudendoq[ue]; ad metam perueniant? Simul illæ res alioquin illustres infuscat deformatq[ue]; indignitas, quòd in currum sæpe assumptos huiusmodi uidemus, qui si res rectè atq[ue]; ordine procederet, pedites ipsi quidem ad frænos adambulare deberent. Vtinam autem ex eius officina quæ superius diximus, ut ex equo quondam Troiano, primo= res omnes uiri heroicis animis uisendi prodijssent. Quidam enim eorum arduos eius spiritus, & liuore auaritiam que maiores, alias que eius uirtutes non æmulati, ut est natu= ra humana docilis in sinistra, uitium illud eiusdem imitati sunt. Etenim uir ille animi nimius, admiratione summi api= cis captus, quum externarum tribuum suffragia immen= sis pollicitationibus liceri institisset, hirudines illas bello= rum ærario nostro admouisse compertus est, quæ exan= guem ipsæ rei Francicæ opulentiam suectuiugi sorptuq[ue]; reddiderunt. Olim autem elusus cum peteret ut Cæsaris candidatus, didicit uti foro, ut tempora tu[m] ferebant. Quam cupiditatem nulli non notam, ut tamen prætextu aliquo obtegeret uel perlucente, quum emissarios emerendis obseq

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART IB. OF HIM, BOOK I. to be able to follow, as soon as they begin to seek to attain it: and the heralds of their own exploits, France, not just any, but one that would even produce Talthybiadas, if only the princes understood this, that the most illustrious deeds of the ancient kings lie therefore in obscurity, because they have not found writers duly initiated in eloquence, neither among themselves, nor among their equals, nor among posterity. But since, through ignorance of letters and negligence, princes are not permitted to know or understand this, it comes about that, however lofty and exalted they may be, they cannot accomplish this, without straying from the right course of happiness and glory. For since they hand over the reins almost to ignorant rulers, they rarely bring themselves to admit skilled men to the pole; how then can it happen that they reach the goal with an unhindered and applauded course? At the same time, the worthlessness of the thing, otherwise illustrious, obscures and disfigures it, because we often see such men taken up into the chariot, who, if matters proceeded rightly and in order, ought indeed to walk on foot beside the reins. Would that, moreover, from that workshop of his, which we mentioned above, as from the once-Trojan horse, all men of heroic spirit had first come forth to be seen! For some of them, not emulating its lofty spirit and the envy and greed of greater men, and its other virtues, as human nature is apt to imitate what is evil, have copied that very fault of his. Indeed that man, ambitious beyond measure, seized by admiration of the highest summit, when he had begun to bargain for the votes of foreign tribes with immense promises, was found to have brought those leeches of war upon our treasury, which by their draining and sucking reduced the wealth of France itself to exhaustion. Once, however, when he had been outwitted and sought to become Caesar’s candidate, he learned to use the forum, as the times then demanded. That eagerness, not unknown to anyone, yet in order to cover it under some pretext, or openly, when he sent out emissaries to purchase favors

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obsequio centurijs ad capita classium dimuttere statuisset, tum demum externos admirari, & præmijs adscitos præferre nostris omni ope institit. Ex quibus internuncios, & sponsonum sequestres præproperè delegit, quosdam ita futileis, ut qui strophis maximè inclaruissent, eos ipse appositissimos transigendis negocijs arbitraetur. Nec nunc fando audita narramus. Oculis enim hanc indignitatem in Italia & in Vrbe haurire nobis contigit, cum minimè uidere putaremur quod nulli non oculato patebat: & præterea irridenteis uidebam Gallicam simplicitatem homines peracutos, qui hominum delectum habere non nossemus tum etiam quum copia ingeniorum domestica non careremus. Et nos miramur iterum nos repulsam uerticis honorum sacræ que dictaturæ tulisse? Ex eo iam tempore motorios omnes actus atque etiam turbulentos uidimus in theatro ditionis Francicæ. O beatam futuram te Francia, si intra te tantum felix esse uoluisses. Nam ex quo tempore extra fines auitos prosilire tibi uisum est, eum charissima pignora longissime amandasti, ad te nunquam reditura, tum uelut abdicatis tuis, alienis sinum pandere destinasti. Quòd si in rem atque existimationem tuam futurum uidebatur, ut ad te aut gente aut cognitione potentatus pertinenteis omni ope reposceres, idq[ue] quandò nisi Marte disceptante atque arbitro consequi nullo modo posses, uirium tuarum specimen facere extra fines oportebat: oportuerit sanè, quando quidem arduum est rebus temperare prosperis. Sed quis te superûm insensus ita præposteram egit, ut choragis pastophoris pyrrhicham saltare præclarum esse duceres? uidelicet nôdum intelligebas nec rei nec famæ tuæ ita rationem habituros, quin quo iure quaq[ue] iniuria corollarium illud bel- li asse

Transcription: Translated (English)

when he had resolved to grant favors to captains of companies, to bring in outsiders to the heads of the regiments, then at last he set himself with all his might to admire foreigners and to prefer, over our own, those admitted by rewards. Among these he too hastily chose intermediaries and brokers for matches, some so trifling that, because they had especially excelled in intrigues, he himself judged them the most suitable for arranging affairs. And we are not recounting what we have merely heard by report. For with our own eyes we had the chance to drink in this indignity in Italy and in the City, though we were thought least of all to have seen what was open to everyone with eyes: and moreover I saw, with laughter, the Gallic simplicity of men very sharp indeed, who did not know how to make a choice among men, even when we ourselves were not lacking in native abundance of talent. And do we wonder again that we were driven back from the summit of honors and the sacred dictatorship? From that time onward we have seen all sorts of restless actions and even turbulent ones in the theater of the French dominion. O France, happy would you be in the future, if only you had wished to be fortunate within yourself. For from the time when it seemed good to you to rush beyond your ancestral borders, you cast far away the dearest pledges, never to return to you, and then, as though you had disowned your own, you resolved to open your bosom to others. But if it seemed to be in your interest and to your reputation that you should demand back with all your might those belonging to you by nation or by acquaintance of power, and if you could in no way obtain this unless Mars were to decide the matter and act as arbiter, then it was necessary that you make a trial of your strength outside your borders: indeed it would have been necessary, since it is hard to govern prosperous affairs. But what hostile god so drove you to such perversity that you thought it a noble thing to dance the pyrrhic with choragus and pastophori? Clearly you did not understand that neither your interest nor your reputation would so manage the matter that, by whatever right or wrong, that little wreath of war could be obtained

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 79 li assequi conniterentur, primùm uenerandissimum (ut uo cant) & ad extremum beatissimum: nullisq[ue] cancellis iudiciorum ambitionem perditam coërceri in ijs hominibus posse, quos fretos uertice sacrosancto uidemus iudices prouocare digitis argutulis. Verùm ille primore impe= tu retroactus, quum ui maiore rem aggredi statuisset, o= mnes'que iam tribus aut laturus aut ablaturus uideretur (& erat tum Argyrassidum cohorte succinctus, præter alas obequitantes) ibi tum repente (ô lubricum gradum felicitatis) à fortuna destitutus, uel ijs potius plagis indu= tus (ut est mens cæca mortalium) quas ipse texuerat, an= xietati animi par esse non potuit, ut multi opinantur. de= prehensa enim felicitas citò curis grauioribus angenti= busq[ue] succubuit, quarum insolens erat. Hic & alter im= matura morte rapti, hoc lucri fecisse dicuntur, ne actuum suorum catastrophen uiderent patriæ luctuosam. Vtinam autem eius sequaces, quorum ad stomachum Gallica non facit oratio, non magis Italiam quàm Italos adamarent, aut certe Italicam doctrinam cum Italia: literæ (ut opi= nor) bonæ ex Italia non modò ad nos uenissent, sed etiam propemodum in Franciam commigrassent, & iam Fran= ci homines essent capaces eloquentiæ. Sed quotocuique unquam in Francia stipendium datum est duntaxat non pudendum? Amicos ipse ex Italia habui, à quibus non sine lacrymis diuulsus sum, quum prouincia paucorum crimine ingrata facessere se dicerent. Neque uerò, ne= que inquam Gallorum ingenia ad literas perdiscendas sunt inepta: sed quia literæ lautiores nihil ad rem am= pliandam patrimonia que factitanda hodie pertinere no= scuntur, elegantiæ suæ frugem hominibus quæstuarijs atque ambitiosis approbare nequeût. Rem autem facere, quàm Digitos argu- tos & crepitâ- tes præferre so lent ij qui de- spicari se di- citant. Alæ sunt equi tes Franci qui- bus ille tû erat comitatus.

Transcription: Translated (English)

…they endeavored to attain, first to the most venerable (as they call him) and in the end to the most blessed: and that no barriers of judgment could restrain ambition once ruined in those men, whom we see, relying on their most sacred head, provoking judges with nimble fingers. But he, driven back by the first impulse, when he had resolved to press the matter with greater force, and seemed now either to bring or to take away all things by tribes, and was then girded with the cohort of the Argyrassidae, besides the horsemen riding about, there then suddenly — O slippery step of fortune! — abandoned by fortune, or rather clothed in those blows which he himself had woven (as is the blind mind of mortals), he could not bear the anguish of his mind, as many think. For happiness, once discovered, quickly succumbed to heavier and more pressing cares, to which he was unaccustomed. Here too, another seized by untimely death, is said to have gained this benefit, that he might not see the catastrophic ending of his deeds, mournful to his native land. Would that his followers, whose French speech is not to the stomach, did not love Italy more than the Italians, or at least Italian learning together with Italy: good letters, I think, would not only have come to us from Italy, but would almost have migrated into France, and the French would already have become capable of eloquence. But to how many, ever, has an honorable stipend been given in France? I myself had friends from Italy, from whom I was parted not without tears, when they said that, through the fault of a few, the province was ungrateful and that they were leaving. Nor indeed, I say, are the minds of the French unsuited to the study of letters; but because more refined letters are now known to contribute nothing to the increase of wealth and the making of fortunes, they cannot commend the fruit of their elegance to men who are concerned with gain and ambition. But to act in business, rather than to display nimble fingers and snap of the fingers is what those are accustomed to do who say they are despised. Digitos argu-tos & crepitâ-tes præferre so-lent ij qui de-spicari se di-citant. Alæ sunt equi-tes Franci qui-bus ille tû erat comitatus.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quàm res gerere, aut gestas res scribere, maioris multo artificij, magisq; expetendi, apud nos esse creditur. Quò igitur tantopere Italos, si non ad eruditionem Gallorum? At res ipsa clamitare uidetur, non Italicam doctrinam ex Italia, sed commoda, sed ornamenta, sed quod dicere nunc mussito, paucis hominibus quæri, quorum hianti cupiditati fortuna quamuis profusa satisfacere nequit. Habeant illi sanè sibi omnia, quod absque captione nostra fiat: abstineant modò uerborum contumelia, & alium prætextum consilijs suis inueniant. Sed quàm præclarè natura, quæ simulationi sedem in fronte, sermoni in ore dedit, conspicuo ut in loco diu fallere ne possent. fit enim perrarò, frons ut ita sermoni subseruiat, aut uerba fronti congruant, quin malè tandem conscia mens quoquo modo prodatur. Scitum etiam illud aiunt, diu neminem personam ferre posse. Verumenimuero quandò ad cardinem huius causæ peruenisse me sentio, atque ad id aperiendum quod in aliud tempus reseruandum esse duxi, uel la iam querelæ mihi contrahenda sunt. Qua de re enim agitur, explicare amplius non statui. Ignosci autem dolori nostro (cui nonnihil datum esse non nego) ab omnibus æquum est, qui uel patriæ iusta charitate ducuntur, uel quos omnino non poenitet quantum in literis discendo prosecerint, uel certè qui ingeniosos liberos sperant sese genuisse, olim'que gentem illustraturos. Ego'ne ut patriæ, quæ me genuit, quæ me aluit, quæ me utcunque do cuit, denique cui obsides liberos dedi, ignominia affectæ, non condolescerem? non ijs natalibus ortus sum. Calumniam passæ, non patrocinium qualecunque præstarem? haud ita ad hæc studia incubuisse uisus sum. Imò uerò quum in patria literas didicerim, non actione populari pot

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET It is believed among us that to conduct affairs, or to write about affairs already conducted, is a much greater art, and much more to be sought after. Why then is there such enthusiasm for the Italians, if not for the education of the French? But the thing itself seems to cry out that they do not seek Italian learning from Italy, but advantages, but ornaments, but what I now mutter, from a few men, whose gaping greed fortune, though lavishly poured out, cannot satisfy. Let them keep everything for themselves, provided it is done without our being deceived: let them only refrain from insulting words, and find some other pretext for their plans. But how splendidly nature, which has given simulation a place in the brow, speech in the mouth, has arranged things, so that in such a conspicuous place they could not deceive for long. For it very rarely happens that the brow so serves speech, or words agree with the brow, without the guilty mind at last being betrayed in some way or other. That clever saying too, they say, is true: no one can long play a part. But indeed, when I feel that I have come to the very hinge of this matter, and to the point which I judged ought to be reserved for another time to be explained, I must now even gather up my complaint. For what matter is at issue, I have not determined to explain further. Yet it is right that our sorrow should be pardoned by all— and I do not deny that some measure of it has been given—by those who are led either by a due love of their country, or by those who do not regret at all how much they have advanced by studying letters, or certainly by those who hope that they have begotten talented children, who will one day bring honor to the nation. Could I not sympathize with the disgrace of the fatherland, which bore me, which nourished me, which in some way educated me, in the end to which I gave my children as hostages? Was I not born of such a lineage. If she had suffered calumny, should I not render some sort of defense? I do not seem to have devoted myself to these studies in vain. Indeed, since I learned letters in my country, not by popular action could I

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 81 potissimùm experirer an usui patriæ & ciuibus esse pos= sem? Eequæ autem tandem popularior esse potest actio, quàm quæ suum populi ius tuetur? quæ ignomuniam po= pularem singulorumq[ue] propulsat? E quidem sic contendo: qui ingenuis ipse parentibus natus sit, auumq[ue]; ac pro= duum ciere non ignobilissimos possit, nec se in seruitutem aliquando abduci à plagarijs hominibus passus sit, ut in= ter uenalitios in catasta illiberalis obseruantiæ seruili pre cio indicaretur, idemq[ue]; ijs ornamentis quæ nec uirtute nec ingenio, sed potentibus in aula supparasitando quæ= runtur, literarum studium antiquius duxerit, si nec aduer sa Minerua hoc se facere confidat, dicendiq[ue]; stipendia non grauetur implere: illustrandi quoquo modo nominis sui ius ei esse debere, si quid ipse fortasse in medium com= minisci & prosequi stylo possit: neque ea spe illum pro= hiberi citra iniuriam posse. Hoc ius sit sanè Italorum ci= uile aut proprium, modò nobis co uelut traslatitio liceat uti: quanquam reliquæ ferè gentes melius de se meritæ, id ius non magis Italicum esse quàm provinciale contendu[n]t. At Italorum extant opera quæ priscam literarum elegan tiam instaurasse nobis ac retulisse iure creduntur. Quid tum? num per eos qui iam scripserunt, consumptum o= mne argumentum ostentandi ingenij putamus? aut num Itali quia primi hoc certamen instituerunt, ideo solis eis gloriam hanc sperare iure occupationis licet? Ego uerò quod ad hoc pertinet, sic propemodum censeo, Italos hæ= ctenus meruisse ut iure (ut ita dicam) suo, literis lautiori= bus studere uideantur, neque inuitus fecerim ut Italiæ alu= mnis uelut maiorum gentium scriptoribus sedendi in or= chestra huius theatri ius tribuam: sed quis iam omni gra= du atque in quintam classem deiectos aut summotos Gal= f los

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 81 I would rather test whether I might be able to be of use to my country and fellow citizens. For what action could be more popular than that which defends the people’s own right? Which drives away the public disgrace and that of individuals? Indeed, I contend thus: that a man who himself was born of freeborn parents, and can call to witness his grandfather and great-grandfather, neither of them ignoble, and who has never allowed himself at any time to be dragged into slavery by ruffians, so that among slaves for sale on the auction block he should be exposed at a base price for servile observance, and who has held literary study more dear than those ornaments which are sought not by virtue or talent, but by fawning on the powerful at court, if he feels confident that he can do this without adverse Minerva, and is not reluctant to carry out the duties of speaking: that he ought to have the right, by whatever means, to make his name illustrious, if he himself perhaps can contribute and follow up something in the middle of the matter with his pen; and that he cannot be prevented from this hope without injustice. Let this right surely be the civil or proper right of the Italians, provided we too are allowed to use it as something transferred to us; though the other nations, having in general been better treated by him, contend that this right is no more Italian than provincial. Yet there exist Italian works which are rightly believed to have restored and brought back to us the ancient elegance of letters. What then? Do we think that all opportunity of displaying talent has been exhausted by those who have already written? Or do we think that because the Italians first established this contest, therefore they alone may rightly hope for this glory by right of prior occupation? I, indeed, so far as this matter is concerned, am of the opinion that the Italians have thus far deserved that, by their own right, so to speak, they should seem to devote themselves to more polished literature, and I would not be unwilling to grant the sons of Italy the right to take their seats in the orchestra of this theater as if they were writers of the greater nations; but who would now… all rank having been cast down or removed into the fifth class, the Gauls…

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET los esse patiatur? aut quisnam est eorum qui edicto quidem ignauioris metus non prohibeantur postulare, quidq[ue] iniuriaru[m] possint reos uel in tyrocinio quoquo modo insimulare, qui libens hoc committat, ut ad se delatam certis autoribus contumeliam, transmittens silentio, socordi etiam animo remisisse uideatur? tametsi quod ad me pertinet, absit ut quenquam ea dereum deferre uelim aut postulare, eorum quidem quos alijs nominibus & ueneror & probo, si tamen secum agi ciuili animo pati sibi persuascent. Nec nunc eos mihi uideor postulare, sed insignem iniuriam apud eos ipsos expostulare: si quidem audire ipsis uacat, & exaudire nos possunt. Verum esto (quod tamen pace dictum aliarum prouinciarum uelim) Itali hominum soli hactenus hoc nomine in cælo esse dicuntur aliarum gentium opinione, hoc est enim Italos hodie omnium ore celebrari: sed si Herculem & Liberum & Castores in cælum ingentia merita subuexisse traduntur, cur non possint olim & alij scribendi industria parem & simulem Italis laudem mereri, atque adeò ius ipsum sperare Quiritium? Neque enim maiorum illi dij gentium, quos etiam selectos antiqui uocauere, conscriptos illos deos meritorum suffragijs in cælum admuscere: Itali in doctorum ordinem laudem que adoptare grauabuntur, qui ingenij aut doctrinæ commendatione uidebuntur inclaruisse. Sed etiam mediusfidius etiam que uereor ne ineptire uidear, qui tanquam ad palum magno sudore depugnem. Quis enim aut Italus aut alius quenquam unquam aut Gallum, aut alium ex iure manu consertum uocauit ob id quòd hanc spem laudis usurpasse diceretur, quasi in alienam possessionem temerarius inuasisset? Nostrum est hoc crimen, qui etiam nullo

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET will he endure? Or who is there among them who, though the edict forbids it only with a lessening of fear, would not lay charges, and who, with whatever injuries they may be able, even in the mere beginning, to accuse the defendants in some fashion, would willingly commit this act, so that the insult, brought to him by certain authors, seems to have been passed over in silence and even neglected with a careless mind? Although, as far as I am concerned, let it be far from me to wish to bring charges against anyone on that account, or to make such a complaint, at least against those whom I both respect and approve for other reasons, if indeed they are persuaded to endure being dealt with in a civil spirit. Nor do I now seem to me to be accusing them, but rather to be laying before them themselves a notable injury: if indeed they have leisure to hear, and can hear us. But let it be so—though I would say this with the peace of the other provinces—that Italians alone are said up to now to be in heaven by the opinion of other peoples in this respect; for this is what it means today for Italians to be celebrated on everyone’s lips. But if Hercules and Liber and the Castors are said to have carried up to heaven great merits, why could not others someday, through the industry of writing, deserve an equal and similar praise with the Italians, and even hope for the right of the Quirites itself? For those gods of the nations, whom the ancients even called the select ones, did not have those enrolled gods admitted to heaven by votes of merit: will the Italians refuse to adopt into the ranks of the learned both praise and honor, men who seem to have become distinguished by talent or learning? But also, by Heaven, I even fear that I may seem to be talking nonsense, as though I were fighting at a post with great sweat. For who ever, whether Italian or anyone else, ever called anyone, whether Gaul or another, to a legal contest by hand, on the ground that he was said to have claimed this hope of praise, as though he had rashly invaded another’s possession? This accusation is ours, we who even without any

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 83 nullo uindicante, ius omnibus commune, Francis ab iudicamus etenim externis quàm nostris iustioribus utimur, quos tamen ut iudices iniquos, ita minimè infestos aduersarios in re ipsa disceptanda experiemur, ut spero. Nam quibus ingenia nostra probare non possumus, si in certamen dicendi ueniretur, ij ne uelitari quidem & lacessere pugnam Latino more, nedum pugnare iuslo Marte possent ac certamine: nisi si eorum fortasse quispiam bastas (ut dicitur) amentatas à comutatu suo mutuaretur. quo minus nobis anxiè hæc causa agenda fuit. Apud hos enim si quid uel scitum dixeris uel non insulsum, stupida id aure ut fatuum deuorant & transmittunt. Enimuero hæc actio etsi ita mihi competit quasi caput & fortunas meas, ut & omnium Gallorum, in ea agi putem: tamen ita occupaui, non ut cupidè anteuarterim, sed ita res nata tulit, primæ ut essent meæ partes, non etiam ut posthac amplissimæ futuræ. Erat & alioquin, si cuiusquam, certè meum, in hanc causam quoquo modo descendere, qui in his studijs bonam partem ætatis iam contruiissem, nullius spe aucupij lucriq[ue] prouocatus. Proinde ita existimari ab omnibus uelim, tantumnon integram à me causam relictam esse successoribus, ut ne libatu quidem magnoperere præflorata uideatur. Nam neque mihi ipsi ita præscribi potest, quasi omnem aquam meam dicendo consumperim, ut si reos eosdem, aut alios repetere olim in mentem ipsi uenerit, non multæ iterum horæ indulgeri mihi debeant. Cum enim sic agendum duxi, ne rei cardinem attingerem, tum verò sic temperandum, ne iugulum causæ quoquo modo peterem. nam quos & merita & fasces alioquin reuerendos faciunt, eorum sartam (ut aiunt) & tectam esse existimationem decebat. Tametsi quî fieri potest f 2

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART I. BOOK I. 83 with no one to defend it, common justice for all, with the French we are judged indeed by foreigners more than by our own; and yet we shall experience them, I hope, not as unjust judges, but at least not as hostile adversaries in the actual discussion of the matter. For since we cannot prove our abilities to those if it came to a contest in speaking, they could not even skirmish or provoke battle in the Latin way, much less fight in a proper contest and struggle—unless perhaps if some one of them were to borrow as it were the spear with thongs from his own saddle. For which reason I had to conduct this case anxiously. For among these men, if you say anything either learned or not foolish, they swallow it with a dull ear as though it were nonsense and pass it by. Truly, although this undertaking belongs to me as much as my head and fortunes, so that I think I am pleading also in that of all the French, yet I have so arranged it, not to forestall eagerly, but as the matter itself has turned out, that the first parts should be mine, and not also that the most ample would be mine hereafter. It was moreover, if anyone’s, certainly mine, to go down into this cause in whatever way, I who had already spent a good part of my life in these studies, provoked by no hope of profit or gain. Therefore I would have it thought by all that I have left the case almost intact to my successors, so that it does not even seem greatly overblown by the first tasting. For it cannot even be prescribed to me myself, as though I had consumed all my water in speaking, that if it should ever occur to myself to take up the same defendants, or others, I ought not to be granted many hours again. For when I judged that this must be done, so as not to touch the hinge of the case, then indeed I had to be so restrained as not to strike at the throat of the case in any way. For those whom both their merits and their offices make worthy of reverence, it was fitting that their reputation be kept sound and intact, as they say. And yet how can this be? f 2

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET potest ut styli modum teneas, qui etiam hominum patientia irritati, nihil sibi uidentur reliqui fecisse (in hac re quidem) quo nocentiores fiant? Quotus autem quisque faceret, ut à quibus alioquin læsus, publico etiam nonunè iniuria affectus esset, nec se hilum prosecisse modestia ac silentio intellexisset, ab ijs gratiam inire turpi patientia cuperet? atque iniuriam propulsare quum posset, commodis ipse suis potius quàm existimationi patriæ consulendum esse duceret? Equidem ipse eousque Aristippeus esse non possim. Proinde ut sit penes eos arbitrium quo quisque in numero in Francia esse debeat: malum tamen non nescios literarum oderint quàm despiciant. Quid enim agas ubi tute aquam fluere tibi noris, & aut crimen agnoscere, aut respondere cogaris? Atque equidem propè est ut dicam tanti esse in Gyarum ablegari, aut in Scryphum, dum aculeo dimusso libertas intereat. Qui si indignatione iusta orationis meæ uela implere uoluissem: re rum dicendarum copia facundum me fortasse, ut quemlibet, indignitas etiam reddere uehementè potuisset. Quin & libertatis fines bono & populari principe tam latè patêre quàm ueritatis puto: intra quos tanquam intra liberius præscriptum expatiari licebat, nisi reorum magis quàm rei rationem nuhi habendam esse meminissem. Nec uerò fortuna quamlibet improba tanta se flagrare inuidia diutius sustinebit, tantam ut in magnis uiris iniquitatem fauore immodico prosequi non desinat, si illi in posterum incommodi ac molesti esse pergant. Aderit enim aderit uotis euocata Nemesis: cui animaduersionem eorum antiqui consecrantes, qui rebus secundis insolescunt, Adrastian cognom[m]eto quasi ineuitabilem uocauerunt. Interim nos æquitate animi fretos, suaui secundarum rerum aduersa

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET could you keep to the proper style, when even those irritated by men’s patience seem to themselves to have left nothing undone, in this matter at least, by which they may become more harmful? And how many people, after being wronged by those from whom they had otherwise suffered injury, even publicly, would, if they did not feel that they had gained nothing by modesty and silence, wish to win their favor by disgraceful patience? And when he could ward off the injury, would he rather think that his own interests should be consulted than his reputation and that of his country? For my part, I could not go so far as to be Aristippean. Therefore let judgment rest with those by whose authority each person in France ought to be counted; yet let them hate, rather than despise, those who are not ignorant of letters. For what are you to do when you know that water is flowing on your side, and are compelled either to admit the charge or to answer it? And indeed I am nearly inclined to say that it is as good to be banished to Gyaros or to Scyphum, so long as freedom does not perish once the sting is drawn. If I had wished to fill the sails of my speech with just indignation, the abundance of things to be said might perhaps have made me eloquent, even vehement enough to overwhelm anyone with the indignity itself. Moreover, I think that the limits of freedom under a good and popular prince are as broad as those of truth; within them one may rove, as within a freer marked-out space, unless I had remembered that the account to be rendered should be of the accused rather than of the cause. Nor indeed will fortune, however wicked, long endure to blaze with such envy, so as not to cease pursuing great men with excessive favor if they continue afterward to be troublesome and burdensome. For Nemesis, summoned by vows, will be there, will be there; and the ancients, consecrating punishment against those who grow insolent in prosperity, called her Adrastia, as though she were unavoidable. Meanwhile, trusting in the fairness of mind, the sweet things of prosperity

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aduersarumq[ue] condimento deuoratas omneis indignitates concoquere oportebit, nec à laudabili uitæ instituto hominum iniquitate aut temporum absistere. Huiusmodi enim stomacho eos esse conuenit, qui ad literarum studia amore sapientiæ, non quæstus gratia incubuisse se dicunt. Quippe huius uitæ in seipso uersatur institutum: nec aliud extra se inuitamentu[m] maius habere potest, quod quidem ab hominibus pendeat, aut à fortuna. Is quidem certè studiosi nomine indignus est, qui sese frui in studio non arbitratur optabilius esse, quàm se in ius ditionemq[ue] fortunæ atque istorum per ambitum permuttere. Proinde hæc et huiuscemodi non Catonis animo (ut aiunt) sed Ciceronis stomacho ferenda sunt. Ita autem mihi superos omneis propitios esse uelim (nulla enim religione maiore adstringere fidem meam possum) ut rerum indignitate[m], non cuiusqua[m] odio incensus, hactenus stylo indulsi. Quare in primis eam mentem potentibus atque autoritate præditis dari opto, ut in uniuersum prodesse uelint, ac singulus non obesse. Nihil enim nec generosius uelle nec innocentius possunt. Sin (quod absit) id fieri nequit, id nobis diuinitus dari, ut aut ne possint studijs nostris incommodare, aut certè incommodando ne possint nos ab æquanimitatis gradu quoquo modo deturbare, in quo hactenus securitate felices acquieuimus. Erit tamen aliquando (interim enim ariolari iuuat) principum prouidentiæ, cauere, ne eorum nomina factiose supprimantur, qui publicè aut honorifici aut utiles esse possunt: et prudentiæ, uidere, siquæ famuliæ ciuile fastigium præpetes excesserint, ut in classes, circuncisis (ut dicunt) aliis, in ordinesque redigantur. Nunc perorationis loco ingenia Gallorum qualia sint, antiquitatis autoritate docebimus, solertis

Transcription: Translated (English)

It will be necessary to digest all indignities, as it were swallowed with an antidote against adverse things, and not to depart from the praiseworthy plan of life because of human injustice or the times. For such is the temperament fitting for those who say that they have devoted themselves to the study of letters for the love of wisdom, not for the sake of gain. Indeed, the purpose of this life turns within itself; nor can it have any greater inducement outside itself, whether it depends on men or on fortune. Surely he is unworthy of the name of student, who does not think it preferable to enjoy himself in study than to place himself under the law and dominion of fortune and of those men through ambition. Therefore, such things and the like must be endured not with the spirit of Cato, as they say, but with the stomach of Cicero. And so I should wish that the gods above may be favorable to me in every way—for I can bind my faith by no greater religion—so that I have indulged my pen thus far, not inflamed by hatred of anyone, but by the indignity of the matter. Wherefore, above all, I desire that this disposition be granted to those who are powerful and endowed with authority: that they wish to benefit all in general, and not to harm any one in particular. For they can wish nothing more generous, nor anything more innocent. But if, which God forbid, this cannot be done, may this be divinely granted us: either that they may be unable to inconvenience our studies, or certainly, by causing inconvenience, may they not be able to cast us down in any way from that level of equanimity in which we have so far happily rested in security. Yet there will be a time, perhaps, when it will be the concern of princes’ foresight—while meanwhile it is pleasant to speculate—to see to it that the names of those who can be publicly honorable or useful are not factionally suppressed; and it will be the task of prudence to see whether, if any of the household have overstepped the civic summit in eager haste, they may be reduced into classes and orders, with the others, as they say, cut off. Now, in place of a peroration, we shall show what the talents of the French are like, by the authority of antiquity, of the skillful

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET solertis æstimatricis ingeniorum gentium: ne Gallomæstiges Franci ninium posthac sibi placeant, quasi soli inter nescios iudicio præditi. Quo citius autem hoc documento perfungar, unum tantum eiusrei autorem laudabo, nec Italum ipsum, nec Gallum, et classicum alioqui testem, ne à quoquam refelli tantum elogium possit. is erit <Strabo.> potissimum Strabo, genere Cappadox, eruditione Græcus, iudicio priscus, conuersatione incolatuq[ue] Romanus, terrarum multarum peragror, ut ex geographia eius patet: in cuius libro I I I I. de Gallis loquens ita inquit, < Gallorum elo gium.> tò sè siumpan phulon [n]o[n] nu[m]m[er]a phallikonthe n[ost]ra phalakon phalæon, phalma[n]douthe [n]o[n] si n[ost]ra thumikon, n[ost]ra ta[n]ch[us] ph[ilosoph]os ma[n]ch[rist]us, a[n]n[im]losa a[n]n[im]plæu[m] n[ost]ra [n]o[n] [n]o[n] phalou[n]thes. Dià t[er]tio erethiæntes n[ost]ro, a[n]n[im]f[ic]i sviæs ph[ilosoph]os t[ame]ns a[n]n[im]æu[n]as, n[ost]ra phænêr[um]s, n[ost]r[um] [n]o[n] meta s[ive]fæws. Vniuer sa autem, inquit, natio eorum hominum qui Galli n[ost]uc et Galatæ appellantur, Martis studio flagrâs, animo est strenuo et celeri ad conserenda præliæ: alioqui mente candida et simplici, et ab improbis moribus abhorrente. Itaq[ue] iniuria lacesiti, conferti coëunt in certamina, apertè, nulloq[ue] periculi adeundi respectu. eam ob rem tractabiles se præbent primo cuique stratagemate uincere eos uolenti. Idem inferius, πλω ιλιας n[ost]ra πόλυντα [n]o[n] [n]o[n] εχοντες ἀσωανωνισομων. παραφαίντες δὲ συμαρ[μ]ως ενδιαστι ph[ilosoph]os ἀχησιων. [n]o[n] sè n[ost]ra παίδιας απ[er]εαδὴ n[ost]ra λόγων. Præter uim et præ sentia animi nihil ad certamina adhibentes. Quòd si quid temere susceperint, facilè utilitati cedunt. ob quod et doctrinæ institutione[m], et literaru[m] studia capessunt. Et rursus de gymnasio Massiliensi, εν δὲ τῶν παροντικὴ τὰς γνωμοπάτες ὑμαιων αυτὶ τὰς αθήνας αδοσμιας εκείσε φοιτὰριοι φιλεμασθεῖς ὑντας. ὑφ[ι]ντες δὲ πούτος δι γαλάται, n[ost]ra αμα εἰρηλω ἀχοντες, πλω ἀχολιω ἀσωμων ph[ilosoph]os t[ame]ns ιειστον ζιας, [ν]o[n] απ[er]

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET of the ingenious appraiser of nations: so that the Gallo-maestic Franks may no longer flatter themselves, as though they alone among the unknowing were endowed with judgment. But that I may get through this proof as quickly as possible, I shall praise only one author on this point, and not an Italian himself, nor a Gaul, and, moreover, a classical witness, so that such a commendation may not be refuted by anyone. He shall be <Strabo.> above all Strabo, a Cappadocian by birth, Greek by education, Roman in judgment, residence, and way of life, a traveler through many lands, as his Geography shows: in the fourth book, speaking of the Gauls, he says thus: <Praise of the Gauls.> [Greek text omitted/garbled in source] The universal nation of those men who are called Gauls and Galatae burns with a passion for Mars, and is spirited and quick to engage in battle; otherwise it is of a candid and simple mind, and averse to wicked habits. Thus, when wronged, they gather together in crowds for combat, openly, and with no regard for the danger of approaching it. For this reason they are easily handled by anyone who wishes to overcome them by stratagem. The same author later says: [Greek text omitted/garbled in source]. They bring to contests nothing but force and presence of mind. And if they undertake anything rashly, they readily yield to what is useful. For which reason they also take up instruction in doctrine and the study of letters. And again, concerning the gymnasium of Massilia: [Greek text omitted/garbled in source].

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 87 ἐπικτὴν ἀνδρὰς μόνον, ἀλλὰ ἡμιμοσία. ὑφισὰς γοῦν ἀποδιχον= ται, τὰς μὴ ἰδια, τὰς δὲ πόλδα κεινὴ μιδοῦμαιοι, καθάπερ καὶ κατροῦς. Hæc autem Massiliensium institutio, Romanoru[m] hodie nobilissimum quemque pellexit adeò, ut pro peregrinatione quam studiorum causa Athenas pridem suscipiebant disciplinarum cupidi, nunc illuc se co[n]serant. quorum æmulatio Gallos quoque excitauit, ut pace per Galliam composita, ipsi ocium à rebus bellicis amplectentes, ad discendi institutum animum appellerent, non uiritim modo, sed etiam uniuersim per urbes: quippe qui dicendi magistros (quos Sophistas appellant) priuato publi= co'que impendio oppidatim suscipiant, salarium illis sta= tuentes perinde ac medicis. Nec literas Gallis Strabo, nec animum studijs liberalibus aptum promptum'que negat, etiam si eis ad prælia animos gestientes tribuat. Quanto igitur nostri maligniores, qui Francos præcipuam Gallo rum partem in orbem barbariæ redigentes, studiosorum industriæ summussim obtrectant? fidem apud uulgus co= mitatus regij facientes, quod ne nomina quidem disciplinarum unquam suspicari potuit. Quòd si olim Galli literis apti fuerunt, quæ tandem inuidia est, nunc quoque in Gallia literarum bonarum studium cum successu excitari, si quidem publicè nunc honos facundiæ ut quondam habeatur? Nisi uerò Strabonis ætate, quo tempore hominem deus induit, fieri id potuit, Gallis adhuc semiferis: id nunc non poterit, quo tempore gens nulla moribus aut mansuetioribus aut elegantioribus uiuit. Quibus si ipsis disciplinarum expolitio, & naturæ præstantis condimentum adderetur, undiq[ue] certè & lauti Franci & perpoliti fuissent. Ex illo autem prisco Galliarum instituto emanauit illud satyrici poëtæ, f 4 Gallia

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 87 not only for men of standing, but also for half-trained men. Accordingly, those who are initiated are set apart, not the private ones, but those who are publicly received, as it were, and so on, just as in the case of the catruli. But this institution of the Massilians has so attracted today the noblest of the Romans that, in place of the journey to Athens which students eager for learning used formerly to undertake for the sake of study, they now repair there. Their rivalry has also stirred up the Gauls, so that, peace having been established throughout Gaul, they themselves, embracing leisure in place of warfare, turned their minds to the pursuit of learning, not only individually, but even collectively through the cities; for they support the teachers of speaking (whom they call Sophists) at private and public expense from town to town, assigning them salaries just as they do physicians. Strabo denies neither letters to the Gauls nor a mind prompt and suited to liberal studies, even if he grants them spirits eager for battle. How much more malicious, then, are our own writers, who, making the Franks—the principal part of the Gauls—sink back into the world of barbarism, utterly disparage the industry of students? They gain credit with the common people through courtly flattery, when they could not even have suspected the names of the disciplines. But if the Gauls of old were suited to learning, what envy is it that now also in Gaul the study of the good arts may be successfully encouraged, especially since public honor is now accorded to eloquence, as once it was? Unless indeed in Strabo’s age, when God had not yet taken human form, this could have happened among the Gauls, while they were still half-savage: now it cannot, when no people lives with manners either more gentle or more refined. If only the polish of learning, and the seasoning of an excellent nature, were added to them, then surely the Franks would be elegant and highly polished in every respect. From that ancient custom of the Gauls there also came the saying of the satirical poet, f 4 Gallia

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Gallia causidicos docuit facunda Britannos. Galli olim facu[n]di[us] studiosi. Notum est etiam certam Græcæ Latinæq[ue] facundiæ Lu= gduni olim institutum ad aram diuo Augusto consecratâ: ad quam idem Satyricus alludens in 1. Satyra inquit, Aut Lugdunensem rhetor dicturus ad aram. Proinde nunc quum totus Graias Latiasq[ue] habet orbis Athenas, digna tantum merces artibus statuatur, & spon debo non modò oratoriam & poëticam in Galliam, sed etiam Gallo græciam postliminio redituram, & istos futu ros ridiculos, qui nullum exemplum esse contendunt hominis Franci in literis Latinis priscisq[ue] eruditi. Qui si= quando quis existat utraq[ue] lingua se scire profitens, Anacharsin (ut opinor) in Scythia esse dicent, aut etiam prodigiosum, indictis que supplicationibus procurandum & expiandum. Hos uix statuas utrum ignorantiæ damnes, an potius temeritatis, qui se nobis Aristarchos tam fiden= ter ingerant. Quis enim præter eos ignorat linguæ olim Græcæ studium tam solene in Gallia fuisse, quàm nunc est linguæ Latinæ? Cuius rei iterum eundem autorem citabimus, his uerbis de Massilia scribentem, καὶ φιλήμωνας κα= πεσκοβασε τῶς γαλάτως, ὑπὲ τὴ συμβολαια ἐπιλωσι γα= φην. Eadem urbs Massilia Gallos linguæ Græcæ studio= sos fecit, & eousque amantes, ut contractus & conuen= ta apud eos Græco sermone concipiantur. Hæc Strabo autor grauissimus de maioribus nostris scripsit. Quòd igi tur nec eloquentia nec studia elegantiora atque humaniora in Gallia hactenus celebrata magnopere fuerunt: nec coelo imputari clementissimo, nec naturæ omnino Gallicæ eidemq[ue] humanissimæ debet, sed quorundam hominum ru= sticitati, aut potius iniquitati, qui primos ordines in rerum nostrarum administratione duxerunt: eorumq[ue] qui hoc dicunt

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Gallia taught eloquent Britons to be eloquent. The Gauls were once most devoted to eloquence. It is also well known that a certain institution of Greek and Latin eloquence was formerly established at Lyons, at the altar consecrated to the divine Augustus: and alluding to this the same Satirist says in the first Satire, Or like a rhetorician about to speak at the altar of Lyons. Therefore, now that the whole world has Athenss of Greek and Latin, let only a worthy reward be assigned to the arts; and I will promise not only that oratory and poetry will return to Gaul, but also that Greece will return to Gaul by right of postliminy, and that those will be ridiculous who contend that there is no example of a Frenchman learned in ancient Latin letters. If ever anyone should arise professing to know both languages, they will say that Anacharsis is, as I think, in Scythia, or even that this is a prodigy, to be averted and expiated by appointed public supplications. You can scarcely tell whether to condemn such men for ignorance or rather for rashness, since they so confidently thrust themselves upon us as Aristarchi. For who, except them, does not know that devotion to the Greek language was once as customary in Gaul as devotion to the Latin language is now? For this point we shall again cite the same author, who writes these words about Marseilles: καὶ φιλήμωνας καπεσκοβασε τῶς γαλάτως, ὑπὲ τὴ συμβολαια ἐπιλωσι γαφην. That same city of Marseilles made the Gauls devoted to the study of the Greek language, and so much so that contracts and agreements among them were drawn up in the Greek tongue. Strabo, a most authoritative writer, wrote this about our ancestors. Since, then, neither eloquence nor more refined and humane studies have hitherto been greatly cultivated in Gaul; this is to be attributed neither to the climate, which is most kindly, nor wholly to the Gallic nature, which is likewise most humane, but to the rusticity of certain men, or rather to the injustice of those who have held the first ranks in the administration of our affairs; and of those who say this

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 89 dicunt, ignorantiæ, uel (ut Græci appellant) apirocaliæ, < Apirocalia.> quod uitium est eorum qui nec bona sua nouerunt, nec eo rum usu acquiescût, qui scrijs in rebus operam bonam ac strenuam nauare didicerunt. Neque uerò quo nonune appellem, nunc habeo, quibus nihil non accersitum placet: nisi si mirari non debemus ijs omnia uernacula sordere, quos Transalpina commercia nimiu[m] iuuare fama est, nec iuuare tantum, sed etiam adiuuare. Habet nimirum quippiam externorum admiratio, quòd nec fronte promi uidetur, nec ore ab istis laudando fascinantibus: quod utinam in rem tandem nostram atque existimationem exeat. Cæterùm illi mihi uehementer falli uidentur opinione, qui cordatos uiros in Gallia ideo desiderari putant, quòd innata in arma alacritas, parum prudentiæ in consilijs agitandis habeat. Hoc quum uulgò nostrates homines dicunt, euenta rerum considerantes, tum dogma iam esse coept ab eadem secta cum superiore constitutum. utruncq[ue] enim adstruere maximè refert eorum. Quasi uerò naturæ dissidium inter cor & manus ingenerarit. Ego uerò in utranque partem uires animorum ualere puto, quum rectè animi ipsi formantur doctrina & institutis, & præsertim in ijs gentibus, quæ naturæ plena dote præditæ, & corpora & mentes ad omnia uersatiles habent: cuius rei quum Gallis Strabo testimonium præbet, tum usus ipse docet. Argumentum huius rei ualidissimum afferre possem ex Græcorum Romanorum que imperio. nam & Macedones inter Græcos adnumero. Vtrunque autem imperium non minus animis excolendis, quàm corporibus exercendis quæsitum est, & retentum. quippe idem numen Palladis & Mineruæ, & Martios animos loricatis pectoribus, & togatis præcordijs aut palliatis uim iudican= f 5 dicen

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 89 they call ignorance, or, as the Greeks call it, apirocalia, < Apirocalia.> which is the fault of those who have known neither their own good things, nor found satisfaction in the use of those things, who have learned to exert a good and vigorous effort in literary pursuits. Nor indeed do I now have by what name I should call those to whom nothing not imported pleases: unless we are not to wonder that all things native seem sordid to those whom Transalpine commerce is said to please excessively, and not only to please, but even to assist. Certainly admiration of foreign things has something in it, since it seems to show itself neither in face nor in speech to those enchanting people who praise them; and would that it may at last turn to our own advantage and reputation. Moreover, those seem to me to be greatly mistaken in opinion who think that men of sense are therefore lacking in Gaul, because an inborn eagerness for arms leaves too little prudence in the handling of counsel. When our countrymen commonly say this, considering the outcome of events, then it is already a doctrine established by the same sect as the former one. For it matters very much to support both. As though nature had implanted a discord between heart and hands. But I certainly think that the powers of the mind are effective in both directions, when minds themselves are rightly formed by teaching and training, and especially among those nations which, endowed with nature’s full bounty, have both bodies and minds adaptable to everything: of which Strabo bears witness in the case of the Gauls, and experience itself teaches. I could bring the strongest proof of this matter from the empire of the Greeks and Romans. For I also count the Macedonians among the Greeks. And both empires were sought and maintained no less by cultivating minds than by exercising bodies. Indeed the same deity of Pallas and Minerva, and the martial spirits with breastplates on their chests, and with minds in togas or cloaks, as judging...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET di censendiq[ue] inspirare creditum est: neque id quidem modò, sed etiam studiosis uim illam numerosa solutaq[ue] oratione dicendi. < Enthusiasmos.> Quare antiqui Enthusiasmum appellauerunt uim dicendi scribendiq[ue]; diuinitus instruefactam. Eôdem id pertinet quod à Catullo & Vergilio dictum est, ciuitatum arces Palladi esse sacratas. Vrbes enim priscitam prudentia & literarum scientia, quàm robore & fortitudine capi retineriq[ue]; hoc figmento significare uoluerunt. < Arces ciuitatu[m] Palladi sacræ.> Aegyptij uerò in ijs quæ Hieroglyphica apud eos dicebantur (id est sacra quædam monumenta, non literis uocabula, sed scalptis rerum animalium que figuris significantia) Mineruam hemisphærio coeli superiore, Iu nonem inferiore intellexisse dicuntur. Macrobius etiam autor est priscos summam ætheris partem, quam ætherem dicimus, Mineruam appellasse, ex qua mundi parte solari uirtute homini prudentia ingenerari putatur: propter quod Palladem Louis capite editam poëtæ fabulati sunt. < Minerua. Pallas cur fingatur cerebro Louis nata.> Ex quo intelligimus prudentiam & sapientiam ueluti iure suo cæteris uel rebus uel hominibus eminere. Qui igitur fieri potest, ut ampla imperia, quæ supra modum ulnarum inimicis nos complecti uidemur, manibus que non consentis, quæri & retineri sine prudentia possint. Prudentia porrò (ut Græci dicunt) est ανρίλα νῦ[m], mentis consummatio, seu mentis exacta constitutio. Aristoteles, ἀν μὴν ἡὰρ σοφία ἔσι ποδὶ τὰ μετὰ ἀγοδεῖκως, κηδὲι ὑσοῦτως ὑπτὰ. ἀν δὲ φρόνησις ἀν ποδὶ ταῦτα, αλλὰ ποδὶ τὰ ἐν μεταβολὴν ὑπτὰ. Sapientia, inquit, uersatur in ijs quæ demonstratione constant, & semper eodem statu manent: prudentia non itè, sed in ijs quæ uicissitudinem admittunt. < Sapientia.> Et rursus, ἐν δὲ χεῖρων φρόνησις τὴν Θρίας. ποδὶ χεῖρω γὰρ ἐστιν. ἀν μὴν γὰρ σοφία περὶ τοῦτον καὶ ἔθευσ, ἀν δὲ φρόνησις ποδὶ ἔν σμφέν- δος Prudentia.

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It is believed that for judging and for speaking inspiration is breathed into them: and not only this, but also for those who study, that power in ornate and fluent speech. < Enthusiasmos.> For this reason the ancients called Enthusiasm the power of speaking and writing, divinely inspired. This also is the meaning of what Catullus and Vergil said, that the citadels of cities are sacred to Pallas. For by this fiction they wished to signify that cities are more securely captured and held by prudence and knowledge of letters than by strength and courage. < Arces ciuitatu[m] Palladi sacræ.> The Egyptians, moreover, in those things which among them were called Hieroglyphica (that is, certain sacred memorials, signifying not by letters and words, but by carved figures of animals and things), are said to have understood Minerva as the upper hemisphere of the sky, Juno as the lower. Macrobius also says that the ancients called the highest part of the ether, which we call the ether, Minerva, from that part of the world from which prudence is thought to be engendered in man by solar power: for which reason the poets fabled that Pallas was born from the head of Jove. < Minerua. Pallas cur fingatur cerebro Louis nata.> From this we understand that prudence and wisdom, as it were by their own right, excel all other things and men. How then can it be possible that vast empires, which we seem to embrace enemies with our arms beyond measure, and which are not won and retained by hands alone, can be sought and held without prudence? Prudence, moreover, is, as the Greeks say, the perfection of the mind, or the exact constitution of the mind. Aristotle says: wisdom deals with those things that are established by demonstration and always remain in the same state; prudence does not, but concerns those things which admit change. < Sapientia.> And again, prudence is concerned with worse things, for worse things are involved. For wisdom concerns this and what is fixed, whereas prudence concerns what is in flux. Prudentia.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 91 φον ἀνθρώπον. Sapientia autem, inquit, præstantior est prudentia, utpote quæ circa æterna diuiná que uersetur: quum prudentia circa deteriora occupata sit, scilicet circa ea contemplanda quæ homini commoda sunt. Et rursus, αἰ γαρ αρεται παῖθει πρακτικὴ ἐστην, ἔλιφρόννοις ἔασθέν ἀρχιτεκτων αυτῶν ἰστην. ὑπως γαρ ἀυτη προσκαθ, ὑμως αἰ αρεται καὶ ὑι ἀυτῶς πράτησην. Cum autem uirtutes omnes sint administratiuæ, prudentia illis architecti uicem præbet. nam quo modo illa agendum iussit, sic ipsæ administrant, & qui secundum eas agunt. Ex dictis satis liquet sapientiam & prudentiam cognatas esse uirtutes, prudentiam que aliarum uirtutum moderamen tenere. Quo fit ut omnia nobis tollant, qui ciuilium disciplinarum scientiam nobis cum iudicio utilitatis negant. Hoc est enim tollere sapientiam & prudentiam, quas ciuitatum conditores uno nonune complexi sunt eloquentiæ. Nisi uerò nobiscum eos agere benignè ob id putemus, quòd uelut uecordi Galliæ strenuam manum gestientemq; cum gladio relinquant. Quid enim est aliud Gallos ad prælia promptos dictitare, bellis autem gerédis aut opportunè suscipiendis consiliu[m] ipsis non suppetere? Quod ipsum quid est aliud quàm hominem (ut dicitur) ex homine tollere? Non'ne si animæ principem partem à corpore humano sustuleris, quæ remanebunt comunia cum simijs nobis erunt? Equidem ut heroum olim gesta memorabilia < Memorabilis locus.> non sine Theseo facta fuisse dicuntur, id etiam apud Græcos prouerbio attestante: ita sine sapientia & literaru[m] peritia co[n]tendere & asserere non dubitauerim nullos unqua[m] populos rerum potitos esse. Siquidem nec Assyrij Chaldæis, nec Persæ Magis, nec Macedones literis Græcis, nec Alexan

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 91 Man, moreover, wisdom, he says, is superior to prudence, since it is concerned with eternal and divine things; whereas prudence is occupied with inferior matters, namely with considering those things that are useful to man. And again, if the virtues are practical habits, they are, as it were, the architects of themselves; for although each attends to its own proper work, the virtues also act through themselves in practical matters. Since, then, all the virtues are administrative, prudence serves them in the place of an architect. For in whatever way that faculty has ordered a thing to be done, in that way they administer it, and those who act according to them. From what has been said it is sufficiently clear that wisdom and prudence are kindred virtues, and that prudence holds the governance of the other virtues. Hence those take away everything from us who deny that the knowledge of civil disciplines, together with judgment of their usefulness, belongs to us. For this is to take away wisdom and prudence, which the founders of states embraced under the single name of eloquence. Unless indeed we think that they deal kindly with us for this reason, that they leave to us, like senseless Gauls, an eager hand along with the sword. For what else is it to say that the Gauls are ready for battle, but that when wars are to be waged or opportunely undertaken, they themselves have no counsel at hand? And what is that but, as the saying goes, to take a man away from himself? Would not the remaining parts, if you removed the ruling part of the soul from the human body, be common to us with the apes? Indeed, just as the memorable deeds of heroes of old are said not to have been accomplished without Theseus, as that is also testified among the Greeks by a proverb, so without wisdom and skill in letters I would not hesitate to affirm that no peoples have ever possessed power over affairs. For neither the Assyrians without the Chaldeans, nor the Persians without the Magi, nor the Macedonians without Greek letters, nor Alexan

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Alexander Aristotele præceptore, caruisse memorantur: qui etiam ipse Homero quasi puluino indormure gaudebat, capiteq[ue] incumbere eius poësi: eiusdem que Iliadem gloriæ armis assequendæ instrumentum esse dictitabat, & uiaticum. Eant igitur illi quouis gentium, nec patriæ sese posthac imputent, qui humanarum rerum intelligentiam, earumq[ue] dicendo explicationem, regno Franciæ explodunt, ultra Alpes & Pyrenen proteruè summouentes, tanquam ferre coelum nostrum eximiæ illæ dotes humanæ mentis nequeant, sacrarum literarum tantum studio iurisq[ue] accommodatum. utrunque enim studium nobis homines benigni religiosiq[ue] largiuntur. Atqui si uerum fateri licet, huiusmodi elogia Gallorum, paucorum hominum crimine inualuerunt, quorum maximè interfuit pauca consultò ac ciuiliter agi, quibus ut quidq[ue] uisum est ipsis, ita pro disceptato, consulto, decreto atq[ue] etiam tracto habitum est plerunque. Est autem artis aulicæ inuentum, in ijs quæ paucis placita sunt, imperiosa placita principum adumbrare. Ita fit ut quæ priuatim paucis coducunt, ea regni totius ceruicibus capitali licentia iniungantur, ut ne gemere quidem populo oneri succumbenti liceat. Hoc cum nunc omnes & sciant, & obscurè non ferant (mos enim iam noster & nostris & exteris innotescit) ridiculum est quòd acuti quidam homines sucum se facere perinde ordinibus ut plebi arbitrantur. Ego autem sic contendo, si acreis rerum consultos decretis aulicis faciendis adhiberi moris fuisset, & quidem bona fide adhiberi, non ut arbitri tantum oculati & spectatores essent rerum præiudicio sanctiore transactarum (id enim diu translatitium esse constat) haud dubiè non magnopere consilio peregrino accersitoq[ue] egeremus. Quod ge- nus

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND ET Alexander, it is said, was lacking in Aristotle as a teacher; he himself also used to delight in sleeping upon Homer as upon a pillow, and to rest his head on that poet; and he used to declare that the Iliad of the same poet was a weapon and provision for the attainment of glory. Let those men therefore go wherever they will throughout the world, and let them hereafter blame no country, who cast out from the kingdom of France all understanding of human affairs, and the explanation of them by speech, thrusting it rudely beyond the Alps and the Pyrenees, as though those excellent gifts of the human mind could not bear our sky, being suited only to the study of sacred letters and of law. For both studies are bestowed upon us by men who are benevolent and religious. But if one may speak the truth, praises of this sort among the French have gained authority through the fault of a few men, whose chief interest was that few things should be handled deliberately and civilly, and with them whatever seemed fit to themselves was usually taken as if it had been debated, resolved, decreed, and even treated. Now it is an invention of courtly art, in matters approved by a few, to cloak the imperious wishes of princes. Thus it happens that what in private suits a few is imposed with deadly license upon the necks of the whole kingdom, so that even to groan under the burden does not lie within the people’s power. Since now everyone both knows this and does not bear it in silence (for the custom has now become known both among our own people and among foreigners), it is ridiculous that certain sharp-witted men imagine that they are making themselves fashionable equally among the orders as among the common people. For my part, however, I maintain this: if it had been customary to employ experienced advisers in making court decrees, and indeed to employ them in good faith, not merely as judges who observe and spectators of matters already settled by a holier prejudice —for that, as is well known, has long been a commonplace—then without doubt we should not greatly need foreign and imported counsel. What kind

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 93 nus nonnulli homines graues festiuè amplecti scruntur, rei magis suæ (ut dicitur) quam publicæ prouide[n]tes. quod tamen ipsa uiderit prouidentia. nunc enim earum rerum iudicium libens sustinuerim. < Memorabilia Gallorum pri scoru[m] consilia.> Quanto uerò deteriores pri scis Gallus nunc sumus, quorum tantum fuisse studium au= diendi attentè quicquid in medium consuleretur, autor est idem Strabo, ut si quis censente alio committeret ut in= terfari uel aliter obturbare uideretur, uiator illico ma= gistratus, minitabundus ense stricto in eum insurgere διον δὲ χεῖν ποίς σωμεριοις συμεωνον. ἀν γὰρ πις θορυλήν τοι λεγοντα και ὑδοκρουσμ, προσων ὑπιπρέτης ἔαωασμένος ἐἰ= φος κελοῦδι σταῦν μετὰ ἀπελων. Sed tunc apud Gallos in me= dium consilia agitabantur, sicut & non ita pridem homi= nes consulti censere in consessu liberè iubebantur: nunc mos inoleuisse fertur ita publica scita faciendi, ut in poten tiorum sententiam omnes pedibus eant. Consilij (ut fer= tur) est una mens: & eadem sententia: tanta est inter homi nes concordia & charitas, quando in collegium nemo as sumitur nisi à collegis adoptatus, in uerbaq[ue] collegarum adactus, uel salutator strenatius (ut utar nunc uerbo co= mico) uel ui fati cuiusdam mirifici admussus. Hoc siue ue= rum fortasse, siue (quod malim uideri) mendacio permi= xtum est, indignum certè est, quòd famam id circunstren= tem ultra Alpes & Pyrenen, compescere negligimus. id enim referre rerum nostrarum puto. Sedenim illud (ut a= iunt) miro præconio dignum, omniq[ue] memoria prædican= dum, quòd paludatos duces uidimus rerum bellicarum callentissimos imperia à togatis accipere coactos, qui nù= quam castra antè uidissent. Togatis dico? quid si etiam ab infulatis? adeo Martios omnes spiritus homines Fran ci gerimus. Euge memorabile exemplum, & insignem in omne

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 93 some men are written as eagerly embracing certain grave matters, providing more for their own affairs, as they say, than for the public good. Yet let Providence itself look to that. For now I would gladly bear judgment on such matters. <Memorable counsels of the ancient Gauls.> How much worse indeed than the ancients are we Gauls now, of whom Strabo himself is witness that the eagerness for listening attentively to whatever was being proposed in common was so great, that if anyone, while another was speaking, attempted to interrupt or seemed in any other way to disturb the proceedings, the traveller-magistrate would at once, with threats and drawn sword, rush upon him διον δὲ χεῖν ποίς σωμεριοις συμεωνον. ἀν γὰρ πις θορυλήν τοι λεγοντα και ὑδοκρουσμ, προσων ὑπιπρέτης ἔαωασμένος ἐἰ= φος κελοῦδι σταῦν μετὰ ἀπελων. But then among the Gauls the counsels were debated in the midst, just as not long ago men called to give judgment were openly ordered to speak in the assembly: now, it is said, the custom has grown up of making public decisions in such a way that all go over to the opinion of the more powerful. In counsel, as is said, there is one mind, and the same opinion; so great is the harmony and affection among men, when no one is admitted into the college unless adopted by the members, and compelled to the words of his fellow members, or pressed in by some salutary watcher with greater vigour, to use a comic word now, or by the force of some wondrous fate. Whether this be true perhaps, or mixed with falsehood, as I would rather it appear to be, it is certainly unworthy that we neglect to restrain this report, spreading beyond the Alps and the Pyrenees. For I think this concerns our own affairs. But indeed that other thing, as they say, is worthy of marvelous praise and to be proclaimed in every memory: that we have seen generals in military dress, most skilled in warfare, compelled to receive orders from men in civilian dress, who had never before seen a camp. Men in civilian dress, I say? What if even from men in priestly fillets? So fully do we men of the Franks bear all the spirit of Mars. Bravo, a memorable example, and remarkable in every

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET omne æuum memoriam huius seculi facturum. sed infensum Martis numen (ut exitu tandem patuit) præposterum ordinem rerum auersatum est, & tantam indignitatem secutæ euestigio clades expiauerunt. Ecquonam unquam tempore post uiuorum memoriam congruentius rerum euenta coeptis respondere uisa sunt? Vt enim nil non præposterè gestum est, ita nihil non exitum dirum habuit: unde æterna nota (quod refero moerens) patriæ est inusta: fatis certè, non nostris moribus imputanda: ut intemperijs actos tum fuisse nos putem, qui nec ius nec fas respiceremus, diræq[ue] imprecanteis oppressos obaudiremus. Eorum fortasse uicem dolere nos debemus, si qui sunt qui in communi crimine insontes, aliena inuidia uel flagrarint, uel afflati sint. Sunt enim & mortui & superstites quos uariè fama premut eodem in reatu, ad posteros etiam non dubiè transitura. Quo magis mirum < Sordes reoru[m] hic intelligi puto.> esse potest, quòd omnes nunc uultus nostri uelut sordibus excussis strocem etiam præstrunt securitatem: nec de ore famæ componendo laborare quoquo modo uidemur. Verum hoc tempus mittamus, quod Tragicos penè euentus omneis habuit, & humana fortasse maiores prouidentia: quod utinam ipsum eximu homunum memoriæ posset, ne tragædias excitare libens rebus iam lætioribus uidear. Quod enim bene coeptum est agi, p[ro]pero deum approbaturum. Quo fit ut hilarius etiam nunc uelut in portu nau fragium commemorem, ut naufragi rasi ac pileati solent, præterito facti periculo loquaciores. Vtinam igitur fatalibus nunis semel defuncti simus, nec uersuram fecerimus (quod ominari nolim) mutato creditore. Qua in re si spes non fesellerit, & bene omnia eueniant, nullas mortalium partes co[n]silijs que nostri omnino fuisse credam, sed

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G. BVD. OF ASSE AND will make the memory of this century endure for all ages. But the hostile deity of Mars, as the outcome at last showed, had turned aside the perverse order of events, and the disasters that immediately followed expiated so great an outrage. At what time ever since the memory of the living have the course of events seemed more fittingly to answer to the beginnings? For as nothing was done except in a perverse way, so nothing had anything but a dire outcome; whence an eternal stain, as I relate with sorrow, has been impressed upon the fatherland: surely to be imputed to fate, not to our character; so that I think we were then driven by intemperance, when we regarded neither right nor law, and obeyed the dreadful curses of those who were calling down destruction. Perhaps we ought to grieve for their lot, if there are any who, innocent in a common crime, either burned with another’s envy or were touched by it. For there are both dead and survivors whom rumor variously presses under the same charge, one that will surely also pass to posterity. How much the more remarkable it is that all our faces now, as though the filth had been shaken off, even put on an air of confidence: nor do we seem to labor in any way to set rumor’s mouth in order. But let us set aside this time, which had almost all the outcomes of tragedy, and perhaps greater than human foresight: would that it itself could be wiped from the memory of men, lest I seem to be gladly raising tragedies in matters now more fortunate. For what has been well begun, I hasten to trust that God will approve. Thus it comes about that I now recall our shipwreck more cheerfully, as if in harbor, as shipwrecked men, shaved and wearing caps, are wont to do, speaking more freely of the danger of the past deed. Would that, then, we had once been freed from fateful threats, and had not made a renewal of debt, as I would not wish to predict, with the creditor changed. If in this matter hope has not deceived us, and all things turn out well, I shall believe that in no way have the plans and counsels of mortals had any part at all, but

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 95 sed omnia prouidentiæ supernæ accepta restrenda cense= bo, quæ priuata (ut arbitror) pietate, non publica exo= rata, luxatam rerum nostrarum summam, molli (ut aiunt) & facili articulo nec opinantibus nostris reposuit in se= dem. quippe admoto tempestiui laxamenti fomento tan= tisper utrisque partibus respirare, quietis que consilijs animum intendere appelleré que licuit: tametsi nonnulli sunt qui obnixè & refractariè contendunt res Francicas non posse in eodem cardine uersari gloriæ atq[ue] felicitatis, si ijsdem manibus usura sit resurgens, quibus è gradu de= iecta esse dictitatur. Quod si omnibus itidem persuasum esset, adiurandos per charissima pignora quosdam esse di= xissem, ut paulisper istinc facessentes, ualidiores manus, ne dicam tersiores, habenas rerum tenere paterentur: præsertim quum quorundam aut ætas aut ratio uitæ rece ptui canere iamdiu uideatur. Sed si eodem capite (ut spe= ramus) ijsdem que manibus dominus in gradum nos repo= nat: erit omnino cur diuinum beneficium grandius exi= stimare possimus. Quare in eam spem sigillatim concipe= re uota debemus, quandoquidem ea publicè nuncupare non solemus: & fortasse præstat (quod aiebat Augustus) contentos esse hoc Catone, quandoquidem spes iam hi= larior affulsit diuina benignitate. tanta est enim conta= gio in illo cercopum conuenticulo, uix ut inuenias qui fi= dem bonam illuc adoptatus agnoscat: alios confestim eos= dem esse credas: ita sui dissimules fiunt homines triduo uersipelles: & quasi ad fluuium Lethen biberint, pri= stinæ suæ sortis omnino obliuiscuntur, imò uerò huma= nitatis ipsius atque mortalitatis: hominum uerò uenefi= corum atque fascinatorum conciliabulum dirum auer= sandumq

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 95 but I shall reckon all things to have been accepted by the providence of heaven, which, by a private, as I think, and not a public devotion, has restored our affairs, thrown into disorder, to their place again, with a gentle, as they say, and easy turn, beyond our expectation. For, the seasonable relief having been applied, it was for a time permitted to both parties to breathe, and to turn the mind to quiet counsels; although there are some who stubbornly and perversely maintain that French affairs cannot revolve upon the same hinge of glory and happiness, if the hands by which it rises again are the same as those by which it is said to have been cast down from its place. And if this were likewise persuaded to all, I should have said that certain men ought to be adjured by their dearest pledges, that, withdrawing for a little while from that quarter, they would allow stronger hands, not to say cleaner ones, to hold the reins of affairs; especially since either the age or the manner of life of some seems long since to be calling them to retire. But if the Lord shall set us back in the same place, by the same head and the same hands, as we hope: there will certainly be reason why we may esteem the divine benefit the greater. Wherefore we ought each of us to conceive vows in that hope, since we are not accustomed to proclaim them publicly; and perhaps it is better, as Augustus used to say, to be content with this Cato, since hope has now shone forth more cheerfully by divine kindness. So great, indeed, is the contagion in that gathering of apes, that you can scarcely find anyone whom, once admitted there, you would recognize as of good faith: others you would straightway think to be the very same men; so quickly do men become dissemblers in three days, and as though they had drunk at the river Lethe, they utterly forget their former lot, and indeed humanity itself and mortality; a dreadful and abominable gathering-place of men who are poisoners and enchanters.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sandumq[ue]; usqueadeo sensus omneis humanos afficere au lica illa delenimenta cernuntur, quasi uenena Circeia at= que magica, partim ut honestatis & officij, partim ut actus omnis liberalis obliti esse uideantur. Quotus enim <Adytu, primâ in aula autoritatê intelligit, ad qua paucis accedere contingit.> quisque eorum qui in adytum semel illud beatum ascenderit, ad familiaris postea & ciuilis amicitiæ officia, aut omnino ad æqui boniq[ue] intelligentia[m] descendit, priusquam præceps ruit, aut inde depulsus est? Tum demum autem placidos eos uideas & mansuetos, uitam execranteis auli < Aula imposterix pellacissima, moru animoru[m] internecio.> cam, seq[ue]; ipsos deuouenteis inferis, si unquam imposterici pellaci que remoræ crediderint, perditeq[ue] tenaci, cuius olim uisendæ cupido ignaris incesserat. uidelicet quasi ab aula sibi exilium consciscere præoptarint, quàm in ea co[n]senescere morum atque animorum certissima internecione, quum sciamus neminem adhuc eorum quibus in eam nassam ambitionis penitus insinuasse contigit, ad quietem municipalem ciuiliâ que instituta nisi retrogradum atq[ue] itidem restitantem reuertisse. Vnde ioci basilicani, unde circulares conuiuiales que in oppidis excitantur fabulæ: quum ij quos excuriatos uocant, uelut ciuitate donati inter municipes coepere profiteri. hos cernere est aulæ relictæ desiderio uultuosos, animos que conspicuè despondenteis, ut qui tabificio dolore ægrescentes, ad extremam maciem lenta tabe desiderij perarescant. Vtinam igitur ij magistratus qui rebus iam accisis in id tempus pertracti sunt, quo pacificatoriæ legationis & pronubæ mentio <Pronuba legatio in Britanniam missa est ob co[n]nubium Ludouici Regis cum sorore Regis Angliæ.> auspice (ut spero) prouidentia excitata est (cordi enim id superis quoque foedus esse credendum est, qui omnia in unum congruentia tempus appositè temperarunt) utinam inquam ijs magistratibus instinctu quoque diuino ueniat in mentem, nunc nobis omnia esse prona, si ad pristinam concupimus

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G. BVD. ON THE CHEST AND and so much do those courtly blandishments seem to affect all human senses, as if they were Circean and magical poisons, partly so that they appear to have forgotten all sense of honor and duty, partly all liberal conduct. For how many of those who have once ascended into that blessed inner sanctum, where authority in the first hall is understood, to which only a few are able to gain access, does later descend to the duties of familiar and civic friendship, or even at all to an understanding of what is fair and good, before he rushes headlong to ruin, or is driven out from there? Then at last you see them calm and gentle, cursing courtly life, <The court, most deceitful in the end, the destruction of minds.> and devoting themselves to the infernal gods, if they have ever believed in the court’s deceitful and lingering delay, so tenacious, the desire to behold which once seized the uninformed. Indeed, as though they had preferred to choose exile for themselves from the court rather than grow old in it, with the sure destruction of morals and minds, since we know that none of those who have managed to insinuate themselves fully into that net of ambition has yet returned to municipal quiet and civic institutions, except by going backward and reluctantly retracing his steps. Hence the jests of the town, hence the circulating stories and banter that are stirred up in the towns, when those whom they call the dismissed ones, as though granted citizenship, begin to be counted among the townsmen. These men can be seen, upon leaving the court, with faces full of longing and spirits visibly dejected, like those who, suffering with a wasting disease, wither away to the utmost thinness under a slow consumption of desire. If only, then, those magistrates who have been dragged on in affairs already broken and ruined to this point would realize, when mention was made of the peace-making and marriage embassy <An embassy of marriage was sent to Britain on account of the marriage of King Louis with the sister of the King of England.> —by providence, as I hope, aroused (for this alliance must be believed to be dear even to the gods above, who have fittingly arranged everything in one harmonious time)—if only, I say, it would also come into the minds of those magistrates by divine inspiration that now everything is favorable for us, if we desire to return to our former

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET illo in loco, Si quadringentis sex septem millia desunt, Plebs eris. - <Equestris census.> Erat enim legitimus census equestris, quadringentorum millium. Merula in hoc lapsus, singulos sestertios nulle nummos esse dixit. Tranquillus in Cæsare: Annuam etia[m] habitationem Romæ usque ad bina millia nummum, in Italia non ultra quingenos sestertios remisit. Sestertios quingenos pro quingentis nummis posuit. Quo in loco Philippus Beroaldus, Interdum, inquit, hæc obseruatio apud eruditos custoditur, ut sestertios genere masculino usurpent, significantes minutulam summam: sestertij uerò neutro genere pro maioribus summis, ut quadringenta sestertia pro quadringentis millibus capiantur, quæ summa est census equestris. Sed Hæc non semper ad regulam, inquit, sunt exigenda. Antonius uerò Sabellicus quantum eo in loco addubitauerit, facilè intelliget qui eius commentarios legerit. Idem Tranquillus in Augusto, Senatorum censum ampliauit, ac pro octingentorum millium summa duodecies sestertium taxauit, suppleuit que non habentibus. Quo loco idem Sabellicus, Sic omnes, inquit, Tranquilliani codices, quos uidimus, habent: sed minuere id fuisset censum, non augere, si ex octingentis millibus nummum ad duodecies sestertium contraxisset. Quare aut hæc nostra, aut nulla (quod uideam) alia quadrare poterit lectio. Erit igitur uera lectio, non duodecies sestertium, sed duodecies centies sestertiùs: ut ex parte tertia auctus sit census. quod idem ualet ac si dicas, Voluit Augustus ut singuli Senatores qui octingenta possederant sestertia, nulle & ducenta possiderent. Habuit enim sestertium mille nummos. Ha= =tenus

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G. BVD. ON THE ASS OF and in that place, If six and seven thousand are lacking from four hundred, you will be among the common people. - <Equestrian census.> For the lawful equestrian census was, indeed, four hundred thousand. Merula, in this, erred; he said that single sesterces were no coins at all. Suetonius in Caesar: He also reduced the annual residence in Rome to as much as two thousand coins, and in Italy to no more than five hundred sesterces. He put five hundred sesterces for five hundred coins. In this place Philippus Beroaldus says: Sometimes, he says, this observation is kept among the learned, that they use sestertii in the masculine gender, meaning a very small sum: but sestertia in the neuter gender for larger sums, so that four hundred sestertia may be taken for four hundred thousand, which is the sum of the equestrian census. But these things are not always to be pressed to the rule, he says. Antonius Sabellicus, however, how much he doubted in that place will be easily understood by whoever has read his commentaries. The same Suetonius in Augustus increased the census of senators, and set it at twelve times a thousand sesterces for the sum of eight hundred thousand, and made up the difference for those who did not have it. In this place the same Sabellicus says: So all the manuscripts of Suetonius, which we have seen, have it thus: but to diminish it would have been to reduce the census, not increase it, if he had contracted it from eight hundred thousand coins to twelve times a thousand sesterces. Therefore either this reading of ours, or none other, as far as I can see, can fit. The true reading will therefore be not twelve times a thousand sesterces, but twelve times a hundred thousand sesterces: so that the census may be increased by a third part. which is the same as if you were to say, Augustus wanted that each Senator who had owned eight hundred sestertia should own one thousand two hundred. For a sestertium was a thousand coins. Up to here

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 99 Etenus ille: cuius uerba Beroaldus dissimulans, duodecies centies legit, & itidem ut Sabellicus interpretatur, ut sit sestertium pro mille nummis. Hæc eius emendatio cuiusmodi sit, postea uiderimus. nunc ad reliquas autoritates pergamus. Idem Tranquil. in Cæs. Ludis Decius Laberius eques Romanus mimum suum egit, donatus que quingentis sestertijs, & annulo aureo, sessum in quatuordecim ex scena per orchestram transijt. Quingenta sestertia haud dubiè pro equestri censu posuit, sed qui iam auctus esset. Sallustius in Catilinario: Ad hoc siquis indicauisset de coniuratione quæ contra Rempublicam facta erat, præmia decreuerunt seruo centum sestertia & libertatem, libero impunitatem eius rei, & ducenta millia sestertium. Vbi interpres, Laurentius (ut arbitror) Valla, sestertium duas libras & semis significare dixit, & nihil præterea addidit. Plinius libro nono: Duo fuere maximi uniones per omne æuum. utrunque possedit Cleopatra Aegypti reginarum nouissima, per manus Orientis Regum sibi traditos. Hæc, cum exquisitis quotidie Antonius saginaretur epulis, superbo simul ac procaci fastu, ut regina meretrix, lautitiam eius omnem apparatumq[ue] obtrectans, quærente eo quid adstrui magnificentiæ posset, respondit una se coena centies sestertium absumpturam. Cupiebat discere Antonius, sed fieri non posse arbitrabatur. Et paulo inferius, At illa absumpturam se ea in coena taxationem confirmans, solamq[ue] se centies sestertium coenaturam, inferri mensam secundâ iussit. Ex præcepto, ministri unum tantu[m] uas posuere ante eam, aceti, cuius asperitas usq[ue] in tabem margaritas resoluit. Gerebat auribus tum maximè singulare illud & uerè unicum naturæ opus. Itaque spectante g 2 Antonio

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 99 So far he: whose words Beroaldus, passing them over, reads twelve hundred thousand, and likewise as Sabellicus interprets, so that sestertium means a thousand coins. What sort of correction this is of his, we shall consider later. Now let us proceed to the remaining authorities. The same Tranquillus, in Caesar: At the games, Decius Laberius, a Roman knight, performed his mime, and was gifted with five hundred sesterces and a gold ring; seated in the fourteenth row, he passed from the stage through the orchestra. Five hundred sestertia he undoubtedly set down for an equestrian census, but one that had already been increased. Sallust in the Catiline: Moreover, if anyone had given information about the conspiracy that had been formed against the Republic, they decreed rewards of one hundred sestertia to a slave and freedom, to a free man immunity for that matter, and two hundred thousand sesterces. Here the interpreter, Laurentius Valla, as I think, said that sestertium signifies two pounds and a half, and added nothing more. Pliny, in book nine: There were two very great pearls throughout all time. Cleopatra possessed both, the last of the queens of Egypt, handed down to her through the hands of the kings of the East. She, while Antony was being fed daily with exquisite banquets, with proud and wanton arrogance, like a queenly harlot, disparaging all his luxury and all its display, when he asked what could be added to magnificence, replied that she alone would spend one hundred sestertia at a single meal. Antony desired to know how, but thought it could not be done. And a little below, But she, confirming that she would spend that amount at dinner, and that she alone would dine on one hundred sestertia, ordered a second course to be brought. At her command, the servants placed before her only one vessel of vinegar, whose sharpness dissolved pearls completely down to decay. She wore upon her ears that singular and truly unique work of nature. Thus, in the presence of Antony

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Antonio quid'nam esset actura, detractum alterum mersit, ac liquesactum absorbuit. Sic in omnibus exemplaribus legitur. Iamprimum Plinius his uerbis significat centies sestertium immensam esse summam, ut quam Imperator prodigentissimus Antonius una cæna absumi posse nô crederet, quanti unio æstimatus sit toto orbe nobilissimus. Quomodo igitur credibile illud Tranquilli in Vitellio: In dicebat autem aliud alij prandium eade[m] die: nec cuiquam minus singuli apparatus quadringentis millibus nummum constiterunt? Sic enim ibi legitur, non quadragenis: ut in Nerone, Quadringentis in punctum sestertijs aleam lusit. < Plinius locus.> Plinius eode[m] libro, Lolliam Paulinam, quæ fuit Caij principis matrona, nec serio quidem aut solenni cæremoniarum aliquo apparatu, sed mediocrium etiam sponsalium cæna, uidi smaragdis margaritisq[ue] opertam, alterno textu, fulgentibus toto capite crinibus spiris, collo monilibus, digitisq[ue]: quæ summa quadringenties sestertium colligebat, ipsam confestim paratam nuncupationem tabulis probare: nec dona prodigi principis fuerant, sed auitæ opes, prouinciarum scilicet spolijs partæ. Hic est rapinarum exitus, hoc fuit quare M. Lollius infamatus Regum muneribus in toto Oriente, interdicta amicitia à C. Cæsare Augusti filio, uencnum biberet, ut neptis eius quadringenties sestertio operta spectaretur ad lucernas. Ego ex antiquis exemplaribus non nuncupationem, sed aucupationem lego, hoc sensu, Lolliam paratam ex tabulis domesticæ rationis cui sui probare quo titulo Lollius unumquemq[ue] lapillorum unionumq[ue] comparasset. Aucupatio enim lucrum significat. In antiquis etiam libris non spiris sed spiræ legitur, id est crinium conuolutorum orbe. Cicero in Prætura urbana, Dixi in prima actione me

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G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND Antonio quid'nam esset actura, detractum alterum mersit, ac liquesactum absorbed it. It is read thus in all the exemplars. At the outset Pliny, by these words, indicates that a hundred million sesterces is an immense sum, so great that even Antony, the most prodigal of emperors, would not have believed it could be spent at a single dinner, so great as the most famous pearl in the whole world was estimated to be. How then is the statement of Tranquillus in Vitellius to be believed: “He used to give one dinner after another on the same day to different people; and none of the individual entertainments cost less than four hundred thousand denarii?” For so it is read there, not forty thousand, as in Nero: “He played away four hundred sesterces at a throw.” <Passage of Pliny.> Pliny, in the same book, describes Lollia Paulina, who was the wife of the prince Gaius, not in any formal or solemn display of ceremonies, but at even an ordinary engagement feast, as covered with emeralds and pearls in alternating rows, her hair gleaming all over her head in spirals, with necklaces round her neck and rings on her fingers: an adornment whose total amounted to four hundred million sesterces; and he immediately adds that the ready-made contract can be verified by the tablets: for these were not gifts from a prodigal prince, but the wealth of her ancestors, acquired, that is, by the plunder of provinces. This is the outcome of robbery; this was why M. Lollius, disgraced by the gifts of kings throughout the East, after being cut off from friendship by C. Caesar, son of Augustus, drank poison, so that his granddaughter might be seen covered in four hundred million sesterces by lamplight. From the ancient exemplars I read not nucupationem, but aucupationem, in this sense: that Lollia, prepared from the household accounts, was to prove by what title Lollius had acquired each and every little stone and pearl. For aucupatio means gain. In ancient books too it is read not spiris but spiræ, that is, a coil or circle of curled hair. Cicero, in the urban praetorship, said in the first speech me

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 101 me planum esse facturum, C. Verrem sestertium quadrin genties contra legem abstulisse. Atrocia autem surta Ver ris fuisse in Sicilia, quam rapinis propemodum exhaustit, ex actionibus ipsis Verrinis licet planè conijcere: quo= rum tamen summam Cicero non ultra quadringenties ta= xauit, cum omnia oratoriè augeret: quanti scilicet Pli= nius rapinas Orientis in M. Lollio æstimatas dixit: quod omnino dissonum est ab eo quod Tranquillus de coenis Vitellianis dixit, & alea Neronis, si sestertium qua= dringenties & sestertia quadringenta idem esse intelliga mus, ut Tranquilli enarratores uoluerunt. Tranquil. de Claudio loquens antequam ad principatum assumeretur, Postremò etiam sestertium octogies pro introitu noui sa= cerdotij coactus impendere, ad eas rei familiaris angu= stias decidit, ut cum obligatam ærario fidem liberare non posset, in uacu[m] lege prædiatoria uenalis pependerit. Vix hoc conuenire potest cum eo quod Sallustius dicit de cen= tum sestertijs quæ ex præmio indicij seruo decreta sunt publicè, ut ducenta libero. Quid illud eiusdem Plinij li= bro x x 1 x. ubi de medicorum stipendijs loquitur? Quin tus uerò Stertinius imputauit principibus quòd sestertijs quingenis annuis contentus esset. sexcena enim sibi quæ= stu urbis fuisse numeratis domibus ostendebat. par & fra tri eius merces à Claudio Cæsare infusa est. Quingend sestertia annuam mercedem fuisse dicit medicis sub Roma nis principibus: & quadringenties sestertium ut immensas rapinas in Lolliu[m] criminose extulit. Quid illud Tran= quilli de testamento Augusti, quónam modo explicari po terit? aut quid animi tandem eo in loco interpretes habue runt? Legauit, inquit, populo Romano quadringenties, tribu g 3

Transcription: Translated (English)

I shall make it clear that Gaius Verres took four hundred million sesterces contrary to law. But the outrageous thefts of Verres in Sicily, which he virtually exhausted by his plundering, may be clearly inferred from the Verrine speeches themselves: and yet Cicero estimated the total at no more than four hundred million, although he magnified everything with the art of oratory; just as Pliny said that the spoils of the East were valued at M. Lollius’ figure. This is altogether out of keeping with what Suetonius says about Vitellius’ banquets and Nero’s gambling, if we understand four hundred million sesterces and four hundred sesterces to be the same thing, as Suetonius’ commentators have wished. Suetonius, speaking of Claudius before he was admitted to the principate, says: “Finally, after being compelled to spend even eight million sesterces for entry into a new priesthood, he fell into such straits in his affairs that, since he could not free himself from the debt pledged to the treasury, he had to hang out for sale under the vacant-law auction.” This can hardly agree with what Sallust says about the one hundred sesterces that were publicly decreed as a reward for an informer’s slave, and two hundred for a free man. What of the same Pliny in book xxix, where he speaks of doctors’ salaries? Quintus Stertinius, moreover, chided the princes for being content with an annual income of five hundred sesterces. For he showed that his own earnings in the city amounted to six hundred, when the houses were counted. A like reward from Claudius Caesar was conferred on his brother. He says that under the Roman emperors doctors’ annual pay was five million sesterces; and he most slanderously represented four hundred million sesterces as immense plunder in the case of Lollius. What, then, is to be made of Suetonius’ account of Augustus’ will? Or what, finally, were the commentators thinking in that passage? “He bequeathed,” he says, “to the Roman people four hundred million, tribu

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tribubus tricies quinquies sestertium, prætorianis militibus singula nullia nummûm, cohortibus urbanis quingenos, legionarijs trecenos nummos. Ex hoc certè loco admoneri illi debuerunt. Quomodo enim populo Romano satisfacere quadringenta sestertia potuissent (id est tertia pars census Senatorij) præsertim cum in singulos legionarios trecenos sestertios legaret? Magnum autem mulitum numerum tunc fuisse, ex eiusdem autoris lectione nouimus, < Copiæ Romanæ.> qui in eodem Augusto quodam loco sic inquit, Ex militaribus copijs legiones & auxilia prouinciatim distribuit, classem Miseni, & alteram Rauennæ ad tutelam superi & inferi maris collocauit. Hunc principem Orosius libro sexto scribit quatuor & quadraginta legiones habuisse ad tutamen orbis, id est imperij Romani. Eusebius autem autor est, censu sub Augusto acto, Romanoru[m] capitum quadragies semel centena millia censæ fuisse. Age transeamus ad reliqua quæ sequuntur in eode[m] loco Tranquilli: Reliqua, inquit, legata uariè dedit, produxitq[ue] quæ dam ad uicena sestertia, quibus soluendis annuam diem finijt excusata rei familiaris mediocritate: nec plus peruenturum ad hæredes suos, quàm millies & quingenties professus: quamuis uiginti proximis annis quaterdecies millies ex testamentis amicorum percepisset, quod penè omne cum duobus paternis patrimoniijs, cæterisq[ue] hæreditatibus in Rempublicam absumpsisset. O dignum etiam atq[ue] etia[m] locum qui planè enarretur: quod hactenus factu[m] non est. Idem de Nerone, Diuitiarum et pecuniæ fructum non alium putabat, quàm profusionem: sordidos ac deparcos esse quibus ratio impensarum constaret. Laudabat mirabatur que auunculum Caium nullo magis nomine, quàm quòd ingentes à Tyberio relictas opes in breui spatio

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET to the tribes, thirty-five times a hundred thousand sesterces; to the praetorian soldiers, one thousand denarii apiece; to the urban cohorts, five hundred; to the legionaries, three hundred denarii. From this certainly they ought to have been warned. For how indeed could they have been able to satisfy the Roman people with four hundred sesterces, that is, one-third of the senatorial census, especially when he bequeathed three hundred sesterces to each legionary? And that there was then a very great number of soldiers, we learn from the reading of the same author, <Roman Forces.> who in the same Augustus, in a certain passage, says thus: Out of the military forces he distributed legions and auxiliaries throughout the provinces; he stationed the fleet at Misenum and another at Ravenna for the protection of the upper and lower sea. Orosius writes in the sixth book that this prince had forty-four legions for the defense of the world, that is, of the Roman empire. Eusebius, moreover, states that, when the census was taken under Augustus, the Roman heads counted were forty-one times one hundred thousand. Come, let us pass on to the rest which follow in the same passage of Suetonius: The rest, he says, he gave in various legacies, and he set aside some up to twenty thousand sesterces, for the payment of which he fixed an annual day, excusing himself on account of the moderate condition of his household affairs; and he declared that no more would come to his heirs than fifteen hundred thousand sesterces, although in the twenty preceding years he had received fourteen million from the wills of friends, which he had spent almost all, along with his two paternal inheritances and the other inheritances, on the Republic. O worthy and indeed most worthy passage, one that ought to be fully set forth: which has not yet been done. The same writer says of Nero that he considered the fruit of wealth and money to be nothing else than lavish expenditure; that those were mean and miserly who kept account of expenses. He praised and admired his uncle Gaius for no other reason than that he had quickly spent the immense riches left by Tiberius in a short space

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 103 spatio prodegisset: quare nec largiendi nec absumendi modum tenuit. In Tiridatem, quod uix credibile uideatur, octingenta nummûm nullia diurna crogauit, abeunti que super sestertium millies contulit. Quæro quo nam modo consentaneum fuit, Neronem principem profusissi num Tiridati Armeniorum regi in patriam abeunti non plus quàm mille sestertia dono dedisse, cum manenti dius in Vrbe octingenta diurna pensitaret? Idem de Caligula loquens, Nepotinis sumptibus omnium prodigorum ingenia superauit: in extractionibus prætororum atque uillarum omni ratione posthabita nihil tam efficere concupiscebat, quàm quod effici posse negaretur. Et paulò infrà, Ac ne singula enumerem, immensas opes, totumq[ue] illud Tyberij Cæsaris uicies ac septies millies sestertium, non toto uertente anno absumpsit. Quò autem intelligere possimus immensam quandam pecuniæ congeriem his uerbis significari, addemus id quod idem de Tyberio in uita eius scripsit, Procedente, inquit, demum tempore ad rapinas conuertit animum. Galliarum & Hispaniarum Syriæque & Græciæ principes confiscatos constat ob tam impudens calumniarum genus, ut quibusdam non aliud sit obiectum, quàm quòd partem rei familiaris in pecunia haberent. Quantæ uerò pecuniæ ex ijs confiscationibus exaggerari potuerint, uno patebit exemplo apud eundem in Caligula, qui Tyberij successor fuit: de quo in initio principatus cum optimum principem simularet, ita inquit, Si quibus regna restituit, adiecit & fructum omnium uectigaliorum & redituum medij temporis, ut Antiocho Comageno sestertium nullies confiscatum. quæ quanta sit summa, mox fortasse constabit. Age uerò porrò etiam etiamq[ue] pergamus, & 8 4 autores

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART II. OF IT. BOOK I. 103 had squandered in so short a space: wherefore he observed neither moderation in giving nor in spending. In the case of Tiridates, which will scarcely seem credible, he expended eight hundred thousand denarii a day, and on his departure bestowed upon him more than a million sesterces. I ask in what way it could be consistent that Nero, a prince most lavish, should have given Tiridates, king of the Armenians, on his return to his country, not more than a thousand sesterces as a gift, while, when he remained longer in the City, he paid out eight hundred thousand a day? Speaking likewise of Caligula, Nepos, by his extravagance, surpassed the inventiveness of all prodigals: in the matter of tearing down praetors’ residences and villas, setting every consideration aside, he desired to accomplish nothing so much as what was declared impossible to accomplish. And a little below: “And not to enumerate single items, he consumed immense wealth, and that whole sum of Tiberius Caesar, twenty-seven million sesterces, in less than a full year.” But in order that we may understand that by these words some vast hoard of money is meant, we shall add what the same author wrote of Tiberius in his life: “As time went on, he at last turned his mind to plunder. It is known that the leading men of Gaul, Spain, Syria, and Greece were confiscated under so shameless a system of false accusations, that for some it was charged with nothing other than that they had part of their estate in money. How great a sum of money could in fact have been amassed from those confiscations will be clear from a single example in the same writer’s account of Caligula, who was Tiberius’ successor. Of him, at the beginning of his principate, when he pretended to be an excellent prince, he says: ‘If he restored kingdoms to some, he added also the revenue of all taxes and incomes for the intervening period, so that even to Antiochus of Commagene there was confiscated a sum of a million sesterces.’ What a great sum that is will perhaps soon be evident. Come now, let us go on further and further, and 8 4 authors

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET autores alios linguæ Latinæ percenseamus, ut & rei difficultas appareat, & huius suscepti laboris necessitas, ac pretium operæ, si diuina tandem benignitate propositi compos euaserim, & huius ærumnæ (ut ita dicam) umbratilis Hercules. Iamprimùm Tacitus lib. XI I. Fixum est ære publico Senatus consultum, quo libertinus sestertij ter millies possessor, antiquæ parsimoniæ laudibus cumulabatur. de Paliante libero Claudij principis loquês, cuius immodicas opes intelligimus ex illo satyrici loco Satyra prima: -Ego possideo plus Pallante & Licinis. - Et ex Tranquil. uerbis in Claud. Libertorum ante omnes suspexit Narcissum ab epistolis, & Pallantem à rationibus, quos decreto quoque Senatus non præmijs modò ingentibus, sed & quæstorijs prætorijsq; ornamentis ornam ri libenter passus est. tantum præterea acquirere & rapere, ut querente eo quondam de fisci exiguitate, non absur dè sit dictum: abundaturum, si à duobus libertis in consortium reciperetur. Eius autem Senatus consulti in Pallantis gratiam à Senatu expressi meminit Plinius Iunior ad Montanum scribens, his uerbis indignabundus, Videbis, deinde indignaberis si legeris: quod nisi legeris, non potes credere. Est uia Tyburtina intra primum lapidem, proximè adnotaui, monumentum Pallantis ita scriptum; Huic Senatus ob fidem pietatemque erga patronos, ornamenta prætoria decreuit, & sestertium centies quinquagies, cuius honore contentus fuit. E quidem nunquam sum miratus quæ sæpius à fortuna quàm à iudicio proficisce rentur: maximè tamen hic me titulus admonuit quàm essent mimica & inepta quæ interdum in cœnum, in has sordes

Transcription: Translated (English)

And let us examine other authors of the Latin language, so that both the difficulty of the task and the necessity of this undertaking may appear, as well as the value of the labor, if at last, by divine favor, I should have successfully carried out my plan, and be a kind of “shadowy Hercules” of this toil, if I may say so. First of all, Tacitus, Book XI. It was fixed by a public decree of the Senate, by which a freedman, possessor of three hundred million sesterces, was being praised with the honors of ancient frugality. You speak of Pallas, freedman of the emperor Claudius, whose immense wealth we understand from that satirical passage in the first Satire: “I possess more than Pallas and Licinus.” And from the words of Tranquillus in Claudius: “He especially favored the freedmen Narcissus, in charge of correspondence, and Pallas, in charge of accounts, whom he even allowed to be honored by a decree of the Senate not only with enormous rewards, but also with quaestorian and praetorian insignia. Moreover, he allowed them to acquire and plunder so much that when he once complained of the emptiness of the treasury, it was not absurdly said: it would be sufficient, if he admitted the two freedmen into partnership.” Pliny the Younger, writing to Montanus, mentions this same senatorial decree passed in Pallas’s favor, with these indignant words: “You will see, and then you will be angry if you read it; and if you do not read it, you cannot believe it.” There is a road to Tibur, within the first milestone; I recently noted a monument of Pallas with this inscription: “By decree of the Senate, for loyalty and devotion toward their patrons, he was granted praetorian honors and one hundred and fifty million sesterces, with which honor he was content.” Indeed, I have never been surprised that things so often arise from fortune rather than from judgment; but most of all this inscription reminded me how mocking and foolish are the things that sometimes sink into filth, into these sordid

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sordes abijcerentur, quæ denique ille furcifer & recipere ausus est, & recusare. Tranquillus rursus in Othone, Nec quicquam prius pro potestate subscripsit, quàm quingenties sestertium ad peragendam auream domum. de aurea domo Neronis loquès, qui iam sese interemerat. Et in Galba, Ad Neronismediu[m] principatu[m] in secessu plurimum uixit: ne ad gestandum quidem unquam aliter iter ingressus, quàm ut secum uchiculo proximo decies sestertium in auro efferret. Idem Tacitus lib. itidè supradicto, Eodem Nerone oratore Bononiensi coloniæ igni haustæ subuëtum centies sestertij largitione. Cice. in Philippica illa nobili, Vbi est septies millies sestertium quod in tabulis quæ sunt ad Opis, patebat? funestæ quidem illius pecuniæ: sed tamen si ijs quorum erat, no[n] redderetur, quæ nos à tributis posset uindicare. Tu autem sestertium quadrin genties quod Idibus Martijs debuisti, quo modo ante Calend. Aprilis debere desijsti? Et rursus, Syngrapha sestertij centies per legatos uiros bonos, sed timidos & imperitos, sine sua, sine reliquorum hospitum regis setentia, facta in gynæceo. Ex syngrapha quid sis acturus, meditere censeo. Et pro Flacco, Vel quod ait Luceius L. Flaccum sibi dare cupisse, ut fide se abduceret, sestertium uicies: & eum tu accusas auaritiæ, quæ dicis uicies uoluisse perdere? Tacitus libro x i i 1. de Nerone loquens, Sed nobili familiæ honor auctus est, oblatis in singulos annos quingenis sestertijs, quibus Messala paupertatem innoxiam sustentaret. Aureo quoq[ue] Cottæ & Aetherio Antonio annuam pecuniam statuit princeps, quanquam per luxum habitas opes dissipassent. Quo in loco ne quinquagenis legedum putetur, Tranquillus de eodem, Senatorum, inquit, nobilissimo cuiq[ue], & à re familiari destituto, annua salaria, &

Transcription: Translated (English)

so that filth might be thrown away, which at last that rascal both dared to accept and to refuse. Again, in Otho, Suetonius says, he first signed nothing by virtue of his power before five hundred thousand sesterces had been set aside for the completion of the golden house. He is speaking of Nero’s golden house, when he had already put himself to death. And in Galba: Nero, in the middle of his principate, lived mostly in retirement; he never even set out on a journey except with ten million sesterces in gold carried with him in the nearest vehicle. The same Tacitus, in the same book mentioned above, says that with the same Nero, the colony of Bononia, consumed by fire, was relieved by a donation of a hundred million sesterces. Cicero, in that famous Philippic, Where is the seven hundred million sesterces which in the tablets that are at Opis were on display? Certainly of that accursed money: but still, if it were not returned to those to whom it belonged, what could we be freed from taxes by? And you, who owed four hundred million sesterces on the Ides of March, how did you cease to owe them before the Kalends of April? And again: a bond for a hundred million sesterces was made through ambassadors, good men but timid and inexperienced, without his own knowledge, without the knowledge of the other guests of the king, in the women’s apartments. What you are going to do with the bond, I think you should consider. And in the speech For Flaccus: or as Luceius says, L. Flaccus wanted to give him, so that he might free himself by a pledge of good faith, twenty million sesterces; and do you accuse him of greed, when you say he wanted to lose twenty million? Tacitus, in book xii, speaking of Nero, says: but the honor of a noble family was increased, by the grant each year of five hundred sesterces, with which Messala supported his blameless poverty. A yearly allowance was also assigned by the prince to Cotta and Aetherius Antonius, though they had squandered the wealth they possessed through luxury. In this passage, lest it be thought one should read “fifty,” Suetonius says of the same man: to each senator of the highest rank and deprived of family resources, annual salaries, and

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 107 per diminutionem à libra: quanqua[m] libella argentea esset, ut autor est Varro. Cicero in Verre actione I I I. Ecquis Volcatio, si sua sponte uenisset, unâ libellam dedisset? Li= bellam pro asse posuit, ex eo dictam, quòd libra æris uale bat, id est, asse. Cum autem minimam pecuniolam signifi= care uolebant, assem & libellam dicebant. Idem pro Ro= scio Comædo de poena plus petentium loquens, Si petie= rit sestert. L I I I. hic nisi planum facit sestert. L I I I. ad libellam sibi deberi, causam perdit. id est, si minimo qui dem nummo minus debitum fuit, ex formula plus petitio= nis causa cadit. Plautus in Pseud. Si quidem hercle etiam supremi promptas thesauros Louis, tibi libellam argenti nunquam credam. Libella aute[m] argenti ideo dicitur, quòd numulus erat argenteus, ut prædiximus. Quin & signa= ta statim argentea pecunia, constitutum ut denarius num= mus libris decem æris ualeret, & sestertius dipondio & semisse: qua ratione quaterni sestertij denarium unum æquabant, ut autor est Festus. Diu autem Populus Rom. æreo nummo usus est, cuius rei testis est Pli. lib. XXXIII. his uerbis, Argentum signatum est anno Vrbis quingen= tesimo octogesimoquinto, Q. Fabio Cōsule, quinq[ue]; annis ante primum Punicu[m] bellum: & placuit denarius pro de= cem libris, quinarius pro quinq[ue]; sestertius pro dipondio ac semisse. Idem populus Ro. ne argento quidem signato ante Pyrrhum Regem deuictum usus est. Libralis, unde etia[m] nunc libella dicitur, & dipondius appedebatur assis. Quare æris grauis poena dicta, & adhuc expesa in ratio nibus dicuntur: item impendia, & pondera. Quin & mi= litum stipendioru[m], hoc est, stipsis ponderandæ pensatores, libripendes dicuntur: qua cōsuetudine in ijs emptionibus quæ mancupi sunt, etiam nunc libra interponitur. hacte= nus

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 107 by diminution from a pound: although it was a silver libella, as Varro is the authority. Cicero in the third action against Verres: “Did anyone, if Volcatius had come of his own accord, give a single libella?” He put libella for as, because it was so called from libra, since a libra of bronze was worth, that is, an as. But when they wished to signify the smallest sum of money, they used to say an as and a libella. The same author, in the speech For Roscius the Dancer, speaking of the penalty of those who demand more, says: “If he shall have claimed 53 sesterces, unless he makes it clear that 53 sesterces are owed to him down to the libella, he loses the case”; that is, if even the smallest coin was not owed less, the action fails on account of an overclaim in the form. Plautus in the Pseudolus: “Indeed, by Hercules, even if you opened the treasures of supreme Jupiter, I would never trust you for a libella of silver.” A libella of silver is so called because a small silver coin existed, as we said before. And when coined silver money was introduced immediately, it was established that the denarius should be worth ten librae of bronze, and the sestertius two asses and a semis; by this reckoning four sestertii equaled one denarius, as Festus is authority. For a long time the Roman people used bronze coin; witness Pliny, book XXXIII, in these words: “Coined silver was issued in the year 585 from the founding of the City, when Quintus Fabius was consul, five years before the First Punic War; and it was decided that the denarius should stand for ten librae, the quinarius for five, the sestertius for two asses and a semis.” The same Roman people did not even use coined silver before King Pyrrhus was defeated. Libralis, whence even now libella is also called, and dipondius was weighed against the as. Therefore a heavy bronze penalty is spoken of, and in accounts they are still called expended amounts; likewise outlays and weights. And the pay of soldiers, that is, the weighers of the stipends to be measured out, are called libripendes: from which custom, in those purchases which are mancipatory, a pair of scales is still now brought in. Thus far.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nus Pli. Ego in uerbis supradictis ex antiquis exemplari= < Plinij locus.> bus duo uerba emendanda censeo, ut pro pondera depen dere legatur, et pro mancupi mancipij. Quid autem sit dare et uendere mancipio, nos primi, ut arbitror, docui= mus in Annotationibus in Pandectas editis. Fuit autem hic < Aes graue.> ordo rei nummariæ, ut primùm Romani ære graui, id est, nummo rudi et informi usi sint: postea ære signato, quod fuit sub sexto demum Rege: deinde argento signato anno Vrbis quingentesimo octogesimoquinto, autore Plin. his uerbis, Seruius Rex primus signauit æs: antea rudi usos < Pecunia.> Romæ Remeus tradit. signatu[m] est nota pecudu[m]; unde et pe cunia appellata. Maximus census centu[m] decem nulia assiu[m] fuit illo rege: et ideo hæc prima classis. Nummu[m] autè et < Idem nummus & sestertius.> sestertium idem fuisse notius propè erat, quàm ut probari deberet, nisi in hoc Merula uir doctus fæl; us esset, ut suprà admonuimus: et Calderinus uir ingeniosus nummu[m] apud Iuuen. Satyra v 1. denarium esse dixisset. Cic. in Ver. act. I I I I. Facta est sponsio sestertijs quinq; coegit Scandi= lius recuperatores aut iudicem postulare. Et paulò post, Coëgit enim, inquit, Scandiliu[m] quinq; illa nulia nummi in dare ac numerare Apronio. Et rursus inferius, Cogit Scâ dilium Apronio ob singularem improbitatem, atq; auda= ciam, prædatione[m]q; nefariæ societatis, sestertium quinq; milia, mercedis nomine ac præmij dare. Quinq; sestertia, quinq; millia sestertium, et quinque millia nummum pro codè dixit. Vitruuius lib. 1. Ab Senatu populoq; Rom. pe= tijt, ut liceret transferre oppidum: constituitq; moenia, et areas diuisit, nummoq; sestertio singulis municipibus mācipio dedit. id est, sestertijs singulis areas ædificaturis ciuibus uendidit, quæ res instar donationis, imaginè uen= < Addicere num mo.> ditionis habet: quo modo et nummo addicere Suetonio in Cæ

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Pliny’s passage. In the words quoted above, from ancient copies, I think two words ought to be corrected, so that it should read pondera dependere instead of pondera depen dare , and mancupi instead of mancupii . What it is, however, to give and sell by mancipation, we were, I believe, the first to explain in the Annotations on the Pandects published by us. Now the order of the monetary system was this: first the Romans used rough bronze, that is, money unrefined and unshaped; then stamped bronze, which was introduced under the sixth king; then stamped silver in the year 585 of the City, according to Pliny, in these words: “King Servius was the first to stamp bronze; before that, people in Rome used rough bronze,” Money. “It was stamped with the mark of cattle; from which it was also called money.” The greatest census under that king was 110,000 asses, and therefore this was the first class. It was almost more obvious than needed to prove that the nummus and the sestertius were the same thing, unless Merula, a learned man, had erred in this matter, as noted above, and Calderinus, a clever man, had said that the nummus in Juvenal, Satire V, line 1, meant a denarius. Cicero, in the fourth action against Verres: “A wager in sestertii was made; Scandilius compelled him to ask for arbitrators or a judge.” And a little later: “For, says he, Scandilius compelled him to pay and count out those five nummi to Apronius.” And again below: “He forces Scandilius, because of his singular wickedness and audacity, and because of the plundering of that accursed partnership, to give five thousand sestertii as payment and reward.” “Five sestertia,” “five thousand sestertii,” and “five thousand nummi” he used in the same sense. Vitruvius, book 1: “He asked the Senate and Roman people for permission to transfer the town; and he laid out the walls and divided the plots, and by single sestertius coins gave them to the citizens by mancipation,” that is, he sold the plots for each citizen to build on for a single sestertius, a transaction which has the appearance of a donation under the form of a sale; in the same way, to assign by a nummus in Suetonius, in the case of Cae

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 109 in Cæsare. Valcrius lib. v. M. inquit, Cornuto prætore fu nus Hircij & Pansæ iussu Senatus locante, qui tunc libi= tinam exercebant, tum rerum suarum usum, tum muniste= rium suum gratuitum polliciti sunt, perseverantiq[ue] postu latione extuderunt, ut exequiarum apparatus sestertio nummo ipsis præbentibus addiceretur. Ab huiusmodi co= suetudine emanauit illud Vlpiani in l. si quis, de acquiren da possess. Si quis conduxerit, & rogauerit precariò uti possideret, si quidem nummo uno conduxit, nulla dubita= tio est quin & precarium solum teneat. Columella libro quarto, Vinitor licet sit emptus sex uel potius sestertijs octo mulibus, cum ipsum solum septem iugerum totidem mulibus nummorum partum, uineasq[ue] cum sua dote, id est, cum pedamentis & uiminibus binis milibus in singula iu gera positas duco, fit tum in assem consummatum preciu[m] sestertiorum uigintinouem millium. Huc accedunt semis= ses usuraru[m] sestertia tria millia & quadringenti octogin ta nummi biennij temporis, quo uelut infantia uincarum cessat à fructu. fit in assem summa sortis trigintaduoru[m] mil lium quadringetorum octoginta nummorum: quod quasi nomen si ut foenerator cum debitore, ita rusticus cum ui= neis fecerit, eius summæ ut in perpetuum prædictam usu= ram semissium dominus constituat, percipere debet in an= nos singulos mille nongentos quinquaginta sestertios. Mirum uideri non debebat pro septem iugerum, octo iu= gerum apud Columellam lectitari, nisi & apud Hermo= laum in altera editione itidem legeretur, ea parte in qua castigationes condidit in librum decimum quartum Pli= nij, ubi hic locus citatur ad comprobationem eorum quæ de usuris semissibus trientibusq[ue] & centesimis ipse do= ctissimè scripsit: ita ut primus errorem non modo iurispe= riterum Locus Hermo lai de uiuris.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 109 in Caesar. Valerius, book v. M. says, when the funeral of Hirtius and Pansa was let by order of the Senate, during the praetorship of Cornutus, those who then carried on the undertaker’s business promised both the use of their own property and their services without charge, and by persistent demand they obtained that the arrangement for the funeral rites should be awarded to them for a single sestertius to be provided by themselves. From this sort of practice arose that statement of Ulpian in the law “Si quis,” de acquirenda possessione: if anyone has hired something and has asked to use it by precarious tenure, if indeed he hired it for one coin, there is no doubt that he holds only on precarious tenure. Columella, in the fourth book, though the vine-dresser may be bought for six, or rather eight sestertii, I reckon the soil itself, of seven iugera, at the same sum in sestertii, and the vineyards with their equipment, that is, with props and wattles, placed at two thousand per iugerum, then the total price is completed in full to 29,000 sestertii. To this are added half-interest on the interest, 3,480 sestertii, for the two years during which the vines, as it were in their infancy, yield no fruit. Thus the sum of the principal comes to 32,480 nummi: and if, as a lender with his debtor, so the farmer with his vines were to make this sum a “name,” so that the owner should fix for it in perpetuity the aforesaid half-interest, he ought to receive every year 1,950 sestertii. It should not seem surprising that in Columella one reads “seven iugera,” “eight iugera,” unless the same reading is found also in Hermolaus in another edition, in that part where he placed his emendations in the fourteenth book of Pliny, where this passage is cited to confirm the things which he himself, most learnedly, wrote about half-interest, third-interest, and centesimal interest: so that the first to make the error was not only the jurists... Locus Her mo lai de uiuris.

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ritorum, sed & omnium neotericorum ostenderit. quem locum si ad calculum exigere uoluit, facile fuit animaduertere errorem exemplarium. Quonam modo enim ex octo millibus (quod precium serui uinitoris Columella statuit) & altero tanto, id est, octo iugerum precio, & octies binis nullibus (quæ summa pro pedanda uinciendaq; uite iugerum octo taxatur) confieri summa undetriginta millium possit? Quòd si solum septem iugerum legatur, conueniet ratio. Id enim in promptu est uel in digitos calculum deducenti. Porrò cum in semissibus usuris millenarius quilibet sexagenarium pariat, & quingenariustricenarium: ex uiginti millibus summa fit usuræ mille ducenti nummi, & ex decem millibus sexcenti: ex quibus sexaginta ideo deducuntur, quòd sors no[n] triginta, sed undetriginta sit millium. quare semissis usuræ summa erit annua mille septingenti quadraginta nummi: quæ in biennio duplicata, tria millia quadringentos octoginta nummos festertios efficit. Sic fit as sortis & usurarum triginta duo millia quadringenti octoginta nummi. Rursus si hanc summâ sub semissibus usuris occupatam esse statuas: cum triginta millia ratione antedicta mille octingentos pariant: & duo millia centum & uiginti, id est, mille & nongentos uiginti: & si quadringentos octoginta pro quingentis intelligas, ut ex ijs triceni nummi annui pariantur: fiet summa usurarum mille nongenti quinquaginta nummi. alioquin si scrupulose exigas (quod Columellæ neglexit) tot nummi huic summæ deerût, quot uiginti in anno pariunt, id est, unus & circiter quadrans unius. id quod ideo explicare uoluimus, quia Hermolaus inexplici tum reliquit, contentus admonuisse loci: nec aliquid præterea addidit, quàm id quod sequitur: Ex his uerbis, in= quit

Transcription: Translated (English)

...of the rhetoricians, but also of all the moderns he will have shown. If one wished to test this passage by calculation, it would be easy to notice the error of the manuscripts. For how can a total of thirty-nine thousand be made up from eight thousand (which is the price Columella assigns to a vineyard slave), and another amount equal to that, that is, the price of eight iugera, and eight times two noughts (which sum is assessed for eight iugera to be planted and to be tied up with stakes)? But if only seven iugera are read, the reckoning will agree. For that is plain even to one who works the calculation on his fingers. Moreover, since in semissis interest every thousand produces sixty, and five hundred produces thirty: from twenty thousand the interest amounts to one thousand two hundred nummi, and from ten thousand six hundred; from which sixty are therefore deducted, because the principal is not thirty, but thirty-nine thousand. Therefore the total annual interest in semissis will be one thousand seven hundred and forty nummi; doubled in two years, it makes three thousand four hundred and eighty sestertii. Thus the sum of principal and interest comes to thirty-two thousand four hundred and eighty nummi. Again, if you suppose this sum to be invested at semissis interest, since thirty thousand by the method already stated produce one thousand eight hundred, and two thousand one hundred and twenty, that is, one thousand nine hundred and twenty; and if you take four hundred and eighty as five hundred, so that from these thirty nummi are produced annually, the total interest will be one thousand nine hundred and fifty nummi. Otherwise, if you insist on exactness (which Columella neglected), so many nummi would be lacking from this sum as twenty produce in a year, that is, one and about a quarter of one. We wished to explain this for the reason that Hermolaus left it unexplained, content merely to call attention to the passage; nor did he add anything else except what follows: From these words, he says

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. III quit ille, euidentissime colligitur, ex usuris semissibus non quinquagenos de centenis, sed senos duntaxat in annum redire creditoribus: sicuti quaternos ex trientibus. Hoc quoq[ue], ut arbitror, addere debuit, si in mētem ei uenit, cur centesima usura diceretur: quando id plurimum ualet ad fidem faciendam erroris deprehensi, qui perdiu sefellerat. Atqui cù hæc ratio cætesimæ duodenos nummos annuos in singulos centenarios pariat, & mestruos singulos: facile patet ideo centesimam dictam, quòd centesimo mense <Centesima usura.> sortem æquet. V surarum enim dies olim in singulos menses cedere existimabantur, ut hodie moribus huius urbis tertio quoque mense cedunt earum pensitationum dies, quæ precio legitimo accepto prædijs imponu[n]tur, & mancipio datur, & citra uitium foenoris instar habent. Dicitur etiam centesima usura ideo (nisi fallor) quia cætesimus nummus pro foenore statuitur. Centum enim nummi sortis, pariunt singulos nummos menstruos. hæc à Græcis dicitur. Plutarchus in Lucul. μὴ ἐκποσιω ἐκελεσθε, καὶ μὴ πλεον εἰς τὰς τὸννς λεγίεαν. Vbi πιù μορίδα subintelligo. Quòd autem menstruæ esse censerentur usuræ, <Calendarium.> calendarium uocabulum docet, quo iuris consulti utuntur. Proinde cum centesima usura pro asse intelligatur, dimidiata centesima semissis dicitur: & semis rursus dimidiatus, quadrans. Similisq[ue] ratio in trientario foenore statuitur: quod Antoninus Pius R[everendus] princeps tanqua[m] minimu[m] exercuisse dicitur, ut patrimonio suo plurimos adiuvaret. Vidi homines iurisperitissimos qui adhuc centesimam usuram cum Accursio intelligerent, nec Hermolao assentirentur, nec ijs iurisconsultis qui cù eo sentiunt, calculo (ut arbitror) offensi, quem non facile expediunt homines eius artis ignari: quæ causa fuit ut eum locu[m] expla[n]nandum

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. III from which it is most clearly gathered that, from semis usury, not fifty from the hundred, but only six in the year, return to creditors; just as four from triental interest. This also, I think, he ought to have added, if it came into his mind, why it was called centesimal usury: since this is of very great value for establishing confidence in the detection of the error that had long deceived him. But since this calculation of the centesimal rate produces twelve annual coins for each hundred, and one each month, it is easily clear why it was called centesimal: because in the hundredth month it equals the principal. For the days of interest were once thought to fall due on the individual months, as today, by the customs of this city, the days of payment for those sums fall due every third month, which are imposed upon the accepted purchase price for public lands and are given in mancipation, and, without the fault of usury, have the force of interest. It is also called centesimal usury, I think, because the hundredth coin is fixed as interest. For one hundred coins of principal produce one coin each month. This is called by the Greeks. Plutarch in Lucullus: μὴ ἐκποσιω ἐκελεσθε, καὶ μὴ πλεον εἰς τὰς τὸννς λεγίεαν. Here I understand πιù μορίδα. But that interest was considered monthly, the word calendarium shows, which jurists use. Therefore, since centesimal usury is understood as one as, the half-centesimal is called semissis; and the semissis, again divided in half, is a quadrans. And a similar rule is established in triental interest, which the Reverend Prince Antoninus Pius is said to have practiced as little as possible, so that he might aid many from his own estate. I have seen very learned jurists who still understood centesimal usury together with Accursius, and did not agree with Hermolaus, nor with those jurists who think with him, offended, I think, by the reckoning, which men unacquainted with the art do not easily work out: and this was the reason that this passage had to be explained.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nandum ducerem. Verum ne de hoc posthac dubitetur, locus est apud Plinium in epistolis ad Traianum his uerbis rem manifestam reddens, Pecuniæ publicæ, domine, prouidentiatua & ministerio nostro et iam exactæ sunt, & exiguntur, quæ uereor ne ociosæ iaceant: nam & prædiorum comparandorum aut nulla aut rarissima occasio est, nec inuenciuntur qui uelint debere Reipublicæ præsertim duodenis assibus, quanti à priuatis inueniantur. Dispice ergo domine nunquid minuendam usuram, ac per hoc idoneos debitores inuitandos putes: & si nec sic reperiuntur, distribuendam inter Decuriones pecuniam ita ut recte Reipublicæ caueant. quod quanquam inuitis & recusantibus, minus acerbum erit, leuiore usura constituta. Duodenos asses appellat plenam centesimam, eo modo loquendi quo nunc in eare utimur duodecimu[m] denarium uel decimum quintum dicentes. Cicero in Præura urbana obijcit Verri quòd pecuniam sibi attributam ad coëmptionem frumenti publici, apud publicanos relictam unde erat attributa, duabus centesimis foeneratus sit. Duas centesimas Cicero quatuor & uiginti asses in centenarios singulos dixit. Demosthenes orator in oratione quam contra Aphobum unum ex tutoribus suis habuit, hoc apertissime docet. ait enim patrem suum Demosthenem Aphobo, quem tutorem sibi dederat, in testamento octoginta minas reliquisse dotis nomine, ut uxorem suam Demosthenis matrem, uxorem duceret: quas cum ille accepisset, matrem tamen uxorem non habuit. Sic igitur inquit, πινοικια ποινον ποινον ειχε λαδων. μὴ γαμαρλος δὲ αυτὴ πινοιμητικὴ πινοεμηλιω, ὑμνομος κελωδ πινοικια ὑφείλην ἐπειννεα ὑδολοῖς, ἐγώ δὲ ἐπι αρχαίη μόνον πίθμη, γινεται δὲ ἀντις σωθήν τὸ, τε ἀρχαίον ποι

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND I would have thought so. But lest there be any doubt about this hereafter, there is a passage in Pliny, in the letters to Trajan, which makes the matter plain in these words: “Public money, my lord, has already, through your foresight and our agency, been provided and collected, and is being exacted, which I fear may lie idle to no purpose: for there is either no opportunity at all, or a very rare one, of purchasing estates, nor are there found those who are willing to owe money to the commonwealth, especially at twelve asses, for which private persons are found.” Consider therefore, my lord, whether you think the interest should be reduced, and by this means suitable debtors invited; and if even so none are found, the money should be distributed among the decurions, so that they may rightly provide for the commonwealth. And although this would be against their will and to their refusal, it will be less harsh if a lower rate of interest is fixed. He calls twelve asses a full hundredth, in the same way of speaking that we now use when we say the twelfth denarius or the fifteenth. Cicero, in the prosecution of Verres, charges him with the fact that money assigned to him for the purchase of public grain, left with the tax-farmers from whom it had been assigned, was put out at interest at two per cent. Cicero said that two per cent amounted to twenty-four asses in each hundred. Demosthenes the orator, in the speech which he made against Aphobus, one of his guardians, teaches this most clearly. For he says that his father Demosthenes had left to Aphobus, whom he had appointed his guardian, in his will eighty minas by way of dowry, so that he might marry his wife, the mother of Demosthenes; but although he received these, he nevertheless did not take his mother as his wife. Thus, therefore, he says, πινοικια ποινον ποινον ειχε λαδων. μὴ γαμαρλος δὲ αυτὴ πινοιμητικὴ πινοεμηλιω, ὑμνομος κελωδ πινοικια ὑφείλην ἐπειννεα ὑδολοῖς, ἐγώ δὲ ἐπι αρχαίη μόνον πίθμη, γινεται δὲ ἀντις σωθήν τὸ, τε ἀρχαίον ποι

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 113 νοι ἡ τῶν ἔνδια ἐτῶν, μάλιστε πία πάλαιντα. Verùm iste dotem huiuscemodi pacto habuit: quare cum matrem mea[m] uxorem non duxerit, lege quidem iubente debet dotem cum usuris nouenûm obolum restituere: sed fac drachmales tantum usuras eum debere.has si cum sorte aliquis supputauerit, duodecim annorum spatio tria largè talenta inueniet. Ego cum hanc rationem inirem, sic colligebam, octoginta minæ centenariæ, octo millia drachmarum ualent, siue octogies centenas. Cum autem in centesimis usuris quilibet centenarius siue quælibet mina in anno duodenarium pariat: si octogies duodenas drachmas ducerem, futuras in summa drachmas nongentas sexaginta: quæ summa si duodecies ducatur, fient undecim millia drachmarum, & quingentæ præterea & uiginti, ex quibus centum & quindecim minæ fiunt, & uiginti drachmæ superant: quibus si octoginta minas, id est, sortem addas, fiunt centum nonagintaquinque minæ. ita tria talenta fiunt, & quindecim minæ, cum L X. minæ talentum faciant, ut infrà uidebimus. Propter quod Demosthenes exactè summam colligere uolens, largè uel prolixè tria talenta dixit pro tribus taletis & quadrante. nouem autem obolos pro sesquidrachma posuit, qua ratione sesquicentesima usura procederet, quam ipse, ut omnino aduersario defensionis ansam præcideret, ad centesimam retraxit. Vsuræ sesquicentesimæ taxatæ erant ex lege decem tabularum in rei uxoriæ actione, eodem autore in oratione κατὴν νεαίρας. ita enim inquit, Νόμον πελοίει ἰὰν ἀγωπίμπι πιν γωνῶνα, ἀγαθοδοξια πιν περίκα. ἰὰν ἐμή, ἐπειννία ὑδολοῦντι πονερωρήν. Lex iubet eum qui uxorem repudiarit, dotem restituere, alioqui moræ tempore interusurium pendere sesquidrachmale. Ea autem actio σίν Σίκη μοcata est à Solone, ut h ex eo σίν Σίκη. Vsura sesquicentesima.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 113 The law of the years before the war, especially long ago. But this dowry he had on such terms: therefore, since he did not take my mother as his wife, by law he must indeed restore the dowry with nine-obol interest; but suppose we say only drachma interest: if someone adds this together with the principal, he will find, over a span of twelve years, three talents in full. When I went through this calculation, I was reasoning as follows: eighty hundred minas make eight thousand drachmas, that is, eighty hundreds. But when at one-hundredth interest each hundred or each mina in a year produces twelve, if I multiply eighty by twelve drachmas, the total will be nine hundred and sixty drachmas: if this sum is multiplied by twelve, there will be eleven thousand drachmas, and furthermore five hundred and twenty; from these there result one hundred and fifteen minas, and twenty drachmas remain over: to which if you add the eighty minas, that is, the principal, there result one hundred and ninety-five minas. Thus there are three talents, and fifteen minas, since sixty minas make a talent, as we shall see below. For this reason Demosthenes, wanting to gather the total exactly, said three talents at large, or more loosely, for three talents and a quarter. And he put nine obols for one and a half drachmas, so that the interest would amount to one and a half per cent; this he himself, in order to cut off the opponent’s ground for defense altogether, reduced to one per cent. Interest at one and a half per cent was set by the law of the Twelve Tables in the action concerning the dowry, as the same author says in the speech Against Neaira . For thus he says: “Law commands that if a man repudiates his wife, he restore the dowry; otherwise, for the period of delay, he shall pay interest at one and a half drachmas.” That action was called σίν Σίκη by Solon, as he says from it σίν Σίκη . Interest at one and a half per cent.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET <Drachma. Obolus.> quidrachmam tantum ualent, cum drachma sex obolos penderet. Foenoris autem nautici exemplum est apud De= mosthenem in oratione quæ πρὸς λαχρίτο περαρραφω di= citur, his uerbis, ἰδύνθον ουδοκλής καὶ ναυμάτης δρίτι= μων ἐν απολλοδώρω φασμλίταις δρυμήν πιχιλίας άσαχιμᾶς, αθήνθεν ἐις μενθω, καὶ ἐντοδέν ἐις βοανορον, ἰαν ἔν βού= λων) ἐν ἐπι δριστερὰ μεχρι βορυδίνας, καὶ πύλιν αθήναζε, ἐπι άκακτιας ἐκεσπιέντε πος χιλίας, ἰαν καὶ μετ' δρικτήρον ἐκπλοδώσαν ἐκ τὴν πῶντε ἰδρον, ἐπι πιακτιαίας τὰς χι= λίας. Id est, Androcles & Naurates pecuniam foenera= ti sunt Artemoni & Apollodoro Phaselitis ad tria millia drachmarum, hoc est triginta minas: conuenitq[ue]; ut Athenis pecuniam Mendam exportarent, indeq[ue]; in Bosporon, aut etiam si placeret sinistrorum nauigare ad Borysthenen usque, & rursus Athenas cum mercibus redire. Statutus autem modus foenoris in millenas drachmas ducentæuice= næquinæ drachmæ. Quòd si post arcturum portum exe= ant è Ponto ad sacrum promontorium nauigaturi, trece= næ in millenas. Hoc perinde est ac si diceret, in denas mi= nas ternæ minæ, uel binæ cum quadrante minæ: quæ ratio longè abest ab illa centesima Accursianorum. Hoc enim conuento sænus non in mensem statutum intelligo, sed se= mel in maris commeatum remeatumq[ue], & in eius nego= ciationis exitum. Hæc autem quæ retuli, uerba sunt syn= graphæ nauticæ. Ipse Demosthenes in oratione quæ πα= ραρραφη πρὸς παραίνετον inscripta est, centum & quinque minarum tot idem drachmas menstruas ἐν γυνομητον τὸνερ esse dicit, hoc est iustam & legitimam usuram. μιδύται ἐγ παρ' μὴν τὸ γυνομητα τὸνα ἐν δρυμήω, πιντε καὶ ἐναρχε δακχιμὴν τὸ μὴνος ἐκάσα. Quibus uerbis circa principium eius orationis positis, significat, contractum illum nomine quidem

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE AS AND <Drachma. Obolus.> they are worth only two drachmas, since a drachma weighed six obols. An example of maritime interest, however, is found in Demosthenes, in the speech which is said to be πρὸς λαχρίτο περαρραφω, in these words: ἰδύνθον ουδοκλής καὶ ναυμάτης δρίτιμων ἐν απολλοδώρω φασμλίταις δρυμήν πιχιλίας άσαχιμᾶς, αθήνθεν ἐις μενθω, καὶ ἐντοδέν ἐις βοανορον, ἰαν ἔν βούλων) ἐν ἐπι δριστερὰ μεχρι βορυδίνας, καὶ πύλιν αθήναζε, ἐπι άκακτιας ἐκεσπιέντε πος χιλίας, ἰαν καὶ μετ' δρικτήρον ἐκπλοδώσαν ἐκ τὴν πῶντε ἰδρον, ἐπι πιακτιαίας τὰς χι= λίας. That is, Androcles and Naurates lent money at interest to Artemon and Apollodorus of Phaselis, to the amount of three thousand drachmas, that is, thirty minae; and it was agreed that from Athens they should export the money to Mende, and thence to the Bosporus, or, if they preferred, sail to the left as far as the Borysthenes, and then return again to Athens with goods. The fixed rate of interest was two hundred and twenty-nine drachmas per thousand drachmas. But if they should put out from beyond the harbor of Arcturus from the Pontus, sailing to the sacred promontory, the rate was three hundred per thousand. This is as if one were to say, on ten minae, three minae, or two and a quarter minae: a method far removed from that Accursian centesima. For in that agreement I understand the debt not as fixed for a month, but once for a voyage out and back by sea, and for the conclusion of that business. But the words I have quoted are from a maritime contract. Demosthenes himself, in the speech entitled παραρραφη πρὸς παραίνετον, says that one hundred and five minae amount to the same number of monthly drachmas ἐν γυνομητον τὸνερ, that is, a just and lawful usury. μιδύται ἐγ παρ' μὴν τὸ γυνομητα τὸνα ἐν δρυμήω, πιντε καὶ ἐναρχε δακχιμὴν τὸ μὴνος ἐκάσα. By these words, placed near the beginning of the speech, he indicates that that contract by name indeed

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 117 quidem conductionem fuisse, sed reuera mutuum usurarium. Quem contractum ne quis improbandum censeret, addidit usuræ loco pensitationem menstruam se stipulatum, quantam scilicet usuram stipulari per leges liceret. Eam autem esse in singulas minas drachmas singulas. Idem ἐν ἐν πρὸς νικοστον, ἐνημι ἐν τω συνοικιαν ἐκκαίδια μνῶν παμωταίν, ὑπο ουχς ὑπος προεξηνσεν, ἐπιδκτὸς δοξολος τω μνῶν διεκτατη τω μλως ἐκάσα. Oppigneraui igitur diuersorium meum in sedecim minas Pambotadæ, qui eam pecuniam repræsentauit, in singulas minas octonis obolis quolibet mense creditori foenoris nomine constitutis. atque hæc & hoc ipso interprete & proxeneta facta est constitutio. Hæc usura centesimam triente excedit. Vsura aute apud antiquos duplex fuit, terrestris, & nautica. Terrestris, id est, ἐγγεθ, menstrua erat. nautica iterum duplex fuit: una quæ in alteram tantum nauigatione statuebatur (hæc à Græcis heteroplus dicitur) altera ita contrahebatur, ut non aliter deberetur nec ipsa, nec sors eius, quàm si nais cum mercibus sospes domum redijsset. Hanc amphoteroplum dicunt, quasi in co[m]meatum remeatumq[ue] taxatam. de quo locutus est Modestinus in l. prima, de nautico foenore. Demosthenes πρὸς φορμύνα, καὶ ἐτο ἀυτὸς ἐδῶν δεινὸν αυτὸς οἰχιλίας άφαχμᾶς ἀμφωτερόπλαν, ὑς ἀπολατῶν αθύνποι οἰχιλίας ἐκαχείας άφαχμᾶς. Et hic quidem, inquit, mutuò dedit duo millia drachmarum pecuniæ utrobiqve traictitiæ, ut Athenis duo millia drachmarum & eo amplius sexcentas reciperet. His uerbis liquet id quod supra diximus, usuram nauticam non menstrua fuisse, sed una in omne tempus nauigationis & negociationis constitutione taxatam. Fuit enim pecunia à Lampide naucleo Phormioni foeneratò mutuata Athenis in Pon- h 3 tum

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 117 Indeed it was a lease, but in reality a usurious loan. Lest anyone might consider that contract objectionable, he added that, in place of interest, he had stipulated for a monthly payment, namely such interest as it was lawful to stipulate by the laws. And this was, on each mina, one drachma. The same [text then continues in Greek]. I therefore mortgaged my inn to Pambotas for sixteen minas, who advanced that money, with eight obols on each mina fixed each month to the creditor under the name of interest; and this agreement was made by that very interpreter and broker. This interest exceeds one-third of the centesima. Now, among the ancients there were two kinds of interest: terrestrial and nautical. Terrestrial, that is, ἐγγέθ, was monthly. Nautical interest, again, was of two kinds: one which was fixed only for the outward voyage (this is called by the Greeks heteroplus), the other was contracted on such terms that neither it nor the principal was owed unless the ship had returned safely home with its cargo. This they call amphoteroplus, as though fixed for the outward and return passage. Modestinus speaks of this in the first law, On Nautical Interest. Demosthenes [in the passage beginning] πρὸς φορμύνα, and he himself says here that he gave a loan of two thousand drachmas of money for freight in both directions, so that he might receive at Athens two thousand drachmas and six hundred more. By these words it is clear what we said above, namely, that nautical interest was not monthly, but was fixed once for the whole time of the voyage and business transaction. For money had been lent by Lampis the shipmaster to Phormion at interest at Athens in Pon- h 3 tum

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tum, & Ponto Athenas. Et hæc ratio maior est sesqui= quarta, & iure Pandectarum non admissa. Nam legitimæ usura traiectitiæ pecuniæ non potest duplam centesimam excedere, ut autor est Papinianus in l. Nihil interest. A Græcis ephectos tocos uocatur, superexta usura: cuius exemplum luculentum est in supradicta πρὸς φορμύνα De= mosthenis oratione. Nouissimum exemplum addemus ex Isæo in oratione ποδί το ἀγνία κλήρα, in qua bona cuiusdam defuncti recensens, & nomina, ita inquit, χρία Π πι πονοις ὑφθλοιωα ποδί τετραχιχιλίας, ὑπο & ἐπιν ἐπι ἐννία ὑδολείς ἐπικοσία μὴ ἀνοι ἐπιχιαί ἀνοιν) το ἀνιωτή. Nomina autem usuraria ad quatuor millia drachmarum, cuius quæstus singulis annis septingētæ uiginti drachmæ fiunt foenore nouenûm obolorum. Post hæc uerba quis controuersiam referre audeat eorum quæ diximus? Cum enim centesima in singulos mullenarios centum & uiginti annuas pariat, sequitur ut sesquicentesima centum & octoginta pariat, qui numerus quadruplicatus septingentas & uiginti efficit. Nostra autem ratio hodie in pensitationibus & uectigalibus quæ prædijs imponuntur, bessales usuras referre quodammodo uidetur: sed qui innocentius stipulari uolunt religione obstricti, aut ciuili foenori detrahere aliquid, aut precio addere solent. Vncaria usura est cum centenarius singulos parit, ut in l. Titium, de administratione tutorum. Qui autem religione soluti sunt, & hodie Epidecatum probant, nos uectigal decimarium appellare possumus, quod nec boni uiri probant, & incuile iam existimatur: ex quo scilicet tempore idem Hermolaus rem usurariam male esse intellectam à iuris enarratoribus docuit. Quandoquidem autem Pauli responsum in capite, Si hæres, ad legem Falcidiam, uideo à iuris Epidecatum foenus. Locus Pauli jurisconsulti.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASSE ET then, and to Athens by way of Pontus. And this ratio is greater by one and a half to four, and is not admitted in the Pandects by law. For lawful interest on transferred money cannot exceed two per cent, as Papinian is author of it in the law Nihil interest. Among the Greeks it is called ephectos tocos, superadded interest: a clear example of which is found in the aforementioned speech of Demosthenes, πρὸς φορμύνα. We shall add a final example from Isaeus in the speech ποδί το ἀγνία κλήρα, in which, recounting the goods of a certain deceased man and the names, he says thus, χρία Π πι πονοις ὑφθλοιωα ποδί τετραχιχιλίας, ὑπο & ἐπιν ἐπι ἐννία ὑδολείς ἐπικοσία μὴ ἀνοι ἐπιχιαί ἀνοιν) το ἀνιωτή. The interest-bearing loans amount to four thousand drachmas, the gain from which each year comes to seven hundred and twenty drachmas at interest of nine obols. After these words, who would dare refer the controversy to those things which we have said? For since the centesima on each thousand yields one hundred and twenty a year, it follows that the sesquicentesima yields one hundred and eighty; and that number, when quadrupled, makes seven hundred and twenty. But our method today in payments and taxes imposed upon estates seems in a way to amount to less than a besselus interest; yet those who wish to contract more innocently, being bound by religion, are accustomed either to deduct something from civil interest or to add it to the price. The uncaria interest is when each hundred yields one, as in the law Titium, on the administration of guardians. But those who are free from religious scruples, and today approve the Epidecatum, we may call a tithe tax, which neither good men approve, and which is now regarded as uncivil; from which time, indeed, the same Hermolaus taught that the usurious matter had been badly understood by the interpreters of the law. Since, moreover, I see Paul’s answer in the heading Si hæres, under the Falcidian law, from the jurists’ Epidecatum foenus. The passage of the jurist Paulus.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. 1. 119 à iuris enarratoribus absurdè esse intellectum: de eoq[ue] ipse à iuris non mediocriter in eo studio eruditis interrogatus, Pauli sententiam penè ænigmaticam, Hermolai uerò in= terpretationem sensi planè uideri ieiunam, ipsoq[ue] Pauli di cto illis obscuriorem, licet ipse aliter existimem: idcirco mei muneris esse duxi, institutoq[ue] operi et proposito con uenire, eius responsi uerba enarratius explanare. Item si Reipublicæ (inquit Paulus) in annos singulos legatu sit, cum de lege Falcidia quæratur, Marcellus putat tantum uideri legatum, quantum sufficiat sorti ad usuras trientes eius summæ quæ legata est, colligendas. Hic primùm hoc præstandum habeo, quòd cum ad Falcidiam exercendam legatorum ratio initur, ut constare inde possit an ultra do drantem à testatore legata producta fuerint: ea legata quæ certam summam non habent, legitimo precio æstimantur. Esto igitur exempli gratia ut seni aurei Reipublicæ reli= cti sint annui in perpetuum. notum est eius summæ reditu[m] ab hærede alicunde comparandum, reiq[ue] publicæ ab eo mancipandum, unde stabilem obuentionem eius summæ habere quotannis possit: aut pro eo preciu[m] dandum. Nunc igitur si ratione legatorum ineunda quæratur quantum hæres eo nomine imputare in rationem debeat, responde= re possis ex Marcelli opinione, et Pauli sentetia, non tan tum imputandu[m] quanti sex aurei annui emi possunt trans= latitio et plerunq[ue] usitato precio, uel quanta est pecuniæ summæ: quæ si foeneratò collocetur, senos aureos quotan= nis parere potest ciuili et legitimo foenore: sed uberius ac plenius huius legati æstimationem ideo esse faciendam, quòd Reipublicæ relictum est. Nam cum per legem, Eos, in tractatu de usuris, Iustinianus Augustus sanxerit legi= timam et ciuilem usuram esse semussem, si priuato ipse b 4 homi

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understood absurdly by interpreters of the law: and on this matter, when I was questioned by persons not inconsiderably learned in that study of the law, I found Paul’s opinion to be almost enigmatic, and Hermolaus’s interpretation plainly to seem meager, and Paul’s own statement more obscure than those, although I myself think otherwise: for that reason I judged it to be my task, and consistent with the work undertaken and its purpose, to explain more fully the words of that response. Likewise, if, says Paul, a legacy is bequeathed to the State for each year, when the Lex Falcidia is under discussion, Marcellus thinks that only so much is regarded as having been bequeathed as is sufficient for the principal sum to yield annual interest at one third of that amount which has been bequeathed. Here, first, I must establish this point: that when the amount of legacies is computed for the purpose of applying the Falcidian law, so that it may be determined whether the bequests have been reduced beyond the three-quarters share allowed by the testator, those legacies that do not have a fixed sum are to be valued at their lawful price. Let it therefore be, for example, that six gold pieces have been left to the State in perpetuity each year. It is known that the income from that sum must be procured by the heir from elsewhere, and transferred to the State from the source from which he can secure a stable annual return of that amount; or else a price must be paid for it. Now, therefore, if in calculating the legacies one asks how much the heir ought to enter on that account in his reckoning, you could answer, following Marcellus’s opinion and Paul’s view, that not only is there to be entered the amount for which six gold pieces a year can be purchased at the ordinary and commonly used price, or the amount of a sum of money which, if invested at interest, can produce six gold pieces each year at civil and lawful interest; but that the valuation of this legacy should be made more generously and fully, because it has been left to the State. For since by law, in the discussion on interest, the Emperor Justinian has established that lawful and civil interest is one-half of one percent, if a private person...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 121 quouis tempore nomen facere, mutuamq[ue] eam accepturu[m] hominem inuenire, ita ut inde conditionem suam longè meliorè efficiat, si frugi est debitor: idq[ue] omnino est quod responsum Marcelli Pauli que significat. Capitolinus in Antonino Pio, Ipse foenus, inquit, trientarium, hoc est, mi= nimis usuris exercuit, ut patrimonio suo plurimos adiu= uaret. Hodie autem cum aut edicto aut lege municipali in hac urbe maximus pecuniæ fruclus partusq[ue] in empti= tijs pensitationibus, quas rentas quasi reditus aut redden= tes aut reuenutas lingua uernacula uocat, rationem bessa lis usuræ habeat, aut plusculo pleniorem (octoni enim cum triente è centenario conficiuntur) tantiq[ue] municipa= li priuilegio redimi quædocunq[ue] possunt pensiones in ur= bis ædificia uenditæ, quanticunque emptæ sint. Verùm, ut dixi, hodie ubi legatum Reip. factum esset, ipse ex sente[n]tia Pauli censerem, si sententiam rogærer, octonorum au= reorum legatum paulo minus centum & quinquaginta aureis æstimandum in ratione falciæ, aut alia consimili: quippe hæc summa sesquiplex est sortis, ex qua munici= pali lege octoni aurei ferè annui percipi[n]tur, in ijs co[n]tra= ctibus quibus p[er]esiones in prædia urbana aut rustica ueditantur, ita ut redhiberi possint, duntaxat cum ita com= modum est & libitum uenditori, non etiam emptori. Se= stertius igitur & nummus idem apud autores significant, quoniam quaterni denarium ualent. Itaq[ue] Cicero in Ver. Act. 1111. cum ita dixisset, Nam cum ex Sicilia legibus frumentum in cellam sumere liceret, idq[ue] frumentum Se= natus ita æstimasset, quaternis sestertijs tritici modium, binis ordei: iste numero ad summam tritici adiecto, tri= tici modios singulos cum aratoribus denarijs trinis æ= stimauit. Hæc autem uerba ipse ueluti declarans paulo b 5 post Denarius quaternis festertijs uualuit.

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PART I. HIS BOOK I. 121 at whatever time to make a contract, and to find a man willing to take it on mutual terms, so that from it his condition may be made much better, if he is a frugal debtor: and that is altogether what the answer of Marcellus in Paulus signifies. Capitolinus, in Antoninus Pius: “He himself,” says he, “practised loans at one-third interest, that is, at the least usury, in order to assist very many out of his own estate.” But today, when either by edict or by municipal law in this city the greatest profit and return of money lies in fixed payments, which in the vernacular are called rents, as if revenues or returns, the calculation of an eight-per-cent interest, or something a little higher and fuller, is made; for eight with a third make up from a hundred, and by so great a municipal privilege whatever payments on buildings in the city have been sold may be redeemed, however much they were bought for. But, as I said, today, where a bequest to the Republic had been made, I myself would judge, following the opinion of Paulus, if I were asked for an opinion, that a legacy of eight gold pieces should be valued at a little less than one hundred and fifty gold pieces, on the basis of the falcidian portion, or some similar rule: for this sum is one and a half times the principal, from which, by municipal law, about eight gold pieces per year are received in those contracts by which payments on urban or rural properties are sold, so that they may be redeemed only when it is convenient and agreeable to the seller, not also to the buyer. Therefore sestertius and nummus mean the same thing in the authors, since four of them are worth a denarius. Accordingly Cicero, in Against Verres, Act IV, when he had said, “For when, by the laws of Sicily, it was permitted to take corn from the granary, and the Senate had valued that corn at four sesterces for a modius of wheat, and two for barley, this man, having added a numeral to the total for wheat, valued each modius of wheat with the farmers at three denarii.” And these words he himself, as it were explaining them, shortly afterward b 5 The denarius was worth four sesterces.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET post ita subdidit, Verumenimuero cum esset frumentum festertijs binis aut etiam trinus quibusuis in locis prouinciæ, duodenos festertios exegisti. & itidem hoc declarat multis alijs in locis eiusdem Actionis. At uerò denarius < Denarius drachmalis erat.> drachmæ pondus habebat duntaxat Atticæ. Plinius libro x x 1. Drachma Attica (serè enim Attica obseruatione medici utuntur) denarij argentei habet pondus. Plutarchus in Sylla, Potitus rerum Sylla, cum multos occideret, & libertini generis homo quendam ex proscriptis occultare uideretur; ideo'que è saxo præcipitandus esset, obiecit Syllæ quòd una simul in domo uitam egissent: cum interim ipse quidem pro superiore habitaculo duo millia nummum, ille autem pro inferiore tria nullia mercedem penderet: ita'que inter utriusq; fortunam mille nummos interfuisse, qui drachmas Atticas ducentas & quinquaginta ualebant, ὑδε τὴ πεχης ὑωτῶν τὸ μεταξύ ἀλίας νῦμως ἐν, ὑπι πεντήκοντα ἐνὴ διακοσίας ἀπαχημᾶς ἀπικὰς ὑναντα. Idem in Bruto, Testamento cum legasset Cæsar ciui cuilibet septuagintaquinque drachmas, præterea reliquisset hortos qui trans Tyberim erant, ingens beneuolentia & admirabile desiderium omnes tenuit. De hoc apud Tranquil. in Cæsa. ita legimus, Populo hortos circa Tyberim publicè, & uiritim trecenos festertios legauit. Si septuagintaquinque quater multiplices, trecentos efficies: quæ ratione quinque & uiginti drachmæ centenos festertios ualent. Idem Plutarchus in Antonio, C. Cæsar adolescens hæres à Cæsare scriptus, ex Apollonia redijt. debebat Romanorum cuique drachmas quinq; & septuagena ex testamento patris. Apud Appianum tamen in secudo bellorum ciuilium ita legitur, Populo horti trans Tyberim præbiti, singulis Romanorum ciui= bus

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET then added this: however, when there was grain at two or even three sesterces in any places of the province, you demanded twelve sesterces. And likewise this is shown in many other places of the same Action. But in truth, the denarius <A denarius was a drachma.> had the weight of only one Attic drachma. Pliny, book xx i. The Attic drachma (for doctors use the later Attic standard) has the weight of a silver denarius. Plutarch in Sylla: Sylla having gained power, when he was killing many men, and a man of freedman status seemed to be hiding someone of the proscribed; and therefore to be cast down from a rock, he objected to Sylla that they had lived together in one house: while in the meantime he himself indeed for the upper lodging paid two thousand nummi, but he for the lower three thousand as rent: and thus between the fortunes of the two there were one thousand nummi, which were worth two hundred and fifty Attic drachmas, ὑδε τὴ πεχης ὑωτῶν τὸ μεταξύ ἀλίας νῦμως ἐν, ὑπι πεντήκοντα ἐνὴ διακοσίας ἀπαχημᾶς ἀπικὰς ὑναντα. The same in Brutus, in his will, when Caesar had bequeathed to every citizen seventy-five drachmas, and besides had left the gardens across the Tiber, a great goodwill and remarkable desire seized everyone. Of this we read thus in Suetonius, in Caesar: He bequeathed to the people the gardens around the Tiber publicly, and to each individual three hundred sesterces. If you multiply seventy-five by four, you will make three hundred: by which calculation twenty-five drachmas are worth one hundred sesterces. The same Plutarch in Antony, the young C. Caesar, named heir by Caesar, returned from Apollonia. To each of the Romans he owed five drachmas; and seventy from his father's will. However, in Appian in the second book of the Civil Wars it is read thus, The gardens across the Tiber were given to the people, to each of the Roman citi= zens

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 123 bus qui in urbe aderant, quinque & octaginta drachmæ Atticæ collatæ. Sed errorem esse numeri non dubiè affir= mauerim, quippe idem Appianus septuagintaquinque drachmas pro trecenis nummis dixit, ubi de Cæsaris li= beralitate loquens, Singulis, inquit, ex populo minam u= nam Atticam dedit. De quo Tranquillus, Trecenos quoque nummos, quos pollicitus olim erat, uiritim diui= sit. Quo ex loco probari uidetur minam Atticam quinq[ue] & septuaginta drachmarum fuisse: id quod apud Priscia= num legitur, quod tamen postea explicabimus. Sed inte= rim centenariam nunam intelligere oportet. < Sestertia singula, millia singula nummorum significant.> Nunc igitur causam tenemus cur sestertia singula, mille nummos sestertios significet. nam duæ libræ, & selibra seu (quod idem est) mnæ duæ & hemumnaon ducentas & quinquæ= ginta drachmas ualent: quæ si quaternario multiplicen= tur, mille nummos efficiunt. Quomodo igitur sestertij dicti sunt nummi, quòd duos asses & senussem singuli ualerent, id est, dipondium & senussem æris: ita sester= tia ex eo dicta sunt, quòd duas libras singula & selibrâ argenti ualerent. < Quadringenta festertia & quadringenta millia festertium nummorum.> Ita factum ut quadringenta sestertia, & quadringenta millia festertium nummorum antiqui pro eodem ac sine discrimine significatus dicerent. Verùm id adnotandum, quòd libram nunc & minam centenarias intelligimus, indifferenter utentes: quod pondo etiam i= dent idem appellatur. Plin. libro x x 1. Mna, quam no= stri minam uocant, pendet drachmas Atticas centu[m]. Quo in loco Hermolaus, Mnam, inquit, libram, minam, pon= do, pro eodem nostri dicunt, ut Græci μυαν, λιταν, ὀλυλιν. < Libra, mina, pòdo, procoûe ponuntur.> quod dictum ut non usquequaq[ue] ueru[m] est, ita in re numma= ria libram & nunam pro eodem ferè usurpari deprehen= dimus, uix ut differentiam animaduertere possis, quâlibet obserues

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PART II. BOOK I. 123 those who were present in the city, eighty-five Attic drachmas were contributed. But I would confidently affirm that there is an error in the number; for the same Appian says seventy-five drachmas for three hundred nummi, where, speaking of Caesar’s liberality, he says: “To each man of the people he gave one Attic mina.” Of this Tranquillus says, “He also distributed among each man the three hundred nummi which he had once promised.” From this passage it seems possible to prove that the Attic mina consisted of seventy-five drachmas: this is what is read in Priscian, though we shall explain it later. But for the present we must understand the centenary nummus. <Each sestertius signifies one thousand nummi.> Now, then, we have the reason why each sestertius signifies one thousand sestertii nummi. For two librae and a half-libra, or, which is the same, two minas and a half-mina, are worth two hundred and fifty drachmas; and if these are multiplied by four, they make one thousand nummi. In the same way that the sesterius nummus was so called because each was worth two asses and a semis, that is, a dipondius and a semis of bronze, so the sestertia were so named because each was worth two librae and a half-libra of silver. <Four hundred sestertia and four hundred thousand sestertii nummi.> Thus it came about that four hundred sestertia and four hundred thousand sestertii nummi were used by the ancients to mean the same thing, without distinction. Yet it is to be noted that we now understand both libra and mina as centenaries, using them interchangeably: what is also called pondus means the same. Pliny, book XXI. “The mina, which our people call mina, weighs one hundred Attic drachmas.” On this passage Hermolaus says: “Mina, libra, mina, pondus, our writers use for the same thing, as the Greeks use μνᾶν, λίτραν, ὀλύλην.” <Libra, mina, pondus are put for one another.> Although this statement is not entirely true, yet in monetary matters we have found that libra and mina are used almost as the same thing, so that you can scarcely perceive any difference, however closely you observe it.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET obserues accuratè & Latinos & Græcos. idq[ue] cum ex eo uidetur quod de festertijs diximus, tum uerò ex sequen= tibus magis comprobabitur. . autem interdum pon= dus significat, ut cum Dioscorides dicit, . , pondus trium obolorum. aliquando drachmam, ut apud eundem Dioscoridem idetidem. Drachma igitur non mo= dò pondus denarij Romani, sed etiam nummum signifi= cat eode[m] pondere percussum ab Atheniensibus, quod præ= ter autorum exempla etiam uersus illi significant, In scrupulis ternis drachmam, quo pondere doctis Argenti facilis signatur pondus Athenis. Ventum iam esse ad locum præcipitem, horrore quodam animi sentio, instantis & proximi periculi magnitudine[m] reputantis. hoc est enim caput eius rei quam agimus, hic cardo totius operis, hæc deniq[ue] alea ancipitis incepti, ut ostendere aggrediamur uel demonstrare potius, quid in= ter festertia centu[m], & festertium centies intersit. transitus omnino & lubricus & abruptus, ut aut in barathrum quoddam errorum præcipitaturus sim, si in eo quicquam titubauerim: aut tenorem inoffensum seruare commenta= tio hæc nequeat, si inibi uel tantulum à ueritate deflexe= rim. Cum alioquin ita sit hoc opus coagmentatum, ita ex sese tractatus hic aptus, nulla ut ferè pars conuelli citrae compaginis ipsius dissolutionem possit. Ac mihi quidem audendum omnino erat, & eorum exemplo periclitan= dum, qui res magni discriminis antea susceperunt, si non etiam ea esset huius libri ratio, ut genium nullum (ut di= citur) habiturus sit, nisi multarum ætatum & auitarum præcipue placita deleuerit, ut si (quod abominor) pro= positi compos non euaserim, designatoris ridiculi atque temerarij opinionem subiturus sim. Sed quid agas ubi eò iam

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND observe accurately both the Latins and the Greeks. And this will seem to be so from what we have said about sestertii, and then indeed it will be more fully confirmed by what follows. . moreover sometimes signifies weight, as when Dioscorides says, . , a weight of three obols. At other times a drachma, as in the same Dioscorides again. Therefore a drachma signifies not only the weight of a Roman denarius, but also a coin struck by the Athenians with the same weight; and this is shown not only by the examples of the authors, but also by those verses: In three scruples a drachma, by which weight the easy measure of silver is marked in Athens. I now feel that I have come to a precipitous place, with a certain dread of mind, reflecting on the greatness of the imminent and near danger. For this is the head of the matter we are dealing with, here is the hinge of the whole work, here finally is the hazard of an undertaking of doubtful outcome, as we set out to show, or rather to demonstrate, what difference there is between one hundred sestertia and one hundred times a sestertium. The passage is altogether slippery and abrupt, so that either I shall be hurled into some abyss of errors if I should stumble in anything at all there; or else this commentary will be unable to preserve an unbroken course if I should deviate even a little from the truth. For otherwise this work is so put together, this treatise so fitted together within itself, that scarcely any part can be torn away without the dissolution of the whole structure itself. And indeed I had to venture it altogether, and to run the risk after the example of those who have undertaken matters of great danger before, if it were not also the case that the plan of this book is such that it will have no genius, as they say, unless it has first erased the opinions of many ages and especially of the ancients, so that if I should not succeed in attaining my purpose, I would incur the reputation of a ridiculous and rash person. But what are you to do when it has now already...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 125 iam peruicaciæ uentum est, ut & moderari tibi nequeas, & consulere integrum non sit? Quum eorum occursum uitare non possis, quibus hoc facturum te receperis, nisi si tibi publico interdixeris, id est, nisi domesticum tibi con= sciueris exilium, aut abstrusum secessum et lucifugum? A= gedum ab stupore animi rursus inferuescamus, & stylum iam languentem ad reliqua suscitemus. Audeamus deniq; primi (quando eò uentum est) affirmare, homines doctissi= mos, quibus alioquin omnia propemodum debemus, toto (ut aiunt) cælo, id est, centuplicatò errasse. Iamprimum Cicero in Prætura urbana, Dio quidam fuit Halesinus, qui cum eius filio Prætore Sacerdote hæreditas à propin= quo permagna uenisset, nihil habuit tum neq; negocij, neq; controuersiæ. Verres simul actetigit prouinciam, statim Messanam literas dedit, Dionem euocauit, calu= mniatores ex sinu suo apposuit qui illâ hæreditatem Ve= neri Erycinæ commissam esse dicerent. Hæc de re ostèdite seipsum cogniturum. Possum deinceps totam rem expe= dire, deinde ad extremum id quod accidit dicere, Dionem sestertium decies centena millia numerasse ut causam cer= tissimam obtineret. Hoc cum dicat Cicero in Prætura ur= bana, quæ secunda est in Verrem actio, idem in tertia a= etione hoc crimen repetens ita inquit, Simul at que è naui egressus est, dedit operam ut Halesinus ad se Dio conti= nuò ueniret. Hic est Dio, Iudices, nunc beneficio Quinti Metelli cuius Romanus factus, de quo multis uiris prima= rijs testibus, multorumq; tabulis uobis priore actione sa= tisfactum est sestertium undecies numeratum esse, ut eam causam in qua ne tenuissima quidem dubitatio esset, isto cognoscente obtineret: ita sester. undecies Q. Dionem, quòd hæreditas ei obuenisset, nullam que aliam ob cau= sam

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART IB. HIS BOOK I. 125 Has it now come to such a point of stubbornness that you can neither control yourself nor think honestly? When you cannot avoid meeting those to whom you have undertaken to do this, unless you have barred yourself from public life, that is, unless you have condemned yourself to a domestic exile, or to a hidden and sun-shunning retreat? Come now, let us rouse ourselves again from this stupefaction of mind, and let us revive the pen, now growing weary, for the rest. Let us at last dare, since we have come to this, to declare that the most learned men, to whom in other respects we owe almost everything, have erred, as the saying is, by the whole sky, that is, a hundredfold. First of all, in Cicero’s urban praetorship, there was a certain Dio of Halesus, who, when an inheritance of very great value had come to his son, the praetor and priest, from a relative, had then no trouble and no dispute. As soon as Verres set foot in the province, he immediately sent letters to Messana, summoned Dio, and placed against him slanderers drawn from his own entourage, who said that that inheritance had been entrusted to Venus Erycina. This matter he said he would investigate himself. I can go on to explain the whole affair, and then at the end say what happened: that Dio paid ten million sesterces in order to secure the strongest possible case. Though Cicero says this in the urban praetorship, which is the second action against Verres, in the third action he repeats this accusation and speaks thus: As soon as he had left the ship, he took care that Dio the Halesian should come to him at once. This is that Dio, gentlemen, now a Roman citizen by the favor of Quintus Metellus, concerning whom it has already been sufficiently shown to you in the previous action, through the testimony of many leading men and through many documents, that eleven million sesterces were paid, so that he might obtain that case in which there was not even the slightest doubt before the man who was hearing it: thus Q. Dio paid eleven million sesterces because an inheritance had come to him, and for no other reason...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sam perdidisse. Eæ horum locorum collatione intelligimus, quod decies centena millia sestertium dixerat in secunda actione, hoc in tertia undecies sestertium dixisse: <Cicero is locus.> quanquam in illa non decies centena, sed undecies legendum est, uel utrobique decies. Quare decies sestertium, non decem sestertia significat, sed mille potius, hoc est decies centena millia: summa scilicet centuplicata. Quòd autem undecies sestertium amplior sit summa quàm quadringenta sestertia, ex eadem oratione liquet. Sequitur enim statim post illud Dionis crimen & aliud, quod his uerbis prosequitur, Accipite aliam in minore pecunia non minus impudentem calumniam. So sippus & Epierates fratres sunt Agrigentenses. horum pater abhinc duo & uiginti annos mortuus est: in cuius testamento quodam loco si commissum quid esset, mulcta erat Veneri. ipsos x x. annos, cum tot interea prætores, tot quæstores, tot calumniatores in prouincia fuissent, hæreditas ab ijs Veneris nomine petita non est: causam Verres cognoscit per Volcatium: pecunias accepit ferè ad sester. quadringenta millia ab duobus fratribus. Quadringenta sestertia Cicero minorem pecuniam decies uel undecies sestertio appellauit. Quare iam ferè planum factum est, decies sestertiu[m], quadraginta partibus plus esse decem milibus sestertium. Et rursus statim infrà, Quæ uis erat Volcatio tanta, ut sester. quadringenta millia duobus hominibus auferret? Ecquis Volcatio, si sua sponte uenisset, unam libellam dedisset? at ego amplius dico: sestertium quadringenties accepisse te arguo contra leges. Ex his uerbis liquidò apparere potest quadringenties sestertium <Quadringenties sestertium.> longè ampliorem summam esse quàm sestertia quadringe[n]ta, cum omnia Verris furta quadringenties sestertiu[m] æstimauerit

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sam perdidisse. From the comparison of these passages we understand that, where in the second action he had said “ten hundred thousand sesterces,” in the third he said “eleven sesterces”: <Cicero is locus.> although in that passage it should be read not “ten hundred thousand,” but “eleven,” or else in both places “ten.” Therefore “ten sesterces” does not mean ten sesterces, but rather a thousand, that is, ten hundred thousand; in other words, a sum multiplied by one hundred. And that eleven sesterces is a larger sum than four hundred sesterces is clear from the same speech. For immediately after that charge against Dion, another follows, which he introduces with these words: “Receive another shameless accusation involving a smaller sum.” So Sippus and Epierates are brothers, citizens of Agrigentum. Their father died twenty-two years ago; in his will, in a certain place, if anything was violated, a fine was due to Venus. Yet for twenty years, while so many praetors, so many quaestors, so many informers had been in the province, no claim on their inheritance had been made in Venus’s name. Verres investigates the case through Volcatius; he received nearly four hundred thousand sesterces from the two brothers. Cicero called four hundred sesterces a smaller sum, by saying ten or eleven sesterces. So it has now been made almost clear that “ten sesterces” is forty times more than ten thousand sesterces. And again immediately below: “What power did Volcatius have, that he should take four hundred thousand sesterces from two men?” Would Volcatius, if he had come of his own accord, have given a single half-as? But I say more: I charge that you received four hundred times a hundred thousand sesterces in violation of the laws. From these words it can clearly appear that four hundred times a hundred thousand sesterces <Quadringenties sestertium.> is a sum far greater than four hundred sesterces, since he has reckoned all Verres’s thefts at four hundred times a hundred thousand sesterces.

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maverit, quæ innumera & incredibilia ab eo recensentur. ab uno enim homine, uno nomine, uno furto decies centena sestertia accepisse dicit: à tota autem Sicilia triennio & uarijs furtorum, expilationum, rapinarumq[ue] nominibus quadringenties sestertium (tanquam rem fidem excedentem) abstulisse oratoriè uociferatur. tanti enim æstimari uoluit litem repetundarum Verri ob iurisdictionis furta, ob negocia facessita, ob improbas dinundinationes, ob interuersas pecunias in frumento imperando, in locandis decimis frumenti, & ob expilationes publicas priuatasq[ue] signorum æreorum, & uasorum argenteorum: quæ crimina inusitata esse uidentur, & fidem excedentia ijs qui accusationes illas perlegunt. Quare ipse Cicero primam accusationem ita claudit, Dicimus C. Verrem, cum multa libidinose, multa crudeliter in ciues Romanos atque in socios, multa in deos homines que nescariè fecerit, tum præterea quadringenties sestertium ex Sicilia contra leges abstulisse. sic enim legit Asconius Pedianus, quanquam in exemplaribus c c c c. sestertia legitur etia[m] manu scriptis. Quapropter admirari hic subijt id quod Plutarch. de hoc scripsit his uerbis, [etc] < Cicero ob accusatione Verris male audiuit.> Hac ratione Verre damnato, crimini datum est Ciceroni quòd in litis æstimatione præuaricatus esset pecunia corruptus, ut qui quinq[ue] et septua ginta myriadibus litem eam æstimasset. id perinde est ac si tricies sestertiu[m] dixisset. et hic myriades drachmaru[m] intelligendu[m], quæ tricies cætena mil. sester. ualet. Quare coijcio diu post exiliu[m] Verris Cicerone[m] orationes emedauisse, < Orationes domiem edabant.> ut interdu[m] moris erat domi orationes limare & conficere, ut

Transcription: Translated (English)

He recounts countless and incredible things. For from one man alone, under one name, under one theft, he says that he received ten times a hundred thousand sesterces; but from the whole of Sicily, over three years, under various names of thefts, plunderings, robberies, he loudly proclaims that he took four hundred times a hundred thousand sesterces, as though a matter beyond belief. For in this way he wished to value the actio repetundarum against Verres: for acts of jurisdictional theft, for troublesome business, for shameless bargaining, for money diverted in the ordering of grain, in leasing the grain tithes, and for public and private plunderings of bronze statues and silver vessels; crimes which seem unusual, and beyond belief to those who read those accusations through. Wherefore Cicero himself closes the first accusation thus: “We say that Gaius Verres, while he committed many licentious acts, many cruel acts against Roman citizens and allies, many impious acts against gods and men, moreover took from Sicily, contrary to the laws, four hundred times a hundred thousand sesterces.” Thus, indeed, Asconius Pedianus reads it, although in the manuscripts it is also read as cccc. sestertia . For this reason I was struck by surprise at what Plutarch wrote about this man in these words: [etc] “Cicero came off badly because of the accusation against Verres.” By this reasoning, with Verres condemned, Cicero was charged with corruption in the assessment of the suit, because he had valued that case at seventy-five myriad; this is the same as if he had said three hundred times a hundred thousand sesterces. And here “myriads” of drachmas must be understood, which amount to three hundred and twenty thousand sesterces. Therefore I conjecture that long after Verres’ exile Cicero revised his speeches, “Speeches were delivered at home.” for it was sometimes customary to polish and complete speeches at home, as

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ut ex Cicerone eodem intelligimus in Catone, apud quem Cato ipse ita inquit, Septimus mihi liber Originum est in manibus. omnia antiquitatis monumenta colligo. causarum illustrium quascunq[ue]; defendi, nunc quàm maximè co[n]ficio orationes. & ex Plinio Iuniore in Epistolis. Existimo tame[n] potius apud Plutarchum ita legendum, πιακοντικοντα πιντε μυελασην. ut sit centies quinquagies sestertium. fortasse etiam maior summa errore librario= rum deest. Quod autem in Diuinatione legitur, Sicilia to ta si una uoce loqueretur, hoc diceret, Quod argēti, quod auri, quod ornamentorum, in meis urbibus, sedibus, de= lubris fuit, quod in unaquaque re beneficio Senatus po= puliq[ue]; Romani iuris habui, id mihi tu C. Verres eripuisti atque abstulist: quo nomine abs te sestertium millies ex le ge repeto. Hoc (inquit Asconius) per auxesim dictum est. Cicero enim postea hanc summam ad quadringenties co[n] traxit, ut in multis locis repetit. Idem Cicero in eundem Act. 111. Heraclius est Hieronis filius, Syracusanus, ho= mo in primis domi suæ nobilis, & ante hunc prætorem uel pecuniosissimus Syracusanorum, nunc nulla alia ca= lamitate nisi istius auaritia atq[ue] iniuria pauperrimus. huic hæreditas facilè ad sestertiu[m] tricies uenit testamento pro= pinqui sui Heraclij. plena domus celati argenti optimi, multæq[ue]; stragulæ uestis, preciosissimorumq[ue]; mancipio= rum. erat in sermone, magnam Heraclio pecuniam uenise: non solum Heraclium diuitem, sed etiam ornatum su= pellectile, argento, ueste, mancipijs, futurum. Et inferius, Posteaquam, inquit, damnatus est absens Heraclius, non solum illius hæreditatis de qua ambigebatur, quæ erat tricies sestertium, sed omnium bonorum paternorum i= psiis Heraclij (quæ non minor erat pecunia) palæstræ Syracuse=

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET as we also understand from Cicero in the Catones , where Cato himself says: “The seventh book of my Origins is in my hands. I am collecting all the monuments of antiquity. I am now especially composing speeches for whatever famous causes I have defended.” And from Pliny the Younger in the Letters : “I rather think that in Plutarch it should be read thus, πιακοντικοντα πιντε μυελασην,” so that it means one hundred and fifty thousand sesterces; perhaps even a larger sum is missing through the error of the copyists. But what is read in the Divination : “If all Sicily spoke with one voice, this is what it would say: Whatever silver, whatever gold, whatever ornaments there were in my cities, my homes, my shrines; whatever, in each case, by the favor of the Roman Senate and People, I had held by law, you, G. Verres, have torn from me and taken away. On this account I demand from you, by legal action, a thousand times a hundred thousand sesterces.” This, says Asconius, was said by way of exaggeration. For Cicero later reduced this sum to four hundred times a hundred thousand, as he repeats in many places. The same Cicero, in the same case. Act. 111. Heraclius is the son of Hiero, a Syracusan, a man especially distinguished at home, and before this praetor the richest of the Syracusans, now made utterly poor by no other misfortune than that man’s greed and injustice. An inheritance from his kinsman Heraclius easily brought him to thirty million sesterces. His house was full of hidden silver of the finest kind, with many coverings of cloth, and with most costly slaves. It was being talked about that a great amount of money had come to Heraclius: that not only Heraclius, but also would be furnished with wealth, silver, clothing, slaves, and household treasures. And lower down: “After Heraclius, though absent, had been condemned, not only that inheritance concerning which there was dispute, which was thirty million sesterces, but all the paternal property of Heraclius himself also, which was no smaller in amount, came into the possession of the Syracuse wrestling-school.”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 129 Syracusanorum, hoc est Syracusanis, possessio traditur. Et rursus in stius: Verùm est illud præclarum, Syracusanis qui præsuerant his Heraclij bonis uerbo redigendis, re dispertiendis, reddebant eorum negotiorum rationem in Senatu: dicebant scyphorum paria complura, hydrias ar genteas, pretiosam uestem stragulam, multa mancipia pretiosa Verri data esse: dicebant quantum cuique eius iussu nummorum esset datum. gemebant Syracusani: sed tamen patiebantur. Repentè recitatur uno nomine sester tiûm ducenta quinquaginta millia iussu Prætoris data. fit maximus clamor omnium. Et paulò pòst de pecunia illa reddit à Verre loquens, Numerantur illa ducenta quinquaginta sestertia Syracusanis. Non'ne ex hoc loco patet clarissimè, ducenta quinquaginta sestertia, hoc est du centa quinquaginta millia sestertium nummorum particulam unam esse tricies sestertij? Quippe tricies sestertium significat tricies centena millia sestertium nummorum: quomodo & illud Suetonij Tranquilli in Augusto, Senatorum censum ampliauit, ac pro octingentorum millium summa duodecies sestertium taxauit, id est duodecies centena millia sestertium. quod cum in omnibus exem plaribus legeretur, Antonius Sabellicus uir alioquin diligens & doctus emendasse se gloriatur, ut suprà dictum est, & pro duodecies sestertium, duodecies centies legendum esse contendit: cui etiam adstipulatus est Philippus Beroaldus, itidem ipse doctus, ac multæ lectionis; ambo nihil in ea re uidentes. Hoc & ex eodem autore alio loco ostendi potest in Othone, sperauerat, inquit, fore ut adoptaretur à Galba: idq[ue] in dies expectabat: sed postquam Pisone prælato spe decidit, ad uim conuersus est, instigante super eum dolorem etiam magnitudine æris i alieni Duodecies sestertium, census Senatorius.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 129 The property is handed over to the Syracusans, that is, to the Syracusans. And again in this passage: But that excellent statement is true, that those who had been set over these goods of Heraclius, in reducing them to record, in dividing them out again, rendered an account of their business in the Senate: they said that several pairs of cups, silver hydriae, costly hangings, many valuable slaves, had been given to Verres: they said how much money had been given to each one by his order. The Syracusans groaned: but still they endured it. Suddenly it is read out under one heading that two hundred and fifty thousand sesterces had been given by order of the Praetor. There is a very great outcry from all. And shortly afterwards, when he speaks of that money being returned by Verres, those two hundred and fifty sesterces are counted out to the Syracusans. Does it not from this passage appear most clearly that two hundred and fifty sesterces, that is, two hundred and fifty thousand sestertii in coins, are one part of thirty times a sesterce? For indeed tricies sestertium means thirty times one hundred thousand sestertii in coins; just as also that passage of Suetonius Tranquillus in Augustus, he increased the senators’ property qualification, and for a sum of eight hundred thousand he fixed twelve times a sesterce, that is, twelve times one hundred thousand sestertii. When this was read in all the copies, Antonius Sabellicus, a man otherwise diligent and learned, boasts that he corrected it, as stated above, and maintains that instead of duodecies sestertium, duodecies centies should be read: in this he was also supported by Philippus Beroaldus, likewise learned himself and widely read; both seeing nothing in the matter. This can also be shown from the same author elsewhere, in Otho: he had hoped, he says, that he would be adopted by Galba: and he expected this day by day: but after his hope failed when Piso was preferred, he turned to violence, the pain being further stirred up in him also by the size of his debts Duodecies sestertium, senatorial census.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET alieni. neque enim dissimulabat, nisi principem se stare non posse: nihil que referre, ab hoste in acie, an in foro sub creditoribus caderet. ante paucos dies seruo Cæsaris pro impetrata dispesatione decies sestertium expresse rat. hoc subsidium tanti coepti fuit: ac primò quinque speculatoribus commissa est res, deinde decem alijs, quos singuli binos produxerant. omnibus dena sestertia repræsentata, & quinquagenta promissa. per hos solicitati reliqui. Insignis erat ille locus ad animaduertendam differentiam inter dena sestertia, & decies sestertium, & tamen ibi quoque Sabellicus decies sestertium dena sestertia interpretatus est, conniuente Beroaldo. Si enim quindecim speculatoribus dena sestertia repræsentata, hoc est singulis decem, iam centum quinquaginta sestertia fiunt: & si quinquagenta promissa, hoc est singulis quinquaginta, septingenta quinquaginta in summa fiunt, quæ simul iuncta nongenta millia sestertium faciunt. At Tranquillus dicit decies sestertium subsidium tanti coepti fuisse, id est inuasionis imperij Romani. I am igitur effectum habemus, decies sestertium non minus esse nongentis sestertijs. Martialis in primo Epigrammatum: Millia pro puero centum me mango poposcit, Risi ego, sed Phoebus protinus illa dedit. Hoc dolet & queritur, dolet hoc mea mentula mecum, Laudaturq[ue] meam Phoebus in inuidiam. Sed sestertiolum donauit mentula Phoeb[us] Bis decies: hoc da tu mihi, pluris emam. Calderinus uir ingeniosus bis decies sestertium, x x. sestertia interpretatur, corrupto sensu epigrammatis: cuius dubio procul huiusmodi sensus est, non mirum esse si Phoebus puerum centum sestertijs licitatus esset, quanti Martialis

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET of another’s. For he was not disguising the fact that, unless he stood at the head, he could not hold his own: that it mattered nothing whether he fell before the enemy in battle or before his creditors in the forum. A few days earlier he had wrung from a servant of Caesar, for a granted dispensation, ten million sesterces. This support was the foundation of so great an undertaking: first the matter was entrusted to five spies, then to ten others, each of whom had produced two men. To all were paid in advance ten thousand sesterces, and fifty thousand were promised. Through these the rest were solicited. That passage was remarkable for showing the difference between ten thousand sesterces and ten million sesterces; and yet there too Sabellicus, with Beroaldus acquiescing, interpreted decies sestertium as ten thousand sesterces. For if to fifteen spies ten thousand sesterces were paid in advance—that is, ten to each—there comes to one hundred and fifty thousand sesterces; and if fifty thousand were promised, that is, fifty to each, the total comes to seven hundred and fifty thousand, which together make nine hundred thousand sesterces. But Tranquillus says that ten million sesterces were the support of so great an enterprise, that is, of the invasion of the Roman empire. Thus we now have it established that ten million sesterces is no less than nine hundred thousand sesterces. Martial, in the first book of the Epigrams: One hundred thousand sesterces my procurer asked for the boy, I laughed, but Phoebus straightway gave that sum. This troubles and complains, this troubles my little prick along with me, And Phoebus is praised to my disgrace. But Phoebus’s prick gave me a little sesterce gift Of twenty million: give that to me, I shall buy more. Calderinus, a man of ingenuity, interprets bis decies sestertium as xx sestertia, thereby corrupting the sense of the epigram; whose meaning, beyond doubt, is of this sort: it is no wonder if Phoebus had bid one hundred sesterces for the boy, how much Martial

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Martialis emere non potuerat: quippe qui uicies centena millia sestertium ex quæstu collegisset, hoc est uicies tantum quanti puerum mercatus erat. alioquin sensus erit ab surdissimus. Cicero X 1 1 1. Epist. ad filium scribens, Titi Pinnij filio mirè erudito, studioso, & modesto, pecuniam Nicæenses grandem debent, ad sestertium octogies: &, ut audio, in primis uolunt ei soluere. Ibi interpres epistolarum, sestertium, inquit, pro sestertiorum ponitur, & subauditur millia, id est ad octoginta millia sestertium. Eleganter autem in his sermonibus ponunt oratores & poëtæ aduerbia pro nominibus: ut, debes decies sestertium, quadragies sestertium, & sic in cæteris, & utuntur genitiuo syncopato in nominibus nummorum. Dici= mus etiam hoc sestertium, & hic sestertius. Hactenus ille. Ego autem octogies sestertium, octogies centena millia sestertium significare affirmo, & grandem ob id pecuniam à Cicerone dictam. Hoc etsi ex prædictis satis confirmatum uidetur, non tamen scrupulo carebit, ut ui= deo. si enim hoc uerum est (dicet aliquis circunspectus obseruator) quo'nam modo intelligi illud potest quod apud Tranquillum in Vespasiano legitur, Sed & in funere Fauo archimimus personam eius serens, imitansq; (ut est mos) facta ac dicta uiri, interrogatis palàn procuratoribus quanti funus & pompa constaret, ut audiuit sestertium centies, exclamauit, centum sibi sestertia darent, ac se uel in T yberim proijcerent? Hic locus (ut arbitror) < Tranq. locus.> Tranquilli interpretes sesellit, ut idè esse putarent sestertium centies, & sestertia centum: quem tamen corruptum esse necesse est intelligere ex ijs quæ antè demo[n]strauimus. Vtrobiq; autem sestertium centies legendum esse argumentis probari non leuissimis potest. Nam præterquam i 2 quòd

Transcription: Translated (English)

Martialis could not have bought it; for, having gathered two hundred thousand sesterces from his gains, that is only twenty times as much as he had bought the boy for. Otherwise the sense will be exceedingly absurd. Cicero, X 1 1 1. Writing in a letter to his son, to the son of Titus Pinnius, a wonderfully learned, studious, and modest youth, the Nicæans owe a large sum, to the amount of eighty thousand sesterces; and, as I hear, they are especially eager to pay it to him. There the interpreter of letters says that sestertium is put for sestertiorum , and that millia is to be understood, that is, eighty thousand sesterces. But elegantly in such expressions orators and poets use adverbs in place of nouns: as when one says, you owe ten times a hundred thousand sesterces, forty times a hundred thousand sesterces, and so on in the rest, and they use the syncopated genitive in the names of coins. We also say hoc sestertium , and hic sestertius . So much for him. But I affirm that octogies sestertium signifies eight hundred thousand sesterces, and that for this reason Cicero called it a large sum of money. Although this seems sufficiently confirmed from what has been said above, it will not, as I see, be free from difficulty. For if this is true (someone cautious and observant will say), how then can that passage be understood which is read in Tranquillus, in the Life of Vespasian: “And even at the funeral, Fabius, the archimimus, wearing his mask and imitating, as was the custom, the actions and sayings of the man, when he had openly asked the procurators how much the funeral and procession cost, and had heard that it was a hundred times a hundred thousand sesterces, cried out that they should give him a hundred sesterces, and throw him into the Tiber”? This passage, I think, misled the interpreters of Tranquillus, so that they thought sestertium centies and sestertia centum were the same; yet it must be understood that the text is corrupt, from what we have already shown before. In either case, however, it can be proved by not insignificant arguments that sestertium centies ought to be read. For, besides the fact that

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. tium continere. hoc uerò parum est. itaq[ue] tantudem super= adde. Sic in Plutarcho Latino facto legitur, & ille locus uno in loco ab Antonio Sabellico citatur, & ab Roberto Vulturio in libro de Re nulitari, & ab alijs itidem, qui de re nummaria scribentes, locum cum uerè traductum exi= stimauerunt: cuius tamen sensus pugnat cum eo quod o= mnes de sestertijs censuerunt. nam cum illi omnes concor di errore decies sestertium decem sestertia significare di= xerint, Plutarchus, si locus ille non mendosus est, uiginti= quinq[ue] significare dixit. Ego cum in eo quod tuendum suscepi, pertinaciter hæream: possim fortasse, si alium exi= tum rei non inueniam, uel in hanc præcipitem defensione crumpere, ut dicam Plutarchum hominem Græcum in Ro manorum consuetudine falli nonnihil potuisse. Sed cum ueritatem tueri alia uia possim, temerarium omnino esset, & inscitiæ plenum, futili uti umbone, & è medio sum= pto, autoris tanti eleuata autoritate, præsertim cum eius testimonio ut graui & irrefutabili usurus sim in sequen= tibus. Proinde eum Plutarchi locum accuratè mihi an= xieq[ue] uersanti, hoc etiam in mentem uenit, posse me & hoc quoq[ue] eius dicto uti ad confirmandum id quod dixe= ram, & id quod mihi obijci potest, in meam rem uertere. Primum igitur hoc dico, consentaneum ueritati non esse, uigintiquinque millia nummum magnificam donationem à Plutarcho dictam esse, præsertim eius imperatoris qui bonam partem imperij Romani teneret, & in suos usus uerteret, ut infrà ostedemus. Paruam autem esse eam sum= mam interim saltem ex eo liquebit, quòd Martialis pue= rum amasium centum millibus emptum esse in eo epigram mate scribit, quod suprà retulimus. Deinde hoc dico, hunc errorem ex eo inualuisse, quòd hæc uerba quamuis mendosa i 3

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART IB. BOOK I. to contain. But this is too little. Therefore add at least as much again. So it is read in the Latinized Plutarch, and that passage is cited in one place by Antonio Sabellico, and by Roberto Vulturio in the book De Re Nummaria , and by others likewise, who, writing on money matters, judged the passage to have been truly rendered: yet its meaning conflicts with what all have maintained about sestertii. For since they all, by a concordant error, have said that decies sestertium signifies ten sestertia, Plutarch, if that passage is not corrupt, said that it signifies twenty-five. Since I have undertaken to defend what I have set forth, I might perhaps, if I found no other way out of the matter, even rush headlong into this defense and say that Plutarch, being a Greek man, could have been somewhat deceived in Roman usage. But since I can uphold the truth by another path, it would be utterly rash, and full of ignorance, to use a flimsy shield and, with a borrowed argument, to weaken the authority of so great an author, especially since I shall use his testimony as weighty and irrefutable in what follows. Therefore, while I was examining that passage of Plutarch carefully and anxiously, this also came into my mind: that I might use this same saying of his both to confirm what I had said and to turn what may be objected against me to my own advantage. First, then, I say this: it is not consistent with the truth that twenty-five thousand coins should be called by Plutarch a magnificent donation, especially in the case of that emperor who held a good part of the Roman empire and turned it to his own uses, as we shall show below. But that sum will at least appear small from the fact that Martial writes in that epigram, which we cited above, that a boy-favorite was bought for one hundred thousand. Next I say this: this error became widespread because these words, although corrupt i 3

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET mendosa, ueritati tamen magnopere alludunt. Quomodo enim sestertius duos & semis asses ualet, & sestertia singulas duas libras & selibram, ut antea docuimus: sic illud genus tertium sestertij duo millia & quingentos nummos ualere posse uidebatur. Quare pulchrè ratio quadrare uidebatur, ut decies sestertium uicenaquina millia ualeret. Ego autem cum dixerim eius generis sestertium centum millia ualere, quod alij singula nullia ualere dixerunt, sed apud Plutarchum tamen pro binis millibus & quingentis legi (sic enim inquit Sabellicus) inuenienta ratio est, & quidem huic loco consentanea, quæ hunc scrupulum lectori eximere planè possit. ut aute[m] hoc fiat, necesse est accedere in singulas sestertij huius unitates nonagintaseptem nullia & quingentos nummos. hoc uero pulchrè fiet, si ita apud Plutarchum legamus, Cuidam ex amicis dari iusserat uigintiquinque myriadas drachmarum. Singulæ myriades, dena millia drachmarum, id est denariorum ualent: quæ quinquies & uicies multiplicata, ducenta quinquaginta millia denariorum faciunt. quæ summa rursus quater ducta, cum quilibet denarius quaternos sestertios ualeat, nulle sestertia efficit, id est decies centena millia sestertium. sic à Plutarcho Græcè scriptum esse aliquando ne dubitarem, antequam scilicet Plutarchi historiæ æreis formis editæ essent, fecit mos aliorum Græcorum, ipsiusq[ue] Plutarchi, atque ipsærei ueritas, quam consertis manibus retentanti mihi, nec mendæ librariorum eripere, nec errores interpretationum possunt. argum[en]to erit ille locus eiusdem Plutarchi in Galba, δικεῖ δὲ μὴ δὲ ἀν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἰδιοις μὸνον ἐλεάδα ἀρόθωνα ἀληρονομον, ἀκόλασιν ὑδῶς ἐκτὸ ὑποτελη, πεντακίχιλισμὸν μυειὰς ὑπος ἐφλήμασι ἐκαθαπτισμένον. Videtur autem Galba Othonem ne in

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE AS AND ET faulty, yet they nevertheless strongly point to the truth. For how else, since the sestertius is worth two and a half asses, and sestertia, each two pounds and a half, as we have shown above: so that third kind of sestertius seemed able to be worth two thousand and five hundred coins. Wherefore the calculation seemed very neatly to fit, so that ten times a hundred sestertia would be worth twenty-five thousand. But when I said that a sestertius of that kind was worth one hundred thousand, whereas others said that single ones were worth no thousand at all, yet in Plutarch, however, I read it for two thousand five hundred (for so Sabellicus says), a workable reckoning has been found, and indeed one consonant with this passage, which can plainly remove this difficulty from the reader. But for this to happen, it is necessary to add to each single unit of this sestertius ninety-seven thousand and five hundred coins. And this will be done neatly if we read thus in Plutarch: he had ordered twenty-five myriads of drachmas to be given to a certain friend. Each myriad, that is, ten thousand drachmas, is worth ten thousand denarii: multiplied twenty-five times, these make two hundred and fifty thousand denarii. This sum, again multiplied by four, since each denarius is worth four sestertii, makes nulle sestertia, that is, one million sestertii. Thus I should not doubt that it was written in Greek by Plutarch, before, that is, Plutarch’s histories were published in bronze type, the practice of other Greeks, and of Plutarch himself, and the very truth of the matter, which, while I hold it fast with joined hands, neither the errors of copyists can wrest from me, nor the mistakes of interpreters. An argument for this will be that passage of the same Plutarch in Galba, δικεῖ δὲ μὴ δὲ ἀν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἰδιοις μὸνον ἐλεάδα ἀρόθωνα ἀληρονομον, ἀκόλασιν ὑδῶς ἐκτὸ ὑποτελη, πεντακίχιλισμὸν μυειὰς ὑπος ἐφλήμασι ἐκαθαπτισμένον. It seems, however, that Galba Otho not in

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ne in priuato quidem patrimonio successorem sibi destinasse, ut quem sciret & uitæ incontinentia luxuq[ue] perdi tum, & insuper ære alieno mersum ad quinque millia myriadum. Hoc ut rectè interpres quinquagies decies < Quingenties festertium.> centena millia colligit, quod quidem ad numerum reddendum attinet: sic ego Latinè & usitatè quingenties sester tium uerterem, ita tamen, ut myriadas nummorum intelligamus: quod genus loquendi assequi nemo recentioru[m] potuit. quæ causa est ut in libris è Græco uersis alias prorsus summas legamus quàm in libris antiquis Latinorum, ut apud Appianum identidem, & apud Orosium uno in loco mox uidebimus: qui cum supra mille annos fuerit, priscum tamen morem non tenuit. Eum autem morem Græcorum fuisse, ut non per numerum nummorum, nec per sestertia, sed per myriadas drachmarum, omnes summas pecuniæ memoriæ traderent, duntaxat de Romanis scribentes, ex dicendis constabit, cum eorum autoritatibus utemur. Sed & de hoc more loquendi libro tertio uidebimus ex Demosthene. Cum autem post primam huius libri editionem legere mihi historiam Græcam eiusdem Plutarchi contigit, reces ex officinis Transalpinis publicatam, certam iam fidem habere coepi eius quod coniectura exacta antea collegeram. sic enim eo in loco historiæ legitur, τῶν φίλων πι μυριαστις ἐκελωσε πέντε καὶ ἔικοσι δεθλῶν, τῶν ὑφομοιοι ἀνίες ἐκλωσι. Amicorum cuidam myriadas quinque & uiginti dari iusserat: hoc Romani decies appellant. Quanquam autem per ea quæ hactenus dicta sunt, satis demonstrasse ui deri possim, quid sestertium decies à sestertijs decem differat, & ea quæ occurrere poterant dubia dissoluisse: iamq[ue] (ut arbitror) lectores cum ad hunc locum accurata in= tentione i 4

Transcription: Translated (English)

not even in his private estate had he appointed a successor to himself, since he knew him to be ruined by intemperance of life and luxury, and moreover sunk in debt to the amount of five myriad. This, if the interpreter rightly reckons, is fifty times ten hundred thousand; and indeed, as regards rendering the number, I would translate it in Latin and in ordinary usage as quingenties sestertium, yet so that we understand myriads of coins: a mode of speaking which no modern writer has been able to reproduce. This is the reason why, in books translated from the Greek, we read altogether different sums than in the ancient books of the Latins, as in Appian repeatedly, and in Orosius in one place we shall soon see: although he lived more than a thousand years ago, he nevertheless did not retain the old custom. But that this was the Greek custom, namely, that they handed down all sums of money to memory not by the number of coins, nor by sestertia, but by myriads of drachmas, when speaking only of the Romans, will be clear from what is to be said, when we use their authorities. But we shall also see this mode of speaking in the third book from Demosthenes. And after the first edition of this book had been published, when I happened to read the Greek history of the same Plutarch, recently published from transalpine workshops, I began to have firm confidence in what I had previously gathered by careful conjecture. For thus the passage stands in that history: τῶν φίλων πι μυριαστις ἐκελωσε πέντε καὶ ἔικοσι δεθλῶν, τῶν ὑφομοιοι ἀνίες ἐκλωσι. He had ordered that five and twenty myriads be given to a certain friend: the Romans call this decies. Although, however, by what has so far been said I may seem to have sufficiently demonstrated what sestertium decies differs from sestertii decem, and to have resolved the doubts that could arise: now already, as I think, readers with attentive in- tention i 4

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tentione legendo peruenerint, fidem dictis nostris accom= modare non dubitaturi sint, ulterioremq[ue] nobis probatio= nem remissuri, quod ad hoc quidem attinet: hanc tamen in me legem ultro ferre planéq[ue] sancire hoc in opere sta= tui, ut nunquam per functus pollicitatione uidear, nisi ita omnia perspicua fecero, ut negare omnino quisquam ea quæ demonstrauero, citra improbitatem nequeat. Vt hoc autem efficere possim, utar rursus Ciceronis autoritate, qui in Actione 1 1 1. in Verrem, cum multa Verri furtæ obie= cisset per totam eam orationem, ad extremum uelut sum= mam criminum exaggerans, unius tantum oppidi furtæ ac paucorum mensium colligere statuit, ut de uniuersis pecu nijs per iniuriam ablatis documentum coniecturamq[ue] da= ret. Ait igitur se publicanorum tabulas conquisitas obsi= gnasse, & ad iudicium illud Verris attulisse, ut ex perscri= ptis sub nomine Prætoris nauium commeatibus, constare iudicibus ratio posset earum mercium, quas Verres tunc Siciliæ Prætor in Italiam deportandas curasset. < Locus Verri- næ tertiæ Ci- ceronis.> Eius igi= tur hæc uerba sunt circa finem orationis, Cum hæc pauco rum mensium ratio in his libellis sit, facite ut uobis trien= nij totius ueniat in mentem. sic contendo, ex his paruis li= bellis apud unum magistrum societatis repertis, uos iam coniectura assequi posse cuiusmodi prædo iste in illa pro= uincia fuit: quàm multas cupiditates, quàm uarias, quàm infinitas habuerit: quantam pecuniam non solùm nume= ratam, uerùm etiam in huiuscemodi rebus positam confece rit, quæ uobis alio loco planius explicabuntur. nunc hoc attendite: His exportationibus quæ recitatæ sunt, scribit sestertia L X. socios perdidisse ex uicesima portorij Sy= racusis. Pauculis igitur mensibus, ut hi pusilli & contepti libelli indicant, furtæ Prætoris quæ essent sestertium duo= decies

Transcription: Translated (English)

...having reached there through attention to reading, will not doubt to accommodate credit to our statements, and will leave to us the further proof, as far as this matter is concerned. Yet I have resolved to impose this law upon myself of my own accord, and to establish it plainly in this work: that I should never seem to have gone beyond a promise unless I have made everything so clear that no one can possibly deny what I have demonstrated without dishonesty. But in order that I may be able to accomplish this, I shall again use the authority of Cicero, who in Actio 11 in Verrem, after having brought many charges of theft against Verres throughout that whole speech, at the end, as it were piling up the sum of the crimes, decided to collect only the theft of a single town and of a few months, so that from that he might give evidence and a basis for conjecture concerning all the money unlawfully taken. He says, therefore, that he had searched out the publicans' accounts and sealed them up, and had brought them to that trial of Verres, so that from the written entries under the name of the Praetor, concerning ship freight and transport, the judges might be able to ascertain the account of those goods which Verres, then Praetor of Sicily, had arranged to be carried into Italy. <Locus Verrinae tertiae Ciceronis.> These, then, are his words near the end of the speech: Since the account of a few months is contained in these little books, make yourselves mindful of the whole three years. Thus I maintain that, from these small account books found in the possession of one agent of the company, you can already infer what sort of robber that man was in that province; how many lusts he had, how varied, how limitless; how much money he collected, not only in cash, but also invested in things of this kind, which will be explained to you more clearly elsewhere. Now pay attention to this: by these exports which have been recorded, he writes that the partners lost 60,000 sesterces from the twentieth part of the customs duty at Syracuse. Therefore, from these few months, as these tiny and contemptible account books show, what the Praetor's thefts amounted to was 120,000 sesterces.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 137 decies, ex uno oppido solo exportata sunt. Nego quen quam esse acutum ac perspicacem lectorem, qui post hæc uerba Ciceronis dubitare potuerit de eo quod adstruimus. quod ut omnibus etiam crassioris Mineruæ lectoribus planum fiat, paucis uerbis rem explicabo. Cum enim affirmet Cicero societate publicanorum ex uicesima portorij sexaginta sestertia, id est, sexaginta nummorum millia, ideo perdidisse, quòd Verres immunes merces tanquam prætorias, nec tamen improfessas transportabat, & ex eo colligat furtiuas merces ad sestertium duodecies ex uno oppido abstulisse: certo iam certius habeo sestertiu duodecies, mulle ac ducenta sestertia significare. si enim sexagenarium uicenario multiplicaueris, mille & ducenta fient in summa. atqui Cicero furtoru summâ à portorio uicesi mae probare facile potuit. Si ergo uicesima pars sestertij duodecies, sexaginta sestertia esse ab eo dicitur, necessariò sestertium duodecies, mille ac ducenta sestertia eodem autore erit. Hoc etiam post Ciceronem Martialis libro primo Epigrammatum docere his uerbis potuit, Si dederint superi decies mihi millia centum, Dicebas nondum Scæuola factus eques: Qualiter ô uiuam, quàm largè, quàmq; beatè? Riserunt faciles & tribuere dei. In ius ô fallax atq; inficiator eamus, Aut uiue, aut decies Scæuola redde deis. Sic enim & ipse & alij poëtæ loqui solent sine adiectione sestertij: ut idem ad Galenum, Non plenum modo uicies habebas, Sed tam prodigus atque liberalis, Et tam lautus eras Galene, ut omnes Optarent tibi centies amici. i 1 Vbiq;

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 137 ten times as much, were exported from a single town alone. I deny that there is any reader so keen and so perceptive who, after these words of Cicero, could doubt what we have maintained. To make this plain even to readers of the more thick-headed sort, I shall explain the matter in a few words. For when Cicero states that the company of tax-farmers lost sixty sesterces from the one-twentieth duty on tolls, that is, sixty thousand sesterces, because Verres was carrying untaxed goods as though they were official goods, yet without any concealment, and from this concludes that he took stolen goods to the amount of twelve hundred sesterces from one town; I am now absolutely certain that sestertium duodecies means one thousand two hundred sesterces. For if you multiply sixty by twenty, the total will be one thousand two hundred. But Cicero could easily prove the total amount of the theft from the one-twentieth duty. Therefore, if one-twentieth of a sesterce is said by him to be sixty sesterces, then necessarily sestertium duodecies will, by the same author, mean one thousand two hundred sesterces. This could also be shown after Cicero by Martial in the first book of the Epigrams in these words: If the gods should grant me one hundred thousand denarii, You used to say, “You have not yet become a knight, Scaevola”: How shall I live, and how lavishly, and how happily? The kindly gods laughed and gave them. Let us go to court, O deceitful man and denier, Either live, or pay back to the gods ten times a hundred thousand, Scaevola. For thus both he and other poets are accustomed to speak without adding sestertium ; as in the same poet to Galenus: You had not merely twenty times a hundred thousand, But you were so prodigal and generous, And so splendid were you, Galenus, that all your friends Wished you a hundred times as much. i 1 Everywhere

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Vbiq[ue] enim sestertium sub intelligendum. Et in tertio, Empta domus fuerat tibi Tongiliane ducentis, Abstulit hanc nimium casus in urbe frequens. Collatum est decies: rogo, non potes ipse uideri Incendisse tuam Tongiliane domum? Nec poëtas modo decies absolute, sed etiam prosa oratione loquentes solitos esse dicere Plutarchus in loco supradicto docet, ἐγώ πλεῖον ὑμων, ἐφη, ἐν δεξίες ἐν[εργ]ι. Docebunt & autoritates priscæ quæ à nobis sparsim in sequentibus citandæ sunt. Verum Martialis apertè docet decies sestertium maiorem multo pecuniam esse sestertijs ducentis: quo in loco Calderinus non ducenta sestertia, sed ducentos nummos ridiculo errore intellexit. sic enim ducenta absolutè dicuntur à Martiale, ut à Iuuenale quæ dringenta in prima Satyra, - Sed quinque tabernæ Quadringenta parant. - id est, censum Equestrem. Et in quarta decima, Sume deos equites, fac tertia quadringenta. Oratores plerunq[ue] adjiciunt sestertium. Rursus Martial. Dederas Apiti bis trecenties uentri, Sed adhuc supererat centies tibi laxum. Quo in loco Calderinus, Apitius, inquit, habebat septingenta millia: sex consumpserat luxu: & cum adhuc centu[m] superesset, ueritus ne non posset explere gulam ea pecunia, uenenum bibit. Centies ille pro centum milibus intellexit, centuplicatò scilicet (ut alij omnes) falsus. Martialis enim centies centena millia intellexit, id est, centies sestertium. Ortus est enim apud antiquos ille loquendi modus ex compendio sermonis. Nam cum primum dicerent centies centena millia sestertium mummum, postea usus obti

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Everywhere, indeed, sestertium is to be understood. And in the third, “The house bought for you, Tongilianus, for two hundred, A crowding accident in the city took this away from you too much. Ten times has been contributed: I ask, can you not yourself be seen To have burned your own house, Tongilianus?” Nor does Plutarch, in the passage cited above, teach that poets alone are accustomed to speak with the numeral “ten times” absolutely, but also those speaking in prose, where he says, ἐγώ πλεῖον ὑμων, ἐφη, ἐν δεξίες ἐν[εργ]ι. The ancient authorities, too, which in what follows we shall cite here and there, will show it. But Martial clearly teaches that “ten times sestertium” is a much larger sum than two hundred sestertii: in which passage Calderinus foolishly understood not two hundred sestertia, but two hundred coins. For thus “two hundred” is said absolutely by Martial, as by Juvenal “three hundred” in the first Satire, - But five taverns Raise four hundred. - that is, an equestrian census. And in the fourteenth, “Take the gods of the equites; make it three hundred and four hundred.” Orators very often add sestertium. Again Martial: “You had given twice three hundred thousand to Apicius’ belly, Yet still there remained a hundred thousand to you, free.” In this passage Calderinus says that Apicius had seven hundred thousand: he had consumed six in luxury; and when a hundred still remained, fearing that with that money he would not be able to fill his gullet, he drank poison. He understood “centies” as one hundred thousand, that is, multiplied by one hundred, falsely indeed, as do all the others. For Martial understood centies as one hundred times a hundred thousand, that is, one hundred times sestertium. For among the ancients that mode of speaking arose from an abbreviation of speech. For since at first they used to say “centies centena millia sestertium nummum,” afterwards usage obti

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 139 obtinuit, ut compendiose centies sestertium diceret: quem loquendi modum nonnulli recensoris memoriæ scriptores non percipientes, centies talentum protulerunt, quasi sestertium rectus aut accusandi casus sit, & no[n] potius genitiuuus. Poëtæ aute[m] & alij interdum scriptores compendium illud iterum contrahentes, non centies sestertium, sed centies tantum dicunt, ut in exemplis suprascriptis, subintelligi uolentes centena millia sestertium: ut in illo Martialis Epigrammate in secundo libro, Illa diues mortua est Secundilla, Centena decies quæ tibi dedit dotis. Decies enim cētena millia intelligendu[m]: ut apud Iuuenal. - Et ritu decies centena dabuntur Antiquo - Quam magnam esse pecuniam ex Horatio in primo Sermonum intelligimus, - Decies centena dedisses Huic parco, paucis contento, quinq[ue] diebus Nil erat in loculis. - Asconius quodam in loco, Luscius notus Centurio Syllanus, diues è victoria factus, nam amplius centies possederat. Cæterum ex obseruatione antiquorum didici, nunquam infra denarium numerum sic esse eos locutos, ut dicerent septies, uel octies, uel nouies sestertium: sed intra denarium per millia uel sestertia loqui solitos. Cicero libro 1. Epist. ad Atticum, Lucio Cincio sestertia nongenta pro signis Megaricis, ut tu ad me scripseras, cur aui. Et < Mos loquendi priscorum.> pro Cluentio, Initio permagnâ pecuniam poposcit, post ad id peruenit quod confici potuit, & sestertia sexcenta quadraginta millia deferri ad se domum iussit. Idem, Sedecim dico Iudices, ut Oppianicus absolveretur, corrumpendos

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 139 obtained it, so that he would speak compendiously of “a hundred times a sesterce”; which mode of speaking, not being understood by certain writers in memory of the reviser, they put forward “a hundred times a talent,” as though sestertium were the nominative or accusative case, and not rather the genitive. But poets and other writers at times, contracting that abbreviation still further, say not centies sestertium, but only centies, as in the examples written above, wishing “centena millia sestertium” to be understood: as in that epigram of Martial in the second book, That rich woman Secundilla has died, Who gave you ten hundred times as dowry. For “decies centena millia” is to be understood: as in Juvenal: - And by old custom ten hundred shall be given - How great a sum of money this is, we understand from Horace in the first book of the Satires, - You would have given ten hundred To this thrifty man, content with little, in five days There was nothing in his purse. - Asconius in a certain place says, “Luscus, known as Centurio Syllanus, became rich from victory, for he possessed more than a hundred times.” Moreover, from the observation of the ancients I have learned that they never spoke below the unit of ten in such a way as to say seven, or eight, or nine times a sesterce; but within the unit of ten they were accustomed to speak by thousands or sestertia. Cicero, in book 1 of the Letters to Atticus: “I have purchased from Lucius Cincio nine hundred sestertia for the Megarian statues, as you had written to me.” And In Pro Cluentio: “At first he demanded a very large sum of money, afterward he came to this point, that what could be made up was to be brought to him at home, and he ordered six hundred and forty thousand sestertia to be brought to him.” The same author: “Sixteen, I say, judges, were to be corrupted so that Oppianicus might be acquitted.”

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pendos fuisse: ad Stalenum sexcenta & quadraginta milia nummium esse delata. Et ad Ruffum scribens in quinto Epist. Nam de sestertijs nongentis mulibus certe ita relatum est, ut tu siue frater tuus referri uoluit. Supra decem per aduerbium & genitiuum antiqui fere locuti sunt, ut in exemplis omnibus superius adnotatis. Non me latet apud Plinium libro x x x v I. ad sestertia mille legi, & sestertijs mille ducentis: sed uetusta lectio non adstipulatur impressis libris. Tranq. in Cæs. Seruiliam Bruti matre ante alias dilexit, cui et proximo suo Consulatu sex agies sestertiu[m] margaritam mercatus est. Sic Pli. lib. I x. de Lollio, Vt neptis eius quadringenties sestertium operta spectaretur ad lucernas. In quibusdam tamen exemplaribus sestertio legitur. Tranq. in Caligula: Notares est, Aponio Saturnino inter subsellia dormitante, monitum præconem ne prætorium uirum crebro capitis motu nutantem sibi, præteriret: nec dicendi finem factum, quoad x I I I. < Suetonij loco>. gladiatores sestertium non agies ignoranti addicerentur. Quo tamen in loco non dicendi, sed licendi lego contra fidem exemplarium, id est, licitandi in auctione. Verum sestertium in superioribus exemplis gignendi casu dicitur, ut apud Ciceronem in Verrem actione prima: Cogno sceret ex me populus Rom. quid sit quod iudicijs ad Senatorium ordinem translatis, sublataq; populi Romani in unumquenque nostrum potestate, Quintus Calidius damnatus dixerit, minoris sestertium tricies prætorium hominem honestè non posse damnari. Quæ uerba licet notis scripta sint in libris impressis, Asconius tamen ita legit. In quo more loquendi (ut supra dixi) aliquid subaudendum facilè intelligimus, ut sit integrum, hominem prætorium damnari minoris tricies cætenis nullibus sestertium: &

Transcription: Translated (English)

that there had been sent to Stalenus six hundred and forty thousand nummi. And writing to Rufus in the fifth Epistle: “For concerning nine hundred thousand sesterces it has certainly been so reported, as either you or your brother wished it to be reported.” Writers of antiquity commonly used supra with the accusative and genitive, as in all the examples noted above. It has not escaped me that in Pliny, book xxxvi, I read ad sestertia mille , and sestertijs mille ducentis ; but the ancient reading does not agree with the printed books. Suetonius, in Caesar , says that Servilia, Brutus’ mother, he loved above all others, and that in his next consulship he bought for her a pearl for six million sesterces. So Pliny, book ix, concerning Lollius: “So that his granddaughter might be seen covered at the lamps for four hundred times a hundred thousand sesterces.” In some manuscripts, however, sestertio is read. Suetonius, in Caligula : “Notice has been given, while Aponius Saturninus was sleeping among the benches, to the crier not to pass over a praetorian man, nodding with frequent movement of his head, before him”; and no end of the speech was made until xiii. . gladiators for two hundred thousand sesterces would be assigned to the ignorant bidder. Yet in this passage I read, contrary to the authority of the manuscripts, not dicendi but licendi , that is, bidding at an auction. But sestertium in the preceding examples is used in the genitive case, as in Cicero, in the first action against Verres: “The Roman people should learn from me what it is that, the trials having been transferred to the senatorial order and the power of the Roman people over each one of us having been taken away, Quintus Caecidius said, when condemned, that a man of praetorian rank could not honestly be condemned for less than thirty times a hundred thousand sesterces.” Although these words are written with abbreviations in the printed books, Asconius nevertheless read them thus. In this manner of speaking, as I said above, something must easily be understood as implied, so that the sense is complete: that a man of praetorian rank be condemned for less than thirty times a hundred thousand sesterces, and

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET donationibus Nero effuderat. Millies enim lego, non mil= < Liuij locus.> le. Liuius poëtærum more absolutè dixit libro octauo de bello Macedonico, In L. inquit, Scipione malim equidem mendu[m] quàm medaciu[m] scriptoris esse in summa auri atq[ue] argēti, et potius quadragies, quàm ducēties quadragies lite æstimatam, eò magis, quòd tantæ summæ ratione etia[m] ab ipso requisitam P. Scipione in Senatu tradu[n]t, librumq[ue] rationis eius cum L. fratrem afferre iussisset, inspectante Senatu suis ipsum manibus compressisse, indignatum quòd cum bis millies in ærarium retulisset, quadragies ratio ab se posceretur. Vbi tamen non compressisse, sed concerpisse < Plinij locus.> lego. Sic Cicero in frumentaria, Sic per triennium ad hanc frumenti emptionem centies et tricies erogatum est. Illud Plinij ad Caluisium in quinto Epistolarum, An cui de meo sedecies contuli: ita lego: An cui de meo sestertium decies contuli, huic c c c c. millia paulo amplius tertiam partem ex aduentitio denegem? Qua= dringenta enim sestertia, tertia pars est duodecies sester tiùm, et paulo amplior tertia parte decies sestertium, id est mille sestertiorum. Fuit autem cum existimarem omni= no ita loquendum esse, ut post aduerbium semper geniti= uum pluralem subiungeremus, hoc modo qui suprà rela= tus est, Hominem prætorium minoris sestertium tricies da mnari no[n] posse. et, Sexagies sestertium margaritam mer= catus est. et apud Cornelium Nepo. in uitæ Pompo. Tan taq[ue] fuit moderatione, ut neq[ue] in sestertium uicies quod à pater acceperat, paru[m] se splendide gesserit: neq[ue] in sester= tiùm centies affluentius uixerit. Aliquandiu igitur ita lo= quendum arbitratus sum, quoniam sermo integer hoc poscere uidetur, in quem contracta oratio sic resolui= tur, sexagies centenis milibus sestertium nummorum mar garitam

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASE AND the donations Nero had poured out. For I read “millies,” not “mil= < a passage of Livy.> le.” Livy, in the manner of the poets, spoke plainly in book eight of the Macedonian war: “At L. Scipio,” says he, “I would rather be a liar than a truthful writer,” in the matter of the sum of gold and silver, and rather forty times, than two hundred and forty times, assessed in litigation; and all the more because they report that even this sum was demanded from P. Scipio on the basis of an account, and that when his brother L. had brought the book of his accounts before the Senate, he, in the presence of the Senate, had crushed it with his own hands, indignant that, though he had paid in two million to the treasury, an account of forty times the amount should be demanded from him. Yet here I read not “crushed,” but “tore to pieces.” < a passage of Pliny.> I read thus. So Cicero in the grain case: “Thus over three years, one hundred and thirty times has been spent on this purchase of grain.” That passage of Pliny to Calvisius in the fifth book of the Epistles, “And to another of my money I contributed sixteen times over,” I read thus: “And shall I deny to this man, to whom I have contributed ten times a hundred thousand sesterces of my own money, four hundred thousand a little more than a third part from my inherited property? For four hundred sesterces is a third part of twelve sesterces, and a little more than a third part of ten times a hundred thousand sesterces, that is, of one thousand sesterces.” But there was a time when I thought that one ought to speak altogether in this way, namely, that after an adverb we should always add a plural genitive, in this manner, as cited above: “A man of praetorian rank cannot be condemned for less than thirty times a hundred thousand sesterces.” And, “He bought a pearl for sixty times a hundred thousand sesterces.” And in Cornelius Nepos, in the life of Pompo... “And so great was his moderation, that neither did he conduct himself magnificently in twenty times a hundred thousand sesterces, which he had received from his father; nor did he live more lavishly in one hundred times a hundred thousand sesterces.” For a while, therefore, I judged that it should be spoken in this way, since the language itself seems to demand this, into which the contracted expression is thus resolved: “a pearl of sixty times one hundred thousand sesterces.”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 143 garitam mercatus est. Quare illum loquendi modu[m], Qua= dragies sestertio solatus est: , Libertinus sestertij ter millies possessor: iudicaba errore legentiu[m], librariorumq[ue]; ignorantia in exemplaribus inualuisse. Aliter tamen nunc censeo, quum huiusmodi locutione, etsi contra rationem recepta, tamen libri magnorum autorum scateant, quale illud Ciceronis in Sallustium simile supradictis, Ne cau= sam diceret, sestertio duodecies cu[m] Censore paciscitur. uel cum Cæsare potius, ut in antiquo legimus. Vnum in præ= tura urbana locum notaui pluraliter enunciatum, hoc mo do, Hinc sestertium quaterdecies P. Tadio numerata A= thenis, testibus planu[m] faciam. Quod sic resoluitur, Qua= terdecies centena millia sestertium numerata. quæ auto= ritas omni refutatione maior mihi uisa est. Contra tot tan= torumq[ue]; scriptorum autoritatem mouere nos non potest Lampridij dictum in Heliogabalo, Nunquam minus se= stertijs centum coenauit, hoc est, argenti libris triginta. a= liquando autem tribus millibus sestertijs coenauit, omni= bus supputatis quæ impedit. Antiqui enim scriptores non tria millia sestertia, sed tricies sestertium dicebant. Inter classicos autem scriptores nec Lampridius, nec Spartia= nus, nec Capitolinus numerari meruerut. Ausim enim af= firmare rarò antiquos ultra mille sestertia scripsisse: ac nescio etiam an rarissime mille dixerint: quomodo nun= quam aduerbijs usi sunt infra denarium numerum. alioquin ambiget sermo inter singulos millenos 'que nummos. Quî enim minus intelligas his Lampridij uer= bis Heliogabalum tribus millibus nummum coenauisse, quàm ter millies millibus, id est, tricies centenis millibus? & tamé Lampridius plus omnino centenis millibus dicere uoluit, id est, centenis sestertijs, alioquin etia[m] paru[m] Latinè dicitur

Transcription: Translated (English)

...bought the market. Therefore that manner of speaking, “Qua- dragies sestertio,” I judged to be an error of the readers and of the copyists, to have become established in the manuscripts through ignorance. But now I think otherwise, since books of great authors are full of such expressions, though contrary to reason, such as that similar passage of Cicero against Sallust: “Ne causam diceret, sestertio duodecies cum Censore paciscitur,” or rather with Caesar, as we read in the old text. I have noted one place in the Praetura urbana expressed in the plural in this way: “Hinc sestertium quaterdecies P. Tadio numerata Athenis, testibus planum faciam.” This is to be resolved thus: “Quaterdecies centena millia sestertium numerata,” which authority seemed to me greater than any refutation. Against the authority of so many and so great writers, the statement of Lampridius in the Heliogabalus cannot move us: “Nunquam minus sestertijs centum cenauit,” that is, he dined at no less than one hundred sesterces, that is, thirty pounds of silver. At times, however, he dined for three thousand sesterces, with all the calculations that follow. For the ancient writers did not say “tria millia sestertia,” but “tricies sestertium.” Among classical writers, however, neither Lampridius nor Spartianus nor Capitolinus deserve to be numbered. For I would dare to affirm that the ancients rarely wrote beyond a thousand sestertia; and I do not even know whether they ever said “mille” except very rarely: just as they never used adverbs below the number of a denarius. Otherwise the sense becomes ambiguous between individual thousands of coins. For how would you understand Lampridius’s words here, that Heliogabalus dined for three thousand coins, rather than three thousand thousands of thousands, that is, thirty times one hundred thousand? And yet Lampridius clearly meant to say more than one hundred thousand in all, that is, one hundred sesterces; otherwise it is not even good Latin.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET dicitur tria millia sextertia, & tribus mulibus sextertijs, etiam si apud Ciceronem ita legatur pro Cluentio uel in libris membranaceis. Stalenus sextertia sexcenta quadraginta millia deferri ad se domum iussit. et sæpe alibi apud Columellam, Plinium, & alios: quæ mendosa esse facile conijsimus. nam & apud Ciceronem post alteram ab eo loco chartam sequitur, sexcenta & quadraginta nummum millia ad Stalenum esse delata. Sic pro Rabirio, Quid uo= ciferabere, decem millia talenta Gabinio esse promissa? ubi talentum gignendi casu lego, quomodo legendu[m] esse apud Curtium ex mebranacco codice admonitus sum. hic enim error uolumina passim iam olim occupauit, errore libra= riorum, qui ea uerba numerorum quæ notis scripta erat, uel una aut altera syllaba dimidiata, integra transcri= pserunt, nec numerandi rationem antiquam, nec La= tine loquendi tenentes. & alioquin sextertius num= mus, & sextertium genere neutro caliginem multam le= gentibus offuderunt. Nam ut pro nummo sextertium in recto dictum sit, mihi persuadere non possum, etiam si a= pud Festum Pliniumq[ue] semel legatur. sed ex collatione antiquorum uoluminum suspectum locum Plinij animad= uerti. Vt autem usque quaque priscam elegantiam, multa iam rubigine ignorantiæ exesam, ita reddamus interpo= lem, ut ex pristino nitore desiderari nihil possit, unu[m] tan= tum locum Ciceronis ex Prætura urbana citabimus, qui ad hoc ostendendu[m] cum præcedentibus satis erit, in quæ oratione de rationibus Quæsturæ provincialis relatis à Verre loquens sic inquit uerba ipsa rationum referens, Accepi uicies ducenta trigintaquinque millia, quadrin= gentos septemdecim nummos. dedi stipendio, frumento, Legatis, Proquæstori, cohorti Prætoriæ, sestert. mille sexcenta

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET it is said, three thousand sestertii, and with three mules sextertii, even if in Cicero, in the Pro Cluentio or in manuscript books, it is so read. Stalenus ordered six hundred and forty thousand sestertii to be brought to his house. And often elsewhere in Columella, Pliny, and others: which we easily infer to be corrupt. For even in Cicero, after another sheet from that place, there follows that six hundred and forty thousand nummi were brought to Stalenus. So in Pro Rabirio , “Why do you cry out that ten thousand talents were promised to Gabinius?” where I read talentum in the singular case, as I was reminded from a manuscript codex in Curtius that it should be read. For this error has long since taken possession of books everywhere, through the error of copyists, who transcribed those words of numerals that were written in signs either with one or another syllable omitted, as complete, and who kept neither the ancient system of reckoning nor correct Latin usage. Moreover, sextertius nummus and sextertium in the neuter gender have cast much obscurity over readers. For I cannot persuade myself that sextertium was said in the nominative for a nummus, even if it is read once in Festus and Pliny. But from a comparison of ancient volumes I noticed a suspicious passage in Pliny. And in order that everywhere we may restore the old elegance, now gnawed through by much rust of ignorance, so as nothing may be lacking of its former brilliance, we shall cite just one passage of Cicero from the urban praetorship, which will be enough to show this, and in that speech, speaking of the accounts of the provincial quaestorship as reported by Verres, he says, quoting the very words of the accounts: “I received two hundred and thirty-five times a hundred thousand and four hundred and seventeen nummi. I paid out for stipend, grain, envoys, the propraetor, the praetorian cohort, 1,600 sestertii.”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 145 sexcenta x x x v. mil. quadringentos decem & septem nummos. reliqui Arimini festertium sexcenta millia. Hoc est rationes referre? hoc modo aut ego, aut tu Hortensi, aut quisquam hominum retulit? Quæ uerba ex collatione Asconij contra fidem exemplarium emendauimus, & nisi hoc modo legantur, ratio expensi acceptiq[ue]; non quadrabit, quam necesse est quadrare si sensum Ciceronis percipere uolumus. Siquidem ille Verrem Carbonis Quæstoré pecuniam publicam auertisse criminatur, falsis ac commentitijs rationibus ad ærarium relatis. Eas autem commentitias hoc argumento probat, quòd acceptorum expensorumq[ue] paginæ ad nummum quadrarint, ita ut nihil supersuerit reliquamenti: quod fieri uix potuit nisi in co[n]fictis rationibus. Cum igitur pagina accepti uicies centena millia & ducenta trigintaquinq[ue]; millia & quadringetos decem & septem nummos habuisset, Verres festertia (ut ita dicam) mille & sexcenta x x x v. quadringentos xvii. nummos, uarijs nominibus expensa reip. tulit, & sexcenta festertia Arimini deposuisse sese adscripsit, ne de residuis pecunijs teneri uideretur. Notandus est ergo loquendi modus antiquorum, Accepi uicies & ducenta, hoc est bis & uicies festertium, quod Cicero uel Verres potius dixisset, nisi minores illas summas addendas habuisset, id est xxxv. millia quadringentos nummos. Notandum tamen quòd festertia mille sexcenta dixit pro sedecies sester. Verris uerba referens, quod rarum est, ut uicies ducenta, pro bis & uicies. Cæterùm illum Lampridij locum alioquin medosum esse ex sequentibus apparebit, ut pro xxx. libris ccl. legi debeat: nisi fateri malim Lapridij tempore priscu[m] illum morem loquedi iam obsoletum fuisse, ut & ipsam linguâ propè Latinam. Interim k tamen

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 145 six hundred and thirty-five thousand four hundred and seventeen nummi. The remainder at Ariminum: six hundred thousand sesterces. Is this what it means to render accounts? in this way either I, or you, Hortensius, or any man whatever, would have presented them? These words, from comparison with Asconius, we have emended against the authority of the manuscripts, and unless they are read in this way, the reckoning of receipts and expenditures will not agree, as it must agree if we wish to grasp Cicero’s meaning. For he accuses Verres, the quaestor of Carbo, of having diverted public money, by means of false and fabricated accounts submitted to the treasury. And he proves that they were fabricated by this argument: that the pages of receipts and expenditures matched to a nummus, so that nothing was left over; which could scarcely happen except in concocted accounts. Since, then, the page of receipts had two hundred and twenty-five thousand and four hundred and seventeen nummi, Verres, in various items, brought to the account of the commonwealth, as it were, one million six hundred and thirty-five thousand four hundred and seventeen nummi in sesterces, and entered that he had deposited six hundred sesterces at Ariminum, lest he should seem to be liable for the remaining money. The manner of speaking of the ancients must therefore be noted: “I received two hundred and twenty,” that is, twice and twenty sesterces, which Cicero, or rather Verres, would have said, had he not had to add those smaller sums, that is, thirty-five thousand four hundred nummi. It must however be noted that he said “one thousand six hundred sesterces” for sixteen times one hundred sesterces. Reporting Verres’ words, which is rare, as “two hundred and twenty,” for “twice and twenty.” Moreover, the passage of Lampridius is otherwise difficult, but from what follows it will appear that it must be read as “for thirty pounds, two hundred and fifty”; unless I prefer to admit that in Lampridius’ time that old manner of speaking had already fallen out of use, as had the language itself, which was almost Latin. Meanwhile, however,

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LIBER I. tamen hoc uelim lectores sibi persuadeant, ita me omnia percepta, probata, comprehensa, perspicua, indubitata, de= monstrata deniq[ue] ac planè non controuersa relicturum, ut posthac referri earum rerum quæstio ex ijs scriptoribus non possit, qui secula sua stylo nobilitauerunt. Verùm eò iam progressa est commentatio, ut primus hic liber finem accipere commodè possit. Assis enim partiumq[ue] eius signi ficatus, atq[ue] eorum uerborum usum quàm latissimè paten= tem apud antiquos, exposuimus, ita ut nihil addi ad præ= dicta (ut existimo) possit, quin à nobis in sequentibus ex= pectandum sit. Diximus quid sit sestertius, quid sestertia, quid sestertium cum aduerbijs numeralibus iunctu[m]: usumq[ue] eorum uerborum oratoribus et poëtis multipliciter usur patum addidimus, omniaq[ue] (ut opinor) eôdem pertinen= tia, citatis, enarratis, interdumq[ue] emendatis scriptorum autoritatibus, quæ in ordinem dicendorum incur= rere uidebantur. Hac igitur fine librum primu[m] claudemus, ut hoc uelut interspiratu re= colligere impetum ad secundum a= tum non minus argumen= tosum possimus. GVLIEL

Transcription: Translated (English)

BOOK I. Nevertheless, I would have readers be persuaded of this: that I shall leave all things so perceived, approved, understood, clear, beyond doubt, finally demonstrated, and plainly not in controversy, that hereafter the question concerning these matters cannot be referred to those writers who have made their age illustrious by their style. But the commentary has now advanced to such a point that this first book can suitably come to an end. For we have explained the meaning of the as and of its parts, and the use of those words as broadly extended among the ancients, so that nothing, as I think, can be added to what has been said, unless it is to be expected from us in what follows. We have said what a sestertius is, what sestertia is, what sestertium is when joined with numeral adverbs; and we have added the manifold use of those words among orators and poets. And we have included, as I believe, everything pertaining to the same subject, citing, recounting, and at times correcting the authorities of writers that seemed to fall into the order of things to be said. With this end, therefore, we shall close the first book, so that with this, as it were, breathing-space, we may gather strength for the second, no less rich in argument. GVLIEL

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET. ad nummum ære nobis æquali æstimetur. ac ne id quidem modò, sed etiam ut Atticum argentum Romano permutemus, ac porrò etiam commentantes eousq[ue] pergamus, ut uel corollarium pronunciatæ dicendarum rerum summæ addidisse iudicemur. Quod cum effecerimus (facturum enim omnino me recipio) quid iam causæ erit, quin omnes libri Græci in Latinam linguam, aut Latini in uer naculam uersi, hac omnino parte illustrati uideantur & explanati? Hoc autem ut assequamur, ab integro rursus ordiædam rem habemus. Itaq[ue], ut antea dictum est, Seruius rex primus æs signauit. signatum est autem nota pecudu[m], unde & pecunia appellata. Maximus autem census (inquit Plinius) centum & decem millia assium illo rege fuit. <Millia æris.> & ideo hæc prima classis. Cum igitur apud antiquos millia æris legimus, millia assium intelligere debemus. Liuius libro v. ab Vrbe condita de Camilli exilio loquens, Absens (inquit) quindecim millibus grauis æris damnatur. De hoc loquens Plutarchus in eôdem Camillo ita inquit, Eκειν[ο]ν μὴν ὑμν μετασὰς ὑφλε πῶν δίκλω ἐγήμων, τίμημα μυσίων καὶ πενταίχιλιων ἀσαρίων ἐχασων, ὑγίνεται πρὸς ἀργυρία λόγον, χιλια ομαχια καὶ πεντακόσια, ἀσαριον γαρυν ἀργυριον. καὶ ἔναχαλλην οὕτως ἐκαλευτο διωάριον. Ille igitur cum solum iam uertisset, indicta causa desertóq[ue] iudicio damnatus est, cuius multa quindecim millium assium fuit: qua summa ad argenti supputatione relata, fiunt mille & quingentæ drachmæ. As enim tuuc erat pecunia, & <Denarius.> ita decussis denarius uocabatur. Ex quo intelligemus denarium fuisse argenteu[m], & denis assibus ualuisse. Assis autem à Plutarcho pro æreo nummo ponitur. nam Latini assem nunquam argenteum nomisma appellauerunt. Iam igitur habemus ex Plutarchi autoritate centu[m] & decemilla æris, quæ

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G. BVD. OF THE ASSE ET. Let it be reckoned, then, in coin of bronze at our equal estimation. And not only that, but also that we may exchange Attic silver for Roman, and furthermore continue to comment so far that we may seem to have added, as it were, a corollary to the announced sum of things to be discussed. When we shall have accomplished this—for I undertake absolutely that I shall do it—what reason will there then be why all Greek books, translated into Latin, or Latin ones into the vernacular, should not be seen and explained in this part at least? But in order that we may attain this, we must begin the matter anew from the beginning. So, as was said before, King Servius was the first to stamp bronze coin. And it was stamped with the mark of cattle, whence money also received its name. The greatest census, says Pliny, in that king’s time was one hundred and ten thousand asses. <Thousands of bronze.> And therefore this is the first class. Since, then, among the ancients we read “thousands of bronze,” we must understand thousands of asses. Livy, in book 5 of Ab Urbe Condita , speaking of the exile of Camillus, says: “In his absence he is condemned to a fine of fifteen thousand heavy bronze coins.” Speaking of this, Plutarch in the same Camillus says thus: “...,” and the fine amounts to fifteen thousand asses, which sum, reduced to a calculation in silver, makes one thousand five hundred drachmas. For at that time the as was money, and <Denarius.> thus the denarius was called from ten asses. From this we understand that the denarius was silver and was worth ten asses. Moreover, the as is placed by Plutarch as a bronze coin; for the Latins never called the as a silver coin. We therefore now have, on the authority of Plutarch, one hundred and ten thousand of bronze, which

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 149 quæ olim prima classis, id est, summus census fuit, undecim millia drachmarum ualuisse: & supra probatum est autoritate Plinij drachmam & denarium eodem pondere fuisse. ita iam constat, centum millia æris, quadraginta sestertiûm millia ualere, cum quaterni sestertij denos æris asses ualeant. Sic Camillus quum quindecim æris millia dissoluere nequiret, id est, sex millia nummûm, exilij causa solùm uertit. Appellatione autem æris assem intelligi constat ex Tranquillo in Augusto, Caium, inquit, & Lucium adoptauit domi per assem & libram emptos à patre Agrippa. Quod Tra[n]quillus per assem & libram dixit, lex XII. tabularum per æs & libram dicebat: quæ uerba in secundo libro Institutionum Iustiniani leguntur sub titulo de testamentis. Gellius lib. XIII. Tertium, inquit, testamentorum genus fiebat per familiæ emancipationem, cui æs & libra adhibebatur. Sed de hoc nos copiosè disseruimus in Annotationibus in Pandectas editis. As igitur æreus erat, & paruæ æstimationis, ut supra demonstrauimus, & ex Catullo patet illis uersibus, Viuamus mea Lesbia, atq[ue] amemus, Rumoresq[ue] senum seueriorum Omnes unius æstimemus assis. <Quinarius.> Denarius autem argenteus decem libris æris, id est, assibus decem ualebat. Et quinarius quinq[ue], hoc est denarij dimidio, ut sestertius quinarium dimidiatum ualebat, hoc est duos asses & senussem. Erat & quadrans (autore Plinio) nummulus, qui & triuncis uel triunx uocatus est à tribus unciijs. Vt enim sestertius quarta pars est denarij, ita quadrans quarta pars assis, hoc est libræ æreæ, quæ cum erat argentea, non assis argenteus, sed libella dicebatur, ut suprà docuimus. Fuit etia triens nummus tertia pars assis. k 3 Cæterum <Quadrans.> <Triuncis.>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 149 which formerly was the first class, that is, the highest census, is said to have been worth eleven thousand drachmas; and it has been proved above by the authority of Pliny that the drachma and the denarius were of the same weight. Thus it is now established that one hundred thousand asses are worth forty thousand sesterces, since four sesterces make ten asses. So Camillus, when he was unable to pay fifteen thousand asses, that is, six thousand coins, turned only for the sake of exile. And it is clear that by the term as the as is meant from Suetonius in Augustus: “Gaius,” he says, “and Lucius he adopted, having been bought at home by their father Agrippa for an as and a balance.” What Suetonius called per assem & libram, the law of the Twelve Tables expressed as per aes & libram: these words are read in the second book of Justinian’s Institutes under the title On Wills. Gellius, book XIII: “A third,” he says, “kind of wills was made by the emancipation of the family, to which aes & libra were applied.” But on this matter we have treated at length in the Annotations on the Pandects published by us. The as, then, was of bronze, and of small value, as we have shown above, and this is clear from Catullus in those verses: Let us live, my Lesbia, and let us love, and the rumors of stern old men let us value all at one as. <Quinarius.> The denarius of silver, however, was worth ten pounds of bronze, that is, ten asses. And the quinarius five, that is, half a denarius, just as the sestertius was worth half a quinarius, that is two asses and a half. There was also the quadrans (according to Pliny), a small coin, which was also called triuncis or triuns from three unciae. For just as the sestertius is the fourth part of a denarius, so the quadrans is the fourth part of an as, that is, of a bronze pound; when that was silver, it was not called a silver as, but a libella, as we showed above. There was also the triens, a coin that was the third part of an as. k 3 Cæterum <Quadrans.> <Triuncis.>

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cessione libertorum, his uerbis, Sed nostra constitutio ita causam definiuit, ut si quidem libertus uel liberta minores centenarijs sint, id est minus centu[m] aureis habeant substantiam (sic enim legis Papiæ summam interpretati sumus, ac si pro mille sestertius unus aureus computetur) nullum locum habeat patronus in eorum successione. Nos unu[m] aureum centum sestertijs æstimamus, Iustinianus mille. Sed huic obiectioni ita respondeo, æstimatione[m] hoc in loco no[n] iustam, & ut Græci appellant argyrognomonicam esse, hoc est à collybo uel nummulariorum taberna petitam, sed pro arbitrio legem condentis factam, cui hoc placitum est de centenarijs libertis sancire, quod pridem lex Papia de millenarijs statuerat. Id quod mihi satis indicare uidetur hæc particula, ac si. Si quis enim totum illum locu[m] diligenter animaduertat, facile (ut opinor) iudicabit Iustinianu[m] legi Papiæ non in eo tantu[m] derogasse, quòd patronus olim liberto etiam liberis intra numerum ternarium extatibus in quadrante[m] succedebat, sed etiam in eo quòd qui liberti olim centenarij dicebantur à centum sestertijs, nunc centenarij dicuntur à centu[m] aureis, quæ multo minor est summa. <Centenarij liberti.> Potuit & numerus corrumpi, ut nulle pro centum legatur, errore ex notulis orto, ut infrà uidebimus. Potuit & mille sestertijs pro mille æris obrepere librarijs ab eadem causa. <Papiæ leges multæ.> Leges Papiæ multæ fuerunt, uel una fuit multi plex. Meminit Cic. pro Archia legis Papiæ, Tranquil. in Claud. Tertul. & Lactantius libro 1. Mouere igitur dictum illud Iustiniani neminem debet contra tot tantoru[m]q[ue] scriptoru[m] autoritates. <Sestertius.> Sestertius enim nunqua[m] æreus fuit, sed ab initio statim duos asses & semisse ualuit. Assis uerò æreus erat. Plin. de Ladano lib. XII. Precia sunt laudatissimo in libras asses XL. De Hammoniaco, Preciu[m] optimi in libras k 4

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cession of freedmen, in these words: But our constitution has defined the case thus, that if a freedman or freedwoman has less than one hundred, that is, has a substance of less than one hundred aurei (for so we have interpreted the sum of the Papian law, as if one aureus were reckoned for one thousand sesterces), the patron shall have no place in their succession. We estimate one aureus at one hundred sesterces, Justinian at one thousand. But to this objection I reply that the estimation in this place is not a just one, and, as the Greeks call it, argyrognomonic, that is, taken from the collybist or money-changer’s shop, but made at the discretion of the lawgiver, who chose to enact this concerning freedmen of one hundred aurei, just as the Papian law had formerly decreed concerning those of one thousand. This seems to me sufficiently indicated by the little phrase ac si. For if anyone carefully considers the whole passage, he will easily judge, I think, that Justinian did not derogate from the Papian law only in this respect, that formerly the patron also succeeded to a freedman, even where children survived within the limit of three, in a fourth share, but also in this, that those who were formerly called centenarii freedmen from one hundred sesterces are now called centenarii from one hundred aurei, which is a much smaller sum. <Centenarii freedmen.> The numeral may also have been corrupted, so that nulle was read instead of centum, through an error arising from the numeral signs, as we shall see below. Likewise mille sesterces may have crept in for mille asses with the same cause on the part of copyists. <Many Papian laws.> There were many Papian laws, or else one law was many-fold. Cicero mentions the Papian law in the speech for Archias; Tranquillus in Claudius; Tertullian and Lactantius in book 1. Therefore that statement of Justinian ought to move no one against the authority of so many and such writers. <Sestertius.> For the sestertius was never a bronze coin, but from the very beginning it was worth two asses and a half. But the as was bronze. Pliny, on ladanum, book XII: “The prices are, for the very best, forty asses per pound.” On ammoniac: “The price of the best, in pounds...” k 4

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 153 esset Eques Rom. & non parum liberaliter domum suam omnium ordinum homines inuitaret, scimus non amplius quàm terna millia æris peræquè in singulos menses ex e= phemeride eum expensum sumptui ferre solitum. atq[ue] hoc non auditum, sed cognitum prædicamus. Millia æris di= xit ad differentiam millium nummûm uel sestertium. Li= uius libro ultimo de secundo bello Punico, de Scipione lo quens, Argenti tulit in ærarium pondo centum millia. mi= litibus ex præda quadragenos æris diuisit. Et libro II. de bello Macedonico de triumpho Quintij, Duceni quinquæ geni æris in pedites diuisi. Et rursus libro supradicto bel= li Punici, Legatis in singulos dona ne minus quinum mil= lium, comitibus eorum mille æris. Mille æris dixit pro cen tum drachmis, id est, argenti libra: sed genus nummi dati exprimere uoluit. Et libro nono de bello Macedonico. Senatus consultum factum est ut singulis centena millia æ= ris Quæstores urbani ex ærario darent. Hoc in loco qua= dragena millia sestertium intelligendum dico: quòd nisi æris addidisset, ego centum sestertia intelligerem: quanqua[m] si exempla in medium afferam, uix controuersias expe= diam. Plinius libro x v. de copia olei loquens, Vrbis qui= dem anno quingentesimoquinto, Appio Claudio Cæci nepote, L. Iunio Coss. olei libræ duodenæ assibus uenie= re: & mox anno sexcentesimo octogesimo M. Seruius æ= dilis Curulis olei denas libras singulis assibus præstitit po pulo Rom. per totum annum. Idem libro x v 1 1 1. de ar= borum frugiferarum precijs loquens, Nec minus miracu= lum in pomo est, multarum circa suburbana fructu annuo addicto binis millibus nummûm, maiore singularum re= ditu, quàm erat apud antiquos prædiorum. Fidem hoc di= stum excedet, si uera sunt quæ diximus, ut nummi appel= k 5 latione Mira precio pomorum Ro mæ.

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PART I. BOOK II. 153 being a Roman Knight, and not a little liberally inviting to his house men of all ranks, we know that he was accustomed to spend no more than three thousand aes each month, according to the account in his diary; and this we proclaim not as hearsay, but as known fact. He used millia æris to distinguish it from thousands of coins, or sestertii . In the last book of Livy, speaking of the Second Punic War, on Scipio: “He brought silver into the treasury, one hundred thousand pounds.” He divided forty aes among the soldiers from the spoils. And in book II of the Macedonian War, of Quintius’ triumph: “Two hundred and fifty aes were divided among the infantry.” And again in the aforesaid book of the Punic War: “To the envoys gifts of not less than five thousand aes each, and to their attendants one thousand aes .” He said one thousand aes for one hundred drachmas, that is, a pound of silver; but he wished to express the kind of coin given. And in the ninth book of the Macedonian War: “A decree of the Senate was made that the urban quaestors should give to each one hundred thousand aes from the treasury.” In this place I say that forty thousand sestertii must be understood; because unless he had added aes , I should understand one hundred sestertii ; although if I bring examples forward, I shall scarcely escape disputes. Pliny, book XV, speaking of the abundance of oil: “In the city itself, in the year 505 after its foundation, in the consulship of Appius Claudius Caecus’ grandson and Lucius Junius, a dozen pounds of oil sold for an as ; and soon after, in the year 680, Marcus Servius, curule aedile, supplied ten pounds of oil for a single as to the Roman people throughout the whole year.” The same author, book XVIII, speaking of the prices of fruitful trees: “No less a marvel is found in the apple, many of which around the suburbs are leased at an annual rent of two thousand coins each, with a greater return from each than was formerly found in estates.” The truth of this statement will seem beyond belief, if what we have said is true, as the term nummi ... A wonderful price of apples at Rome.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET latione sestertiu[m] intelligere oporteat, & sic arboris unius usumfructum credamus in annos singulos duobus millibus sestertium conductum à propola, ut in eo quæstum face= ret: & in eadem urbe denas olei libras aut etiam duodenas singulis assibus aliquando uenundatas, cum singuli sester= tij dipondium & semissem ualuerint. Primum hoc respon- deo, uilitatem illam olei semel aut iterum contigisse, quam quam non tam negociationem aut uenditionem fuisse pu= to, quàm largitionem ædilitia[m] ad plebeium sauorem eme= rendum, ut alibi dicetur. Potest etiam numerus deesse in superiore loco Plinij, cum assibus tantum legatur, non sin gulis assibus, ut in sequenti. Potest etiam uilitas tanta fuis= se aliquo anno eo liquore exuberate, qui ultra annum non seruabatur: id quod Plinius ipse his uerbis significat, Ve= tustas oleo tædium affert, non item ut uino: plurinumq[ue] ætatis annuo est: prouida, si libeat intelligere, natura. Quippe temulentiæ nascentibus unis uti necesse non est, quinimo inuitat ad seruandum blanda inueterati caries. oleo noluit parci, fecitq[ue] ea necessitate promiscuum & uulgo. Memoria nostra Parisijs uno anno tanta fuit uili= tas uini, ut inopia uasorum quidam donare uel effundere co gerentur: quidam qui grandioribus cuppis condiderat, anno sequenti magno uendiderunt. Quod autem ad mer= cedem annuam singularum arborum attinet, non tam mi= rari id couenit, quam id quod ab eodem lib. x v. de persi= cis duracinis dicitur, quod genus ætate Plinij insitione re= pertum est. Aestate, inquit ille, præcopia intra x x x. an= nos reperta, & primò denarijs singulis uenundata. Et pau lò inferius, Precium, inquit, singulis iam triceni nummi fuere, nullius maiore. quod miremur, quia non aliud fuga= cius. longissima nanq[ue] decripto bidui mora est, cogitq[ue] se uenund

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G. BVD. ON THE ASSE AND we ought to understand by it the phrase “of sesterces,” and thus let us believe that the use of a single tree was hired out for two thousand sesterces each year from a dealer, so that he might make a profit from it; and that in the same city ten pounds of oil, or even twelve, were sometimes sold for one as each, although single sesterces were worth a dipondius and a half. First I reply that that cheapness of oil happened only once or twice; and I think it was not so much a trade or sale as an aedilician largess, given to win plebeian favor, as will be said elsewhere. The number may also be lacking in the earlier passage of Pliny, since only “for asses” is read, not “for single asses,” as in the following passage. Such cheapness may also have occurred in some year when that liquid was abundant, since it was not kept beyond a year; this Pliny himself indicates in these words: “Old age brings weariness to oil, but not as to wine: most of it is good only for a year’s time: prudent nature, if one wishes to understand it so.” For there is no need to use a thing born for drunkenness alone; rather, the pleasant decay of age invites one to preserve it. Oil he did not wish to be spared, and so by that necessity he made it common and widespread. Within our memory there was in Paris, in one year, such cheapness of wine that, from shortage of vessels, some were driven to give it away or pour it out: others who had stored it in larger casks sold it the following year at a high price. As for the annual rent of individual trees, it should not be so much wondered at, as that which is said by the same author in book XV about cling peaches, a kind discovered by grafting in Pliny’s time. “In summer,” he says, “provisions were found within thirty years, and first sold for a single denarius each.” And a little below: “The price,” he says, “had now reached thirty sesterces each, greater than that of any.” Which is no cause for wonder, because nothing is more fleeting. For the longest delay after picking is two days, and it forces itself to be sold

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET transire dicar. Quod tamen quia & alibi necessariò mihi faciendum est, hic à lectoribus impetrare illud habeo, mi= hi quidem non iniquis, ut si hoc institutum meum hoc in loco, haud dubiè insigni, approbauero, ualeat in futuræ quoq[ue], siqua forte autorum interitu destituentur testimoniio. Audiamus igitur Varronem ipsum libro 1 1 1. rerum rusticarum, quem Plinius dicti sui autorem locupletissimu[m] esse censuit: in cuius dialogis Appius Claudius Augur ad Axium Senatorem ita inquit, Quòd si ea ædificia uillæ non sunt, quæ asinum tuum, quem mihi quadraginta millibus emptum ostendebas apud te, nunc habent, metuo ne pro uilla emam Ostiæ in littore Seianas ædes. Apud Plinium quadringetis nummis legitur, apud Varrone[m] ipsum quadraginta millibus, utrobiq[ue] corruptè. Vt enim nummis pro millibus illic legitur, sic quadraginta hic pro quadringen- tis: tametsi uix intra fidem id stabit cum ad æstimationem millium nummorum uenerimus. Hoc tamen cum ex Plinio uidetur, qui prius hoc precium Romæ admiratus, mox translatitium in Celtiberia esse tradidit: tum uerò ex eo= dem Varrone libro secudo eiusdem operis his uerbis, Qui non habent eum asinum quem supposuerunt equæ, & asinum admissarium habere uolunt, de asinis quenq[ue]; am= plissimum & formosissimum quàm possunt eligunt, quiq[ue] seminio natus sit bono, Arcadio, ut antiqui dicebant, ut nos experti sumus, Reatino, ubi tricenis ac quadringen- tis millibus admissarij aliquot uenierunt. Quo in loco tre= cenis & quadringenis millibus lego. quanquam hic rursus æstuare necesse est. Idem enim Varro alibi de eligendo pe= core loquens, Primùm, inquit, ut bonum pares pecus, sci= re oportet qua ætate quàm que pecudem parare habereq[ue] expediat. altera pars, cognitio formæ: tertia pars est, quo semi

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET I shall be said to pass over. But since this also necessarily has to be done by me elsewhere, here I must obtain from readers, not indeed unwilling readers, that if I have approved this my undertaking in this place, which is without doubt distinguished, it may also hold good for the future, in case by any chance the testimonies of the authors should be lost through their death. Let us therefore hear Varro himself, in book 111 of Rerum Rusticarum , whom Pliny judged to be the most abundant author of his statement: in whose dialogues Appius Claudius the Augur says thus to Axius the Senator: “But if those are not country houses which have your donkey there, which you were showing me had been bought for forty thousand, I fear that at Ostia, on the shore, I shall buy the Sejan houses instead of a villa.” In Pliny it is read as four hundred nummi, in Varro himself as forty thousand, corrupt in both places. For just as there it is read as nummi instead of thousands, so here forty instead of four hundred; although this will scarcely stand within belief when we come to the valuation of thousands of nummi. Yet this seems to be so from Pliny, who first admired this price at Rome, and then related that it was transferred in Celtiberia; and then indeed from the same Varro, in the second book of the same work, in these words: “Those who do not have that donkey which they have put under the mare, and wish to have a breeding donkey, choose from the donkeys the largest and most handsome one they can, and one born from good seed, Arcadian, as the ancients used to say, or, as we have found by experience, Reatine; in this place some breeding asses have sold for thirty and four hundred thousand.” In this place I read “three hundred and four hundred thousand.” Yet here again it is necessary to be in doubt. For the same Varro, elsewhere speaking about the choosing of livestock, says: “First, if you are to choose good livestock, one must know at what age it is expedient to procure and keep what kind of beast. The second part is knowledge of appearance; the third part is, in which the seed...”

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seminio quærendum. Hoc enim nomine asini Arcadici in Græcia nobilitati, in Italia Reatini, usque eò, ut mea me= moria asinus uenierit sestertijs millibus sexaginta, & unæ quadrigæ Romæ constiterint quadringentis millibus. Se= mel iam testati sumus, ubicunque apud antiquos sestertijs & millibus coniunctim dicitur, non sestertijs, sed sester= tiùm legendum. Quare hic sestertium, non sestertijs le= go. Sed loca sic citare necesse est, ut apud autores legun= tur: quod in uniuersum dictum esse uelim. Sed quod ad rem pertinet, Varro in persona Scrophæ miratur asinum memoria sua emptum sexaginta millibus, & asinos qua= tuor iugales quadringentis. Quare dubius maneat hic lo= cus Plinij necesse est, ita tamen, ut lotos quidem pedes ex maculoso loco conflictatione non multa expedierim. Quanquam quis dubitet quadraginta millibus apud Pli= nium asserere, & tricenis ac quadragenis millibus apud Varronem, ne fidem alioquin abnegare antiquis monu= mentis cogamur? Atque eadem opera locum Plinij inibi < Plinij locus.> restituemus. quod enim in omnibus impressis libris legi= tur, Nec nisi spatio se incumbant, alias atteruntur. Varia nanque somnio uisa concipiunt, ictu pedum crebro: qui nisi per inane emicuerit, repulsu durioris materiæ claudi= tatem illico affert. ubi ego ex antiquis exemplaribus lego, Nec nisi spatiose incubitant laxitate. uaria nanq[ue], & cæ= tera. illa enim duo uerba, alias atteruntur, temere ab emen datoribus sunt addita: quæ superuacanea esse satis ex eo apparet quod sequitur, claudos illico fieri. Et hic Hermo= laus Barbarus uir ingeniosissimus gloriabitur se Plinium emendasse, altera etiam castigatione repetitum? Sed per= gamus porrò. Idem Plinius libro decimo: Maximè tamen insignis est in hac memoria Clodij Aesopi Tragici hi= strio Patina Aesopi.

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The matter must be investigated in the seed itself. For by this name the Arcadian asses in Greece, and the Reatine in Italy, were made famous, to such an extent that, in my memory, an ass sold for sixty thousand sesterces, and four-horse chariots in Rome cost four hundred thousand. We have already once testified that wherever, among the ancients, sestertijs and millibus are used together, it should be read not sestertijs but sestertium . Therefore here I read sestertium , not sestertijs . But places must be cited as they are read in the authors; and I wish this to be understood in general. But as far as the matter itself is concerned, Varro, in the person of Scropha, marvels at an ass bought for sixty thousand from his own recollection, and at four yoke-asses for four hundred thousand. Therefore this passage of Pliny must remain doubtful, though in such a way that I have indeed cleared away not a few stumbling blocks from a troublesome passage. And yet who would hesitate to affirm forty thousand in Pliny and thirty and forty thousand in Varro, lest otherwise we be compelled to deny all credit to the ancient monuments? And by the same effort we shall restore the passage of Pliny there . For what is read in all printed books, “Nec nisi spatio se incumbant, alias atteruntur.” “Only when they lean upon space; otherwise they are worn down. Various things, indeed, are conceived from a dream seen by the repeated blow of the feet: unless it has darted out through empty space, contact with harder matter at once brings lameness.” Whereas I read in the ancient copies: “Nec nisi spatiose incubitant laxitate. varia nanq[ue], & cætera.” For those two words, alias atteruntur , have been rashly added by the emenders: their being superfluous is sufficiently clear from what follows, namely that they are immediately made lame. And here Hermolaus Barbarus, a most ingenious man, will boast that he has emended Pliny, repeated even with a second correction? But let us go on further. The same Pliny, in book ten: “Most especially remarkable, however, in this remembrance is the tragic actor Clodius Aesopus histrio Patina Aesopi.”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET strionis patina, sexcentis sestertijs taxata, in qua posuit aues cantu aliquo aut sermone uocales, nummis sex singulas coëmptas, nulla alia inductus suauitate, nisi ut in ijs imitationem hominis manderet, ne quæstus quidem suos reueritus illos opimos, & uoce meritos. Dignus prorsus filio, à quo diximus deuoratas margaritas. Ego antiquissimum exemplar habeo, in quo hoc uerbum, nummis, deletitio loco scriptum erat, ut conijciam non nummis, sed millibus prius scriptum fuisse. omnino enim sic legendum est. Centenariam enim patinam Aesopi fuisse intelligimus, id est centenis auibus structam, millibus senis coëmptis, ut in summa sexcenta fierent sestertia: de qua idem Plinius libro x x x v. Nam nos, inquit, cum unam patinam Aesopi Tragædiarum histrionis in natura auium dicemus sestertijs sexcentis stetisse, non dubito indignatos legentes. Hæc & huiuscemodi alia incredibilia omninò primore sensu uidebuntur, sed cum omnia in discussionem uenerint, inuicem sibi fidem ut faciant peruincemus. Huius libri lectio uicè præbet historiæ. Opulentia enim Romana simul & luxuria intelligentur, quæ instar (ut arbitror) habebunt historiæ cuiusdam uariæ & admirandæ. Sic enim rem temperatam oportuit, ut non magis in abaculo manus occuparetur, quàm animus rerum intelligentia interim oblectaretur. Sed iam uideamus de columbis apud eundem Plinium libro x. Harum, inquit, amore insaniunt multi, ac super tecta exædificant turres ijs, nobilitatemq[ue] singularum & origines narrant, uetere iam exemplo. Laxius Eques Rom. ante bellum ciuile Pompeianum denarijs quadringentis singula paria uendicauit, ut M. Varro tradit. Licet in omnibus exemplaribus & Laxius & uendicauit legatur, tamen & L. Plinius locus. Axius & uenditauit lego, cum Varro de pullis earum loquens

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G. BVD. OF ASH AND THE strionis dish, valued at six hundred sesterces, in which he placed birds vocal with some song or speech, bought at six coins apiece, led by no other delight than that he might train in them an imitation of man, not even sparing his own profits, those fat ones and deserved by their voice. He was entirely worthy of the son, of whom we said the pearls were swallowed up. I have the oldest copy, in which this word, nummis, was written in erasure place, so that I conjecture not nummis, but millibus had been written first. For in any case it must be read thus. For we understand that the hundred-denarius dish belonged to Aesop, that is, built up with a hundred birds, bought for six thousand, so that in all there were six hundred thousand sesterces: of which the same Pliny in book xxxv. For we, he says, when we say that one dish of Aesop the tragedian actor, in the matter of birds, stood at six hundred sesterces, do not doubt that readers are angered. These and other things of this kind will certainly seem incredible at first sight, but when all things have been brought into discussion, we shall prove them true to one another by mutual support. The reading of this book in turn provides history. For Roman wealth and luxury will be understood together, which will be like, as I think, a certain varied and admirable history. For thus the matter ought to be arranged, so that the hand is no more occupied at the writing-desk than the mind is meanwhile delighted by the understanding of things. But now let us look at the doves in the same Pliny, book x. Many, he says, go mad with love for these, and build towers over their roofs, and tell the nobility and origins of each, according to an old example already. Laxius, a Roman eques, before the Pompeian civil war sold pairs of them for four hundred denarii each, as M. Varro relates. Although in all copies both Laxius and sold it are read, yet I read both L. Plinius places. Axius and sold it, when Varro is speaking of their chicks

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 159 quens ita dicat, Romæ, si sunt formosi, bono colore, integri, boni seminis, paria singula uulgò ueneût ducenis num mis: necnon eximia singulis millibus nummûm: quas nuper cum mercator tanti emere uellet à L. Axio Equite Rom. minoris quadringentis denarijs daturum negauit. Hactenùs Varro. Si ergo paria singula columbarum non semel, sed sæpe mille sestertijs nummis uendita sunt, aliquando etiam mille & sexcentis, id est quadringentis denarijs, cur non & aues humano sermone uocales, sex millibus eadem in urbe uendi potuerunt? quas tamen apud Plinium sex nummis emptas legimus, errore eorum seculorum, quæ in rei nummariæ uerbis prorsus nihil uiderunt. Huius rei irrefutabile argumentum ex eodem ipso autore referemus, qui libro eodem de Luscinijs loquens ita inquit, Certant inter se, palamq[ue] animosa contentio est. Victa, morte finit sæpe uitam, spiritu prius deficiente, quàm cantu. Meditantur aliæ iuniores, uersusq[ue] quos imitentur, accipiunt. Audit discipula intentione magna, ac reddit: uicibusq[ue] reticent. Intelligitur emendatæ correctio, & in docête quæda[m] reprehensio. Ergo seruorum illis precia sunt, & quidem ampliora quàm quibus olim armigeri parabantur. Ex his uerbis significatur luscinarum magna precia fuisse, cum < Luscinarum precia.> apud Columella[m] uinitor seruus octo millibus æstimatus sit, & pluris armiger uenire uinitore solitus sit, ut qui præsidium uitæ domino afferre posset. Quòd si id quod sequitur statim apud Plinium, emendari à nobis potuisset, memorabile aliquod precium in medium attulissemus eius lusciniæ albæ quæ Agrippinæ dono data est. Id quoniâ fieri non potuit, in uicem eius, locum alium eiusdem capitis in principio statim restituemus. Noctuarum genus in Creta insula non est, & etiam siquæ inuecta sit, emoritur. Nam

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for the purpose of saying this: at Rome, if they are handsome, of good color, healthy, of sound stock, pairs of them are commonly sold for two hundred nummi each; and exceptionally for as much as a thousand nummi each: and recently, when a merchant wished to buy them from L. Axius, a Roman knight, he refused to let them go for less than four hundred denarii apiece. So far Varro. If then pairs of doves were sold not only once but often for a thousand sesterces in coin, sometimes even for one thousand six hundred, that is, four hundred denarii, why could not birds vocal in human speech also have been sold in that same city for six thousand? Yet we read that in Pliny they were bought for six nummi, through the error of those ages which saw absolutely nothing in the terms of monetary matters. We shall cite an irrefutable proof of this matter from the same author himself, who, speaking in the same book of nightingales, says thus: They compete with one another, and a spirited rivalry is plainly seen. The vanquished often ends life in death, its breath failing before its song. The younger ones practice and take up the verses they are to imitate. The pupil listens with great attention and repeats them; and in turn they fall silent. In this is perceived both the correction of what has been improved and some rebuke of the teacher. Therefore their prices are like those of slaves, and indeed higher than those for which armor-bearers used formerly to be acquired. From these words it is indicated that nightingales were of great price, when in Columella a vine-dresser slave is valued at eight thousand, and an armor-bearer used to be sold for more than a vine-dresser, since he could bring protection to his master’s life. And if that which follows immediately after in Pliny could have been corrected by us, we would have brought forward some notable price of that white nightingale which was given as a gift to Agrippina. Since this could not be done, in its place we shall at once restore another passage from the beginning of the same chapter. There is no species of owl on the island of Crete, and even if any is brought there, it dies. For

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Nam hæc quoque mira naturæ differentia, alia alijs locis negat, tanquam genera frugum fruticum ue, sic & animalium non nasci, translatitiorumq[ue] inuecta mori. Mirum quidem est illud unius generis aliti aduersum. quænam est ijs naturæ inuidiæ? Sic in omnibus impressis legitur, conniuenta Hermolao, & hoc totum caput intactum transmittente. Quæ uerba cum mihi corrupta inter legendum uiderentur, tandem aditis antiquis exemplaribus ita restituenda duxi, ut post uerbum animalium, distinctio fiat ue lut sensu finito: deinde ita inferamus, Non nasci, translatitium: inuecta mori, mirum. Quid est enim unius generis saluti aduersum? Translatitium hic pro solito, & in multis usitato & communi inter multos, ponitur: quod uerbu[m] maximè Plinianum est. Ita patet in uno uersu Plinij quatuor errata à castigatoribus relicta. De auiculis uocalibus Plinius alibi, Agrippina coniux Claudij Cæsaris turdum habuit (quod nunquam antè) imitantem sermones hominum. Cum hæc proderem, habebant & Cæsares iuuenes sturnum, item luscinias Græco atque Latino sermone dociles, præterea meditantes in diem, & assiduè noua loquè tes longiore etiam contextu. In diem autem, non in dies in omnibus libris legitur. ex quo intelligimus doceri solitas ut diebus diuersis non eadem, sed subinde nouu[m] aliquid loquerentur. Summa igitur supradictorum est, mille sester tiûm, & mille nummûm, duo millia ac quingentos æris ualere, & mille drachmas decem millia assium, & quatuor millia sestertium. Porrò centum drachmas unam mina[m] argenti efficere, quæ & libra & pondo dicitur. At uerò libras duas argenti & semisse, seu ut ueteres dixerunt, duapondo & semissem mille nummûm ualuisse. Hoc etsi satis antea confirmatum est, tamen & auctarium hoc addemus, ne

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G. BVD. ON THE ASS AND THE For this too is a remarkable difference of nature: that in some places it denies that, just as kinds of grain or shrubs, so also animals are not born there, and that those transplanted die when introduced. Indeed, it is a strange thing that this one species is opposed to that. What sort of envy of nature is this? In all printed copies it is read in this way, Hermolaus concurring and passing over this whole chapter untouched. But when these words seemed to me corrupted while reading, after consulting ancient exemplars I judged that they should be restored thus: after the word animals, a stop should be made, as though the sense were complete; then we should read thus: “Not born: transplanted; introduced: die,” a marvel. For what is opposed to the preservation of one species? Here “transplanted” is used for what is usual, and common among many, and widely used; and this is a very Plinian word. Thus it is clear that in one line of Pliny four errors were left by the correctors. On vocal birds, Pliny elsewhere says that Agrippina, wife of Claudius Caesar, had a thrush, a thing never before seen, imitating human speech. While I was bringing these matters to light, the young Caesars also had starlings, likewise nightingales trained in Greek and Latin speech, moreover practicing daily, and constantly speaking new things in a still longer sequence. But “in diem,” in the singular, is read in all books, not “in dies.” From this we understand that they were taught so that on different days they would speak not the same things, but something new from time to time. The sum, then, of what has been said above is that one thousand sesterces and one thousand nummi are worth two thousand five hundred asses; and one thousand drachmas equal ten thousand asses and four thousand sesterces. Further, one hundred drachmas make one mina of silver, which is also called a libra and a pondo. But two and a half librae of silver, or, as the ancients said, duapondo and a half, were worth one thousand nummi. Although this has already been sufficiently confirmed, nevertheless we shall add this further point, lest

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ne cuiquam non satisfaciamus in eare in qua ab omnibus dissentimus. Liuius libro 1 1. de bello Punico, In permutandis captiuis co[n]uenerat inter duces Ro. Poenumq[ue], ut quæ pars plus reciperet quàm daret, argenti pondo bina et se= libras in militem præstaret. De quo co[n]uento Plutarchus in Fabio loquens, Conuenerat, inquit, inter Rom. Poenumq[ue] ducem, ex captiuis uirum pro uiro commutare, et qui plu reis reciperet quàm redderet, pro quolibet drachmas du= centas et quinquaginta solueret. Plutarchus quinquaginta drachmas pro semipondio dixit. Hic libens omuserim, si possim, errorem Nicolai Perotti hominis de lingua La= tina, ut illa ætate, bene meriti, qui in commentarijs suis de hac re loquens ita inquit, Pondo licet aliquando pro li= bra inueniatur, propriè tamen significat pondus duode= cim librarum. huiusq[ue] dicti autorem citat Liuium in loco suprà dicto, quasi Liuius pondo bina et sex libras, non selibras uocabulo composito dixerit, quasi que in capitæ statuerint Imperatores illi tricenas libras argenti: quod longè abest à uerò: quanquam Perottus homo elegantiarum obseruantissimus, uidere illud debuit, Liuium no[n] pon do bina et sex libras dicturum unquam fuisse, sed senas potius libras. Hic nominare eos necesse no[n] habui, qui eius errorem totidem uerbis in suos ipsi comentarios retulerunt. Idem Liuius lib. 1 x. de bello Maced. de censura Ca= toniana loquens, In césibus quoque accipiendis tristis et aspera in omnes ordines censura fuit. ornamenta, et ue= stem muliebrem, et uehicula quæ pluris quàm quindecim millium æris essent, in censum referre uiatores iussit. Item mancipia minora annis uiginti, quæ post proximum lu= strum decem millibus æris aut eo pluris uenissent, ut ea quoque decies pluris quàm quanti essent æstimarentur: De

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so that we may not fail to satisfy anyone in a matter in which we differ from everyone. Livy, book 11 of the Punic War, says: In exchanging captives, it had been agreed between the Roman and the Punic generals that whichever side received more than it gave should provide two pounds and a half of silver for each soldier. Plutarch, speaking of this agreement in his Fabius , says: It had been agreed between the Roman and the Punic general to exchange prisoner for prisoner, man for man, and that the side which received more than it returned should pay, for each man, two hundred and fifty drachmas. Plutarch said fifty drachmas for half a pound. Here I would gladly correct, if I could, the error of Nicolaus Perotti, a man well deserving of Latin learning for that age, who, speaking of this matter in his commentaries, says: “Although pondo is sometimes found to mean a pound, properly it signifies a weight of twelve pounds.” As authority for this statement he cites Livy in the passage mentioned above, as though Livy had said pondo bina et sex libras , not selibras , with a compound word, as if those emperors had prescribed thirty pounds of silver in the capital case; which is very far from the truth. Although Perotti, a man most attentive to elegance, ought to have seen that Livy would never have said pondo bina et sex libras , but rather six pounds. Here I have not needed to name those who repeated his error in exactly the same words in their own commentaries. Likewise Livy, book 10 of the Macedonian War, speaking of Cato’s censorship, says: “In the assessments too, his censorship was severe and harsh toward all ranks. He ordered that ornaments, women’s clothing, and vehicles worth more than fifteen thousand asses should be entered in the census. Likewise, male slaves under twenty years of age, who after the next lustrum had sold for ten thousand asses or more, so that these too should be assessed at ten times their value:” De

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET De hac item censura Plutarchus in eodem Catone, Vt igitur, inquit, in omnes animaduerteret, coëgit uestis, carpen ti, mundi muliebris, & domesticæ supellectilis decuplum amplius in censum referri, quàm earum rerum preciu[m] si= neret, si mille & quingetas drachmas excessisset. His auto ritatibus fidem omnino facio, centum drachmas nulle æris < Libra nummaria cētum drachmas ualet.> ualere: & pondo, id est libram, centum drachmus, & mille æris par fuisse. At denarium & drachmam eundem fuisse nummum, aut eiusdem certè p[ro]deris & æstimationis, auto re Plinio demo[n]stratum est, & denarium quaternos ualuiss se sestertios. Quare in singula p[ro]do & in singulas libras minas que quadringentos sestertios intelligere necesse est. Proinde operis instituti partem profligatam habemus, uel materiem potius (ut Plautino uerbo loquar) exasceata[m]: quàm si coagmetare in instar operis absoluti uolumus, o= mia scriptorum dicta accommodare rebus iam explicatis necesse est: ita ut in opere tot autoritatibus compactili, nul lus locus hiulcus, nulla commissura sit conspicua. Quod quanta uigilantia, quàm acri intetione, quanto labore sit effectum, quanto denique literarum amore susceptum (nî hil enim maius dicere de me possum) ex operis ipsius co= page apparebit. Ego cum hæc proderem, quò magis exa= etè omnia perpenderem, libellam & ponduscula in con= spectu habui, nomismata que antiqua aurea argenteæ que satis multa, iampridem ut nunimè in hunc usum parata, sic admiratione uisendæ antiquitatis in delicijs habita. Eorum lectissimum quodque expensare institi, diligentia, ut arbitror, nummulariorum æmula. Quippe adulterata quædam uisuntur, & ad exemplar archetyporum fusim cusim que ita efficta, ut pro archetypis fallant, cuiusdam (ut diunt) pigmenti affrictu uetustatem ementietia. Vt igi=

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G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND ETC. On this point too Plutarch, in the same Cato, says: “Thus, then,” he says, “that he might scrutinize everything, he ordered that the clothing, the carriage, women’s finery, and domestic furniture be entered in the census at ten times more than the price of those things would allow, if it exceeded fifteen hundred drachmas.” By these authorities I wholly gain credence: one hundred drachmas were worth no less than a Roman pound of silver. [A money-pound is equal to one hundred drachmas.] And a pound, that is, a libra, was equivalent to one hundred drachmas, and a thousand asses. But that a denarius and a drachma were the same coin, or certainly of the same value and estimation, has been shown by Pliny, and that a denarius was worth four sesterces. Therefore in each denarius, and in each pound, we must understand four hundred sesterces. Accordingly we have that part of the work undertaken brought to completion, or rather the material, to speak in Plautus’s word, is prepared: but if we wish to weave it together into the likeness of a finished work, it is necessary to adapt all the statements of the authors to the things already explained; so that in a work pieced together from so many authorities there may be no gaping place, no join visible. With what vigilance, with what keen concentration, with what labor this has been achieved, and finally with what love of literature it has been undertaken—for I can say no greater thing about myself—will appear from the fabric of the work itself. When I was publishing this, in order that I might weigh everything more exactly, I had a balance and small weights before me, and many ancient gold and silver coins, long ago not indeed prepared for this use, but kept as a delight to be admired for their ancient character. I set about weighing each of the choicest of them, with a diligence, as I think, rivaling that of money-changers. For some counterfeit pieces are seen, made so by casting and striking from the models of originals that they deceive as originals, and by the application of some kind of pigment imitate antiquity. So then...

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ludos funebres Cæsari consecratos in honorem stellæ crinitæ quæ septem diebus apparuit. Tertij generis fuit etia[m] eiusdem, ijsdem lineamentis, habituq[ue] eodem capitis, nisi quòd oculus dexter eminebat contrà quàm in secundo: à tergo animal erat hircinis cornibus, ac uilloso mēto, duo[m]bus tantu[m] cruribus, ijsdemq[ue] bisulcis, quibus quasi brachijs orbem amplexabatur, omnino armorum tenus hircus, cætera piscis, cuidam'rei incumbens, quàm agnoscere no[n] potui: inscriptione unius nominis Augusti. Id fuit genus nùmi quod Augustus syderis Capricorni nota percutere insti tuit ob genituræ suæ honorem, quàm ei olim Theogenes mathematicus Apolloniæ existenti uiuo adhuc Iulio Cæsare prædixerat imperatoriam esse. Quare cum thema suu[m] natalitiu[m], id est horoscopi configurationem inuulgari uellet, huiusmodi nummum percussit, ut autor est Suetonius. Habebam unum à M. Agrippa ob Cōsulatum percussum, facie nec Iulij nec Augusti, hac inscriptione, Cæsar diui Iulij F. altera pars pura erat, in qua media hæc erant uerba scripta, M. Agrippa Cos. desig. Vnum insigne notaui Augusti et Antonij in Triumviratu Reipub. constituendæ. ex altera parte Augusti facies malè expressa, hoc lemmate, Cæsar Imp. III VIR. R. P. C. in auersa parte facies M. Antonij ea plenitudine oris quæ à Plutarcho describitur, et ex Cicerone intelligitur in secunda Antoniana, crispo solutoq[ue]; capillo, ea ceruicis crassitudine, ex qua illam firmitatem corporis conijcere posses, quàm ei Ciceror in ea oratione obijcit, hoc epigrammate, M. Antonius III VIR. R. P. C. reliqua legere no[n] potui, nec coniectura assequi, quæ notis significabantur. cæterùm scitè expressa facies, et pulchrioribus literis circunscripta, quàm ea pars quæ Augusto dicata erat. Verùm (ut quod nunc

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funeral games consecrated to Caesar in honor of the hairy star which appeared for seven days. It was also of the third kind of the same, with the same features, and with the same shape of head, except that the right eye projected contrary to what it did in the second: at the back there was an animal with goat’s horns and a shaggy chin, with only two legs, and with those same cloven hooves, with which, as though with arms, it embraced the sphere; wholly a goat as to its arms, the rest fish, resting upon some object, which I could not recognize: with the inscription of the single name Augustus. This was the kind of coin which Augustus ordered to be struck with the sign of the constellation Capricorn, in honor of his birth, which Theogenes, the mathematician, had once foretold to him at Apollonia, while Julius Caesar was still alive, as being imperial. Therefore, since he wished to make public his natal theme, that is, the configuration of the horoscope, he struck such a coin, as Suetonius is the author. I had one struck by M. Agrippa on account of the consulship, with neither the face of Julius nor of Augustus, with this inscription, Caesar divi Julij F. the other side was plain, on which in the middle these words were written, M. Agrippa Cos. desig. I noted one remarkable coin of Augustus and Antony in the Triumvirate for establishing the Republic. On one side the face of Augustus poorly rendered, with this legend, Caesar Imp. III VIR. R. P. C. on the reverse side the face of M. Antony, with that fullness of mouth which is described by Plutarch, and understood from Cicero in the second Antony, with hair curled and loose; that thickness of neck, from which you might infer that firmness of body, which Cicero in that speech throws in his face, with this epigram, M. Antonius III VIR. R. P. C. I could not read the rest, nor by conjecture make out what was meant by the marks. Moreover, the face was deftly rendered, and enclosed by more beautiful letters, than that part which was dedicated to Augustus. But (so that what now

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 165 nunc agitur, agamus) cum horum aliorumq[ue] nummorum pondus ad libellam exigerem, id esse uerum deprehendi quod autore Plinio diximus, & ex Plutarcho & Appiano comprobatur, drachmam scilicet Atticam denarij Romani pondus habere. Quod ut docere possim, rem ad pondera nostra examinabo: sed ita, ut à nemine non intelligar. Libram nostrates duplicem habent. Zygostatica libra est quæ regia dicitur, qua negociatores & pigmetarij aroma tarijq[ue] utuntur, omnesq[ue] omnino qui appensas merces ueditant. Hæc senumdenum unciarum est. Eius semissem monetarij & aurifices & uascularij libram sibi fecerût, marcam eam uocantes. Hac nos libra nunc utemur ad id docendum quod suscepimus. Libram igitur Romani in XII. uncias distribuebant, & unciam in octo drachmas. Huius libre bessem, selibram nostram regiam esse dico, cuius modus à Zygostate publico statuitur Parisijs. Huius muneris fit mentio in lege altera de pôderatoribus libro x. Codicis. Hoc besse nunc utemur pro libra quam marcam uocitamus, eamq[ue] in uncias octonas distribuemus, unciam que rursus in totidem drachmas, & drachmas singulas in ternascrupula: ita ut hemidrachmium sesquiscrupulum ualeat. Primum hoc dico, drachmam Romanam & Atticam à nostris uocitari grossum, & scrupulum denarium, & semigrossum esse nobis semidrachmam Atticam: quam drachmam nostri sterlinos duos & dimidiatum esse dictitant: qua ratione pondus nostrum facilè congruet cum antiquo: hoc modò teneamus, libram nostram cum Latina libra comparatam, subsesquiplam proportionem habere, quam habet bes ad assem. quippe cum libra nostra (de octonaria semper loquor, quam marcam uocitari diximus) quatuor & sexaginta grossos capiat, id est octies octo: si

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 165 now the matter being under discussion, let us proceed) when I weighed the weight of these and other coins down to the libella, I found to be true what we said on the authority of Pliny, and is confirmed from Plutarch and Appian, namely that the Attic drachma has the weight of the Roman denarius. To be able to show this, I shall examine the matter by our own weights: but in such a way that I may be understood by everyone. Our people have a double libra. The zygostatic libra is that which is called the royal one, which merchants and spice-sellers and all those who sell goods by weight use. This is of sixteen ounces. Its half the moneyers and goldsmiths and silversmiths have made for themselves as a libra, calling it a mark. We shall now use this libra to teach what we have undertaken. The Romans therefore divided the libra into 12 ounces, and the ounce into eight drachmas. I say that two-thirds of this libra is our royal libra, the measure of which is fixed by the public zygostat at Paris. Mention of this office is made in the second law concerning the weighers in book X of the Codex. We shall now use this two-thirds as the libra which we call a mark, and divide it into eight ounces, and each ounce again into the same number of drachmas, and each drachma into three scruples: so that a half-drachma is worth one and a half scruples. First I say this: the Roman and Attic drachma are called by our people a grossus, and the scruple a denarius, and a half-grossus is for us an Attic half-drachma: which drachma our people say is two and a half sterlings; by which means our weight will easily agree with the ancient one: only let us keep this in mind, that our libra, compared with the Latin libra, has a subsesquiplal proportion, as the bes has to the as. For since our libra (I am always speaking of the octonary one, which we said is called a mark) contains sixty-four grossi, that is, eight times eight: if

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET octo: si trietem addideris bessi, id est duos & triginta grossos, seu quaternas uncias: libram utique efficies plenà antiquam, sex & nonaginta drachmus constantem, ut antea dictum est: qui numerus exit ex unciarum numero per drachmarum numerum multiplicato, hoc est ex duodenario in octonarium ducto. < Libra Romana eadem cum mina Græca.> Hæc est exacta libræ ratio: cui tamè semunciam addere nos oportet, cu[m] libra in ratione nummaria cum mina Græca exæquata sit, & planè sit cætenaria. Erit ergo libra Latina non modo sesqualtera nostræ libræ, id est sesquilibra nostra, sed etiam præterea quatuor drachmas habuisse intelligetur. Sed nihil hoc conturbare nos debet. Satis est enim ad facilem huius rei explicationem, quòd grossus noster cum drachma Attica conuenit, & denarius cum scrupulo. Grosso autem uocabulo utar no[n] uerecundè, cum Latinum uerbum sit, licet alio significatu antiquus usurpatum. Non me latet apud Pliniu[m] aliud de numero denariorum in libra lectitari: sed illud mox uiderimus. nullam enim omnino aut præuaricationis suspicionem, aut coniuentiæ lectori relinquemus. omnia in disquisitionem uocabuntur, cum omnia dissoluere possimus uel Herculis nodo perplexa: sustineant tatum lectores iudicia quoad omnia perlegerint. Interim tamè hoc affirma mus, in singulas libras, centenas drachmas statuendas esse: alioqui singula sestertia contra omnium scriptorum autoritatem denarijs Denis deficerentur, & singula nullia quadragenis sestertijs nummis: cum luce clarius ostensum sit quaternos sestertios in singulis denarijs drachmis que Atticis fuisse. Verumenimuero cum nomus mata iam dicta cum alijs permultis exquisita libra pensitarem, deprehendi Tullianu[m] illud, et illud Augusti Capricorni no signatum, aliaq[ue] nonnulla, ita pendere drachma[m], id est gross

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASE ET eight: if you add a triens, that is, two and thirty gros, or four unciae, you will certainly make a full ancient libra, consisting of ninety-six drachms, as has been said before: this number comes from the number of unciae multiplied by the number of drachms, that is, from twelve times eight. <The Roman libra is the same as the Greek mina.> This is the exact ratio of the libra: to which we must nevertheless add a semuncia, since the libra has been equalized in monetary reckoning with the Greek mina, and is plainly of the cetenary type. Therefore the Latin libra will be understood to be not only one and a half times our libra, that is, our sesquilibrum, but also to have, in addition, four drachms. But this ought not to trouble us. For it is enough, for an easy explanation of this matter, that our grossus corresponds with the Attic drachma, and the denarius with the scruple. I use the term grossus without shame, since it is a Latin word, though employed by the ancients with another meaning. It is not unknown to me that in Pliny one reads something different about the number of denarii in a libra: but we shall soon see that. For in no way shall we leave the reader any suspicion either of misrepresentation or of collusion. Everything will be called into question, since we can unravel everything, even if it were as tangled as Hercules’ knot; let the readers therefore hold their judgment until they have read everything. Meanwhile, however, we affirm this: that in each libra one must reckon a hundred drachms; otherwise the individual sestertia would, against the authority of all writers, fall short by ten denarii, and the individual nummi by forty sestertii. For it has been shown clearly enough that four sestertii were in each denarius and drachms, indeed Attic ones. But when I was weighing the above-mentioned nomus mata together with many others in a learned libra, I discovered that that Tullian thing, and that Capricorn of Augustus, not marked, and certain other things, thus depended on the drachma, that is, gros

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET duodecim iam ueneat. Cum enim (ut diximus) libra anti= qua sesquiplex fuerit nostræ, & præterea semunciam ha beat: pro duodecim unciijs, sedecim francicos & decem so lidos numerabimus: pro semuncia tredecim solidos, & no uem denarios. Ita fit, ut mille nummi, id est singula sester= tia, æstimari à nobis duobus & quadraginta francicis, un= deuiiginti solidis & quatuor denarijs debeât, uel (ut sum= ma rotundetur, & nunutiaru[m] tædio liberemur) tribus & quadraginta francicis. hi porrò ducatos duos & uiginti, & trigintaquinq[ue] solidos turoneos faciut: quibus si duos solidos & semissem addas, fient ducati tres & uiginti. Du Ducati. catos legitima æstimatione accipio, ut triginta solidis Pa= risinis ualeant, id est solidis turoneis trigintaseptem & se= misso. Hactenus igitur legitimam iustamq[ue] æstimationem in singula nullia nummum habemus: nisi quòd octo dena= riolos addidimus, id est bessem solidi. Huic summæ ad uul= garem æstimationem argenti paulo minus quatuor fran= cici desunt. nam cum argenti libra octonaria uulgo duode nis francicis permutetur propter argenti inopiam, & no= nismatis ieiunitatem, in singulas uncias ad legitimu[m] pre= cium bini solidi & semis accedunt: quas uncias in sester= tijs singulis tricenas singulas esse liquet ex ijs quæ suprà diximus: atque eo amplius quadrantem uncie, id est binos grossos. hi autem solidi paulo plus duobus ducatis ualent æstimatione antedicta: quæ ratione fit, ut in singula sester tia, si extendere precium uelis uulgari iudicio, quinq[ue] & uiginti ducatos statuere, aut certè totidem nostros solatos aureos possis. Ego tamen ad legitimam æstimationem nihil adderem, si commodum aliquem numerum in eo nactus es sem, quo ueluti radice uti ad maiorum summaru[m] cumula= tionem possem. id quoniam fieri nequit, quindecim tatum solid

Transcription: Translated (English)

Of the ass and of twelve now it is sold. For since, as we have said, the old pound was one and a half times ours, and in addition had a semuncia: for twelve unciae we shall count sixteen francs and ten shillings; for a semuncia, thirteen shillings and nine denarii. Thus it comes about that a thousand nummi, that is, single sestertii, ought to be estimated by us at forty-two francs, twenty-one shillings and four denarii, or, if the sum be rounded off and we be freed from the nuisance of fractions, at forty-three francs. These amount moreover to twenty-two ducats and thirty-five Tournois shillings; to which, if you add two shillings and a half, there will be twenty-three ducats. I take ducats at the legitimate estimation, so that they are worth thirty Parisian shillings, that is, thirty-seven and a half Tournois shillings. Thus far, then, we have a lawful and just valuation for each nummus: except that we have added eight denarii, that is, two-thirds of a shilling. To this sum, at the common valuation of silver, a little less than four francs are lacking. For since the pound of silver in the ordinary way is exchanged for twelve francs on account of the scarcity of silver and the barrenness of the coinage, to the lawful price of each ounce there are added two shillings and a half; and from the things said above it is clear that in each single sestertius there are thirty such ounces: and beyond that a quarter of an ounce, that is, two grossi. These shillings, by the aforesaid estimation, are worth a little more than two ducats; by which reasoning it follows that, in each sestertius, if you wish to extend the price by common judgment, you may set down twenty-five ducats, or certainly the same number of our gold solati. Yet I would add nothing to the legitimate estimation, if I had found some convenient number in it, which I could use as a root, so to speak, for the multiplication of greater sums. Since this cannot be done, only fifteen shillings

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 169 solidos adijciam, ut nulle nummûm, quinque & uiginti au reis coronatis æstimetur, id est quadragintatribus franci= cis & dodrante: cum eo ut coronatum quinque & trigin ta solidis esse intelligamus, quanti scilicet locabatur ubere re nummaria. Solidos autem semper appello qui duodena rij nunc dicuntur, in Italia no[n] ignoti. Proinde tandem ac= cedamus ad exempla, quasiq[ue] pedem cum rerum explica= tione conferamus: & primum illud uideamus Tra[n]aquilli in Augusto, quod corruptum esse, no[n] emendatum ab enarra= toribus diximus: Senatoru[m] censum ampliauit, ac pro octin gentorum nullium summa duodecies sestertium taxauit. Sic enim legit Blondus in Roma triumpha[n]te, tametsi hoc tempore ea uerba intelligi no[n] posse existimauit. Nos duo= decies sestertium docuimus significare duodecies centena nullia sestertium nummum, & in singula nullia, quinq[ue] & uiginti coronatos taxandos co[n]stituimus. Si igitur nulle ac ducetos quinquies & uicies numeraueris, triginta nullia coronatorum censum Senatorium fuisse comperies: & ex Tra[n]aquillo hoc noueris, Augustum censum Senatoriu[m] ex ui ginti millibus aureorum huiusmodi ad triginta millia auxiss se. Quò autem expeditius lector rationem eorum quæ di= ceda sunt, ineat, hoc tenere oportet, centum sestertia, duo millia & quingentos aureos coronatos ualere, hoc est ce= ties uicenosquinos. Vt autem ad hunc locum ægrè & su= spiriosè atque anhelabu[n]dè euasimus, ita ab hoc loco iam per prona eademq[ue] amoena aliquadiu euagari licebit. Id e[st] Tranquillus in Cæsare, Ludus Decius Laberius Eques Rom. mimum suum egit, donatus 'que quingentis sestertijs & annulo, sessum in quatuordecim ex scena per orche= stram transit. Laberius poëta donatus est censu Equestri, id est coronatorum nostrorum x 1 1. nullibus & quingen- tis. 1 3

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART II. BOOK II. 169 I shall add sesterces, so that no coin is reckoned at less than twenty-five aurei coronati, that is, forty-three francs and three-quarters; with the understanding that by a coronatus we are to mean thirty-five sesterces, the price, that is to say, at which a solid value was formerly reckoned in money. And I always use “sesterces” for what are now called duodenarii, not unknown in Italy. Therefore, at last let us proceed to examples, and, as it were, set foot together with the explanation of the matter: and first let us look at that passage in Tranquillus in the Augustus , which, as we said, has been corrupted, not emended, by the commentators: “He increased the senators’ census, and for a sum of 800,000 nummi he fixed it at twelve times a sesterce.” For so Blondo reads in Roma Triumphante , although he thought that these words could not be understood in this passage. We have shown that duodecies sestertium means twelve hundred thousand sesterces, and that in each thousand sesterces twenty-five coronati are to be reckoned. If, then, you multiply 800,000 by twenty-five, you will find that the senators’ census was 30,000 coronati: and from Tranquillus you will learn this, that Augustus raised the senators’ census from 20,000 of such aurei to 30,000. But in order that the reader may more readily grasp the reasoning of the things to be said, this must be kept in mind: that 100 sestertia are worth 2,500 aurei coronati, that is, two hundred and fifty times twenty. And just as we have laboriously and breathlessly and pantingly made our way to this point, so from here onward we may now for a while wander off along paths that are gentle and pleasant. That is, in Tranquillus, in the passage on Caesar: “Lucius Decius Laberius, a Roman knight, performed his mime; and, having been rewarded with 500 sesterces and a ring, he crossed from the stage through the orchestra to his seat in the fourteen rows.” Laberius the poet was rewarded with equestrian status, that is, with 11,500 of our coronati. 13

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tis. sic enim loqui mihi per anticipatione permittam, quasi iam tunc aurei nostri fuerint: quò expeditius hoc munere defungar. Macrobius libro 1 1. Satur. Laberium asperæ li bertatis Equitem Rom. Cæsar quingentis nullibus inuita= uit ut prodiret in scenâ, & ipse ageret mimos quos scri= ptitabat: sed potestas no[n] solum si inuitet, sed etiam si sup= plicet, cogit: unde se Laberius à Cæsare coactum in prolo go testatur his uerbis, Necessitas, cuius cursus transuersi impetum Voluerunt multi effugere, pauci potuerût, & reliq. Idem Publius numographus Romæ productus per Cæsa= ris ludos, omnes qui tunc scripta & operas suas locauere= rant, prouocauit, ut singuli secum posita inuicem materiæ pro tempore contenderet: nec ullo recusante superauit o= mnes, in queis & Laberium: unde Cæsar arrides hoc mo= do pronunciauit, Fauete tibi me uiectus es Laberi à Syro. statimque Publio palmam, & Laberio annulum aureum cum quingentis sestertijs dedit. Simule est apud eundem Tranquillum in Tyberio, Munus gladiatorium in memo riam patris, & alterum in aui Drusi dedit, diuersis tem= poribus ac locis: primum in foro, secundum in amphithea tro, rudiarijs quoque quibusdam reuocatis autoramento cetum nullium. Non murum Cæsarem mimographo poe= tæ duodecim nullia & quingentos aureos nostros dedisse, si Tyberius gladiatoribus, qui iam immunitatem & missionem gladiaturæ uel meruerant uel impetrarât, duo nullia & quingentos dedit in singulos, ut iterum depu= gnarent spectante populo. De censu Equestri Plinius li= bro x x x 1 1 1. Tyberij demum principatus nono an= no in unitatem uenit equester ordo, annulorumque au= toritati forma constituta est. Et paulo inferius, Hac de cau= sa con Census eque- rer.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET thus; for I will allow myself to speak in anticipation, as if our aurei had already existed then: so that I may more quickly be done with this task. Macrobius, book 1 of the Saturnalia: Caesar compelled Laberius, an equestrian of harsh liberty, with five hundred nummi to come forward on the stage and himself perform the mimes he wrote. But power does not compel only when it invites, but even when it begs. Hence Laberius testifies in the prologue that he was forced by Caesar in these words: Necessity, whose course many have wished to escape by turning aside, few have been able, and the rest ... Likewise Publius, the actor in mime, brought out at Rome during Caesar’s games, challenged all those who had then taken to themselves their writings and labors, so that each in turn should contend with him, with the material set before them according to the occasion; and with none refusing, he defeated them all, including Laberius. Hence Caesar, smiling, pronounced these words: “Take care of yourself; you have been beaten by Syrus.” And straightway he gave the palm to Publius, and to Laberius a golden ring with five hundred sesterces. It is likewise found in the same author Tranquillus, in Tiberius, that he gave a gladiatorial show in memory of his father, and another in memory of his grandfather Drusus, at different times and places: the first in the forum, the second in the amphitheater, and some retired gladiators were also recalled by payment of one hundred nummi. It is not unreasonable that Caesar gave twelve nummi and five hundred aurei to the poet and mime-writer; if Tiberius gave to gladiators, who had already either earned or obtained immunity and discharge from the arena, two nummi and five hundred each, so that they might fight again before the people. On the equestrian census, Pliny, book XXXIII, says: in the ninth year of Tiberius’ principate the equestrian order was brought into a single class, and the form of authority concerning rings was established. And a little below, “For this reason ...” Census equestris

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sa cõstitutum, ne cui ius annuli esset, nisi cui ingenuo ipsi, patri auoq[ue] paterno sestertia quadrin[g]eta census fuissent, & lege Iulia theatrali in X I I I. ordinibus sedendi. Ex hoc dicto Tranquilli patet censum equestrem à quingen- tis sestertijs ad quadrin[g]enta contractum, id est ad pristi- nam formam reductum. Plinius libro primo epistolarum populo Romano scribens: Esse autem tibi cētum nullia cē sum satis indicat quòd apud nos decurio es. Igitur ut te non decurione solum, uerùm etiam equite Romano per- fruamur, offèro tibi ad implendas equitis facultates trece- ta M. nummûm. te memorem huius muneris, amicitiæ no- stræ diuturnitas spondet. Recenseamus exempla, Cladem Lugdunensem (inquit Tacitus) quadragies sestertio solæ tus est princeps, ut amissa urbi reponerent. Ego quadra- <Quadragies festertium.> gies sestertium ære nostro centum nullia aureorum fuisse dico, quam pecuniam Nero ad reparandum Lugdunum oppidum cõtulit. Et apud Plinium Aesopi tragici histrio- nis patina sexcetis sestertijs taxata est, id est quindecim mi- libus coronatoru[m]. Quo in loco ne incredibile sit quod su- prà diximus, aucs centum canoras, aut honunis sermone uocales, senis nullibus singulas emptas, fide faciet Macro- bius, qui lib. 1. Saturnaliu[m] de liberalitate Augusti loquens, Sublimis, inquit, Aetiaca victoria reuertebatur. occurrit ei inter gratulates coruum tenes, quem instituerat hoc dice- re, Aue Cæsar victor Imperator. muratus Cæsar officiosam auem, x x. nullibus nummûm emut. socius opificis, ad quem nihil ex illa liberalitate prouenerat, affirmauit Cæsari ha- bere illu[m] & alium coruu[m], quem ut affirre cogeret rogauit. allatus, uerba quæ didicerat expressit, Aue victor Impera- tor Antoni. nihil exasperatus, satis duxit iubere illu[m] diuide re donatiuu[m] cum contubernali. Coruu[m] ergo loquacè Aug. uig

Transcription: Translated (English)

it was established that no one should have the right of the ring unless he himself, and his father and paternal grandfather, had a census of four hundred thousand sesterces, and by the Julian law on the theatre, seating in the fourteen rows. From this statement of Tranquillus it is clear that the equestrian census was reduced from five hundred thousand sesterces to four hundred thousand, that is, restored to its earlier form. Pliny, in the first book of his Letters, writing to the Roman people, says: “And that you have a census, not a small one, sufficiently shows, since among us you are a decurion. Therefore, so that we may enjoy you not only as a decurion, but also as a Roman knight, I offer you three hundred thousand sesterces to make up the property required of a knight. That you will remember this favor, the length of our friendship guarantees.” Let us review examples. The destruction of Lyons (says Tacitus) cost the princeps forty million sesterces, so that what had been lost might be restored to the city. I say that forty million sesterces in our money amounted to a hundred thousand gold pieces, the sum Nero contributed to rebuild the town of Lyons. And in Pliny the dish of Aesop, the tragic actor, was valued at six hundred sesterces, that is, fifteen thousand crowns. In this passage, lest what we said above seem incredible—that a hundred singing birds, or birds able to speak in human language, were each bought for six thousand—the account of Macrobius will give assurance; in book 1 of the Saturnalia, speaking of Augustus’s generosity, he says: “As he was returning in triumph from the victory at Actium, a crow met him among the greetings, one that had been trained to say, ‘Hail, Caesar, victorious commander.’ Caesar, delighted, bought the obliging bird for twenty thousand sesterces. The bird’s partner, who had received nothing from that generosity, informed Caesar that he had another crow, and asked that it be brought so that he might make him speak as well. When it was brought, it repeated the words it had learned: ‘Hail, victorious commander Antony.’ Caesar, not at all displeased, thought it enough to order that the gift be shared with its companion.” Thus the talkative crow of Augustus was...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET uiginti sestertijs emit, id est quingentis aureis nostris. & Cleopatra Aegypti reginarum nouissima, lautitiam epu= larum Antonij, omnemq; eius apparatum obtrectas, quæ= rente eo quid adstrui magnificetiæ posset, respondit una se cæna centies sestertium absumpturam. Cupiebat disce= re < Centies sester-tium.> Antonius, sed fieri posse non arbitrabatur. Centies se= stertium æstimatione supradicta duceta quinquaginta mul lia aureorum coronatorum ualet: & quadringeties sester tiu[m], decies cætena millia aureorum, quâti idem Plinius æsti mauit ornatum Lolliæ Paulinæ, de qua suprà diximus, & Cicero surta Verris in provincia. Quoniam uerò multa di cturi sumus fidem propemodu[m] excedetia, lectores præmo= nitos uelim ne Romanas priscasq; diuitias, huius temporis < De opulentia publica priuaraq Romano-rum.> opulentia publica priuataq; metiantur. Vrbem enim Ro= mam totius propè orbis spolijs locupletem fuisse, historica fide planum fieri potest, ijs quidè certè qui Latinos Græ= cosq; scriptores reru[m] gestarum lectitarint. non modò enim duces Imperatoresq; Romani ui aperta & bellica in ho= stico, sed etiam Proconsules prouinciarumq; præsides in pacato furtis rapinisq; & expilationibus grassabantur, quà sacrum quà prophanum domum suam quisq; auertent tes. Inde illud Satyrographi poëtæ, Inde Dolabella est, atq; inde Antonius, inde Sacrilegus Verres: referebant nauibus altis Occulta spolia, & plures de pace triumphos. Equide (quod ad me attinet) cu[m] hæc quæ in hoc opuscu= lum congressi, animo reputarem, ea mihi species urbis Ro= mæ animo obuersabatur, quasi arcem quandam expilato= rum orbis terrarum uiderem, & ueluti commune gentium < Cimeliarchiu[m],> omnium cimeliarchiu[m] (ut uerbo Iustiniani principis utar) id est sanctius conditorium rerum toto orbe eximiarum. Vidi

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET it was bought for twenty sesterces, that is, for five of our gold pieces. And Cleopatra, the last of the queens of Egypt, when she was disparaging the luxury of Antony’s banquets and all his equipment, and he was asking what could be added to increase magnificence, replied that she alone would spend one hundred sesterces on a single meal. Antony wished to learn the amount <One hundred sesterces.>, but he did not think it could be done. One hundred sesterces, according to the above estimate, is worth one hundred and fifty thousand gold crowns; and four hundred sesterces, that is, ten times forty thousand gold pieces, the same amount that Pliny estimated for the adornment of Lollia Paulina, whom we mentioned above, and Cicero for the stolen goods of Verres in the province. Since, however, we shall say many things that will scarcely exceed belief, I would like readers to be forewarned not to measure the ancient wealth of Rome by the wealth of our own time. < On the public and private opulence of the Romans.> For it can be made clear by historical evidence that the city of Rome was enriched by the spoils of nearly the whole world, especially to those who have read the Latin and Greek writers of history. For not only did Roman generals and commanders, by open and military force, ravage the enemy, but also proconsuls and provincial governors, even in time of peace, went about with thefts, plundering, and exactions, carrying off sacred and profane things to their own houses. Hence that line of the satirical poet: From there is Dolabella, and from there Antony, from there the sacrilegious Verres: they were bringing back in tall ships hidden spoils, and more triumphs from peace than from war. Indeed, as far as I am concerned, when I considered in my mind these matters that I have encountered in this little work, there arose before my mind the image of the city of Rome as though I were seeing in it a certain citadel of the plunderers of the whole world, and as it were the common treasure-house <Cimeliarchium,> of all treasure-chambers (to use the word of the emperor Justinian), that is, the most sacred repository of things outstanding throughout the whole world. I saw

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 173 Vidimus iam de Lollio uerba hæc Plinij, Nec dona prodi= gi principis fuerat, sed auitæ opes, prouinciarum scilicet spolijs partæ. Hic est rapinarum exitus, hoc fuit quare M. Lollius infamatus Regu[m] muneribus in toto Oriete, inter= dicta amicitia à C. Cæsare Augusti filio, uenenu[m] biberet, ut neptis eius quadring[n]eties sestertium operta spectaretur ad lucernas. Hactenus ille. Quatam igitur summam rapi= narum Lollij fuisse existimamus, cum decies centenis milli= bus aureorum æstimare[n]tur gemmæ quæ ad nepte[n] eius per= ueneru[n]t? Vidimus & de Caio Verre, cui Cicero quadrin= g[n]eties sestertium litem æstimadam esse contendit. Ingentiæ autem commoda Romanorum magistratum etiam urba= na fuisse, ex hoc conijcere licet, quòd moris fuit, ut finito magistratu ludos ederet magnificos, & uenationes ac mu nera darent, id est gladiatorum multa paria ad uulgi ocu= los oblectandos depugnatura: quam ueluti mercedem po= pulus & precium accipiebat collatorum suffragio suo ma gistratum. quem morem commemorans Cicero in II. Of= ficiorum ita inquit, Qua[n]quam intelligo in nostra ciuitate inueterasse iam bonis temporibus, ut splendor ædilitatum ab optimis uiris postuletur. Itaq[ue] & Publius Crassus cum cognomine diues, tum copijs, functus est ædilitio maximo munere. Et paulum infrà, Hunc est Scaurus imitatus. ma= gnificetissima uerò nostri Pompeij munera secu[n]do Consu latu. in quibus omnibus quid nubi placeat, uides. uitada ta men est suspicio auaritiæ. nam Mamerco homini ditissi= mo prætermissio ædilitatis, Consulatus repulsam attulit. Quare etsi postulatur à populo, bonis uiris si non deside= rantibus, attamen approbantibus, faciendum est, modò pro facultatibus, ut nos ipsi secimus. Etsi aliquando res aliqua maior atque utilior populari largitione acquiri= tur

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PART I. HIS BOOK II. 173 We have already seen these words of Pliny about Lollius: “Nor were they gifts bestowed by a prince, but ancestral wealth, acquired, to be sure, from the spoils of provinces. This is the outcome of plunder; this was why M. Lollius, disgraced by gifts to kings throughout the East, after friendship had been forbidden by C. Caesar, son of Augustus, drank poison, so that his granddaughter, worth forty million sesterces, might be seen clad in borrowed splendor by lamplight.” So far he. What sum, then, do we think Lollius’ plunder amounted to, when the jewels that came into the possession of his granddaughter were valued at ten hundred thousand gold pieces? We have also seen what Cicero maintains about Gaius Verres, whose lawsuit he says was valued at forty million sesterces. Moreover, that the benefits of Roman magistracies, even in the city, were great may be inferred from this: it was customary that, when a magistrate’s term ended, he should give splendid games, hunts, and shows, that is, many pairs of gladiators to fight for the amusement of the crowd; and the people accepted this as a kind of payment and price for having given their vote to the magistrate. Recalling this custom, Cicero says thus in Book II of the Offices : “Although I understand that in our state it has long been established, even in good times, that the splendor of the aedileship should be required from the best men.” And so Publius Crassus, as much by his surname “the rich” as by his resources, discharged the greatest aedileship. And a little farther on: “Scaurus imitated this man.” Truly magnificent were the games of our Pompey in his second consulship. In all these cases, you can see what pleases us. Yet suspicion of greed must be avoided; for Mamercus, a very rich man, had the refusal of the aedileship bring him the rejection of the consulship. Therefore, although it is demanded by the people, it must be done by good men—not if they are unwilling, but at least if they approve—provided it is done according to one’s means, as we ourselves have done. And although sometimes some greater and more useful thing is obtained than by popular generosity…

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tur ut Horesti nuper prædia in semitis nomine decimæ, ma gno decori fuerunt. Ne M. quidem Seio id uitio datu[m] est, quòd in caritate annonæ asse modium populo dedit. Ma= gna enim se & inueterata inuidia, nec turpi iactura (qua[m] dò erat ædilis) nec maxima liberauit. Plin. libro V I I I. de hoc loquens, Leonum simul plurium pugnam Romæ princeps dedit Q. Scæuola P. filius in curuli ædilitate: centum autem iubatorum primus omnium L. Sylla, qui postea Dictator suit, in prætura post eum Pompeius ma= gnus in circod[icit]ac[um] ac in ijs iubatorum C C C X V. Cæsar Dictator quadringentorum. Qua[m]quam in antiquis libris uerbum D C. non legitur: ex quorum obseruatione locus ille mendosus esse uidetur. Idem de uarijs, id est pantheris loquens, Senatus consultum fuit uetus, ne liceret Aphricæ= nas in Italiam aduehere. contra hoc tulit ad populum Cn. Ausidius Tribunus plebis, permisitq[ue] Circ[um]sium gratia im portare. Primus autem Scaurus ædilitate sua uarias C L. uniuersas misit: deinde Pompeius Magnus quadringentas dece[m]diuus Augustus quadringentas uiginti. I bidem emen dandum unum uerbum censeo, quanquam refragante an= <Plinij loc.> tiquoru[m] exemplarium fide: Ferunt (inquit Plinius) co= lore earum mirè solicitari quadrupedes cunctas, sed capi= tis toruitate terreri, quamobrem occultato eo reliqua dul= cedine inuitatas corripiunt. Hoc Plinij dictum cu[m] ex Ari= stotele translatitium esse liqueat, nimirum ex eo emen= dari debet. Is enim libro nono de historia animalium, λεγασι ἡ κατανενηκημαν τὴν παρδελην ὑπο τὴν δομὴν ὑμτὴν ἀυτὴν ἐντωτὴν, Θηρευμ[.] προσπεναι γαρ ἐγγυς, και λαμβάνειν. οὕtio κατὰς ἐλάφος. Aiunt autem, in= quit, pantheram intelligentem quòd odore sui animantes gaudea[n]t, occultare sese, & ita eas captare; quippe acceden tes

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G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND were, as Horesti recently said, lands on the paths under the name of the tithe, to their great credit. Not even M. Seius was blamed for it, because, in a time of dear grain, he gave the people a measure of an ass for one as. For a great and long-standing envy is not removed either by a shameful outlay, when he was aedile, or by the greatest one. Pliny, book VIII, speaking of this, says that the first in Rome to provide a fight of several lions together was Q. Scaevola, son of P., in his curule aedileship; but the first of all to provide a hundred maned beasts was L. Sulla, who later was Dictator, in his praetorship; after him Pompey the Great provided in the circus, and in the case of these maned beasts, CCCXV; Caesar the Dictator, four hundred. Although in the ancient books the word DC is not read: from the observation of which, that passage seems to be corrupt. The same writer, speaking of various animals, that is, panthers, says that there was an old decree of the Senate, that African ones should not be allowed to be brought into Italy. Against this Cn. Ausidius, tribune of the plebs, brought a proposal to the people, and permitted them to be imported for the sake of the Circus. Scaurus, however, was the first to send various kinds of them, altogether CL, in his aedileship; then Pompey the Great four hundred; the deified Augustus four hundred and twenty. Here I think one word should be emended, although the authority of the ancient manuscripts is against it: “They say” (says Pliny) “that all quadrupeds are wonderfully attracted by the color of them, but are terrified by the fierceness of the head; wherefore, when this is concealed, they seize the rest, lured by the sweetness.” Since this statement of Pliny is clearly borrowed from Aristotle, it must surely be corrected from him. For in book nine of the History of Animals, the Greek text reads that the panther is caught by setting a trap near it, for it comes close and is taken. Thus also the deer. And they say, he says, that the panther, understanding that animals delight in its smell, conceals itself and thus captures them; for they come near.

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tes propius rapere, in quibus & ceruam. Odore igitur, no[n] colore apud Plinium legendum: quod ne à quoquam refel li possit, uel Plinio ipso iudice uincam, qui libro x x 1. de odoramentis loqués, Animalium, inquit, nullum odoratu[m], nisi de pætheris quicquam dictum est, si credimus. Idem Plin. Annalibus notatum est, M. Pisonc, M. Messala Co[n]sulibus, Domitium Aenobarbum ædilem curulem ursos Nu[m] nudicos cætum, & totidem uenatores Aethiopas in circo dedisse. Idem libro x x x i i i. In M. Scauri ædilitate tria nullia signorum in scena tantùm fuere te[m]porario thea tro. Et rursus lib. x x x v i. c c c l x. columnas M. Scauri ædilitate ad scenam temporarij theatri, & uix uno mē= se futuri in usu, uiderunt portari silentio legum. Et rursus alibi, Scaurus fecit in ædilitate sua opus maximum omniu[m] quæ unquam fuere humana manu facta, no[n] temporaria mora, uerum etiam æternitatis destinatione. Quibus uerbis significat Scaurum in ædilitate sua ad populi oblectatio= nem scenam temporariam, & statim ludis factis diruenda[m], fecisse: sed quæ uinceret magnificentia clarissimum opus omnium quæ unquam facta sunt etiam eo animo ut perpetua essent. Vitruuius in præfatione decimi libri, ludorum & munerum huiuscemodi meminit qui priuato sumptu fiebant: qui etiam eorum summa industria & machinatione apparandorum, prætoribus ædilibusq[ue] necessitatem iniungit. Quanti autem stetisse Marco Seio liberalitatem putamus, qui in caritate annonæ modium frum[m]eti asse populo uenditauit? quod Cicero dixit in loco supradicto. Asses deni in denario fuerunt, & sestertij quaterni. Hic æstimatione à nobis instituta, tribus duodenarijs & semisse ualuisse deprehenditur, cum libra decem aureis æstimetur: quæ ratione sestertius nummus decé denariolis & semisse, Aestimatio de narij & sester- tij.

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to seize them more readily, among which also the hind. Therefore, in Pliny it should be read by smell, not by color: so that this may not be refuted by anyone, I shall even prevail with Pliny himself as judge, who in book xxi, speaking of perfumes, says: “No animal is scented, unless something is said of the Pætheri, if we believe it.” The same Pliny notes in the Annals that, in the consulship of M. Piso and M. Messala, Domitius Aenobarbus, as curule aedile, gave in the circus bears and Numidian hunters, and as many Ethiopians. The same author, in book xxxiii, says that in the aedileship of M. Scaurus there were three thousand signa on the stage of a temporary theatre. And again, in book xxxvi, he says that 360 columns, in the aedileship of M. Scaurus, were seen being carried to the stage of a temporary theatre, to be used scarcely for one month, and this in silence, by the law’s allowance. And elsewhere again: “Scaurus, in his aedileship, produced a work the greatest of all that have ever been made by human hand, not only with no thought of temporariness, but even with an eye to eternity.” By these words he means that Scaurus, in his aedileship, made for the entertainment of the people a temporary stage, to be torn down immediately after the games were held; yet one that surpassed in magnificence the most famous work of all ever made, even with the intention that it should be permanent. Vitruvius, in the preface to the tenth book, mentions games and spectacles of this kind that were given at private expense; and he also lays upon the praetors and aediles the obligation of preparing them with great diligence and ingenuity. How much do we think the liberality of M. Seius cost, who, in a time of dearness of grain, sold a measure of wheat to the people for a single as? as Cicero said in the passage cited above. Twelve asses were in the denarius, and four sesterces. Here, by the estimation we have established, it is found to have been worth three duodenarii and a half, since a libra is valued at ten aurei: by which reckoning the sesterce coin is ten denarii and a half. Estimation of the denarius and sestertius.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET semisse, id est obolo nostro ualet. sic asses singuli quaternis denariolis æstimabutur. Quanti autem frumentum esset Romæ, ex Cicerone conijcere possumus, qui in Frumêtaria actione ita inquit, Frumentum emere in Sicilia debuit Verres ex Senatusconsulto, & ex lege Terentia & Cassia frumentaria. Emundi duo genera fuerût, unum cæterarum decumarum, alterum quod præterea ciuitatibus æqualiter esset distributum illius decumani tantum, quantum ex primis decumis fuisset: tritici modiùm D C C C. millia. precium autem cōstitutum decumano, in modios singulos sestertijs ternis: imperato, sestertijs quaternis. Ita in frumetum imperatum, sestertium duodetricies in annos singulos Verri decernebatur, quod aratoribus solueret: in alteras decumas ferme ad nonagies. Sic per trienium ad hâc frumēti emptionem Siciliensem propè céties & tricies ero gatum est. Hanc pecuniam tantam tibi ex ærario inopi atque exhausto datam ad frumentum, datam ut Siculis aratoribus, quibus tanta onera respublica imponeret, soluere tur: abs te laceratam sic esse dico, ut possim illud probare si uelim, omnem te hâc pecuniam domum tuam auertisse. Hunc locum Ciceronis, qui longè aliter in exemplaribus legitur, sic emenda[n]dum esse censui, quo ad emendatiora reperiatur exemplaria: & eius hunc sensum esse, ut intelligamus triplicem frumentationem Siciliensem fuisse. Primam uectigalem, quæ Decumana erat. alteram itidè Decumanam, nô etiam gratuitam, sed ut aratores Siculi alteram decumam darent, ternis sestertijs in modios taxatam. has duas certas statiq[ue] numeri frumenti fuisse, id est octingenum millium modiùm in singulas. tertiam nô decumanam, sed incertam, & pro necessitate reipublicæ, indici solitam æqualiter ciuitatibus. propterea igitur decumani no mine

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G. BVD. OF THE AS AND semis, that is, it is worth our obolus. Thus individual asses were estimated at four denarioli each. How much grain there was at Rome, however, we may infer from Cicero, who in the action on the grain supply says thus: Verres ought to have bought grain in Sicily by decree of the Senate and by the Terentian and Cassian grain law. There were two kinds of purchases: one of the other tithes, the other, in addition, that which was distributed equally among the cities, of that tithe only as much as had been from the first tithes: 800,000 modii of wheat. The price, however, fixed for the tithe was three sesterces for each modius; for the compulsory supply, four sesterces. Thus for the compulsory grain supply, 32 million sesterces per year were being decreed to Verres, which he was to pay to the farmers: for the other tithes, nearly 90 million. Thus over a period of three years, for this Sicilian grain purchase, nearly 130 million and 20 million sesterces were disbursed. This huge sum, given to you from the treasury, poor and exhausted though it was, for grain, given so that the Sicilian farmers, on whom the commonwealth imposed such heavy burdens, might be paid—this money, I say, was so torn apart by you that I could prove, if I wished, that you had turned all of this money into your own house. I have judged that this passage of Cicero, which is read very differently in the manuscripts, should be emended in this way, so that it may be found in more correct manuscripts; and that its meaning is this, namely, that we should understand there to have been a threefold Sicilian grain supply. The first was the tribute grain, which was the decuman. The second likewise decuman, and also not free, but so that the Sicilian farmers should give the second tithe, assessed at three sesterces per modius. These two were fixed and stated quantities of grain, that is, 800,000 modii in each case. The third was not decuman, but uncertain, and, according to the needs of the commonwealth, was accustomed to be imposed equally on the cities. Therefore, by the name of the decuman

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 177 mine Cicero quotannis duodetricies sestertium imputauit Verri. quippe cum frumenti modius trinis sestertijs æsti= matus esset, si ter octingenta millia numeres, fient uicies= quater millia nummum quotannis. quare potius DCCCC. nullia legendum uidetur, ut fiant septies & uicies cente na millia nummum: quæ si ter rursus numeres, fient semel & octogies centena millia nummum in triennio, ut sit quod Cicero dixit ferme ad nonagies, omnia augens ora= torie. Malim tamen locum mendosum relinquere, quàm hanc sententiam asserere: præsertim cum duodetricies no[n] quadret in annos singulos. Nonihil tamen adminiculatur hic locus ad id quod de sestertijs diximus, quum cæties & tricies sestertium pro tanta pecunia dixerit. Verum cum publica & æterna frumenti æstimatio quaternum esset sestertium in Sicilia frumenti seracissima, quanti putamus fuisse Romæ in caritate annonæ? Et quantum lucrum co= tempisso eum qui assibus uediderit, si domi repositum ha= buit: aut iacturam fecisse, si in Siciliam aut Carthaginem petijt? Namut in capita ciuium singulis modijs defun= ctus sit (quod credibile non est, ut postea intelligetur) no[n] minus quàm trecenta millia hominum plebeiorum fuerut. Legimus apud Eusebium, quo tempore Cicero Quintiu[m] reum patrocinio suo defendit, censu Romæ acto inuenta esse hominum nullia quadringenta sexagintatria. Vt ergo trecenta nullia hominum fuerint tantum, & Seius tot mo= dijs defunctus sit, nec pluris Romæ frumetum in annonæ inopia quàm apud Siculos in solita ubertate fuerit: Seius in populum nulle ac ducenta millia nummum, id est duo= decies sestertium dilargitus est, nisi quòd in singulos mo= dios assem seruauit. Quòd si ad uerisimile exigere hoc ue= lis, minimum hæc summa duplicabitur. Itaque meritò La= mstantius

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PARTIB. HIS BOOK II. 177 Cicero has each year charged Verres with twenty-three million sesterces. For since a modius of wheat was valued at three sesterces, if you reckon three hundred and eighty thousand modii, there will be twenty-four million coins each year. Therefore it seems better to read nine hundred thousand, so that there may be two hundred and seventy million coins; which, if you reckon again three times over, will make three hundred and eighty million coins in three years, so that it comes to what Cicero said, nearly ninety million, with everything amplified in oratorical fashion. Yet I would prefer to leave the passage corrupt rather than maintain this interpretation, especially since twenty-three million does not fit each individual year. Still, this passage helps somewhat for what we said about sesterces, since he called so great a sum “four hundred and thirty million sesterces.” But since the public and fixed price of grain was four sesterces for grain in Sicily, the most fertile of grain-producing lands, what do we think it was at Rome in a dearth of provisions? And what profit did the person make who sold it at one as, if he had stored it at home; or what loss did he suffer if he had gone to Sicily or Carthage? For if he supplied the needs of the citizens with a single modius per head—which is not credible, as will be understood later—there were no fewer than three hundred thousand plebeian people. We read in Eusebius that at the time when Cicero defended Quintius in his lawsuit, after a census was taken at Rome, four hundred and sixty-three thousand men were found. So, if there were three hundred thousand men, and Seius supplied so many modii, and if grain at Rome in a shortage was no more abundant than among the Sicilians in their usual plenty, Seius bestowed on the people two hundred and twenty million coins, that is, twenty-two million sesterces, unless perhaps he saved one as on each modius. But if you want to bring this down to what is plausible, this sum must be doubled at the very least. And so quite rightly La...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET etantius lib. v 1. ita scribit, Quid enim dicendum est de ijs qui populari leuitate ducti, uel magnis urbibus suffecturas opes, exhibendis muneribus impendunt: nisi eos dementes ac furiosos, qui præstent id populo, quod & ipsi perdant, & nemo eorum quibus præstatur, accipiat? Et rursus alibi, Quid prodest perditæ nequitiae bestiarios facere locupletes, & instruere ad flagitias? Plin. li. x x x iii. No[n] erat apud antiquos numerus ultra c[er]tum nullia: itaq[ue] & bodie multiplicantur hæc, ut decies c[er]tena millia, aut sæpius dicantur. foenus hoc fecit, nummusq[ue] percussus, & sic quoque æs alienum etiamnum appellatur: postea diuites cognominati: dummodo notum sit, e[ss]e qui primus acceperit hoc nomen, decoxisse creditoribus suis. Ex eadem gente M. Crassus negabat diuitem esse, nisi qui reditu annuo legionem tueri posset. In agris suis sestertium uiginti millia possedit, Quiritiu[m] post Syllem ditissimus. nec fuit satis, nisi totum Parthorum esurisset aurum. atque ut nomen quidem optimum occupauerit (iuuat enim insectari inexplebilem istam habendi cupiditatem) multos postea cognouimus seruitute liberatos opulentiores, pariter que tres Claudij principatu, Pallantem, Callistum, & Narcissum. Atque ut hi omittantur tanquam adhuc rerum potia[n]tur, C. Asinio Gallo, C. Martio C[er]esorino c o s. ad v 1. < Claudius Ili-dorus.> Calend. Februarias Cæcilius Claudius Isidorus testamento suo dixit, quamuis multa ciuili bello perdidisset, tamen relinquere seruorum quatuor millia centum sedecim, iuga boum tria millia sexcenta, reliqui pecoris ducenta quinquintaseptem nullia, in numerato pondo sexcenta nullia: qui funerari se iussit sestertijs undecim nullibus. Hæc uerba Plinij non modò sic in impressis exemplaribus, sed etiam in antiquis quibusdam leguntur: quæ si uerè legun- tur,

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET etantius lib. v 1. thus writes, “For what is to be said of those who, led by popular levity, spend wealth that would suffice for great cities on the providing of spectacles, unless that they are mad and frenzied, who supply the people with that which they themselves also lose, and which none of those for whom it is provided receives?” And again elsewhere, “What profit is it to make the beasts of a ruined wickedness rich, and to furnish them for shameful acts?” Plin. lib. xxxiii. There was among the ancients no number beyond a certain one: and so even today these things are multiplied, so that ten times a hundred thousand, or more often, are spoken of. Usury brought this about, and coined money; and for that reason debt is still even now so called: afterward they were surnamed the rich; provided only that it be known that the first to receive this name had failed his creditors. Of the same race M. Crassus denied that a man was rich unless he could support a legion from his yearly income. In his own lands he possessed twenty million sesterces, the richest of the Roman citizens after Sylla. nor was it enough for him unless he had swallowed the whole gold of the Parthians. And although he has indeed seized the very best name (for it is pleasing to attack this insatiable desire of possessing things), we later came to know many, freed from slavery, who were richer, likewise the three under the principate of Claudius, Pallas, Callistus, and Narcissus. And though these be omitted as if they still had control of affairs, C. Asinius Gallus, C. Martius Cæesorinus, consuls in the year 61. < Claudius Ili-dorus.> On the Kalends of February Cæcilius Claudius Isidorus stated in his will that, although he had lost much in the civil war, nevertheless he left four thousand one hundred and sixteen slaves, three thousand six hundred yoke of oxen, two hundred and seventy-five head of other cattle, and six hundred thousand pounds in cash: he ordered his funeral to be conducted for eleven million sesterces. These words of Pliny are read not only thus in printed copies, but also in certain ancient ones: if they are read truly,

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lubrico quidem ipso in notis numerorum uel summarum, ut postea uidebimus, factum est ut pro sestertium bis nullies, sestertium uiginti nul. legeretur, adstipulatè scilicet tot ætatum ignoratia, præsertim quod ad hæc uerba pertinet. C[uius] hoc dicto pugnare uidetur id quod Seneca lib. de uitæ beata his uerbis inquit, M. Cato cum laudaret Curium & Coruncanum, & seculum illud, in quo crimen erat paucæ argenti armullæ, possidebat ipse quadragies sestertium, minus sine dubio quàm Crassus, plus quàm C[uius] sorius Cato. maiore spatio pro auum uicerat, quàm à Crass so uinceretur. Si igitur quadragies hic rectè legitur, oportet M. Porcium minus octoginta sestertijs, hoc est duo bus nullibus aureum nostrorum in censu habuisse: quum quinqua ginta partibus Crassus maiorem censum quadragies sestertio habuisse legatur, & tamen pluribus partibus quadragies sestertium maius fuisse censu Porciano dicatur à Seneca. Verùm hoc esse falsum facilè ex Plutarcho intelligimus, qui quæstu & parsimonia patrimonium auxisse Catonem seniorem testatur, ideoq[ue] iuniorem Cato nem hæreditatibus locupletatum esse narrat. Hoc ideo diximus, ne quid præterijsse consultò aut oscitanter uidere mur. Sed & in sequentibus nonnihil de Crassi diuitijs dicetur. Quod autem sequitur de Cæcilio, In numerato p[otes]t do sexcenta nullia, in antiquissimo lib. sestertium D C. legitur. Obseruaui autem in antiquis H & S cum apice significare sestertium: apicem autem porrectum super quæcunq[ue] numerum, nullia significare: ut D C. cu[m] apice sexcenta nullia. Sexcenta autem nullia pondo argenti æstimâtur à nobis sex agies centena nullia aurcorum: quæ cum immensa sit pecunia, & maior censu Crassi, qui Quiritium post Syllem ditissimus ab eodem Plinio fuisse dicitur: legendum

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There is indeed some confusion even in the notation of numbers or sums, as we shall see later, so that instead of sestertium bis nullies one read sestertium viginti nul. , of course owing to the ignorance of so many ages, especially as regards these words. In this statement C[uius] seems to conflict with what Seneca says in the book On the Happy Life , in these words: “M. Cato, when praising Curius and Coruncanus, and that age in which a charge of guilt was involved in a few silver armlets, himself possessed four times a hundred thousand sesterces, no doubt less than Crassus, more than C[uius] Sorius Cato. In greater distance he had surpassed his grandfather than he was surpassed by Crassus.” Therefore, if quadragies is read correctly here, it follows that M. Porcius must have had less than eighty sesterces, that is, two of our zeroes, in his census; whereas Crassus is said to have had a census fifty times greater than four hundred thousand sesterces, and yet Seneca says that Porcius’s census was by several parts greater than four hundred thousand sesterces. But this is plainly false from Plutarch, who testifies that the elder Cato increased his estate by gain and thrift, and therefore says that the younger Cato was enriched by inheritances. We have said this so that it may not seem that we have omitted anything deliberately or carelessly. But in what follows something will also be said about Crassus’s wealth. As for what follows about Caecilius, In numerato potest do sexcenta nullia is found in the oldest book as sestertium D C. I have observed that in ancient inscriptions H and S with a mark above them signify sestertium ; but a stroke extended over any number signifies nullia : thus D C. with the mark above it means six hundred nullia . And six hundred nullia in weight of silver we estimate as six times one hundred thousand gold pieces; and since this is an immense sum, and greater than the census of Crassus, who, after Sulla, is said by Pliny himself to have been the richest of the Romans: it should be read

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libet trium talentorum. quatuor uiri singula uasa porta= bant: alij crateras argenteas, & phialas, calices que or= natissimos & ingentes certo ordine deferebant. Et paulo inserius, Postea sequebantur qui aurea numismata gere= bant in uasis trium talentorum, ut suprà de argenteis di= ctum est. numerus uasorum fuit tria & octoginta. His uer bis Plutarchus autor est nulle & quinquaginta talenta ar= genti, & ducenta undequinquaginta auri in ærarium il= lata esse, præter uasa aurea argenteaq[ue]: Plinius tria nullia pondo non addito auri argenti ue. At ego dico uicies ma= iorem numerum apud Plutarchum esse quàm apud Pliniu[m]: id quod ex dicendis apparebit. Alioqui quonam pacto Po pulus Romanus tributa pêndere propter ærarij opulen= tiam desijsset? Sequitur rursus eodem Plinij loco, Sexto Iu lio, L. Martio c o s s. hoc est belli Socialis initio, octin= genta quadraginta sex auri pondo fuere in ærario. Cæsar primo introitu urbis in ciuili bello suo ex ærario protulit laterum aureorum x x v. nullia, & numero pondo trece ta: nec fuit alijs temporibus R ess. locupletior. Hactenus il le. Quomodo memorabile Plinius existimauit in ærario Romano octingenta tunc auri pondo fuisse, cum Cæsar postea sex & uiginti aureorum laterum nullia ex ærario abstulerit? de quo loquens Orosius libro sexto ita inquit, Cæsar Romam uenit, negatamq[ue]; sibi ex ærario pecunium fractis foribus inuasit, protulitq[ue]; ex eo auri pondera 1111 M C X X X V. argenti pondera prope D C C C C. Oro= sij numerus multo minor est Pliniano, ut utrobiqve cor= ruptum esse appareat. Ego in antiquissimo exemplari ita primum illum locum legi, Auri in ærario Populi Ro= mani fuere Sex. Iulio, L. Aurelio c o s s. septem annis ante Punicum bellum tertium pondo x v i. D C C C X. m 4 argenti <Copiæ xrarij Romani.>

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up to three talents. Four men carried single vessels: some bore silver mixing bowls and dishes, cups as well, most beautifully ornamented and very large, in a fixed order. And a little later, afterward followed those who carried gold coin in vessels of three talents, as above was said of the silver ones. The number of vessels was eighty-three. By these words Plutarch says that fifty-two talents of silver, and two hundred and fifty of gold, were brought into the treasury, besides the gold and silver vessels: Pliny says three thousand pounds, not adding whether of gold or silver. But I say that in Plutarch the number is twenty times greater than in Pliny: which will be clear from what is to be said. Otherwise, by what means would the Roman People have ceased to pay tribute because of the wealth of the treasury? Again, in the same passage of Pliny, Sextus Julius and Lucius Martius being consuls, that is, at the beginning of the Social War, there were eight hundred and forty-six pounds of gold in the treasury. Caesar, on his first entrance into the city in his civil war, took from the treasury twenty-five thousand gold bricks, and three hundred pounds in number: nor was the Roman state richer at any other time. So far he. How did Pliny think it memorable that there were then eight hundred pounds of gold in the Roman treasury, when Caesar afterward took twenty-six thousand gold bricks from the treasury? Speaking of which, Orosius, in the sixth book, says thus: Caesar came to Rome, and, after being denied money from the treasury, forced the doors and seized it, and took from it 4,135 pounds of gold and nearly 50,000 pounds of silver. The number in Orosius is much smaller than in Pliny, so that it is clear that in both places the text is corrupt. In my very ancient copy I first read that passage thus: “Of gold in the treasury of the Roman People there were, in the consulship of Sextus Julius and Lucius Aurelius, seven years before the Third Punic War, 16,810 pounds. m 4 argenti. <Wealth of the Roman treasury.>

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET argenti x x i i. lxx. et in numerato l x i i. lxxxv. c c c c. Sexto Iulio Martio c o s s. hoc est belli Socia= lus initio, auri x v i. lxx. d c c c. x x i x. C. Cæsar pri mo introitu urbis ciuili bello suo ex ærario protulit late= rum aureorum x v. argenteorum x x x v. et in nume= ro sestertium c c c c. nec fuit alijs temporibus Respub. locupletior. Intulit et Aemilius Paulus Perseo Rege ui= cto è Macedonica præda sestertium i i. i i i. à quo tem= pore pop. Roma tributum pêndere desijt. Hæc uerba inse renda huic operi duxi, ut legentibus iudicium integrum seruaretur. si quid tamen comminisci licet, hunc locum sic restituere possumus ex uetusti exemplaris et aliorum ob= seruatione, Auri in ærario Populi Romani fuere septem annis ante bellum Punicum tertium, pondo septingenta nullia uiginti sex, argenti nonagintaduo millia, et in nu= merato trecenties et septuagies quinquies. Item Sexto Iulio, L. Martio c o s s. hoc est belli socialis initio, auri pondo octingenta millia x l v i. Et inferius, Intulit et Aemilius Paulus Perseo Rege uicto è Macedonica præda sestertium ter nullies. In Cæsaris autem mentione locus mutilatus sic restituendus, Protulit laterum aureoru[m] quin decim, argenteorum x x x v. mil. et in numerato sester tium quadringenties. In harum summarum æstimatione incunda, in singula pondo centenos aureos solatos statue[m] dos esse arbitror, quia in tanta copia auri necesse est par= tem fuisse mediocris notæ, utpote quod esset conflatum è uasis et supellectili. sic fit ut singula centena millia, cen= ties cêtena nullia aureorum ualuerint. ita septingenta mil= lia, septingenties centena nullia ualuerunt. Argéti autem nonaginta duo millia denario multiplicata, nongentis ui= ginti nullibus coronatorum æstimantur, et trecenties et septuæ

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G. BVD. OF ASH AND of silver xxii. lxx. and in coin lxii. lxxxv. cccc. In the sixth consulate of Julius and Martius, that is, at the beginning of the Social War, of gold xvi. lxx. dccc. xxix. C. Caesar, on his first entrance into the city in his civil war, brought forth from the treasury bars of gold xv. of silver xxxv. and in coin cccc. Nor at any other time was the Republic richer. Aemilius Paulus also brought in, after King Perseus had been conquered, from the Macedonian booty ii. iii. from which time the Roman people ceased to pay tribute. I thought these words should be inserted in this work, so that a full judgment might be preserved for readers. Yet if one may venture to conjecture anything, we can restore this passage thus, from the observation of an ancient copy and of others: There were in the treasury of the Roman People, seven years before the Third Punic War, 700,026 pounds of gold, 92,000 pounds of silver, and in coin 375 times 000. Likewise, in the sixth consulate of Julius and L. Martius, that is, at the beginning of the Social War, 800,046 pounds of gold. And below, Aemilius Paulus also brought in, after King Perseus had been conquered, from the Macedonian booty three times a thousand sestertii. But in Caesar’s mention the mutilated passage must be restored thus: He brought forth bars of gold fifteen, of silver xxxv. thousand, and in coin 400 times. In estimating these sums, I judge that for each pound one hundred solidi of gold should be taken, because in so large a quantity of gold it must have included some of ordinary quality, namely what had been melted from vessels and plate. Thus it comes about that each hundred thousand was worth a hundred times one hundred thousand gold pieces. So 700,000 were worth 700 times one hundred thousand. But 92,000 of silver multiplied by the denarius are reckoned at 920,000 crowns, and three hundred times and seven and

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sequentibus patet, & ex Asconio Pediano. Vt autem legamus x v 1. nullia p[ro]do, ut in eo uetusto legitur, ridiculum est: cum apud Suetonium legamus Augustum una dona- tione in cellam Capitolini Louis sedecim nullia pondo au- ri, & quing[ue]tices sestertium contulisse. Quare lectionis fides sit penes uetusta exemplaria, si usquam esse potest ho die: uerborum autem interpretatio sit penes antiquitatis studiosos. < Pli. historia.> Admirari n[ost]uc Plinium subit, sæpeq[ue] in hoc ope re subibit, qui res tot memorabiles omnis eui memoriæ prodere co[n]cupiuit, si per tot seculorum cariem, incuriam, ignorantiam, & compediariæ scriptionis discrimina, per tinax exemplarium fides ad nos euadere potuisset: ut si quando multis adnitentibus, & inuentis uetustioribus li- bris restitui potuerit, unum eum autorem studiosi harum literarum habeant, cui totius propè uetustatis cognitione[m] explicatam acceptam referre possint: utiq[ue]; quod ad eas res pertinet, quers inter scribendam rerum gestarum historiam locus esse n[ost]o solet. Cuius rei reputatio magnu[m] mihi nego- cium in hac commentatione exhibuit: cum res partim con clamatas, partim etiam elatas tot doctorum hominu[m] præ- iudicio, semianimes à rogo referri posse atq[ue]; etia[m] à tumu- lo non diffiderem. Ne quid autem comminisci uidear, pe- nes me futura antiqua exemplaria profiteor, ut nulli non adire liceat, quem quidem initiatum his sacris esse sense- ro. Credibiles fortasse has summas, atq[ue] etiam omnino cre- dibiles facit locus Suetonij in Vespasiano his uerbis: Sunt contrà qui opinentur ad manubias & rapinas necessitate compulsum summa ærarij fisciq[ue]; inopia, de qua testifica- tus sit initio statim principatus, professus quadringenties millies opus esse ut Resp[ublica] stare posset. Si enim Vespasianus sperauit se quadringenties millies sestertium cogere posse ad

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G. BVD. OF ASSES AND the following things are clear, and from Asconius Pedianus. But that we should read x v 1. nullia p[ro]do, as it is read in that very old copy, is ridiculous; for in Suetonius we read that Augustus, by a single donation to the cell of Capitoline Jupiter, contributed sixteen thousand pounds of gold, and five hundred thousand sesterces. Therefore the trustworthiness of the reading should rest with the ancient manuscripts, if anywhere that can still be found to-day; but the interpretation of the words should rest with students of antiquity. < Pliny, History.> One is moved to admire Pliny, and often in this work it will be moved to admire him, who desired to hand down matters so many, worthy of remembrance by the memory of all ages, if through the long lapse of centuries, negligence, ignorance, and the dangers of abbreviated writing, the persistent fidelity of manuscripts could have made its way to us: so that, if at any time, by the efforts of many, and from the discovery of older books, it can be restored, students of these letters may have that one author, to whom they can give thanks for having laid open almost all knowledge of antiquity; indeed, as far as those matters are concerned, there is usually a place for them in writing the history of events. The consideration of this matter has caused me great trouble in this commentary: since I did not distrust that matters, partly well established, partly even elevated beyond doubt by the preconception of so many learned men, could be brought back, half-dead from the pyre, and even from the tomb. But lest I seem to be inventing anything, I declare that ancient manuscripts are in my keeping, so that it may be permitted to anyone to consult them, provided indeed I perceive him to have been initiated into these sacred things. These totals may perhaps seem credible, and even wholly credible, from Suetonius’s passage in the Life of Vespasian in these words: “There are those, on the other hand, who think that he was driven to spoils and plunder by necessity, because of the extreme shortage of the treasury and the fisc, of which he bore witness at the very beginning of his principate, declaring that four hundred million sesterces were needed for the state to stand.” For if Vespasian hoped that he could raise four hundred million sesterces up to

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ad instaurandam dignitatem Imperij Romani, quæ à Ne rone & successoribus per luxus inusitatos exhausto æra= rio conciderat: & si tantum auri argentiq[ue] esse sub impe= rio Romano potuit: simulimum ueri esse potest, eo tempo re quo imperium Romanum in Senatus autoritate & po puli potestate situm erat, potuisse ex Orientis Africæq[ue] spolijs, & uectigalium residuis, quartam eius summæ par tem in ærario coactam esse. Maxima enim superioru[m] sum ma non excedit centies nullies sestertium, id est bis nullies & quingenties centena nullia aureorum nostrorum. Hæc adnotauisse no[n] ab re fuit, ut arbitror, etsi nihil habui quod hoc loco statuerem. Existet enim fortasse aliquis qui uetu= stis exemplaribus diligenter euolutis, uel uerisimuliora in= ueniet, uel commentationi nostræ fastigium imponet, admo nitione hac nostra extimulatus. Magnam autem esse sum mam pecuniæ quam Cæsar ex ærario protulit, ex calculo intelligere licet. Si enim x v. nullia laterum aureorum fue runt, non dubito centum & quinquaginta nullia pondo auri fuisse, cum quilibet laterculus decem pondo minimum fuerit: qua ratione fiunt aureorum solatoru[m] centies quin quagies centena nullia. Si autem huic summæ, argenti æ= stimatio addatur, cum eo quod in numerato fuit, immen= sa fiet summa. quod uerò in uulgatis exemplaribus & quibusdam antiquis legitur, & numero pondo trecenta, omnino corruptum est. numeratam enim pecuniam non libris, sed sestertijs significabant antiqui. Appianus in se= cundo bellorum Ciuilium, Tesauros, inquit, à nemine con tactos usq[ue] in illum diem, nulitibus rapere concessit, quos olim execratione proposita conditos fuisse memorant, ut nisi in tumultu belli Celtici non promerentur. Ex quibus uerbis intelligimus Cæsarem usque ad fecem æra= rium Sanctius æra- rium à Cælare expilatum.

Transcription: Translated (English)

for restoring the dignity of the Roman Empire, which had fallen from the extravagances of Nero and his successors, after the treasury had been exhausted: and if so much gold and silver could have been under the Roman Empire, it is most likely true that, at the time when the Roman Empire rested in the authority of the Senate and the power of the people, from the spoils of the East and Africa, and from the remaining revenues, one quarter of that sum could have been gathered into the treasury. For the largest amount of the earlier period does not exceed one hundred million sesterces, that is, twice five hundred millions of our golden coins. I thought it not irrelevant to note these things, although I had nothing to establish on this point. For perhaps someone will arise who, after diligently examining ancient copies, will either find more probable readings, or add the finishing touch to our discussion, being encouraged by this warning of ours. But the great amount of money which Caesar took from the treasury may be understood from calculation. For if there were ten million gold bricks, I do not doubt that there were one hundred and fifty thousand pounds of gold, since each little brick must have weighed at least ten pounds: by which reckoning there come to one hundred and fifty million gold pieces. If to this sum the value of the silver is added, together with what was in cash, the total will be immense. But what is read in the common editions and in some ancient ones, namely “and in number three hundred pounds,” is entirely corrupt. For the ancients designated coined money not by pounds, but by sesterces. Appian, in the second book of the Civil Wars, says: “He allowed the treasures untouched up to that day to be plundered by the petty ones,” which they say had been set aside under a curse long ago, so that they were not to be opened except in the uprising of the Celtic war. From these words we understand that Caesar stripped the treasury to the dregs.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Plinianum non potest, quia & is Thraseam Petum reum peregit sub Nerone, quo nomine quinquagies sestertium præmij loco tulit. Accusatoribus, inquit Tacitus, E prio & Cossutiano, quinquagies sestertium singulis, Ostorio duodecies, & quæstoria insignia tribuuntur. Quo ex loco intelligere possumus quam ille sceleratissimus princeps, etiam perditus luxu & prodigentia fuerit, qui duo bus calumniatoribus ad accusandum uirum egregiu[m] subornatis, ducenta quinquaginta nullia coronatorum dederit, id est centies sestertium. Semel in uniuersum testatus sum, me ita in hoc tempore locuturum, quasi iam olim coronati nostri percussi fuerint, ut expeditius trasigere hoc negocium possim. Capitonis Fonteij meminit Horatius in primo Sermonu[m], æqualis Mecænatis. Hunc igitur uel patrem eius Metellus hoc nonine accusasse uidetur. Capitalem autem luxum Romæ fuisse non comperimus, ne exilio quidem multatum, tametsi probosè obijci solitum, ut de L. Crasso uidebimus. Quare Tranquillus de Cæsare adhuc priuato loquens, Tabulas operis antiqui semper animosissimè comparasse eum multi prodiderunt: seruitia recentiora politiora que immenso precio, & cuius etiam ipsum puderet sic, ut rationibus uetaret inferri. Quo modo igitur, capitalibus, uerbum apud Plinium cogruere potest? Vtinam autem eo in loco Plinius per omnia emendari <Plinij loc.> posset, ut in eo quod sequitur in eodem capite, Vidi mus iam & bidentium uellera purpura, cocco, conchylio sesquipedalibus libris infecta, uelut illa sic nasci cogente luxuria. Ego ut uiuentium non bidentium lego, sic sensu exposcente: ita sesquipedales libras non intelligo. Quòd si labris legamus, tamen sesquipedalibus non congruit. Potius igitur sesquipondialibus legendum censuerim

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASSE AND it cannot be Pliny's, because he pursued Thrasea Paetus as a defendant under Nero, by which name he carried off fifty sesterces as a reward. “To the accusers,” says Tacitus, “to Eprio and Cossutianus fifty sesterces each, to Ostorius twelve, and quaestorian insignia are granted.” From this place we can understand how that most wicked prince, even though ruined by luxury and extravagance, nevertheless, when he had suborned two slanderers to accuse an excellent man, gave them two hundred and fifty thousand crowns, that is, one hundred million sesterces. I have once and for all declared that in this present work I shall speak as though our coronati had long since already been struck down, so that I may carry through this business more expeditiously. Horace mentions Capito of Fonteius in the first book of the Satires, a contemporary of Maecenas. Thus Metellus appears to have accused either this man or his father under that name. But we do not find that luxury of this sort existed at Rome, nor that anyone was even punished with exile for it, although it was commonly charged in reproachful terms, as we shall see concerning L. Crassus. Wherefore Suetonius, speaking of Caesar when still a private citizen, says: “Many have reported that he always had the tablets of an old work most eagerly procured; more recent slaves, more elegant too, at immense cost, and in such a way that he was even ashamed of them, so that he forbade them to be entered in the accounts.” How then can the word “capital” fit with Pliny? Would that in that passage Pliny might be emended throughout, as in what follows in the same chapter: “We now see even the fleeces of sheep dyed with purple, scarlet, and conchylian purple, soaked in linen books a foot and a half long, as though luxury were forcing them to be born thus.” I, reading “of the living” instead of “of the sheep,” thus according to the sense required; in that way I do not understand “a foot and a half long.” But if we read “in the lips,” still it does not agree with “a foot and a half long.” Rather, therefore, I should judge that “a foot and a half in weight” ought to be read.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 191 suerim, eo sensu fortasse, ut libræ purpuræ & conchylij centenis & quinquagenis drachmis constarent. Nam de precio purpuræ loquens libro nono ita inquit, Nepos Cornelius qui diui Augusti principatu obijt, Me, inquit, iuuene uiolacea purpura uigebat, cuius libra denarijs centum uenibat, nec multò pòst rubra Tarentina. Huic successit dibapha Tyria, quæ in libras denarijs mille non poterat enu. Hac Lentulus Spinter ædilis curulis primus in prætexta usus improbabatur, Qua purpura quis non iam, inquit, triclinaria facit? Spinter ædilis fuit Cicero= ne Consule. Dibapha tunc dicebatur, quæ bis tincta es= set, ueluti magnifico impendio: qualiter nunc omnes pe= nè commodiores purpuræ tinguntur. Quod sequitur, corruptum est, In conchyliata ueste cætera eadem sine buccino, præter'que ius temperaturæ æquè pro indiuiso humani potus excremento dimidia, & medicamina ad= duntur. Vbi sic legendum censeo, Vis temperatur aqua. Sed ex uerbis Plinij purpuræ & conchylij precia magna apparet fuisse. Coccus autem quo hodie utimur in lancis uestibus, non excedit in libras singulas nostras binos au= reos: quòd uerò in serica ueste cramesinum appellant, non absimile est cocco, radicibus adhærens cuiusdam her= bæ in Germania: nec excedit quaternos ducatos in libras, ut negociatores nostri aiunt. Ex quo apparet multo pre ciosiores, & maioris luxus uestes antiquorum fuisse. Pur= pura hodie negociatoribus ignota est, etiamsi Damasci in usu esse quidam affirmat: sed precium antiquis precijs non respondet. Athenæus libro duodecimo Dipnoso= phiston de luxu Ionum loquens, Theopompus autem, inquit, libro decimoquinto autor est mille uiros Colo= phoniorum per urbem errantes uideri solitos in ueste purpurea

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 191 perhaps in this sense, that a libra of purple and conchylium cost one hundred and fifty drachmas. For speaking of the price of purple in the ninth book, he says thus: Cornelius Nepos, who died in the principate of divine Augustus, says, “In my youth violet purple was in vogue, a libra of which sold for one hundred denarii; and not long afterward, red Tarentine purple.” This was succeeded by dibapha Tyrian purple, which could not be had for less than one thousand denarii per libra. Lentulus Spinter, curule aedile, was the first to use this in a praetexta, and it was disapproved: “What kind of purple,” he says, “does not now make triclinium garments?” Spinter was aedile when Cicero was consul. It was then called dibapha, because it was dyed twice, as with a magnificent expense; in the same way now nearly all the more costly purples are dyed. What follows is corrupt: “In a garment of conchylium the rest is the same without the buccinum, and besides the right of mixing, equally, as if undivided, half is added from human drink excrement and medicaments.” I think it should be read thus: “The force of the water is tempered.” But from Pliny’s words it appears that the prices of purple and conchylium were very high. Coccus, however, which we now use in table-cloths and garments, does not exceed, for each libra of ours, two gold pieces; but what in silk garments they call cramesinum is not unlike coccus, adhering to the roots of a certain herb in Germany; and it does not exceed four ducats per libra, as our merchants say. From this it appears that the garments of the ancients were far more precious and of greater luxury. Purple is now unknown to merchants, although some affirm that it is in use in Damascus; but the price does not correspond to ancient prices. Athenaeus, in book twelve of the Deipnosophists, speaking of the luxury of the Ionians, says that Theopompus, in book fifteen, is author of the statement that a thousand men of the Colophonians were wont to be seen wandering through the city in purple garments

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET purpurea, quod Regibus tum rarum erat, & magno studio affectatum. purpura enim argento rependebatur. ὑπερ καὶ ἔασπιλον απάνιον τὸν ἐν καὶ ποιοι αποκατασων. ἰδοσάπος ἀρὴν ἀν ὑποφύρα πρὸς ἀργυριον ἐξετασμύν. Cicero in Phi lippica secunda, Conchyliatis Cnei Pompeij peristromatis seruorum in cellis lectos stratos uideres. Quamobrem desinite mirari hæc tam celeriter esse consumpta, non modò unius patrimonium quamuis amplum, ut illud fuit: sed & urbes & regna tanta nequitia deuorare potuisset. Tra[n]a quillus in Nerone, Et cum interdixisset usum amethystini ac tyrij coloris, summisissetq[ue] qui nundinarum die pauculas uncias uenderet, præclusit cunctos negociatores. Quo in loco perculit lego, id est fortuuis euertit. De hac Plinius ita inquit libro supradicto, Non est satis abstulisse gemmæ nomen Amethystum: rursum absolutus inebriæ tur Tyrio, ut sit in utroque nomen improbum Tyriamethystus. Olim etiam purpura, id est sanguis pisciculi, cum cocco quo nunc utimur, miscebatur. id quod idem autor testatur his uerbis, Quin & terrena miscere, coccoq[ue] tinctum Tyrio tingere, ut fieret his bissinum. Vbi <Plinij loc.> prisca exemplaria his schymum habent: quare hysginu[m] lego, ex eodem Plinio libro x x x. in mentione purpurissi. & ex Vitruvio libro v i i i. his uerbis, Fiunt etiam purpurei colores infecta creta rubiæ radice, & hysgino. <Purpura insigne Imperatorum Roman. Purpura pro magistratu summo.> Purpura, insigne Romanorum Imperatorum fuit. Plutarchus in Crasso, Fertur eo die Crassum non purpureum (ut Romanorum Imperatcrum mos erat) sed atrum paludamentum indutum ad mulites processisse. Quapropter purpura pro summo magistratu ponitur à Plinio libro x. capite x x 1. de Gallis loquente, Vt planè dignæ aliti tantum honoris tribuat Romana purpura. Et ideo im- perio

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G. BVD. OF THE AS AND purple, which was then rare among kings and greatly sought after. For purple was paid for in silver. ὑπερ καὶ ἔασπιλον απάνιον τὸν ἐν καὶ ποιοι αποκατασων. ἰδοσάπος ἀρὴν ἀν ὑποφύρα πρὸς ἀργυριον ἐξετασμύν. Cicero in the Second Philippic says: “You would have seen the couches strewn in conchylian coverings in the cells of Cneius Pompey’s slaves.” Therefore cease wondering that these things were consumed so quickly—not only one man’s estate, however large, as that was: but that it could also devour cities and kingdoms with such wickedness. Tacitus in Nero: and when he had forbidden the use of amethyst and Tyrian color, and had sent someone to sell a few ounces on market day, he shut out all traders. In this place he says “perculit lego,” that is, he overthrew by fortune. Of this Pliny says thus in the aforesaid book: “It is not enough to have taken away the name of the gem Amethyst; again, mixed with Tyrian dye, let it be drunk in excess, so that in both there is the evil name Tyriamethystus.” In old times also purple, that is, the blood of a little fish, was mixed with the cocculus now in use. This same author testifies to that in these words: “And also to mix earthy substances, and to dye them with Tyrian-colored cocculus, so that it became bisinus.” Where <Pliny’s passage> the ancient copies have “schymum” in these places; therefore I read “hysginum,” from the same Pliny, book XXX, in mention of purpurissum. And from Vitruvius, book VIII, these words: “Purple colors are also made from colored chalk with the root of madder, and hysginum.” <Purple, the emblem of the Roman Emperors. Purple as the mark of the highest magistracy.> Purple was the emblem of the Roman Emperors. Plutarch in Crassus says that on that day Crassus is said not to have gone forth wearing a purple ( as was the custom of the Roman Emperors) but a black cloak. Therefore purple is put for the highest magistracy by Pliny, book X, chapter XXI, when speaking of the Gauls: “So that the Roman purple may surely confer so great an honor upon a worthy bird.” And therefore the empire

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 193 perio Romano ad monarchiam deducto, principes ipsi, qui etiam (ut olim) Imperatores dicebātur, quoniam regium nomen Romæ infaustum inuisumq[ue]; erat: purpuram pro insigni imperatorio seruauerunt, ut autor est Capito linus in Maximinis, & in Gordiano. Plinius libro uigesimosecundo paludamentum imperatorium cocco tinctum fuisse dicit, his uerbis, Iam uerò infici uestes scimus admirabili succo: atque ut sileamus Galatiæ, Africæ, Lusitaniæ grannis coccum Imperatoris dicatum paludamentis, transalpina Gallia herbis tyrium ac conchylium tingit, omnesq[ue]; alios colores, nec quærit in profundis murices, sese obijciendo, dum præripit, escam belluis marinis. In titulo de uestibus holobryzis, uel holoseris, nunc murex, nunc conchylium, nunc purpura uocatur, qua solus princeps utitur. Hæc obiter dicta sint propter uerbum sesqui pedalibus, quod in Plinio corruptum esse apparet. Sesquipondium autem sic Latinum est, ut dipondium, & centipondium: seu cētumpondium apud M. Catonem & Plautum. < Sesquipondium. > Est & aliud ibidem ulcus, quod quia persanare non poteram, ne attingere quidem potius esse duxi. Cæterùm < Census equestris Senatoriusq[ue]. > quod de censu Senatorio & equestri diximus, non mirum uideri debet, ut Romæ Senator esse non potuerit, qui minorem censum triginta millibus coronatorum in censu habuerit. Hoc enim statutum eo demum tempore fuisse uideatur, quo imperium Romanum in Asiam transijt, aut certè extra Italiam promotum est. Quare Plinius lib. XIII. luxuriam posteriorum temporum, & rerum honestarum incuriam insectans, Reges, inquit, innumeri honore artium colebantur, & in ostentatione has præserebant, opè & immortalitate sibi per illas prorogari arbitra[n]tes, quare abundabant & præmia & opera uitæ. posteris laxitas n mundi Luxus Romanorum. Plinij locus.

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PART OF IT, BOOK II. 193 after the Roman empire had been brought into a monarchy, the princes themselves, who were also called Emperors, as in former times, because the royal name at Rome was deemed unlucky and hateful, preserved the purple as the imperial insignia, as Capitolinus says in the Maximi and in Gordianus. Pliny in the twenty-second book says that the imperial cloak was dyed with scarlet, in these words: “Indeed, we know that garments are colored with an admirable juice: and, to say nothing of Galatia, Africa, and Lusitania, the grains of scarlet dedicated to the Emperor are used for cloaks; transalpine Gaul dyes Tyrian and conchylian colors with herbs, and all the other colors as well, and does not seek in the depths the murex, throwing itself in the way, while it snatches food from the sea beasts.” In the title on garments of the holobryzi, or holoserica, now murex, now conchylium, now purple is called that which the prince alone uses. These things have been said in passing because of the word sesqui-pedales, which in Pliny appears to be corrupted. But sesquipondium is thus Latin, as are dipondium and centipondium; or cētumpondium in M. Cato and Plautus. < Sesquipondium. > There is also another sore there, which, because I could not heal it completely, I judged it better not even to touch. Moreover < Census equestris Senatoriusq[ue]. > what we have said about the senatorial and equestrian census should not seem surprising, namely, that at Rome no one could be a Senator who had a lesser census than thirty thousand crowns in property assessment. For this seems to have been established only at that time, when the Roman empire passed into Asia, or certainly when it was advanced beyond Italy. Wherefore Pliny, book XIII, attacking the luxury of later times and the neglect of honorable things, says: “Countless kings were honored by the arts, and in display they set these before themselves, thinking that through them power and immortality were prolonged for them, wherefore both rewards and works for life abounded.” In later times, the looseness of the world Luxuries of the Romans. Passage of Pliny.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET mundi, & rerum amplitudo damno fuit, postquam Sena- tor censulegi coeptus, iudex fieri censu, magistratum du- cemq; nil magis exornare quàm census, postquam coepere orbitas in autoritate summa & potentia esse, captatio in quæstu fertilissimo, ac sola gaudia in possidendo: pessum iere uitæ pretia, omnesq; à maximo bono liberales dictæ artes, in contrarium cecidere, ac scruitute sola profici coe- ptum, eodem tamen habendi quò eat spes, omniu[m] tendente uoto, Sic enim legedum censeo ex uetustæ lectionis obser- uatione, licet in exemplaribus quæ circunferuntur, aliter extremum membrum legatur. Iudicem autem fieri censu Plinius ideo dixit, quòd Equites etiam iudices uocaban- tur, propter Equitum decurias quæ ex Equestri ordine erant. Idem lib. x x x i i i. Laquearia, quæ nunc & in priuatis domibus auro teguntur, post Carthaginem euer- sam primò inaurata sunt in Capitolio, censura L. Mum- mij, inde transiere in cameras, in parietes quoq; qui iam & ipsi tanquam uasa inaurantur, cum sua ætas uaria de Catulo existimauerit, quod tegulas æreas Capitolij inau- rasset primus. Idem paulo superius, Et nos fecimus quæ posteri fabulosa arbitrentur. Cæsar qui postea Dictitator fuit, primus in ædilitate munere patris funebri, omni ap- paratu arenæ argenteo usus est, ferasq; argenteis uasis in- cessere tum primum uisum, mox (quod etiam in munici- pijs æmulantur) Caius Antonius ludos scena argentea fe- cit. Idem Lucius Muræna. Ite paulo inferius, Claudij suc- cessor Nero Pompeij Theatrum operuit auro in unum diem, quo Tiridati Armeniæ regi ostenderet. Et quotæ pars ea apparatus fuit aureæ domus ambientis urbem? Id e Plinius lib. x x i x. de medicis loquenis, Multos præ- tereo medicos, celeberrimosq; ex ijs Cassios, Carpetanos, Aruncios

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET the world, and the magnitude of things was a loss, after the Senator, appointed by the census, was begun, when the judge was made by the census, the magistracy and command were adorned by nothing more than the census; after orphans began to be in the highest authority and power, seeking profit in the most fruitful gain, and having no joy except in possession: the prices of life went to ruin, and all the arts called liberal, from the highest good, fell into the contrary, and it began to profit only by servitude, yet with the same hope of acquiring, all tending toward that wish. For thus I judge it should be read from the observation of the ancient text, although in the copies that are circulated, the last member is read differently. But Pliny said that a judge was made by the census for this reason, because the Equites were also called judges, because of the decuriae of Equites which were from the Equestrian order. The same, book XXXIII. The coffered ceilings, which now too in private houses are covered with gold, were first gilded in the Capitol after Carthage was overthrown, during the censorship of L. Mummius; from there they passed to vaults, and then also to walls, which themselves too are now gilded as if they were vessels, though his own age judged differently about Catulus, because he first gilded the bronze tiles of the Capitol. The same a little above: “And we have made things that posterity will regard as fabulous.” Caesar, who later was Dictator, was the first, in his aedileship, at his father’s funeral games, to use silver apparatus for the whole arena; and beasts were seen to enter with silver vessels for the first time, and soon after (as is also imitated in the municipia) Caius Antonius put on games with a silver stage. The same, Lucius Muræna. Go a little lower: Nero, successor of Claudius, covered Pompey’s Theatre with gold for one day, in order to show it to Tiridates, king of Armenia. And what part of that was the apparatus of the golden house surrounding the city? The same Pliny, book XXIX, speaking of physicians: “I pass over many physicians, and among them the most celebrated, Cassii, Carpetani, Arunci

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 195 Aruncios, Albutios, Rubrios C C L. sestertia annua mer= cede ijs fuere apud principes. Quintus uerò Sertinius im putauit principibus, quòd sestertijs quingenis annus con tentus esset. sex cena enim sibi quæstu urbis numeratis do= mibus ostendebat. Ducenta & quinquaginta sestertia, id < Stipendium medicorum Romæ.> est sex millia ducentos quinquaginta aureos annua merce de celebres multos medicos Romæ à principibus habuisse dicit: Sertiniu[m] uerò etia[m] summam altero tanto maiore[m], hoc est duodena millia quingentenos, cum priuato quæstu & urbico denaquina millia cogere posset. Quapropter hoc etia[m] imputabat principibus, quòd centu[m] sestertia quæstus eoru[m] gratia conteneret. Sequitur apud Pliniu[m], Par & fra tri eius merces à Claudio Cæsare infusa est: censusq[ue]; quam quam exhaustis opibus Neapoli exornata ita auctus, ut hæredi sestertia c c c. relinqueret, quadrigena Aruncius solus. Sic locu[m] legit Hermolaus Barbarus, quibusdam uerbis contra fide exemplariu[m] additis: quod diuinare est, non emendare. Ego ex uetustæ lectionis obseruatione sic < Plin. locus.> legendum censeo, Censusq[ue]; quamquam exhausti operibus Neapoli exornata, hæredi sestertium treceties reliquere, quantu[m] Athena, id est Aruncius solus. Vt intelligamus Arunciu[m] cognomento Athenam dictum. Sensus est autem non qualis ab Hermolao ponitur, ut trecenta duo fratres reliquerint hæredi, quod Plinius pro re prædicada posuit, sed treceties, quæ centuplicato maior est pecunia, hoc est septingeta quinquaginta millia. In quo insignis fuit & concors nostra auorumq[ue]; memoria omnium hallucinatio, ut antea dictu[m] est: qui nescio quo fato uelut iure quodam sic errore recepto, omnes uniuersiq[ue]; pedibus iceru[m] in eius sente[m] tiam, quæ primu[m] horu[m] uerboru[m] intelligetia sefellit. Quaqua[m] partim eoru[m] rem egregiè Latinam multis in partibus gesserint < Omnes recen- tiores in haru[m] rerum ignoratia concordes fuerunt.>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 195 Aruncii, Albutii, Rubrii, 200,000 sesterces annually were their pay among the princes. Quintus, however, Sertinius blamed the princes because he was content with 500 sesterces a year. For he showed by the number of houses counted in the city that he earned six dinners. 250 sesterces, < Stipendium medicorum Romæ.> that is, 6,250 aurei annually by pay; he says that many celebrated physicians in Rome had been kept by the princes. Of Sertinius, however, he even gives a sum twice as great, that is, 12,000 and 500, when by private gain and urban business he could gather 10,000 a year. For this reason, too, he blamed the princes, because for the sake of their gain he kept 100,000 sesterces. What follows in Pliny: “The pay of he and his brother was bestowed by Claudius Caesar; and their estate, although exhausted by expenses and adorned at Naples, was so increased that he left 300,000 sesterces to his heir, Aruncius alone, 40.” So Hermolaus Barbarus read the passage, adding certain words against the authority of the manuscripts: which is to conjecture, not to emend. I, from observing the older reading, think it should be read thus: < Plin. locus.> “And their estate, although exhausted by works and adorned at Naples, left to the heir 300 times 10,000 sesterces, as much as Athena, that is, Aruncius alone.” Thus we may understand that Aruncius was called by the surname Athena. But the meaning is not, as Hermolaus states it, that the two brothers left 300 to the heir, which Pliny had set down as a noteworthy fact; rather, it is 300 times 10,000, which is a hundredfold greater sum, that is, 750,000. In this there was a notable and shared error in the memory of ourselves and of our ancestors, as has been said before: people who, I know not by what fate or as though by some right, in this received error, all and together ran headlong into his opinion, which first deceived them by the understanding of these words. Although some of them handled the Latin matter excellently in many respects < Omnes recentiores in harum rerum ignorantia concordes fuerunt.>

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Sequitur ex eodem cap. Per quæ effectum est, ut nihil ma= gis prodesse uideretur, quàm multitudo grassantium. neq[ue] enim pudoris æmuli pretia summittunt. notum est ab eo= dem Charmide unum ægrum ex provincialibus sestertijs ducentis conductum, Archontio uulnerum medico sester tijs centum condemnato ademisse Claudium principem, eidemq[ue] in Gallia exulanti & deinde restituto acquisitum non nunus intra paucos annos. Lego, Neque enim pudor, sed æmuli pretia summittunt, & Archontio uulnerum me= dico sestertium centies Claudium ademisse, bonis eius con fiscatis. Sententia enim Plinij hæc est, quanquam medici Romæ multa nefariè admitterent artis suæ licetia, potius tamen esse coepisse ut plures essent, quàm pauci: quia olim cum pauci essent, pretia immodica aut stipulabantur ab ægris, aut quouis modo exprimebant. nullo enim pudore deterrebantur ut immensis mercedibus abstineret: sed mu tua (ut fit) æmulatione, minoris operas suas addicere tunc coeperunt, cum multi extitere medici. Cùm autem uellet Plinius impudentiam flagitantiu[m] docere, Charmidis facinus tanquam exemplum improbitatis medicæ commemorauit, < Medicorum improbitas,> qui ægru[m] unum provincialem sanandum quinq[ue] (ut ita dicam) millibus coronatorum conduxit. Vt autem doceret quàm quæstuosa tunc medicina esset, uulnerariu[m] Archontium dixit ducentis quinquaginta millibus aureorum confiscatione amissis, intra paucos annos totidem in exilio quæsiuisse. Huius dicti firmamentum erit id quod ab eode[m] autore libro x x v 1. dicitur, ubi de lichenibus loquitur. Siquidem, inquit, certum est Manilium Cornutu[m] ex prætorijs, legatum Aquitanicæ prouinciæ, sester. ducentis elo casse in eo morbo curandum sese. Sic enim legi debet ille locus, etiamsi aliter in chartaceis libris legatur. Præter n 3 loca

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It follows from the same chapter that the result was that nothing seemed to be more beneficial than a multitude of doctors rushing about. For competitors do not lower their prices out of shame. It is well known that from the same Charmides one sick man from among the provincials was engaged for two hundred sesterces, and that Archontius, a surgeon, having been condemned to a fine of one hundred sesterces, took away from Claudius the emperor, and that the same man, when exiled in Gaul and later restored, acquired no small amount within a few years. I read: “For it is not shame, but competitors, that lower prices,” and that Archontius the surgeon deprived Claudius of one hundred million sesterces, with his goods confiscated. For Pliny’s meaning is this: although the physicians at Rome were committing many shameful things with the licence of their art, nevertheless it had begun to happen rather that there should be more of them than fewer; because formerly, when there were few, they either demanded excessive fees from the sick or extorted them by any means whatsoever. For no sense of shame restrained them from holding back from enormous payments; but by mutual rivalry, as happens, they then began to offer their services for less, when many physicians had appeared. But when Pliny wished to teach the impudence of those making demands, he mentioned the deed of Charmides as an example of medical wickedness, who engaged one sick provincial for healing at five thousand, so to speak, crowns. And in order to show how profitable medicine then was, he said that the surgeon Archontius, after losing two hundred and fifty thousand gold pieces by confiscation, earned the same amount in exile within a few years. The support for this statement will be what is said by the same author in book xxviii, where he speaks about lichens. For, he says, it is certain that Manilius Cornutus, of praetorian rank, legate of the province of Aquitania, spent two hundred sesterces on being treated for that disease. For that passage must be read thus, even if it is otherwise read in the paper books. Besides those n 3 places

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET maximè fouit. Primus è fisco Latinis Græcisq[ue] rhetoribus < Poëtarum & Rhetorum annua salaria.> annua centena constituit: præstantes poëtas necnon artifices coëmit. Annua centena non minus duobus millibus & quingêtis aureis fueru[n]t. quæ si nunc in breuiario principis anniuersario legerentur, non dico uni nomini expensa, sed in uniuersum literatorum genus: prodigij instar esse crederetur, portentiq[ue]; prima quaq[ue] occasione procurandi, ab ijs quidem magnis uiris qui ærarium nostrum libero penè arbitrio expensant. Ex quo intelligere licet < Quintiliani opes.> unde Fabius Quintilianus saltus illos coêmerit qui à Satyrico celebrantur. Primus enim Romæ ex Hispania ue[n]niens stipendium è fisco accepisse dicitur ab Eusebio sub Domitiano: quod tamen non esse ueru[m], ex dicto loco Tranquilli deprehenditur. Huius ætatis aliud est iudicium, præsertim in Gallia, suo sibi suffragio à ludo poëtico oratorioq[ue]; explosa, ut antea dictum est. Viginti talentis unam oratione[m] Isocrates uendidit, ut autor est Plinius in sexto, id est aureorum nostrorum duodecim millibus. Idem libro X X X I I I. Hominu[m] primus & auream statuam & solidam Gorgias Leontinus Delphis in templo sibi posuit, < Literaru[m] pretia.> septuagesima circiter Olympiade. Tantus erat docendæ oratoriæ artis quæstus. O tempora, O mores, Isocrates Athenis, id est in urbe eruditissima, orationem unam tanti uendere olim potuit, quanti nunc Gallia prouinciarum lo eupletissima, eadem & doctorum hominum egentissima, nec Latias nec Græcas Athenas æstimandas esse putat. Et nos mirabimur ab omnibus nobis uerba dari quibuscu[m] ne gotiu[m] habemus, cu[m] nec literas ipsi sciamus, nec imperio eas < Thucydides ab exilio reuocatus ob historiam quâ condidit.> obtinendo tuendoq[ue]; cõferre quicquam aut conducere pute mus? Thucydidem imperatorem Athenienses (inquit ide[m] Plinius) in exiliu[m] egere: reru[m] conditorem reuocauere: eloquentiam

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G. BVD. OF ASSE ET was most indeed. First, from the treasury, to Latin and Greek rhetoricians < Annual salaries of poets and rhetoricians.> he assigned annual stipends of one hundred each; he also purchased eminent poets as well as artists. The annual hundreds were no less than two thousand and five hundred gold pieces. If these things were now read in the prince’s anniversary brief, not, I say, as expense to one name alone, but in general to the whole class of men of letters: it would be believed to be like a prodigy, and something portending to be warded off at the first opportunity, by those great men indeed who spend our treasury with almost free discretion. From this it may be understood < Quintilian’s wealth.> whence Fabius Quintilianus may have bought those estates which are celebrated by Satyrico. For he is said to have been the first at Rome, coming from Spain, to receive a stipend from the treasury under Domitian, according to Eusebius: yet that this is not true is shown by the passage cited from Tranquillus. The judgment of this age is different, especially in Gaul, condemned by its own vote from the school of poetry and oratory, as was said before. Isocrates sold one speech for twenty talents, as Pliny is author of in the sixth book, that is, for twelve thousand of our gold pieces. The same man, in book XXXIII, says that Gorgias of Leontini was the first of men to set up for himself both a golden statue and a solid one at Delphi in the temple, < The value of literature.> around the seventieth Olympiad. Such was the gain from teaching the art of rhetoric. O times, O morals! Isocrates could once in Athens, that is, in the most learned city, sell one speech for as much as now Gaul, richest of provinces, and also poorest in learned men, thinks that neither the Latin nor the Greek Athens ought to be valued. And shall we wonder that words are given to us by all with whom we have dealings, when we ourselves know neither letters nor, in holding and defending them in power, think we can contribute or accomplish anything? < Thucydides recalled from exile because of the history he composed.> The Athenians, says the same Pliny, drove Thucydides, their commander, into exile: they recalled the author of their history: eloquence

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 201 quentiam mirati, cuius uirtutem damnauerant. Thucydides ab exilio publico decreto reuocatus est, ut historia[m] scriberet, quæ nunc extat. Nunc uerò Quis dabit historico quantum daret acta legenti? ut inquit ille Satyrographus. Vnde fit ut res à maioribus nostris gestas tam commemorare possimus, quàm terra editi homines auos citare suos. Quanquam non magno= pere fortasse refert nostri temporis res gestas obliuione transmitti, qui nihil aut pauca literis celebranda gessimus: certè multa potius silentio mandanda sunt. Quo minus nurum est summos rerum nostraru[m] arbitros nullo in numero beneficiarioru[m] habere instituisse literatos homines, ut qui res gestas prodere æternæ memoriæ gaudeat. Alexander Magnus inter spolia Darij Persaru[m] regis unguentoru[m] scrinio capto, quod erat auro gemmisq[ue]; ac mar garitis preciosum, uarios eius usus amicis demonstrantibus, quando tædebat unguenti bellatoru[m] et militia sordidum, < Alexander Homeri Pindarius cultor.> Imò Hercule, inquit, librorum Homeri custodiæ detur. ut preciosissimum humani animi opus quàm maximè diuiti opere seruaretur. Idem Pindari uatis familiæ penatibusq[ue]; iussit parci cum Thebas caperet. Aristotelis philosophi patriam condidit, tantæq[ue]; rerum claritati tam benignum testimonium miscuit. Autor idem Plin. Diu addu bitaui an id quod sequitur, adderem. Veritus sum enim ne temporu[m] nostrorum iniquitas fidem historiæ derogaret, in cachinnosq[ue]; tandem res memorabiles abirent. Ad extremum tam[m]e literarum amor, et ueri admiratio peruicit ut adscriberem. Apud Athenæum lib. I X. Dipnosophistaru[m] Laurentius uir Romanus unus eoru[m] ita inquit, de Tetrace aue loques, ἀνοιζων ἐν τὴν παρὰ ἐθελειστελθι μὴν μὴν ἐθελειτο ἐν ποῦν ἐν τὴν ὑπολυτοκλάντω παραματεῖα (δυπανόσια γερελημανια)

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...the people marveling at whose courage they had condemned. Thucydides, recalled from exile by public decree, wrote the history that now survives. And now indeed Who will give the historian as much as he would give to one reading public records? as that satirical writer says. Hence it comes about that we can commemorate the deeds accomplished by our ancestors just as well as men born from the earth can cite their own forefathers. Although perhaps it makes little difference that the deeds of our own times should pass into oblivion, since we have accomplished nothing, or only little, that deserves to be celebrated in writing: certainly many things ought rather to be consigned to silence. For this reason it is no surprise that the greatest arbiters of our affairs have decided to include learned men among no number of beneficiaries, since they delight in handing down deeds to eternal memory. Alexander the Great, among the spoils taken from the casket of perfumes of Darius, king of the Persians, which was precious with gold, gems, and pearls, when his companions showed him various uses for it and the smell of perfume had become tiresome to warriors and military life was sordid, <Alexander, a devotee of Homer and Pindar.> “Nay, by Hercules,” he said, “let it be assigned to the keeping of Homer’s books,” so that the most precious work of the human mind might be preserved in the most splendid of containers. He likewise ordered that the household gods and family of the poet Pindar should be spared when he captured Thebes. He founded the city of the philosopher Aristotle’s native land, and joined so gracious a testimony to such glory of affairs. The same author, Pliny. For a long time I hesitated whether I should add what follows. For I feared that the harshness of our times would cast doubt upon the truth of the history, and that the memorable events would end up in derision. At last, however, love of letters and admiration for the truth prevailed, so that I added it. In Athenaeus, book IX of the Deipnosophistae, a Roman man named Laurentius says thus, speaking of Tetrace, ἀνοιζων ἐν τὴν παρὰ ἐθελειστελθι μὴν μὴν ἐθελειτο ἐν ποῦν ἐν τὴν ὑπολυτοκλάντω παραματεῖα (δυπανόσια γερελημανια)

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 203 sesquimense politos ad unguem nobis reddat. O' inania, ô ingrata, ô pudenda deniq; literarum studia, quibus ad= uersis fatis nequicqua[m] intabescimus: quos isti non sapien= tiæ amore captos, sed mēte potius putant. Verum ut quod instat agamus, idem Plin. lib. v 11. Medicinæ scientiam, inquit, in Theombroto Ptolemæus rex Megalensibus sa= cris donauit centu[m] talentis, seruato Antiocho rege. Et lib. x x i x. Erasistratus Chrysippi discipulus, Aristotelis < Præmia medi corum memorabilia.> filia genitus, Antiocho rege sanato, centu[m] talentis dona= tus est à rege Ptolemæo filio eius, ut incipiamus & præmia artis ostendere. Erasistratum & Theombrotum uel eundem fuisse intelligimus, uel Plinium non eundem auto rem utrobi que secutum. Centum talenta, sex aginta millia aureorum ualuisse post paulò docebimus. Idem libro se= ptimo, Aristidis Thebani pictoris unam tabulam centum talentis rex Attalus licitatus est, octoginta emit duas Cæ= sar Dictator, Medeam & Aiacem Timomachi, in templo Veneris genitricis dicaturus. Candaules rex Bularchi pi= ctura Magnetum exitij, haud mediocris, pari rependit auro. In antiquis legitur, medio crispanti. quare sic legen dum censeo, mediocris spatij rependit auro. Nam repen dere pari auro nunquam à Plinio dictum est. & alioqui Plinius mediocris magnitudine tabulæ, precij magnitudi= nem significare uoluit. Rependere auro plena est locutio. <Cicero de Oratore, Cui pro Gracchi capite aurum erat repensum. quod Plinius ipse libro x x x i i. imitatus est, his uerbis, Hæc paulatim exarsit rabie quadam, non iam auaritia, sed fames auri: utpote cum Septimuleius, C. Gracchi familiaris, auro repensum caput eius excisum ad Opinium tulerit. id est, πρὸς χυσὸν αυλιαθμισομύνη οἰκόν καράλω, uel πρὸς χυσὸν ἰοραστον. Quanta autem autorit> < Rependere auro.> < Cap. 3.>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 203 may return to us, polished to a hair’s breadth, after a month and a half. O vain, O ungrateful, O at last shameful studies of letters, by which, in the face of adverse fate, we waste away to no purpose: those men think us not captivated by love of wisdom, but rather by madness. But, to take up what lies before us, the same Pliny, book v, chapter 11, says: King Ptolemy bestowed the science of medicine on Theombrotus at the Megalesian rites, with Antiochus the king preserved, for a reward of one hundred talents. And book xxix: Erasistratus, disciple of Chrysippus, born of Aristoteles’s daughter, after King Antiochus had been healed, was gifted by King Ptolemy, his son, with one hundred talents, so that we may begin to show the rewards of the art. <Memorable rewards of physicians.> We understand either that Erasistratus and Theombrotus were one and the same, or that Pliny did not follow the same author in both places. We shall soon show that one hundred talents amounted to sixty thousand aurei. In the same book seven, King Attalus bid one hundred talents for one panel by Aristides the Theban painter; Caesar the Dictator bought two for eighty, Medea and Ajax by Timomachus, which he intended to dedicate in the temple of Venus Genetrix. King Candaules repaid with equal gold the not inconsiderable painting of Bularchus, the destruction of the Magnetes. In the old manuscripts it is read, medio crispanti; therefore I judge it should be read thus: mediocris spatij rependit auro. For “to repay with equal gold” is never said by Pliny. And besides, Pliny by the mediocrity of the size of the panel meant to signify the greatness of the price. “To repay with gold” is a full and proper expression. <Cicero, On the Orator: For Gracchus’s head there was gold repaid. Which Pliny himself, in book xxxii, imitated in these words: This gradually blazed up with a certain frenzy, no longer greed, but a hunger for gold: for Septimuleius, a friend of C. Gracchus, having had his head cut off, carried it to Opimius, repaid with gold—that is, πρὸς χρυσὸν ...> <To repay with gold.> <Ch. 3.>

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET < Artium autoritas. Cap. 10. > autoritas artibus olim fuerit, etiam ex eo conijcere possu mus, quod idem lib. x x x v. inquit de Pamphilo pictore loquens, Docuit neminem munoris talento annis decem: quam mercedem Apelles & Melanthius ei dedere: & hu ius autoritate effectum est Sicyone primum, deinde & in tota Græcia, ut pueri ingenui ante omnia graphicen, hoc est, picturam, in buxo docerentur: recipereturq[ue] ars ea in primum gradu[m] liberaliu[m]. In uetustis tamen penè omnibus legitur, ut pueri ingenui omnia antigraphicen. licet hoc Hermolaus ex uetustis restituisse se dicat. Quare suspicor sic Pliniu[m] scriptu[m] reliquisse: Ingenui omnia ante graphi= cen: quasi hæc fastigiu[m] doctrinæ puerili imponeret. quod tamen admonendi animo dictum à me existimari uelim, non enim facile mutandam esse structuram ueterem cen= seo. Nonnihil hanc opinionem meam intendit id quod se quitur, Semper quide[m] honos ei fuit, ut ingenui eam exer= cerent, mox ut honesti, perpetuo interdicto ne seruitia docerentur. Cæterum quod hic dicitur neminem docuisse, minoris talento annis decé, non consentaneum mihi uisum est, ut cum tanta precia tabularum legeremus apud Pli= nium, idem tamen docendi precium tam paruum poneret, atq[ue] ita poneret, ut admirari nos uellet. Quare cum exem plaria antiqua adirem, reperi non annis, sed annuis legen= dum, nec decem, sed x L. ut sit, Docuit neminem minoris talentis annuis quadraginta. quanquam in antiquissimo scriptum erat quingenta, in pagella quidem, sed in mar= gine quadraginta. Vt minimum autem annuis decem le= gendum, hoc est, aureorum sex millibus. quod longissimè abest ab eo sensu qui ex impressis percipitur, absurdissi= mo illo quidem, cum etiam pluris hodie pictores insti= tuantur. Atqui ne decoxisse doctrinam eam Apelli pute= mus

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Of the As and of the Authority of the Arts Chapter 10. That there was once authority among the arts may also be inferred from this: that the same writer, in book XXXV, speaking of the painter Pamphilus, says, “He taught no one for a fee of less than a talent for ten years”; which payment Apelles and Melanthius gave him. And by his authority it came about first at Sicyon, then throughout all Greece, that freeborn boys were taught before anything else graphicē, that is, painting, on boxwood, and that this art was received into the first rank of the liberal arts. In almost all the ancient copies, however, it is read that freeborn boys were taught everything before graphicē; though Hermolaus says that he restored this from the ancients. For this reason I suspect that Pliny left it written thus: “Ingenui omnia ante graphi cen” — as if he were setting this at the summit of boyish instruction. Yet I would wish this to be regarded as said by me in a spirit of warning, for I do not think the old structure should easily be changed. My opinion is somewhat strengthened by what follows: “Indeed, honor was always given to it, so that freeborn boys practiced it; later, that men of standing did so, with a perpetual prohibition that slaves should be taught.” Moreover, what is said here — that he taught no one for a fee of less than a talent for ten years — did not seem to me consistent, since in Pliny we read such great prices for paintings, and yet he would set so small a fee for teaching, and set it in such a way as to make us wonder. Therefore, when I consulted ancient exemplars, I found that it should be read not annis but annuis , and not ten but XL, so that it reads: “He taught no one for less than forty talents annually.” Although in the oldest copy it was written five hundred, in the page itself, but in the margin forty. But at minimum it should be read as ten annually, that is, six thousand gold pieces. This is very far from the sense perceived from the printed text, certainly an absurd one, since even painters are hired today for more than that. And yet let us not think that this teaching of Apelles was bankrupt.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 205 Lib. 35. ca. 10. mus, qui tanti picturam didicit: idem autor de eo loquens aliquanto pòst ita inquit, Pinxit & Alexandrum Ma= gnum fulmen tenentem in templo Ephesiæ Dianæ uigin= ti talentis auri. digiti eminere uidentur, & fulmen extra tabulam esse. Immane tabulæ precium accepit aureos mensura, non numero. Vel ut ex uetustissimo lego, tabulæ precium in nummo accepit aureo, mensura, non numero. Viginti auri talenta, ut minimum centum ac uiginti millia aureorum coronatorum ualent. quod tamen exquisitius postea uiderimus. Strabo libro x i i i. de Co insula lo= quens, & urbe eius cognomini, In suburbano est Aescu= lapij templum ualde nobile, simulachris multis refertum: in queis est Apellis Antigonus. Fuit etiam pridem Venus è mari emergens, quæ nunc diuo Iulio Cæsari dicata est Romæ, quam Augustus honori patris consecrauit, ut ge= neris autorem. Fama est Cois pro tabula centum talenta ex imperato tributo remissa esse, ἰασὶ ἐπιδοῦς ἀυτὶ ἡ παρις ἐκατον ταλάντων ἀρεσην ἀνταδὴ τὸ προσαχέντος φορα. Interpres eo in loco lapsus, anadyomenen, id est emergen tem Venerem, nudam transtulit, quasi apodyomenen. Est enim ἀνάδυσις emersus, cui opponitur ἀντάδυσις, quan= quam & aliud significat. Homerus, Plinius lib. supradicto, Venerê exeuntem è mari diuus Au gustus dicauit in delubro patris Cæsaris, quæ Anadyo= mone uocatur, uersibus Græcis tali opere dum laudatur uicto, sed illustrato. huius enim inferiorè parte qui refice= ret, nô poterat inueniri. Ego tame ex uetustis melius pos= se legi puto, Versibus Græcis tali opere dum laudatur ui= cto: sed per tot lustra huius inferiorè parte corruptam qui reficeret, nô potuit inueniri. Per lustra aute Cêsores olim sarta Anadyomene Apellis.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 205 Lib. 35. ca. 10. Musaeus, who learned painting at such a price: the same author, speaking of him somewhat later, thus says, “He painted Alexander the Great holding a thunderbolt in the temple of Diana at Ephesus for twenty talents of gold. The fingers seem to stand out, and the thunderbolt to be outside the panel. He received an enormous price for the panel, in gold by weight, not by number. Or, as I read in a very old source, he received the price of the panel in golden coin, by weight, not by number.” Twenty talents of gold are worth, at the least, one hundred and twenty thousand gold crowns; though we shall later see this more exactly. Strabo, in book XIII, speaking of the island of Cos and the city of the same name, says: “In the suburb there is a very famous temple of Aesculapius, filled with many statues, among which is Antigonus by Apelles. There was also formerly a Venus rising from the sea, which is now dedicated to the deified Julius Caesar at Rome, and Augustus consecrated it to the honor of his father, as the author of his race. It is said that for the painting the Coans were exempted from a hundred talents of the tribute imposed.” The interpreter at that place made an error, translating anadyomenen, that is, the rising Venus, as naked, as if apodyomenen. For ἀνάδυσις means “emergence,” to which ἀντάδυσις is opposed, though it also has another meaning. Homer, Pliny, in the aforesaid book, says that the divine Augustus dedicated Venus, coming forth from the sea, in the shrine of his father Caesar, which is called Anadyo-mene, in Greek verses, while that work is praised as conquered, but adorned. For the lower part of this work, who could have repaired it, could not be found. Yet I think it may better be read from the old sources: “In Greek verses, while that work is praised as conquered; but through so many lustrums no one could be found who could repair the corrupted lower part of it.” For lustrums the Caesars were once wont to repair... Anadyomene Apellis.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sarta tecta ædium sacrarum tuenda locare solitos esse no= tum est. Romanoru[m] igitur res nummaria ita propemodu[m] <c>ostituta fuit. Græci drachmis, minis, & talentis usi sunt. Talentum multiplex fuit autore Festo. Atticum autem sex nullium denariorum fuisse dicit. (inquit Suidas) . Ta= lentum, inquit, nunarum est sexaginta, muna autem drach= marum centum. Hoc etiam legimus in uersibus illis qui a= pud Priscianum leguntur, & Faunini esse dictitantur: Cecropium superest post hæc docuisse talentum, Sexaginta minas seu uis sex milia drachmas, Quod summum doctis perhibetur pondus Athenis. Priscianus de ponderibus, Scrupulus, inquit, sex siliquæ. drachma, scrupuli tres. uncia, drachmæ octo. scrupuli x x i i i i. uncia x i i. libra. Libra, uel mina Attica, drachmæ l x x v. Libra uel mina Graia, drachmæ x c v i. talentu[m] Atheniense paru[m], minæ sexaginta. magnu[m], minæ l x x x i i i. & unciæ quatuor. Ad hoc probandu[m] citat Liuium, sed quonia[m] uerba Liuij apud Priscianum corru= pta leguntur, ab autore ipso repetenda sunt, qui lib. i i i i. de bel. Maced. de Tito Quintio loquens Græciæ libera= tore, Ingens, inquit, numerus erat bello Punico captoru[m], quos Annibal, cum à suis no[n] redimeretur, uenumdederat. Multitudinis coru[m] argumentu[m] est quod Polybius scribit, centum talentis eam rem Achæis stetisse, cum quingentos denarios precium in capita, quod redderetur dominis sta= tuissent. Mille enim ducentos Achaia ea regione habuit. Hactenus Liuius. Ex cuius uerbis intelligimus in centum talentis millies ac ducenties quingentos denarios esse, hoc est, sexceties mille. quod perinde est ac si dicas centies sex millia denariorum. Ita planum fit in quolibet talento sex millia

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET It is known that they used to let out for hire the covering and roofing of sacred buildings to be protected. The Roman monetary system, therefore, was established more or less in this way. The Greeks used drachmas, minas, and talents. The talent was of several kinds, according to Festus. But the Attic talent, he says, was worth six thousand denarii. (Suidas says). Talent, he says, is sixty minas, and a mina is one hundred drachmas. We also read this in those verses which are read in Priscian, and are said to be by Fauninus: The Cecropian talent remains to be explained after this, Sixty minas, or six thousand drachmas, Which is said to be the greatest weight among the learned at Athens. Priscian, on weights: a scruple, he says, is six siliquae. A drachma, three scruples. An uncia, eight drachmas. A scruple, twenty-four. An uncia, twelve. A libra. A libra, or Attic mina, seventy-five drachmas. A libra, or Greek mina, one hundred and six drachmas. The Athenian talent, small, sixty minas. Large, eighty-three minas and four unciae. To prove this he cites Livy, but since the words of Livy are read corruptly in Priscian, they must be taken again from the author himself, who, in book IV of the Macedonian War, speaking of Titus Quinctius, the liberator of Greece, says: “There was a vast number of captives from the Punic War, whom Hannibal, since they were not being redeemed by their own people, had sold.” A proof of their number is that Polybius գրումes that this matter cost the Achaeans one hundred talents, when they had fixed the price at five hundred denarii per head, to be paid back to the owners. For that region had one thousand two hundred men of Achaia. Thus far Livy. From whose words we understand that in one hundred talents there are one million and two hundred and fifty thousand denarii, that is, six hundred thousand. Which is the same as if you said one hundred and six thousand denarii. Thus it becomes clear that in each talent there are six thousand

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 209 hoc quàm sit cōsentaneum cum postremo dicto, uideamus. In promptu est enim unicuique uidere, cum centum libræ centenariæ decem millia drachmaru[m] ualeant, si inde quar= tam partem eximamus, ut libræ iam sint septuagintaquin que drachmarum, non plus quàm septem millia & quin= gentas drachmas talentum ualiturum, quod tamen Liuiana computatione octo millia ualuit. Iam uerò octoginta= tres libras per numerum drachmarum, id est nonagies se= xies multiplicemus, fient in summa septem millia nongen= tæ sexaginta octo drachmæ. his si trientem supradictum, id est duas & triginta drachmas addiderimus, quæ ex qua ternis illis exuberantibus uncijs fiunt, numerum omnino octo millium habebimus. Quare manifesta est hallucina= tio in calculo supradicto: quem Prisciani esse ideo non credo, quòd in tribus libris antiquis, quos uidi, tractatus ille nonuisitur, uno etiam antiquissimo. Centum igitur minæ Atticæ talentum magnum ut fecerint, non id talen= tum erit cuius Liuius loco supradicto meminit: sed Eu= <Euboicum ta- lentum.> boicum fortasse, de quo idem Liuius libro eodem sic in= quit, de pace loquens cum Antiocho facta, Europa absti= nete, Asiaq[ue] omni quæ cis Taurum montem est, decedite. Pro impensis deinde in bellum factis, x v. millia ta= lentum Euboicum dabitis: quingenta præsentia: duo mil= lia & quingenta cum Senatus populusq[ue] Romanus pa= cem comprobauerit: mille deinde talenta per duodecim annos. Quid sit autem Euboicum talentum, docet Festus his uerbis, Euboicum talentum nummo Græco septem millium & quingentorum cistophorum est: nostro, qua= tuor millium denariorum. Cistophororum autem crebra <Cistophori.> est mentio apud Liuium, ut libro eodem in triumpho L. Scipionis, Tulit in triumpho argenti pondo c x x x= <Liuij locus.> O VII.

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PARTIB. OF HIS LIB. II. 209 let us see how consistent this is with the final statement. For it is easy for anyone to see that, when a hundred pounds of a hundred-weight amount to ten thousand drachmas, if from that we take away the fourth part, so that the pounds are now seventy-five drachmas, the talent will be worth no more than seven thousand and five hundred drachmas, whereas by Livy’s computation it was worth eight thousand. Again, let us multiply eighty-three pounds by the number of drachmas, that is, ninety-six times; the total will be seven thousand nine hundred and sixty-eight drachmas. If to these we add the aforementioned triens, that is, thirty-two drachmas, which are made from those three excess ounces, we shall have the total of exactly eight thousand. Therefore the error in the above calculation is manifest; and for that reason I do not believe it to be Priscian’s, because in three ancient books, which I have seen, that treatise is not to be found, not even in one that is very ancient. Thus, if a hundred Attic minas make a great talent, it will not be that talent which Livy mentions in the passage above: but the Eu- <Euboicum ta- lentum.> boic perhaps, of which the same Livy, in the same book, thus says, speaking of the peace made with Antiochus: “Withdraw from Europe and from all Asia which lies this side Mount Taurus. For the expenses then incurred in the war, you shall give fifteen thousand Euboic talents: five hundred immediately: two thousand five hundred when the Senate and Roman people have approved the peace: then one thousand talents per year for twelve years.” But what an Euboic talent is, Festus teaches in these words: “An Euboic talent, in Greek money, is seven thousand five hundred cistophori; in our money, four thousand denarii.” But there is frequent <Cistophori.> mention of cistophori in Livy, as in the same book, in the triumph of L. Scipio: “He carried in triumph silver weighing c x x x= <Liuij locus.> O VII.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 211 quam accipiet. Locus autem ille Liuij qui apud Priscianu[m] citatur, non lib. x x x v i i. legitur, sed x x x v i i i. his uerbis, Argenti prohi x i i. millia Attica talenta data intra x i i. annos pensionibus æquis. Talentum ne minus pondo L x x x. Romanis ponderibus pendeat. Vbi tame[n] ordinem uerborum peruersum esse credo. Non enim La= tinè x i i. nullia tale[n]ta, sed talentum dicitur, quomodo & alibi & in loco suprà dicto locutus est Liuius. Quare hic Liuium scripsisse puto, argenti prohi Attica talenta xii. millia, uel Atticum talentum. Quod si de talento dicere ulterius pergam, exitum res non inueniet: usqueadeo de ta lento diuersa produntur & uaria ab autoribus. Suidas & Hesychius talentum apud quosdam centu[m] & uigintiquin que librarum fuisse tradunt, apud nonnullos genus fuisse nomismatis. Non omittendum id quod Pollux inquit, ta= lentum Atticum apud Athenienses Atticas drachmas ca= pere numero sex millia: apud alios eundem numerum, sed suarum cuiusq; loci drachmarum. Id quod eò pertinere potest, quod de talento Liuiano dictum est, siue Eubocu[m] siue aliud fuerit, ut quomodo Athenis & alibi talentu[m] sex millia drachmarum habuit uernacularum cuiusque loci, sic Romæ sex millia denariorum habuerit, quæ tamen æ= quauerint pondere octo millia drachmarum. Vitruuius li= bro x. de testudine Agetoris Byzantij loquens, Erigeba= tur autem machina in altitudinem ad disijciendum muru[m] circiter pedes centu[m]. Item à latere dextra ac sinistra pro= currendo perstringebat non minus pedes centum. Guber= nabant eam homines centum, habentem pondus talentum quatuor millium, quod fit quadringenta octoginta millia pondo. His uerbis, si emendatè leguntur, autor est Vitru= uius talentu[m] centum & uiginti pondo Romana co[n]tinere: o 2 quod Talentu[m] secundum Vitruuiu[m].

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 211 which it will take. But that passage of Livy, which is cited by Priscian, is not read in book xxxvii, but in xxxviii, in these words: “Silver, twelve thousand Attic talents were given, to be paid within twelve years in equal instalments. A talent must not weigh less than eighty Roman pounds.” Yet here I believe the order of the words is inverted. For it is not in Latin “twelve nothing talents,” but “a talent” that is said, as Livy has spoken elsewhere and in the passage mentioned above. Wherefore I think that here Livy wrote, “of silver, twelve thousand Attic talents,” or “the Attic talent.” But if I go on speaking further about the talent, the matter will never come to an end: so various and diverse are the things reported by authors about the talent. Suidas and Hesychius say that the talent among some was a hundred and twenty-five pounds, among others a kind of coin. It must not be omitted what Pollux says, that the Attic talent among the Athenians contained six thousand Attic drachmas by number; among others, the same number, but of the drachmas of each particular place. This may have relevance to what was said about Livy’s talent, whether it was Euboean or some other kind, so that just as at Athens and elsewhere the talent had six thousand drachmas of the local standard, so at Rome it had six thousand denarii, which in weight nevertheless equalled eight thousand drachmas. Vitruvius, in book x, speaking of the testudo of Agetor of Byzantium, says: “The machine was raised to a height of about one hundred feet for the demolition of the wall. Likewise, extending from the right and left side, it reached no less than one hundred feet. One hundred men guided it, it having a weight of four thousand talents, which makes four hundred and eighty thousand pounds.” If these words are read correctly, Vitruvius is the authority that a talent contains one hundred and twenty Roman pounds. o 2 quod A talent according to Vitruvius.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. tigit beneficio Lazari Baysij utraque lingua doctissimi, ut scripta eius testantur: qui legatione Venetijs functus est, unde illud uolumen profectum. In eo autem sic locus hic legitur, [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] 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[n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART II. OF HIS BOOK II. by the benefit of Lazarus Baysius, most learned in both languages, as his writings testify: who discharged an embassy at Venice, whence that volume came forth. But in it this passage is read thus, [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] 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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Plutarchus in Crasso, Apud Romanos omnes constat uirtutes quas plurimas Crassus habuit, unius auaritiæ sordibus obscuratas fuisse: cuius uitijs clarissimum testimonium præbet magnitudo diuitiaru[m], quas breui admodum tempore sibi comparauit. Nam cum trecenta solum talenta ex paterna hæreditate accepisset: priusquam aduersus Parthos exercitum duceret, septem millium & centum talentorum summam coëgisse traditur, cum etiam decimam facultatum suarum partem Herculi consecrasset, & publicum epulum dedisset populo, ac tres minas in singula ciuium capita contulisset. < Crassi diuitiæ male partæ.> Harum diuitiarum maximâ partem (si uerum proferre licet) ex ciuilibus bellis atque incendijs comparauit, calamitatibus publicis ad priuatas utilitates abutens. Et paulò post enumeratis prædijs quæ in Vrbe & ruri sectionibus quæsiuerat, Seruos præterea, inquit, circiter quingentos enit fabrilis artis & architecturæ peritos: nec ijs tantum ad propriæ domus extractionem usus est, sed ciuibus ædificare uolentibus eorum operas mercede locabat, ac simul areæ spatium cuicunq[ue] pro arbitrio suo ad ædificandum uendebat. Cumq[ue] signati argenti maximam copiam, & agros mirificè cultos, in ijsq[ue] cultorum ingente numerum possideret, minimi tamen hæc omnia facienda uidebantur præ maxima turba seruorum quos uarijs artibus instructos habebat, lectores, scribas, pictores, argentarios, procuratores, mensarios, quos ipsemet summa diligetia curare, discentibus assistere, plerosq[ue] etiam docere consueuerat. < Seruorum cura maxima habenda.> Aiebat enim præcipuam domini curam circa seruos esse oportere, cum sint rei familiaris tanquam animata instrumenta. Septem millia & centum talenta, bis & quadrigies cætera nullia aureorum nostrorum ualèt, & sexaginta præterea. Quam summam si Cras

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Plutarch in Crassus . Among the Romans it is generally agreed that all the virtues, as many as Crassus possessed, were obscured by the sordid stain of a single vice, avarice: a very clear testimony to which is the greatness of the riches he acquired in a very short time. For although he had received only three hundred talents from his paternal inheritance, before he led an army against the Parthians he is said to have amassed a sum of seven thousand and one hundred talents; and this after also having consecrated a tenth part of his means to Hercules, given a public feast to the people, and contributed three minae for each citizen. <The wealth of Crassus, ill-gotten.> The greater part of these riches, if it is permitted to speak the truth, he acquired from civil wars and fires, abusing public calamities for private gain. And shortly afterward, after enumerating the spoils which he had gained in the city and in the country by auctions, he adds: moreover, about five hundred slaves skilled in the mechanical arts and architecture; and he used these not only for the building of his own house, but also let out their labor for hire to citizens who wished to build, and at the same time sold to anyone, at his own discretion, a space of ground for building. And although he possessed a very large amount of coined silver, and wonderfully cultivated fields, with an immense number of cultivators in them, all these things nevertheless seemed of little account in comparison with the very great crowd of slaves whom he kept trained in various arts—readers, scribes, painters, silversmiths, managers, accountants—whom he himself was accustomed to supervise with the greatest diligence, to stand by the learners, and to teach very many of them as well. <The greatest care must be taken of slaves.> For he used to say that a master’s chief concern ought to be about his slaves, since they are, as it were, living instruments of the household estate. Seven thousand and one hundred talents, twice and forty times the rest, is worth nothing in our gold coins, and sixty besides. Which sum if Cras

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 219 pompas atque epulas profusissimis sumptibus usus, uni= uersas superiorum munificentias obliterauit. Quas ob res affectam sibi plebem reddidit, ut certatim honores ex= cogitarent quibus paria cum illo facerent. Tranquillus de eo loquens, Deposita prouinciæ spe, Pontificatum maximum petijt, non sine profusissima largitione. In quæ reputans magnitudinem æris alieni, cum mane ad comitia descenderet, prædixisse matri osculanti fertur, domum se nisi Pontificem non reuersurum. Plutarchus autem au= tor est dixisse eum matri, Aut Pontificem hodie uide= bis filium, aut exulem. Quanta autem summi Pontifica= < Pontificatus Maximus.> tus esset dignatio, et quàm opimus eius reditus, ex eo coniici potest, quod Tranquillus in Claudio inquit, Po= stremò etiam sestertium octogies pro introitu noui sa= cerdotij coactus impendere, ad eas rei familiaris angu= stias decidit, ut quum obligatam ærario fidem liberare non posset, in uacuum lege prædiatoria uenalis pepende= rit. Si enim pro sacerdotio uno Claudius tantum conferre non dubitauit, quid existimamus de Pontificatu maxi= mo, qui caput erat omnium, ut est hodie, et quem prin= cipes ipsi assumere solebant, ut ex nomismatis apparet? Idem Traquillus in Cæsare, Crassum Pompeiuq[ue] in urbè prouinciæ suæ extractos co[m]pulit, ut detrudendi Domitij causa Consulatu[m] alterum peterent: perfecitq[ue] per utrun= que, ut in quinquenniu[m] sibi imperium prorogaretur. Quæ fiducia ad legiones quas à Repub. acceperat, alias pri= uato, alias publico sumptu addidit. Idem alibi, Egit cum Tribunis plebis collegam se Pompeio destinantibus, id potius ad populum ferrent, ut absenti sibi, et quando= cunq[ue] imperij te[m]pus expleri coepisset, petitio secundi Co[m]= sulatus daretur, ne ea causa maturius et imperfecto adhuc bello

Transcription: Translated (English)

...with pomp and banquets at the most lavish expense, he effaced all the munificence of his predecessors. For that reason he won the support of the people, so that they vied with one another to devise honors by which they might put themselves on a par with him. Suetonius, speaking of him, says, “Giving up hope of the province, he sought the chief pontificate, not without the most profuse largess.” Reflecting on the magnitude of his debt, when he was descending to the comitia in the morning, he is said to have forewarned his mother, as she kissed him, that he would not return home unless he became Pontifex. Plutarch, however, relates that he said to his mother, “Either today you will see your son as Pontifex, or as an exile.” How great the dignity of the supreme pontificate was, and how rich its return, may be inferred from the fact that Suetonius says of Claudius, “At last he was even compelled to expend eight million sesterces for entry into the new priesthood, and fell into such straits of domestic affairs that, since he could not free himself from the pledge made to the treasury, he hung out for sale, under the praetorian law, as an empty lot.” For if Claudius did not hesitate to contribute so much for one priesthood, what are we to think of the supreme pontificate, which was the head of all, as it is today, and which even princes themselves used to assume, as coins show? The same Suetonius, in the case of Caesar, says that he dragged Crassus and Pompey, brought out into the city from the province under his own command, to seek a second consulship for the purpose of ousting Domitius; and through both he succeeded in having his command prolonged for five years. With this assurance he added to the legions he had received from the Republic, some at his own expense, others at public expense. Elsewhere he says that, when the tribunes of the people were arranging for Pompey to be his colleague, he dealt with them, so that they should rather bring the matter before the people, in order that a request might be granted him for a second consulship while he was absent and when the time of his command had begun to run out, lest on that account the war should be brought to an earlier end and still unfinished...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET bello decederet. Quod ut adeptus est, altiora iam meditans, & spei plenus, nullum largitionis aut officiorum in quenquam genus publicè priuatimq[ue] omissit: forum de ma[n] nubijs inchoauit, cuius area super sestertium millies constitit: munus populo epulumq[ue] pronunciauit in filiæ memoriam, quod ante eum nemo fecit. Quorum ut quàm ma[teri]a expectatio esset, ea quæ ad epulum pertinerent, quæuis macellarijs oblocata, etiam domesticatim apparabat. Et paulo inferius, Legionibus stipendum in perpetuu[m] duplicauit: frumentum, quoties copia esset, etiam sine modo copiaq[ue]; præbuit, ac singula interdum mancipia & prædia uiritim dedit. Et rursus inferius, Tum reoru[m] obæratorum aut prodigæ iuuentutis subsidium unicum ac potentissimu[m] erat. Hæc & huiuscemodi alia etiam si post præturam Hispaniensem contigerunt, tamen eò pertinet, ut intelligamus Cæsarem ingenio admodu[m] profuso ac magnifico fuisse, & quod non nisi summa appeteret. Eiusde[m] generis sunt quæ sequuntur apud eundem autorem, Munditiarum lautitiarumq[ue] studio sissimum multi prodideru[n]t: uillam in Nemorensi à fundamentis inchoatam, quòd non tota ad animum ei responderet, totam diruisse, quanquam tenuem adhuc & obæratum. Et iterum alibi, Ante alias dilexit Marci Bruti matrem Seruiliam, cui & primo suo Consulatu sexagies sestertium margaritam mercatus est. Quod hic dicitur de margarita sexagies sestertiu[m] empta, fidem facit dicto Pliniano de margarita Cleopatræ cæties sestertium æstimata, id est aureis ducentis quinquaginta millibus. Ego cum inquirerem an id uerum esse potuerit, sic rationem ducebam, Dotem omnem margitarum, ut Plinius inquit, & gemmarij nostri confirmant, in candore, in magnitudine, in orbiculari forma, in læuore & pondere

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASH AND was to die in war. When he had achieved this, now planning greater things and full of hope, he omitted no kind of largess or public or private service toward anyone: he began a forum for the handicraftsmen, the site of which cost more than a million sesterces: he announced a spectacle for the people and a banquet in memory of his daughter, which no one before him had done. Since the expectation of these things was as great as possible, he even had prepared at home whatever pertained to the banquet, having contracted out whatever was needed to the butchers, and arranging it domestically as well. And a little lower down, he doubled the soldiers’ pay forever: he provided grain, whenever there was abundance, even without limit and without charge; and sometimes he gave individual slaves and estates to individuals. And again lower down, Then the only and most powerful aid was for debtors, the insolvent, or spendthrift youth. These and other such things, although they happened after his Spanish praetorship, still serve the purpose of making us understand that Caesar was by nature exceedingly generous and magnificent, and that he aimed at nothing but the very highest things. Of the same kind are the things which follow in the same author: very many have reported that he was devoted to cleanliness and luxury: that he demolished from the foundations the villa in the Nemi district because it did not wholly satisfy him, although he was still of modest means and in debt. And again elsewhere: Above all things he loved Servilia, mother of Marcus Brutus, for whom, in his first consulship, he bought a pearl for six million sesterces. What is here said of a pearl bought for six million sesterces confirms Pliny’s statement about Cleopatra’s pearl, valued at one hundred million sesterces, that is, two hundred and fifty thousand gold pieces. When I inquired whether this could have been true, I reasoned thus: the whole value of pearls, as Pliny says, and our jewelers confirm, lies in whiteness, in size, in round shape, in smoothness, and in weight

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. De unionibus. pondere esse scimus. candorem nostri nitorem Indicum intelligu[n]t. Quare in unionum indicatione omnia hæc ob= seruant. Cum hæc proderem, percunctatus sum à gemma= rio quodam primi nominis mihi familiari, quem uidisset unquam preciosissimum unionem, quantum pendere me= munisset. Cum de hoc uerba faceremus, & ille tricenarios se uidisse respondisset, idq[ue] ut memorabile in præcipua bo nitate commemoraret, inter sermonem aduenit gemarius alter qui dixit pridie se unum tenuisse quadraginta ceratia pendentem. Hoc enim uerbo in gemmis appendendis utuntur, quod infrà à nobis exponetur. Is igitur cum rei pernoscendæ cupidu[m] me uideret, ait se postridie mihi eum ostensurum in manibus inclusoris aut uascularij qui illigadum eum monili conduxerat. Ea die ad constitutâ horam non affui. tertio die cum uenissem ad eum, comperi ab in= clusore redditum, cæterùm eum esse in dactylotheca prin cipali, tribus aureorum millibus emptum, auellanæ magni tudine, orbiculatum, eximiæ pulchritudinus, pondere (ut dixi) quadragenarium. Ab alio gemmario auduii, quo e= tiam familiariter ut ebar, unam se margaritam tenuisse, exquisita bonitate, pondere tricenariam, quatuor millibus aureoru[m] emptam à duce Borboniana Ludouici Regis un= decimi filia, uiragine cordatissima eadem & magnificen= tissima, socru ducis Borboniani: qui hodie in eo genere principum multorum opinione cèsetur, quos sapietissimè Homerus Amymonas appellabat, significare uolens ita o= mni reprehensione maiores, ut ne nasuti quidem homines rhoncos liuoris improbi plenos exhalare soliti; & ipse denique Momus aliquid in eis improbarent. Sed Plinius de unionibus loquens, Pondus (inquit) ad hoc æui se= munciæ pauci singulis scrupulis excessere. Hoc pondus sex & Amymones.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART II OF IT. BOOK II. On pearls. we know to be of weight. they understand by the whiteness our sheen, the Indian gloss. Therefore, in identifying pearls they observe all these things. When I was publishing this, I asked a certain jeweler of the first rank, a friend of mine, whether he had ever seen the most precious pearl, and how much it weighed. While we were speaking of this, and he had said that he had seen some of three hundred grains, and had mentioned this as remarkable in its chief excellence, another jeweler came in and said that on the previous day he had held one weighing forty carats. For this is the term they use in weighing gems, as will be explained below by us. When therefore he saw me eager to know the matter, he said that the next day he would show it to me in the hands of the keeper or custodian who had hired it to string on a necklace. On that day I did not appear at the appointed hour. On the third day, when I came to him, I learned that it had been returned by the keeper; moreover, that it was in the principal jewel-case, bought for three thousand gold pieces, of the size of a hazelnut, round, of extraordinary beauty, and of the weight, as I said, of forty carats. From another jeweler, with whom I was also on familiar terms, I heard that he had possessed one pearl, of exquisite quality, weighing thirty carats, bought for four thousand gold pieces by the Duchess of Bourbon, daughter of King Louis XI, a most prudent and at the same time most magnificent princess, mother-in-law of the Duke of Bourbon: who today is accounted by the opinion of many to be among the foremost in that class, whom Homer most wisely called Amymones, wishing to signify people so far above all reproach that not even sharp-nosed men, accustomed to breathe out grunts full of the rancor of envy, and even Momus himself, would find anything to criticize in them. But Pliny, speaking of pearls, says: “The weight, up to this time, has exceeded a scruple in only a few individual cases.” This weight six and Amymones.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sex & octoginta ceratia, & bessem ceratij æquat, cum in uncia centum & sexaginta sint ceratia, & uiginti in drachma. Non mirum est igitur si unio omnis æui maxi= mus, & omni dote bonitatis præstantissimus, tanti ea æta= te æstimatus est, qua mundus auro & argento exubera= bat, ut ex sequentibus liquidò docebitur. Plinius libro x x x v i i. de Adamante loquens, ita inquit, Proxi= mum apud nos Indicis Arabicis que margaritis precium est, tertia autoritas smaragdis perbibetur, pluribus de causis. Hactenus Plinius. Ex cuius uerbis intelligimus mar < Ordo gemmaru[m] autoritatis.> garitam in ordine gemmarum adamanti tantum cedere, li= cet hoc tempore uix quartæ sit autoritatis. Idem tamen lib. i x. Principium ergo (inquit) culmenq[ue] omnium re= rum precij margaritæ tenent, Indicus has mittit oceanus. Ergo cum eo tempore unionum inter gemmas prima aut certè secunda esset indicatura, tuncq[ue] rerum precio ad summum licitationis excreuissent, & ille Cleopatræ unio pondere altero tanto præstaret, quem precio sissimum me= moriæ nostræ unionem gemmarum institores memine= runt, atq[ue] eo amplius scrupulo: non abhorere à side puto tanti æstimatum esse: simul quòd omnibus numeris com= mendationis absolutus erat, simul quòd ad culmen proba= tionis & primatum peruenerat, & ita inclaruerat fama, ut natura specimen sui secisse in duabus margaritis existi= maretur, ut ex Plinio apparet. Huius precij ratio sic arbi= tror iniri potest. Quum ex illo gemmario quærere quanti ex formula æstimaretur plurimo margarita quæ pondere quaternaria, & bonitate prima esset: triginta (inquit) au= reis eiusmodi emptâ uidimus. Quid octonariam (inquam) eiusde[m] notæ quanti æstimares? Ait, minimu[m] ducentis. Cum ulterius rogitando per accessiones pergerê, ita resp[on]dit, ut intellige

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G. BVD. OF THE AS AND sixty-eight ceraetia, and it makes up a bes of a ceraetium; for in an ounce there are one hundred and sixty ceraetia, and twenty in a drachm. It is therefore no wonder if a pearl, above all the jewels of the age, and most excellent in every gift of goodness, was valued at so great a price in that age, when the world was overflowing with gold and silver, as shall be clearly shown by what follows. Pliny, in book xxxvii, speaking of the diamond, says thus: “The nearest in price to us are the Indian and Arabian pearls; the third rank will be given to emeralds, for many reasons.” Thus far Pliny. From whose words we understand that a pearl in the order of gems yielded only to the diamond, although at the present time it scarcely holds the fourth rank in authority. Yet the same author, book ix: “The beginning, therefore,” he says, “and the summit of the price of all things belong to pearls; the Indian ocean sends these.” Therefore, since at that time pearls among gems were first or certainly second in estimation, and since then things had risen to the height of bidding in price, and that Cleopatra’s pearl surpassed another by twice its weight, which dealers in gems remembered to be the most expensive pearl of our memory, and moreover by that much in weight: I think it should not be thought strange that it was valued so highly; at the same time because it was complete in all the marks of excellence, at the same time because it had reached the summit of proof and primacy, and had become so famous that it was believed nature had made a specimen of herself in two pearls, as appears from Pliny. I think the reason for this price can be estimated in the following way. When from that gem dealer I asked for how much, according to the formula, a pearl of the greatest weight and first quality would be valued: “Thirty,” he said, “we have seen bought for such and such a number of gold pieces.” “What of an eightfold one,” I said, “of the same grade, how much would you value it?” He replied, “At least two hundred.” When I continued to inquire further by increases, he answered in such a way that I understand

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 225. intelligerem accessionem precij deinceps ex pondere, non numero, sed proportione fieri: ut quomodo duplicando pondere supradicto octonaria margarita paulo minus se= ptuplex quaternariæ æstimatione facta esset: sic in duo= denaria & uicenaria & ulterioribus maiore deinceps maioreq[ue] sursum uersus incremento precium augesceret. Qua ratione si precium Plinianæ illi statuamus, in immensum quoddam precium abibit taxatio. < Rursus ad Cæsarem redit. Vnio Scruiliæ datus.> Maius fortasse miraculu[m] sit Cæsarem centum quinquaginta millibus unione[m] unum enuisse, ut adulteræ donaret: de quo Tranquillus ita scribit (ut ad rem redeamus) In primo Consulatu tria millia pondo auri furatus è Capitolio, tantundè inaurati æris reposuit: societates ac regna precio dedit, ut qui uni Ptolemæo propè sex millia talentorum suo Pompeijq[ue] nomine abstulerit. Hæc Tranquilli autoritas fidem facere potest ijs quæ à nobis paulò antè dicta sunt. Plutarchus de eodem loquens, Inter hæc (inquit) res Gallica maximè Cæsarem extulit, qui in remotissimis locis cum esset, bellaq[ue] aduersus Belgas Britannosq[ue] consereret, aurum argentumq[ue] spolia, cæterasq[ue] diuitias ex hostibus partas (tanta horum aderat copia) magno numero Româ misit. horu[m] deinde largitionibus animos ciuium tentans, Aedili busq[ue] ad spectacula tribuës, Prætoribusq[ue] atq[ue] Cōsulibus eorumq[ue] uxoribus donans, multos sibi allexit. Quare in reditu superatis Alpibus, cum ad ciuitate[m] Lucanam hyber naret, uirorum & matronaru[m] magnum numerum eò accessisse memorant, cum plausu lætitiáq[ue] ingenti sese offerentium. Consulares uiri eò profecti sunt ducenti, inter quos Pompeius & Crassus fuere. Proconsulum quoq[ue] ac Prætoru[m] centu[m] & uiginti fasces ante Cæsaris fores inspecti. alios autem omnes spe donisq[ue] repletos Cæsar dimisit, cum

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 225. I understood that the increase in price henceforth was to be made by weight, not by number, but in proportion: so that, just as by doubling the weight mentioned above, the eight-pearl piece had been made somewhat less than sevenfold in value on a four-pearl basis: so in the twelve-, twenty-, and further grades, the price would increase afterward with greater and yet greater upward progression. For which reason, if we assign a Plinian price to that pearl, the valuation would run away into some immense price. < He returns again to Caesar. A pearl given to Servilia.> It is perhaps a greater miracle that Caesar possessed one pearl worth one hundred and fifty thousand, to give it to his adulteress: about which Suetonius writes thus (to return to the matter). In his first consulship he stole three thousand pounds of gold from the Capitol, and put back the same amount of gilded bronze: he sold alliances and kingdoms for money, as the man who for Ptolemy alone took away nearly six thousand talents in his and Pompey's name. This authority of Suetonius may lend credence to the things that were said by us a little before. Plutarch, speaking of the same man, says, Among these things (he says) the Gallic campaign most of all raised Caesar, who, while he was in the most distant regions and was waging wars against the Belgae and the Britons, sent to Rome in great numbers gold and silver, booty, and the other riches taken from the enemy (so great was the abundance of these things). Then, by his gifts to the citizens, by giving to the Aediles for shows, and by bestowing gifts on the Praetors and Consuls and on their wives, he won many to himself. Therefore on his return, after crossing the Alps, when he wintered near the city of Lucania, they say that a great number of men and matrons came there, offering themselves with great applause and joy. Two hundred consular men went there, among whom were Pompey and Crassus. Also one hundred and twenty lictors of proconsuls and praetors were seen before Caesar's doors. But all the others, filled with hope and gifts, Caesar dismissed, when

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET cum Crasso autem & Pompeio foedus inijt. Idem in Pompeio de initijs Ciuilis belli loquens, Cæsar (inquit) ualidius tum rebus imminebat: qui cum nondum longè Italia[m] attigisset, sedulò ad Vrbem destinabat milites ut comitijs adescent, multos illic tum ciues pecunijs alliciens, multos etiam primorum muneribus demulcens: inter quos Paulus Consul ob nulle & quingenta talenta mutatus est, & Curio Tribunusplebis ingenti ære alieno liberatus est. Hactenus ille. Ecquis est igitur qui animo concipere possit tantam corruptoris munificentiam, qui alterius tantum Consulis fauorem nongentis millibus aureorum redimere non dubitarit? quanquam maior illa fuit Curionis merces, qui sexcenties sestertium æris alieni habuit, ut autor est Valerius lib. 1 x. Ob illas rapinas Gallicas emanauit illud trimetrum iambicum Catulli, Quis hoc potest uidere, quis potest pati, Mamurram habere quod comata Gallia Habebat, & cuncta ultima Britannia? Eo'ne nomine Imperator unice Fuisti in ultima Occidentis insula, Vt ista uestra diffututa mentula Ducenties comesset aut trecenties? Mamurra. Quo ex loco satis conijcere est ingentem esse summam trecenties sestertium, quo Catullus Mamurram præfectum fabrûm Cæsaris locupletatum esse à Cæsare spoliata Gallia & Britannia conqueritur: de quo Plinius lib. xxxvi. sic inquit, Primum Romæ parietes crusta marmoris operuisse totius domus suæ in Cælio monte Cornelius Nepos tradit Mamurram Formijs natum, præfectum fabrûm Caij Cæsaris in Gallia. Neque indignatio sit tali autore inuentare. Hic nanque est Marmurra Catulli Veronensis carminibus

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET And with Crassus and Pompey he concluded a league. Speaking in the same place of the beginnings of the civil war, Caesar, he says, was then pressing more vigorously upon affairs: for when he had not yet reached Italy far, he was diligently sending soldiers to Rome so that they might attend the elections, alluring many citizens there with money, and also winning over many of the leading men with gifts; among these Paulus the Consul was won over for eleven hundred thousand, and Curio, Tribune of the Plebs, was relieved of a very large debt. So far he. Who then is there who can conceive in his mind such munificence of a corrupter, who did not hesitate to purchase the favor of another consul for nine hundred thousand gold pieces? although that was a greater reward in the case of Curio, who, as Valerius is author of book x, had six hundred sestertii of debt. On account of those Gallic robberies there came forth that iambic trimeter of Catullus: Who can see this, who can endure it, that Mamurra should have what hairy Gaul and the last Briton had as well? Was it for this name alone, commander, that you were in the farthest island of the West, so that your worn-out tool might eat two hundred million or even three hundred million? Mamurra. From this place it is clear enough that the sum of three hundred million sestertii is intended, by which Catullus complains that Mamurra, Caesar’s master of the engineers, was enriched by Caesar after Gaul and Britain had been despoiled. On which Pliny says, book xxxvi: “Cornelius Nepos reports that Mamurra, born at Formiae, the master of the engineers of Gaius Caesar in Gaul, first covered the walls of his whole house on the Caelian Hill with marble veneer in Rome.” Nor should indignation search out such an authority. For this is the Mamurra of the poems of Catullus of Verona.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 225 carminibus proscissus: quem, ut res est, domus ipsius cla= rius quàm Catullus dixit habere quicquid habuisset Co= mata Gallia. Quibus uerbis Plinius ingentem luxum ædi= ficij significauit, quòd Cæsaris & Mamurræ rapinas non modò præ se ferre, sed etiam clamitare uidebatur uoce la= tè exaudibili. Age quid de Luculli diuitijs existimare pos= < Lucullus.> sumus, qui cum Reipub. infensus, priuatæ uitæ se dedis= set, ædibus & prætorijs extruendis, hortis & coenatio= < Bibliotheca Luculli.> nibus amoenissimis incredibili sumptu paratis, & biblio= theca insigni utriusq; linguæ libris referta, atque omni= bus obuia & patenti, opes bello quæsitas conterere non potuit, cum interim quotidiano epularum apparatu in prouerbium propè uenerit? Vnum de eo dictum Plutarchi referemus, quod est in hanc ferme sententiam. Quodam die (inquit) cum Cicero & Pompeius Lucullum in foro sedentem ociosumq; offendissent, eo salutato dixerunt sese apud eum eo die coenaturos ea demum conditione, ut ni= hil ad solitam coenam eorum causa adderet. Quo primùm recusante, coenamq; in diem posterum reijciente, illi sese dicere neque diem alium constituturos, ac ne potestatem quidem illi facturos ut seruis aliquid in aurem imperaret. Hic Lucullus deprensum se uidens, id tandem orare eos institit, ut uel eorum uenia sibi liceret palàm uni ex ser= uis dicere ad Apollinis eo die se coenaturum. erat autem Apollo triclinij aut coenationis nomen. & ordinatas ille ita coenationes habebat, ut taxata coenaru summa unicuiq; < Memorabilis luxus Luculli.> loco esset. Eo igitur audito famuli quid agi ille uellet gnæ ri, coenâ continuò appararunt impèdio quinquaginta mil lium, & tanta celeritate & lautitia epularum, ut P[ræ]o[ph]eius & Cicero constupescerent. Quinquaginta millia num[m]um, mille ac ducétos quinquaginta aureos ualèt. In Plutarcho tamen P

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PART I. BOOK II. 225 carved up in satires: of whom, as the matter stands, his own house is said by Pliny to have held more than all that Catullus said Gaul possessed. By these words Pliny indicated the enormous luxury of the building, because it seemed not only to display openly, but even to proclaim aloud, in a voice heard far and wide, the plunder of Caesar and Mamurra. Come now, what are we to think of the riches of Lucullus, who, when hostile to the Republic and given over to private life, was unable to consume the wealth acquired in war, though he spent it on erecting houses and palaces, on gardens and dining-rooms of the most delightful kind prepared at incredible expense, and on an outstanding library stocked with books in both languages and open to everyone? Meanwhile, with his daily provision for banquets, he came almost to be a proverb. We shall relate one saying about him from Plutarch, which runs nearly to this effect. On a certain day, he says, when Cicero and Pompey found Lucullus sitting idle in the forum, they greeted him and said that they would dine with him that day, on the condition that he add nothing to their usual dinner on their account. When he first refused and put the dinner off until the next day, they said that they would neither set another day nor even allow him to give any order to the slaves in a whisper. Lucullus, seeing himself caught, then began to beg them that, at least with their permission, he might be allowed to say openly to one of the slaves that he would dine that day in the room of Apollo. Apollo, in fact, was the name of the triclinium or dining room. And he had his dining rooms arranged in such a way that each one was assigned a fixed sum for dinner. Having heard this, the servants, knowing what he meant, promptly prepared a dinner costing fifty thousand, and with such speed and splendor of dishes that Pompey and Cicero were astonished. Fifty thousand sesterces amounts to one thousand two hundred and fifty gold coins. In Plutarch, however P

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tamen Græco hæc uerba leguntur, ἀυτὸς δὲ δεπνὴν ἐν τῷ ἀπόλλων πέντε μυριαδῶν. Solebat autem cœnare in Apolline quinque myriadibus, hoc est quinquaginta millibus drachmarum, quæ quinq[ue] nullibus aureorum à nobis æstimantur, & ducentis festertijs: quare malim myriades nummûm quàm drachmaru[m] intelligere. Huiusmodi multa à Plutarcho referuntur, fidem omnino excedentia, si ex præsenti seculo æstimentur. Athenæus libro X 1 1. de ijs loquens qui luxu & delicijs olim celebres fuerunt: Nicola[us] Nè [n]o[n] περιπατελκὸς ἐν τῷ δεκάτη καὶ εἰνοῦ[m] τῶν ἰσοριγν, λοθικαλὸν φισιν αρικομων &ς ὑμων καὶ θιαμελικοῦντα, λόγον τε ἀποδοντὰ τὴν πρὸς μεθεῖ δάτω ὑπολεμα, ἐξοκεῖλα & ὑπολυτελι διαταρεκ ἔν ἔν παρὰς σωφροσύνης. προφήτε περῶτον &ς. ἀπαν ὑμμαίος ἐγεμόνα γενεὰν, καρδοσκαμων δυεῖν βασιλεοιν πλῶτον μεθεῖ δάτα καὶ πηγὰνα. Nicolaus (inquit) peripateticus in decimo & uicesimo historiarum tradit, Lucullum cum Romam post expeditionem Ponticam redijsset, & ex eo bello triumphasset, rationes ad ærarium retulisse ob eius pecuniæ administrationem: quo facto se abrupta licentia ad uitam sumptuosam & elegantem ex ciuili & prisca frugalitate Romanorum contulisse, idq[ue] exemplum Romanis prodidisse, utpote qui duorum regum opulentiam in cæsum suum uertisset, publica victoria ex Mithridate ac Tigrane parta ad priuata commoda usus. Ex quibus uerbis intelligimus, ut & ex locis pluribus Ciceronis orationu[m], Imperatores Romanos rationes quidem speciosas ad ærarium referre solitos, sed ita tamen, ut reliquorum luculenta fragmenta apud se retineret. Ne nimiu[m] igitur Gallicaru[m] rerum dispensatoribus tanquam uiris ingeniosis & solertibus publica fama plaudat. semper enim huiuscemodi fueru[n]t, qui ex publicis actibus immodicè cre- scerent,

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Yet in Greek these words are read: ἀυτὸς δὲ δεπνὴν ἐν τῷ ἀπόλλων πέντε μυριαδῶν. He used to dine, however, at Apollo for five myriads, that is, fifty thousand drachmas, which are valued by us at five thousand gold pieces, and two hundred sesterces; for this reason I would rather understand myriads of coins than drachmas. Many such things are reported by Plutarch, wholly beyond belief, if they are judged by the present age. Athenaeus, in book XI, speaking of those who were once celebrated for luxury and indulgence: Nicola[us] Nè [n]o[n] περιπατελκὸς ἐν τῷ δεκάτη καὶ εἰνοῦ[m] τῶν ἰσοριγν, λοθικαλὸν φισιν αρικομων &ς ὑμων καὶ θιαμελικοῦντα, λόγον τε ἀποδοντὰ τὴν πρὸς μεθεῖ δάτω ὑπολεμα, ἐξοκεῖλα & ὑπολυτελι διαταρεκ ἔν ἔν παρὰς σωφροσύνης. προφήτε περῶτον &ς. ἀπαν ὑμμαίος ἐγεμόνα γενεὰν, καρδοσκαμων δυεῖν βασιλεοιν πλῶτον μεθεῖ δάτα καὶ πηγὰνα. Nicolaus, says he, the Peripatetic, in the tenth and twentieth book of the Histories relates that Lucullus, when he had returned to Rome after the Pontic campaign and had triumphed from that war, rendered his accounts to the treasury concerning the administration of that money; and that, after this was done, with unbridled license he turned from the civil and old-fashioned frugality of the Romans to a sumptuous and elegant way of life, and bequeathed that example to the Romans, namely, one who had turned the wealth of two kings to his own destruction, using the public victory won from Mithridates and Tigranes for private advantage. From these words we understand, as also from many passages of Cicero's speeches, that the Roman commanders were indeed accustomed to render to the treasury accounts that were apparently respectable, but still in such a way that they retained for themselves the more considerable remnants. Let not, then, too much applause from public opinion fall upon the dispensers of Gallic affairs as if they were ingenious and skillful men; for always have there been men of this kind, who grew excessively rich from public acts,

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 227 scererent, ut Athenis Pericles & Phalereus. Varro lib. III. de Rerustica de piscinis Luculli loquens, Contrà ad Nea polim L. Lucullus post quam perfodisset montem, ac ma= ritinum flumen immisisset in piscinas quæ reciprocæ fue= re, ipse Neptuno non cederet de piscatu. In Baiano aut Ardeæ tanta ardebat cura, ut architecto permiserit ut su= am pecuniam consumeret, dummodo produceret specus è piscinis in mare, obiectaculo quo æstus quotidie ab ortu lunæ ad nouam proximâ introire, ac redire rursus in ma= re posset, ac refrigerare piscinas. Columella lib. 1 x. Atta= men ijsdem tèporibus quibus hanc memorabat Varro lu= xuriè, maximè laudatur seueritas Catonis, qui nihilomi= nus & ipse tutor Luculli, gradi ære sestertium milliu[m] qua= dringentoru[m] piscinas pupilli sui uenditabat. Tum enim ce lebres erant deliciæ popinales, cum ad mare deferebantur uiuaria: quorum studiosissimi uelut antè deuictarum gen= tium Numantinus & Isauricus: ita Sergius Aurata & Li cinius Muræna captorum piscium lætabantur uocabulis. Macrobius lib. III. Satur. Piscinas autem quàm refertas habuerint preciosissimis piscibus Romani illi nobilissimi principes L. Philippus & Hortensius, quos Cicero pisci= narios appellat, etiam illud indiciu[m] est, quòd M. Varro in lib. de Agricultura refert, M. Catone qui post Vticæ pe= rijt, cum hæres testamento Luculli esset relictus, pisces de piscina eius quadraginta millibus uedidisse. Locus autè Ci ceronis à Macrobio significatus legitur lib. 1. ad Atticum his uerbis, Sed posteaquam primùm Clodij absolutione, le uitatem infirmitatemq; iudicioru[m] perspexi, tum autem be= atos homines (hos piscinarios dico tuos) non obscurè no= bis inuidere, putaui mihi maiores quasda[m] opes et firmiora præsidia esse quærenda. Plinius lib. IX. Eadem ætate prior p 2 L. Muræ

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they would vie, as Pericles and Phalereus did at Athens. Varro, book III of On Agriculture , speaking of Lucullus’ fishponds, says that opposite Neapolis L. Lucullus, after he had cut through a mountain and let the sea river into the ponds, which were tidal, would not уступ Neptunus himself in fishing. At Baiae or Ardea his zeal burned so strongly that he allowed the architect to spend his money, provided he would carry a channel from the fishponds into the sea, as a barrier through which the tide might daily, from the rising of the moon until the new moon, enter and go back again into the sea, and cool the ponds. Columella, book X. Yet in those same times in which Varro recounted this luxury, the severity of Cato is most highly praised; he, nevertheless, being himself also guardian of Lucullus, sold the fishponds of his ward for four hundred thousand sesterces. For then the delicacies of the feast-house were famous, when fish-cages were brought down to the sea; and their most passionate devotees, like the Numantine and Isauric men after conquered peoples, so Sergius Aurata and Licinius Murena delighted in the names of captured fish. Macrobius, book III of the Saturnalia . How well stocked with the most precious fish those very noble Roman men, L. Philippus and Hortensius, were, whom Cicero calls “fishpond men,” is shown also by this, that M. Varro in the book On Agriculture reports that M. Cato, who died after Utica, when he had been left heir by Lucullus’ will, sold fish from his pond for forty thousand. The passage of Cicero indicated by Macrobius is read in book I To Atticus in these words: “But after I first perceived, from the acquittal of Clodius, the levity and weakness of the courts, and then, moreover, saw that those fortunate men—your fishpond men, I mean—were openly envying us, I thought that I must seek for myself greater resources and firmer safeguards.” Pliny, book IX. In the same age earlier p 2 L. Muræ

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 229 Cæsari sex nullia murænarum mutua dedisse in pondus, & propter piscium multitudinem quadragies sestertio uillam uenisse. Duodena sestertia Varro magnu[m] sumptum uocauit, nos trecentis aureis æstimamus. sic igitur locum Plinij lego, < Plinij loc.> Huius uillam intrà quàm modicam quadragies piscinæ uendiderunt, id est centum aureorum nullibus. Villam intra quàm modicam intelligo nunorem etiam me diocri. hoc enim modica significat: quod notius est quàm ut exempla requirantur. Verum huius emendationis Macrobiu[m] autorem habeo, cuius hæc uerba transcribenda duxi ex libro supradicto, < Intra quàm.> Autor est Plinius C. Cæsarem Dictatorem cum triumphales coenas populo daret, sex millia murænarum à C. Hirio ad pondus accepisse: huius Hirij uillam, quæuis non amplam aut latam, constat propter uiuaria quæ habuit, quadragies sestertium uenundatam. < Suprà quàm. Intra quàm.> Sic autem intrà quàm à Plinio dictum est, ut suprà quàm & extrà quàm dicuntur ab autoribus, & infrà quàm. Cicero, Stomachi autem partes quæ sunt infrà quàm cibus deuoratur, dilatantur: & arteria aspera ostium habet adiunctu[m] linguæ radicibus paulo suprà quàm ad linguâ stomachus adnectitur. Hic locus admonere nos debet quàm Plinius corruptus sit in huiusmodi rerum descriptione, ut antea diximus. Subiungam nunc aliqua eôdem pertinentia quò illa præcedentia. Plinius lib. x. Pauonem cibi gratia Romæ primus occidit orator Hortensius adijciali coena sacerdotij. saginare primus instituit circa nouissimum Piraticum bellum M. Ausidius Lurcho, exq[ue] eo quæstu reditus is sexagena nullia sestertium habuit. < Pauonum precia.> Varro libro supradicto, Ex pauonibus M. Ausidius Lurcho supra sexagena millia nummum in anno dicitur ea pere. Quod Varro nummum, Plinius sestertiu[m] dixit: ne de hoc p 3

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 229 To Caesar he gave six thousand murænae in weight, and because of the multitude of fish the villa sold for forty sesterces. Varro called twelve sesterces a great expense; we estimate it at three hundred aurei. So I read the passage of Pliny thus, < Plinij loc.> “His villa, within how modest a sum the fishponds were sold for forty,” that is, for a hundred aurei. By “within how modest” I understand a lesser, even a moderate one. For this is what modica means: something more familiar than that examples should be required. But I have Macrobius as the author of this emendation, whose words I have thought should be copied from the book mentioned above, < Intra quàm.> Pliny says that Gaius Caesar the Dictator, when he was giving triumphal banquets to the people, received six thousand murænae by weight from C. Hirrius: the villa of this Hirrius, though not large or broad, is known to have been sold for forty sesterces because of the fishponds it had. < Suprà quàm. Intra quàm.> And thus “within how” is said by Pliny, just as “above how” and “outside how” are used by authors, and “below how.” Cicero: “But the parts of the stomach which are below where food is swallowed are expanded; and the windpipe has an opening joined to the roots of the tongue somewhat above where the stomach is attached to the tongue.” This passage ought to remind us how corrupted Pliny is in describing matters of this kind, as we said before. I shall now add some things relating to the same subject as those preceding. Pliny, book 10. “The first man in Rome to kill a peacock for food was the orator Hortensius, at an added dinner of a priesthood. The first to fatten them was Marcus Ausidius Lurcho, around the last Pirate War, and from this he had an annual income of six hundred thousand sesterces.” < Price of peacocks.> Varro, in the book mentioned above: “From peacocks Marcus Ausidius Lurcho is said to have made, in a year, more than sixty thousand denarii.” Since Varro said denarii, Pliny said sesterces: let us not argue about this p 3

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET hoc postea dubitetur, quod antea diximus, nummum & festertium idem fuisse Romanis. Quonam modo autem uillatica pastio sexagena millia quotannis reddere uno no= mine, id est, pauonum sagina, potuerit, docet Varro his uerbis, Primus hos Q. Hortensius augurali adjiciali coena posuisse dicitur: quem multi secuti, citò precia eorum ex= tulerunt, ita ut oua eorum denarijs quinis ueneant, ipsi fa= cile quinquagenis, grexcetenarius facilè quadragena mil= lia festertium reddat: ut quide[m] Albutius aiebat, Si in singu los ternos exigeret pullos, perfici sexagena posse. Id e[m] pau lo superius, Hi ad cõstituedos greges parâtur bona ætate, et bona forma: pascu[n]tur omne genus obiecto frumeto, ma= xime hordeo. Itaq[ue] senis his dant in mèses singulos hor dei modios singulos. Ita ut foetura det uberius et antequâ sa= lire incipiât. hic à procuratore ternos pullos exigit, eosq[ue] cu[m] creuerint, quinquagenis denarijs uedit, ut nulla ouis hûc assequatur fructu. Sexagena festertia, quindena millia de= næriorum ualent, ut diximus. Si ergo in singula capita cen tenarij gregis ternos pauones reditus annui statuas, tre= centos pullos habebis: quos si grandiores factos & sagi= natos quinquagenis denarijs uenundatos intelligas, qui= nadena millia denariorum in summa erût, id est, quinquæ= gies trecentena. Rursus sexagena millia festertium, æsti= matione nostra mille ac quingentos aureos ualet, et quin= quaginta denarios, id est, selibram argenti, quinque co= ronatis æstimare solemus. Si igitur trecenties quinos uel quinquies trecenos aureos multiplices, mille ac quingen= tos in summa inuenies. ita ad nummum conuenit quod de nummo ac denario festertijsq[ue] diximus. Apud Varronem mendose legitur, Itaque senis his dant: pro, Scius his dat. Scianæ enim uillæ apud eum fit mentio, & alioquin mo= dius

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET hoc postea dubitetur, what we said earlier, that the nummus and the sestertius were the same among the Romans. But in what way could country poultry keeping bring in sixty thousand annually under one name, that is, through feeding peacocks, Varro shows in the following words: “The first, it is said, to have set these up was Q. Hortensius at an augural sacrificial dinner; many followed him, and their prices quickly rose, so that their eggs sell for five denarii each, the birds themselves easily for fifty each, and a flock of a hundred can easily bring in forty thousand sestertii: as Albutius used to say, if he exacted three chicks from each one, sixty thousand could be made.” A little above this too: “They are prepared for forming flocks in good age and good shape; they are fed on every kind of grain put before them, especially barley. Accordingly, for these they give each month one modius of barley. Thus the breeding yields more abundantly and before they begin to breed. Here the manager exacts three chicks from each one, and when they have grown he sells them for fifty denarii apiece, so that no hen reaches this profit here. Sixty sestertii are worth fifteen thousand denarii, as we said. If therefore you reckon three peacocks as the annual return on each head of a hundred-bird flock, you will have three hundred chicks; and if you understand these, once grown and fattened, to have been sold for fifty denarii each, there will be in all fifteen thousand denarii, that is, five hundred times thirty. Likewise sixty thousand sestertii, in our estimation, is worth one thousand five hundred aurei, and we are accustomed to value fifty denarii, that is, half a libra of silver, at five gold pieces. If therefore you multiply three hundred times five, or five times three hundred, you will find one thousand five hundred in all. Thus it agrees exactly, to the very coin, with what we said about the nummus and the denarius and the sestertii.” In Varro it is read corruptly, “Thus to these they give six,” instead of, “These six give.” For mention is made of the Sciana villa in him, and otherwise the modius

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dius sex pauonibus in mensem non sufficeret, qui uix uni sufficit, ut postea docebimus. Idem alibi de uillatica pa= stione Seij loquens, Certè, inquit Merula, ibi uidi gre= ges magnos anserum, gallinarum, columbarum, gruum, pauonum, necnon glirium, piscium, aprorum, cæteræq[ue] uenationis: ex quibus rebus scriba librarius eius in annos singulos plus quinquaginta nullia è uilla capere dicebat. Axio admirante, Certe nosti, inquit, materteræ meæ fun= dum in Sabinus, qui est ad uigesimuquartum lapidem uiæ Salaria à Roma. Quid ni, inquit? At qui in hac uilla qui est ornihon, ex eo uno quinque millia scio uenisse turdo= rum denarijs ternis, ut sexaginta millia ea pars reddide= rit eo anno uillæ: bis tantum quàm tuus fundus ducento= ru[m] iugerum Reate reddit. Quid? sexaginta, inquit Axius? sexaginta. sexagintæ derides? sexaginta inquam. Sed ut ad hunc bolum peruenias, opus erit tibi aut epulum aut triumphus alicuius, ut t[ame]n suit Scipionis Metelli: aut col= legiorum cænæ, quæ nunc innumerabiles excandesfaci[n]t annonam macelli: reliquis annis omnibus & hanc expe= ctabis summam. Quotus enim quisque est annus quo non uideas epulum aut triumphum, aut collegia coëpularis? qui nunc innumerabiles intedunt annonam. Non ne item L. Albutius homo (ut scitis) apprimè doctus, dicebat in Albano fundum suum pastionibus semper uinci à uilla? a= grum enim minus dena nullia reddere, uillam plus uicena. Idem secundum mare quo loco uellet si parasset uillam, se supra centum millia uilla recepturum. Age no[n] Marcus Cato nuper cum Luculli accepisset tutelam, è piscinus eius xL. millibus sestertium uedidit pisces? Ternis denarijs, id est, duodenis n[ost]umis turdos uenisse ad epulu[m] adijciale dicit, id est, ære nostro denis solidis turonicis et semisse. Si igitur p 4 quinquies

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it would not suffice for six peacocks in a month, when it hardly suffices for one, as we shall explain later. Elsewhere, speaking of Seius’ country estate, “Certainly,” says Merula, “there I saw great flocks of geese, hens, doves, cranes, peacocks, and also dormice, fish, boars, and the rest of the game. From these things his clerk used to say that he took from the estate more than fifty thousand each year.” When Axius was surprised, “You certainly know,” he said, “my aunt’s estate in Samnium, which is at the twenty-fourth milestone of the Via Salaria from Rome.” “Why should I not?” he said. “But on this estate there is an aviary; from that one source alone I know that five thousand thrushes came in at three denarii each, so that that part yielded sixty thousand for the estate in that year: twice as much as your two-hundred-iugera estate at Reate brings in. What? sixty thousand,” said Axius? “Sixty thousand. Do you laugh at sixty thousand? Sixty thousand, I say. But in order to reach this sum, you will need either a banquet or someone’s triumph, like Scipio Metellus’: or the dinners of the guilds, which now countless times make the market dearer; in every other year you will expect this same total. For how many years is there not some banquet, or triumph, or guild-feast?—they now countless times drive up the prices at the market. Did not also Lucius Albutius, a man, as you know, of outstanding learning, say in the case of his estate at Alba that his country property was always beaten by his villa in returns? For the estate brought in less than ten thousand, the villa more than twenty thousand. Likewise, if he had built a villa on the seacoast where he wished, he said he would receive from the villa over a hundred thousand. Come now, did not Marcus Cato, after recently receiving the guardianship of Lucullus’ property, sell fish from his fishponds for forty thousand sesterces? He says that thrushes came for a banquet at three denarii each, that is, twelve nummi of ours, that is, in our coinage, ten Turonic solidi and a half. If therefore

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 233 < Theriotrophium. Porcus Troianus.> mulsum ijs obijcere. Huiusmodi sues ex uiuarijs petebantur, quæ theriotrophia dicuntur: quale fuisse in Laurentina uilla Hortensij oratoris apud Varronem legimus. Eodem pertinet porcus Troianus, cuius in lege Fannia sumptuaria mentio facta est, qui mensis inferebatur alijs animalibus farctus, ut olim equus ille Troianus armatis inclusis grauidus in urbem Troianam illatus esse dicitur. Sed in uerbis Plinij suprascriptis ego duo uerba emendada sic censeo, ut legamus, Placuere autem & seri sues. I am Catonis, &c. ex uetusti obseruatione, in quo legitur, & seri uesicam. Nusqua enim, ut arbitror, uesicæ aprinæ fit mentio inter sercula antiquæ luxuriæ. Videamus de mancipijs Romanis. Plinius lib. v 11. Precium hominis in seruitio geniti maximum ad hanc diem (quod equidem compererim) fuit grammaticæ artis Daphnidis, Cn. Pisaurense uendente, & M. Scauro principe ciuitatis I I I. M. DCC. sestertijs licente. Excessere hoc in nostro æuo, nec modicè, histriones, sed libertatem suâ mercati, quippe cum iam apud maiores Roscius histrio I I I. M. D. Anniam mercasse prodatur. Sic in omnibus impressis exemplaribus legitur, in ijs etiam quæ Hermolaus castigando Plinio obseruasse se dicit. < Plinij locus.> Quo magis mirum est Hermolaum conniuentibus oculis hæc uerba prætermusisse, cum tame[n] eodem capite unum uerbum mutauerit contra fidem uetustæ lectionis, in quo ego ei non assentior. Quomodo autem sum num precium hominis serui esse potest tria millia & septingenti sestertij, cum Columella lib. I I I I. dicat de uinitore seruo loquens, Sed ego plurimoru[m] opinioni dissentiens, preciosum uinitore[m] in primis esse censeo: isq[ue] licet sit emptus sex uel potius sestertium octo millibus: cum ipsum solum septem iu gerum totidem millibus nummorum par- tum p 5

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 233 < Theriotrophium. Porcus Troianus.> To throw mulsum to them. Such pigs were sought from the vivaria , which are called theriotrophia : such a one, we read in Varro, was in the Laurentine villa of the orator Hortensius. To the same belongs the Troian pig, mention of which was made in the sumptuary law of Fannius, which was brought to the table stuffed with other animals, just as that Trojan horse, laden with armed men within, is said to have been brought into the city of Troy. But in the words of Pliny above written I think two words should be emended thus, so that we read, Placuere autem & seri sues. I am Catonis, &c., from an ancient reading, in which it is found, & seri uesicam. For nowhere, as I think, is a boar’s bladder mentioned among the courses of ancient luxury. Let us look at Roman slaves. Pliny, book V, 11. The highest price of a man born into slavery up to this day (as indeed I have found) was that of Daphnis, master of grammar, when Cn. Pisaurense sold him, and M. Scaurus, prince of the state, paid 3,700 sesterces for him. In our age this has been exceeded, and not by a little, by actors, but by those whom they bought with their freedom, since already among our ancestors Roscius the actor is said to have bought Annius for 3,000,000. Thus it is read in all printed copies, even in those which Hermolaus says he observed while correcting Pliny. < Plinij locus.> How much more surprising it is that Hermolaus, with eyes closed, passed over these words, when in the same chapter he altered one word against the authority of the ancient reading, in which I do not agree with him. But how can the price of a slave be 3,700 sesterces, when Columella, book III, 1, speaking of a vintner-slave, says, “But I, differing from the opinion of most, consider a skilled vintner to be of primary value: and though he may have been bought for six, or rather eight thousand sesterces, since the land itself, seven iugera, was purchased for the same number of thousands of coins—” p 5

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 235 idano I I I. M. D. mercante à Sutorio Prisco, quam quidem iniuriam lucrifecit ille, mercatus in luctu ciuitatis, quoniam arguere nulli uacabat. Quo in loco Peronetomi libentius legerim quam Paronetemi: quod quid significare possit, non uideo. fortasse nomen spadoni accommodatum, quasi exectis genitalibus etiam insibulatus. Legimus apud Senecam in epist. ad Lucillium libro I I I I. seruos anagnostas, id est lectores literaru[m] peritos, centu[m] mil= libus nummorum emptos: quod tum maximum habebatur precium. Caluissius, inquit, Sabinus memoria nostra fuit diucs. hic eruditus uideri uolebat. Hanc itaq[ue] compendiariam doctrinam excogitauit: magna summa emit seruos, unum qui Homerum teneret, alterum qui Hesiodum. Nouem præterea Lyricis singulos assignauit. Postquam hæc familia illi comparata est, suasit illi Satellius stultorum diuitum arrosor, & (quod sequitur) arrisor, ut grammaticos haberet analectos. cum dixisset Sabinus centenis millibus sibi constare singulos seruos, Minoris, inquit, totidem scrinia emisses. Quin & apud Plinium ipsum eodem in libro de exemplis similitudinumloquentem ita legitur, Toranius M. Antonio iam Triumuiro eximios forma pueros, alterum in Asia genitum, alterum trans Alpes, ut geminos uendidit: tanta unitas erat. Postquam deinde sermone puerorum detecta fraude, à furente increpitus Antonio est, inter alia magnitudinem precij requirente (nam ducentis mercatus erat festertijs) respondit uersutus ingenij mango, Ob id ipsum se tanti uendidisse, quoniam non esset mira simultudo in ullis eodem utero editis. Tranquil lus de Cæsare, Seruitia recentiora politioraq[ue] immenso precio co[m]parauit, & cuius etia[m] ipsum puderet, sic ut rationibus uetaret inferri. Proinde uel refragante ex[em]plariu[m] fide

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 235 I would read Peronetomi rather than Paronetemi in that place; what it may mean, I do not see. Perhaps the name was suited to a eunuch, as if, with his genitals cut away, he were also muzzled. We read in Seneca, in the letter to Lucilius, book IIII, that anagnostae, that is, readers skilled in letters, were bought for a hundred thousand sesterces: which was then held to be the highest price. Caluissius, he says, Sabinus in our memory was a rich man. He wished to seem learned. So he devised this shortcut to learning: he bought at great cost slaves, one who knew Homer, another who knew Hesiod. Besides these he assigned one each to the nine Lyric poets. After this household had been procured for him, that pander of stupid rich men, Satellius, the gnawer, and also, what follows, the flatterer, advised him to have grammarians as analysts. When Sabinus said that each slave had cost him a hundred thousand, “You would have bought,” he said, “the same number of book-chests for less.” And indeed in Pliny himself, in the same book where he speaks of examples of similarities, it is read thus: Toranius sold to M. Antonius, then Triumvir, some boys outstanding in beauty, one born in Asia, the other beyond the Alps, as if they were twins: so great was the sameness. Then, after the deceit had been uncovered by the boys’ speech, and he was rebuked by the enraged Antonius, who among other things asked about the size of the price—for he had bought them for two hundred thousand sesterces—the crafty dealer replied that he had sold them for so much precisely because there was no remarkable similarity in any born of the same womb. Tranquillus says that Caesar bought servants of more recent and more refined sort at immense price, and such that even he himself was ashamed of them, so that he forbade them to be entered in the accounts. Accordingly, even if the authority of the examples were to object

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET fide hunc locum Plinij ita lego, M. Scauro principe ciuitatis CCC. millibus DCC. sestertijs licente. Excessere hoc in nostro æuo nec modicè histriones, sed libertatem suam mercati: quippe cum iam apud maiores Roscius histrio CCCCL. annua meritasse prodatur, uel potius, sestertiæ quingenta annua meritasse. Nota enim sestertij potuit immutari in aliam notam, ut alibi sæpe, sicut tria I I I, in locum trium CCC, irrepserant. Meritasse autem uerbum non sine admonitione uetusti unius exemplaris lego. Quod autem sequitur, Nisi si quis in hoc loco desiderat Armeniaci belli paulò antè propter Tyridatem gesti dispensatorem, < Plinij locus.> quem Nero I I I. C. X X X. manumisit: suspectum mendi habeo, ut fortasse centies uicies legedum sit, hoc modo, quem Nero sester. centies uicies manumisit. nam in uetusto < Sestertij nota.> I I I. C. X X. legitur. Sestertium enim antiqui longuriolis binis et semisse notabant, quam notam facile fuit intra iota decidere. Omnino statuendum est nonnulla etiam contra fidem quantumuis uetustæ lectionis emendare, cum argumentis ad hoc ualidis impellemur: ut alibi in eodem libro, ubi Plinius exempla numerosæ sobolis ponit. Extat, inquit, in monumentis etiam medicorum, et quibus talia consectari curæ fuit, uno abortu duo puerperia egesta. In omnibus libris sic legi, præterquam in uno uetustissimo, ubi, duo dicit puerperia, legitur, cum anxiè obseruarem propter Aristotelem qui duodecim dicit lib. V I I. de hist. animalium, ἐν ἡ γὰρ ἐνομένης Παρθορᾶς κεῦ δὲνα στιχὴ κινδυνα ἐκπεσεῖν τὰ ἐπικυμεῖντα. I am contigit corruptione in locis muliebribus facta, et decem et duodecim superfætatos partus egeri. Quare hic duodecim puerperia lego. Illud eodem in loco magis suspectum habeo, quàm ut emendare ausim, Quarto partu Dacorum nota in bra= chio

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET By faith I read this passage of Pliny thus: “M. Scaurus, as head of the city, for 300,000 and 700 sestertii.” They have exceeded this in our age, and not modestly, the actors, but those who have sold their liberty; for already among our ancestors Roscius the actor is reported to have earned 400,000 a year, or rather to have earned 500,000 sestertii a year. For the sign of the sestertius could be altered into another sign, as often elsewhere, just as three I I I had crept in in place of three CCC. I read the word “earned” too, not without warning from one ancient copy. But what follows, “Unless perhaps someone in this place desires the dispenser of the Armenian war carried on shortly before against Tiridates,” < Pliny’s passage.> “whom Nero manumitted I I I. C. X X X.” I suspect corruption, so that perhaps it should be read “a hundred and twenty times,” in this way: “whom Nero manumitted for 120,000,000 sestertii.” For in an old copy < Sign of the sestertius.> I I I. C. X X. is read. For the ancients marked the sestertius by two and a half long strokes, a sign which could easily slip into an iota. In general, we must decide that some things, even against the authority of however ancient a reading, should be emended when strong arguments drive us to do so: as elsewhere in the same book, where Pliny gives examples of numerous offspring. “There exists,” he says, “in the records of physicians also, and of those who made it their care to collect such things, one miscarriage from which two births were produced.” In all books I read it thus, except in one very old one, where instead of “two births” it reads as I noted carefully, because of Aristotle, who says twelve in book VII of the History of Animals, ἐν ἡ γὰρ ἐνομένης Παρθορᾶς κεῦ δὲνα στιχὴ κινδυνα ἐκπεσεῖν τὰ ἐπικυμεῖντα. Now it happened that through corruption in the female parts, both ten and twelve superfoetated births were produced. Therefore here I read “twelve births.” That other thing in the same place I regard as more suspect than that I should dare to emend it: “On the fourth birth the mark of the Dacians on the arm”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nesq[ue] eorum sua solertia tueretur. Et certè satis constat contendere eum cum ipso histrione solitum, utrum ille sæpius eandem sententiam uarijs gestibus efficeret, an ipse per eloquentiæ copiam sermone diuerso pronunciaret. Is est Roscius qui etia[m] Lucio Syllæ charissimus fuit, & annulo aureo ab eodem Dictatore donatus est. Tanta autem fuit gratia & gloria, ut mercedem diurna[m] de publico mil le denarios sine gregalibus solus acceperit. Aesopum uerò ex pari arte ducenties sestertium reliquisse filio constat. Hactenus ille. Mille denarij, quatuor millia nummum ualent, id est centum aureos nostros: quam mercedem si per singulos dies anni accepisse Rosciu[m] intelligeremus, fieret summa annuæ mercedis trigintasex millia & quingenti, quæ computatione Romana sestertium quaterdecies & sexaginta millia dicitur. At ea summa tribus partibus maior est ea quam Plinius posuit, id est trecentis & quinquæ genis millibus sestertium. Quare mille denarios diurnos suspicari possumus Macrobiu[m] intellexisse ludorum tantum diebus accepisse Roscium. Cicero in ea oratione, qua[m] pro Roscio habuit, mercedem publicam Roscium respuisse dicit, his uerbis; Roscio cur tanti fuerit ut socium fraudaret, causam requiro. Egebati[m] imò locuples erat. debebat? imò in suis summis uersabatur. auarus erat? imò etiam antequa[m] locuples, semper liberalissimus munificentissimusq[ue]; fuit. Proh deum hominumq[ue] fidem, qui HS. CCCLIII. CCCLIIII. CCCLIIII. quæslus facere noluit (nam certe HS. CCCLIIII. CCCLIIII. CCCLIIII. merere & potuit & debuit) is per summam fraudem & malitiâ & perfidiam HS. LIII. appetijt? & illa fuit pecunia immanis, hæc paruula: illa honesta, hæc sordidæ: illa iucuda, hæc acerba. Cur hi numeri ter legantur, non intelligo: sed CCCLM. legendum

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G. BVD. OF ASH AND he would defend himself and his own by their ingenuity. And certainly it is well established that he was accustomed to compete with the actor himself, whether the latter more often conveyed the same thought by varied gestures, or whether he himself, by the abundance of his eloquence, uttered it in different words. This is Roscius, who was also very dear to Lucius Sulla, and was presented with a gold ring by that Dictator. So great, moreover, was his favor and fame, that he alone received from the public treasury a daily wage of one thousand denarii, without the lesser shares of the troupe. But it is known that Aesopus, by the same art, left two hundred thousand sesterces to his son. So far that writer. One thousand denarii are worth four thousand nummi, that is, one hundred of our gold pieces: if we understand that Roscius received this wage for each day of the year, the total annual wage would amount to thirty-six thousand and five hundred, which, by Roman reckoning, is said to be fourteen million and sixty thousand sesterces. But that sum is three times greater than the one which Pliny set down, namely three hundred and fifty-five thousand sesterces. Therefore we may suspect that the daily one thousand denarii were understood by Macrobius to have been received by Roscius only on the festival days. Cicero, in that oration which he delivered for Roscius, says that Roscius rejected the public salary, in these words: “For Roscius, I ask the reason why he was so highly regarded as to defraud his partner. Was he in need? On the contrary, he was rich. Was he in debt? On the contrary, he was living at the height of his prosperity. Was he avaricious? On the contrary, even before he was rich, he was always most generous and most munificent. By the faith of gods and men, he who did not wish to make a gain of three hundred and fifty-three thousand, three hundred and fifty-four, three hundred and fifty-four sesterces (for certainly he both could and ought to have earned three hundred and fifty-four, three hundred and fifty-four, three hundred and fifty-four sesterces) did he, by the utmost fraud, malice, and treachery, seek fifty-three sesterces? And that was a huge sum, this a small one; that honorable, this sordid; that pleasant, this bitter. Why these numbers are read three times, I do not understand; but it should be read CCCLM.”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 239 dum puto, ut ex tribus I I I fiat M. Est autem alioquin o= ratio illa, uel orationis fragmentum potius, & mutilatu[m], & in numeris suspectum: magnam tamen fuisse mercedem Roscij ex eo intelligimus, quod eode[m] in loco orationis se= quitur, Decem his annis proximis, inquit, sestertium sexa= gies honestissimè eô, equi potuit, noluit: laborem quæstus recepit, quæstum laboris reiecit: populo Romano adhuc seruire non destitit, sibi seruire iampridem destitit. hoc tu unquam Fanni faceres? sed si hos quæstus recipere pos= ses, non eodem tempore & gestum & animâ ageres? dic nunc te ab Roscio HS. L I I I. circunscriptu[m] esse, qui tan tas & tam infinitas pecunias non propter inertiam labo= ris, sed propter magnificentiam liberalitatis repudiarit. Infinitas pecunias Cicero sexagies sestertiu[m] appellat: nec mirum, cum centum & quinquaginta aureorum nostroru[m] millia esse iam docuerimus. Ergo singulis annis sexcenta sestertia, hoc est quindecim aureorum millia Roscius me= rere recusauit. Quod tum intelligimus factum fuisse, cum < Aureus annu- lus, equestris ordinis indi- cium.> diues esse coepit, cum etiam ad extremum annulo aureo, id est Equestri ordine donatus sit à Sylla. Re aute[m] acrius pensitata, Plinij dictu[m] de annuis trecentis & quinquagin= ta sestertijs, uel de quingentis potius, intelligo de Roscij mercede in seruitute existente. siquidem in eadem oratio= ne Ciceronis legimus Panurgum seruum comædum tanti operas suas locasse, qui Panurgus Roscij fuerat seruus. Sunt hæc uerba ex oratione transcripta, Panurgum tu Sa turi proprium Fannij dicis fuisse: at ego totu[m] Roscij fuisse contendo. Quod erat enim Fannij, corpus est: quod erat Roscij, disciplina. Facies non erat, ars erat preciosa. nemo enim illu[m] ex trunco corporis spectabat, sed ex artificio co mico æstimabat. Illa mebra merere per se non amplius po terant

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 239 while I think that from the three III a M is made. But that passage, or rather that fragment of a speech, is in any case mutilated, and suspect in the numbers; nevertheless we understand that Roscius’s fee was very large from the fact that in the same place in the speech it follows: “For these past ten years, he says, he very honorably accepted sixty million sesterces, if he could, but would not: he took on labor for gain, and rejected gain for labor: he has not yet ceased to serve the Roman people, but he has long since ceased to serve himself. Would you ever do that, Fannius? But if you could receive such earnings, would you not at the same time perform both in bearing and in soul?” Tell me now that you were cheated by Roscius out of HS. LIII. for the fact that he rejected such great and such boundless sums, not because of dislike of labor, but because of the nobility of his generosity. Cicero calls sixty million sesterces “infinite sums”; and no wonder, since we have already shown that this amounts to one hundred and fifty thousand of our gold pieces. Therefore, Roscius refused to earn six hundred thousand sesterces each year, that is, fifteen thousand gold pieces. We understand that this happened when he began to be wealthy, when even at the end he was presented by Sulla with the golden ring, that is, with the Equestrian order. But the matter being weighed more carefully, I understand Pliny’s statement about three hundred and fifty sesterces annually, or rather five hundred, of Roscius’s fee while he was in servitude. For in the same speech of Cicero we read that the comic slave Panurgus hired out his services for so much; and this Panurgus had been Roscius’s slave. These are the words copied from the speech: “You say that Panurgus was the own slave of Saturninus Fannius; but I maintain that he belonged wholly to Roscius. For what belonged to Fannius was the body; what belonged to Roscius was the training. The appearance was nothing; the art was precious. For no one judged him by the trunk of his body, but estimated him by his comic skill. Those limbs could no longer earn on their own”

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cio, quòd uix annis duodeuiqinti uox perdurare potuit ad actus fabularum: deinde (quod maius est argumentu[m]) inu= sitato luxu uitam transegisse dicitur. Quare ut tantum lu= xuriæ restaret, oportuit eum maiora multo stipendia ac ma gis opima secisse, de quo elogium illud extat Plinij lib. x. his uerbis, Maximè tamen insignis est in hac memoria Clo dij Aesopi Tragici histrionis patina, sexcentis sestertijs ta xata, in qua posuit aues cantu aliquo aut humano sermo= ne uocales, nummum sex millibus singulas coëmptas: di= gnus prorsus filio, à quo diximus deuoratas margaritas. De filio autem lib. I x. locutus est his uerbis, cum Antonij & Cleopatræ mentionem faceret: Non ferent tamen (in= quit, hanc palmam, spoliabunturq[ue] etiam luxuriæ gloria. prior id fecerat Romæ in unionibus magnæ taxationis Clodius Aesopi tragædi filius, relictus ab eo in amplis opi bus hæres (ne triumphatu suo nimis superbiat Antonius penè histrioni comparatus) & quidem nulla spōsione ad hoc productus, quo id magis regium erat: sed ut experire= tur in gloria palati quid saperent margaritæ. Atq[ue] ut mi= rè placuere, ne solus hoc sciret, singulos uniones conuiuis ad sorbendu[m] dedit. Quo in loco non triu[m]phatu, sed Triu[m] < Plinius locus.> uiratu lego ex uetusto libro. Docuimus supra hanc patina[m] Aesopi patris quindecim millibus coronatorum nostro= rum stetisse. Plinius dicit uniones magnæ taxationis fi= lium conuiuis singulis sorbendos dedisse. Quòd si du= centies sestertium ad id sufficere potuit, coniectura asse= qui possumus immanem esse summam duceties sestertium: præsertim cum Cicero sexagies sestertium infinitam pecu niam appellauerit. Athenæus lib. X I I I I. de quodam Amoebeo citharcedo loquens, ita inquit, Mihi uerò nihilo inferior esse uidetur antiquo illo Amoebeo, quem Aristea q in li

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so that, by the time he was scarcely eighteen years old, his voice could scarcely endure for the acting of plays; afterward, moreover—which is an even greater indication—it is said that he passed his life in extraordinary luxury. Therefore, since so much luxury remained to be spent, it was necessary that he should have acquired much larger and more sumptuous revenues, concerning which that remark of Pliny in Book X is recorded in these words: “Most noteworthy, however, in this memory is the dish of Clodius Aesopus, the tragic actor, valued at 600,000 sesterces, in which he placed birds vocal with some song or human speech, each bought for 6,000 denarii: truly worthy of that son, of whom we said that pearls were swallowed.” But concerning the son, in Book IX he spoke in these words, when making mention of Antony and Cleopatra: “Yet they will not bear away this palm, nor will the glory of luxury be stripped from them. The first to do this at Rome, in pearls of great value, was Clodius, the son of the tragic actor Aesopus, left by him as heir to abundant wealth—so that Antony may not grow too proud of his triumph, having been compared almost to an actor—and indeed he was brought to this not under any wager, which made it all the more royal: but so that he might test, in the glory of the feast, what pearls tasted like. And since they pleased him wonderfully, and lest he alone know this, he gave the guests each pearl to swallow.” In this passage I read “triumvirate” from an ancient book, not “triumph.” We have shown above that this dish of Aesopus the father cost fifteen thousand of our gold crowns. Pliny says that the son of pearls of great value gave each of his guests one to swallow. But if two hundred million sesterces could suffice for that, we can infer that the sum was enormous, namely two thousand million sesterces; especially since Cicero called sixty million sesterces an unlimited amount of money. Athenaeus, in Book XIII, speaking of a certain Amoebeus the citharode, says thus: “For my part he seems to me in no way inferior to that ancient Amoebeus, whom Aristea...”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET libus (quod centies laxum appellat) uitam lauto & elega[n]ti uiectu producere: tamen uenenum miser hausisti, ne patrimonio tanto superesses, quod iamiam te deserturum uidebatur. Longè autem falsus est in hoc Calderinus, qui bis trecenties pro sex millibus uel sexcentis nullibus intellexit: cum septingenties c[er]tena millia Martialis significauerit: quomodo & alibi secundo Epigrammatum. Illa illa diues mortua est Secundilla, Centena decies quæ tibi dedit dotis. Millia enim subaudiendum, ut apud Iuuenalem, - Et ritu decies centena dabuntur Antiquo. - Quomodo idem alibi, Optima sed quare Cæsonia teste marito? Bis quingenta dedit: tanti uocat ille pudicam. <Decies c[er]tena.> Id est decies c[er]tena millia, quod decies sestertium dicitur. Plinius propterea Apitium nepotum omnium altissimum gurgitem appellat lib. x. Phoenicopteri linguam præcipui saporis esse Apitius docuit, nepotu[m] omnium altissimus gurges. Et in i x. M. Apitius ad omne luxus ingenium mirus. Suidas, ἀπικιο μαρκο, ὃ διδρκη μυριον ὑνομα ἐπι τε ἀσωπικὴ μὴ ὑποπτεῖα, ἰκανὰς μυειάδας ἀρχωρία παταναλῶς ἔς ἔς τω γασίρα. Apitius Marcus, cuius adhuc nomen perdurat in luxum & inusitatos sumptus insigne, multas argenti myriadas in uentrem absumpsit. Martialis ex Seneca sumpsisse id uidetur, qui libro de Consolatione ad matrem Albinam ita inquit, Apitius nostra memoria uixit, qui in ea urbe ex qua aliquando philosophi uelut corruptores iuuentutis abire iussi sunt, scientiam popinæ professus, disciplina sua seculum insecit: cuius exitum nosse operæ precium est: Cum sestertium millies in culinam congestisset, cum <Apitius popinæ professor.>

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET libus (which he calls a hundred times relaxed) to lead a life with luxurious and elegant living; yet, poor man, you swallowed poison, lest you should outlast such a great fortune, which seemed about to leave you at once. But Calderinus is very much mistaken here, who understood bis trecenties as six thousand or six hundred thousand; whereas Martial meant seven hundred times a hundred thousand: as also elsewhere in the second book of the Epigrams. That rich Secundilla died there, there indeed, Who gave you a hundred times ten as dowry. For “millia” must be understood, as in Juvenal: - And by the old custom ten hundred thousand will be given.- As the same author elsewhere, But why is Cæsonia the best, if her husband is witness? She gave twice five hundred; for such an amount he calls her chaste. “Decies c[er]tena.” That is, ten times a hundred thousand, which is called ten million sesterces. For this reason Pliny, in book x, calls Apicius the deepest glutton of all gluttons. Apicius taught that the tongue of the flamingo has a most excellent flavor; the deepest glutton of all gluttons. And in book ix: “M. Apicius, admirable in every kind of luxury.” Suidas: ἀπικιο μαρκο, ὃ διδρκη μυριον ὑνομα ἐπι τε ἀσωπικὴ μὴ ὑποπτεῖα, ἰκανὰς μυειάδας ἀρχωρία παταναλῶς ἔς ἔς τω γασίρα. Marcus Apicius, whose name still survives as a mark of extravagance and unusual spending, consumed many myriad pieces of silver in his belly. Martial seems to have taken this from Seneca, who says in the book Consolation to his mother Albina : “Apicius lived in our time; in that city from which philosophers were once ordered to depart as corrupters of youth, he practiced the science of the kitchen, and by his own discipline he cut through the age. It is worth knowing how he came to his end: when he had piled up a million sesterces in the kitchen, when <Apicius, professor of cookery.>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 247 Vt perhibent qui de magnis maiora loquuntur. Ita in c[on]touersia apud autores duo millia man[n]et. Cocum igitur Plinius antiqua æstimatione non pluris æstimauit, quàm ducentis aureis, quanti Columella uinitore uult emi. non igitur precium hominis maximum tria millia & se= ptingenti sunt sestertij, ut suprà docuimus: sed tre c[on]etæ mul lia. Multa huiusce generis restabat, nisi hic liber iusta iam magnitudine excreuisset. Quare hactenus de nummo æreo argenteoq[ue] dictum sit, quorum explicationem aurea (ut ita dicam) c[on]mentatio excipiet, ampliore ipsa orsu ac tere tiore filo supradictis attexenda. GVLIELMI BVDAEI PARISI= ENSIS, CONSILIA= RII REG. DE ASSB ET PARTIBVS EIVS, LIBER III. LONGVM iam iter em[m]esis partim re= migio, partim uelificatu, c[uius] scopulos o= mneis præterueti uideremur, Plinius no bis manus improuisus iniecit, ac consiste= re coactos, etia[m] propemodum retro c[on]o[n]uer sis uelis inhibuit: apud quæ lib: x x x i i i. sic legitur, A u reus nummus post annos L x i I. percussus est quàm ar= genteus: ita ut scrupulum ualeret sestertios uicenos, quod efficit in libras ratione sestertij qui tunc erat, sestertios nongentos. Post hæc placuit x, L. millia signari ex au= q 4 rili Aureus num= mus.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 247 As they say, those who speak greater things of great matters. So in the controversy among authors, two thousand remains. Pliny therefore, by the old estimate, valued a cook at no more than two hundred aurei, for which Columella wishes a vintner to be bought. Thus the highest price of a man is not three thousand seven hundred sesterces, as we have shown above, but three contrei and many thousands. Much of this sort remained to be said, unless this book had now grown to a proper size. Wherefore let this suffice for the time being concerning bronze and silver coin, the explanation of which shall be followed by that of gold coin, if I may so call it, to be appended with a broader opening and a smoother thread to the foregoing. GUILIELM BUDÉ OF PARIS, ROYAL COUNSELOR, ON THE ASS AND ITS PARTS, BOOK III. A long voyage now, with a part by rowing and a part by sail, during which we seemed to have passed all the rocks, Pliny unexpectedly laid hands on us, and, forcing us to stop, even nearly by turning back the sails, held us in check: in which book xxxiii it is thus read, a gold coin was struck sixty-two years after the silver one: so that a scruple was worth twenty sesterces, which, by reckoning according to the sesterce then current, amounts to nine hundred sesterces to the pound. After this it was decided that x, L. thousand should be coined in gold. Aureus num- mus.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ri libris: paulatimque principes imminuêre pondus: mi= nutissimè uero ad x L v. nullia. Si enim hæc uerba emendata sunt, causam haud dico quin stylum uertere cogar, omniaq[ue] retexere quæ magno cum labore adhuc compro basse uideor. Etenim cum duodenæ sint unciæ in libra Romana, & in uncia, quaterna & uicena scrupula: fi[n]t in as < Scrupulum.> se scrupula ducenta octoginta octo. est enim scrupulu[m], du= cetesima octogesimaoctaua pars assis, ut inquit Columella. Si ergo scrupulum auri uicenos sestertios ualet, & ui= cenario numerum illum multiplicemus, fiet summa quin= que nullia septingêti sex aginta sestertij: quibus si semunciam addamus, ut sit libra centenaria quam antè institui= mus, fient sex nullia sestertium. siquidè quatuor drachmæ, id est semuncia, x 11. scrupula ualent: quæ uicies multipli cata, ducentos quadraginta efficiunt. ita fiunt sestertij sex nullia, uel denarij nulle & quingenti in auri libra. quæ ra tio prorsus cu[m] Pliniano dicto discrepat. Deinde quod se= quitur, Post hæc placuit x L. nullia signari ex auri li= bris: quonam modo explicari potest? Nam si nongenti se= stertij in libra, quonam modo x L. nullia? Quod si nullia æris intelligere libeat, non ideo magis negocium proce= det: cum x L. nullia æris, sedecim nullia nummum ualeant. Et ea ratio quam sequimur, x v. nullia æris, auri libra[m] ualeant. Morem autem antiquus fuisse nouimus, ut non modò nume ros notulis significaret exarandi compendia sectantes, ut nos quoq[ue] facimus: sed etiam ut denarios & sestertios & < Notæ nummo> sestertia proprijs quodq[ue] notis scriberent. Priscianus etia[m] < num antiquæ.> illas in Verrinis Ciceronis ad tempora sua extitisse testa= tur:

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G. BVD. OF AS AND ET in books: and little by little the emperors reduced the weight: very slightly indeed to x L v. nullia. For if these words are emended, I do not say that I shall not be forced to change my style, and to recast everything which so far I seem to have established with great labor. For since there are twelve ounces in the Roman pound, and in an ounce twenty-four scruples, there are in the < Scrupulum.> as many as two hundred and eighty-eight scruples. For a scruple is, as Columella says, the one two-hundred-and-eighty-eighth part of the as. If, then, a scruple of gold is worth twenty sesterces, and we multiply that number by twenty, the total comes to five nullia seven hundred and sixty sesterces; to which if we add half an ounce, so that it may be the centenary pound which we formerly established, there will be six nullia of sesterces. For four drachmas, that is, half an ounce, are worth x 11 scruples: which, when multiplied by twenty, make two hundred and forty. Thus there come to six nullia sesterces, or five hundred nullia and denarii in a pound of gold. This reasoning is wholly at variance with Pliny’s statement. Then what follows, “After this it was decided that x L. nullia should be coined from pounds of gold”: how can this be explained? For if there are nine hundred sesterces in a pound, how then x L. nullia? And if one prefers to understand nullia of bronze, the matter does not thereby advance any further: since x L. nullia of bronze would be worth sixteen nullia of coin. And the ratio we follow, x v. nullia of bronze, would be worth a pound of gold. Moreover, we know that the ancient practice was not only to indicate numbers by marks, following shorthand methods of writing, as we also do; but also to write denarii and sesterces and < Notæ nummo> sestertia each with their own special signs. Priscian also < num antiquæ.> testifies that these existed in Cicero’s Verrines down to his own time:

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. tur: quanquam Prisciani opusculum illud de numeris & ponderibus esse non puto, ut antea dixi. Lubricam autem scribendi rationem illam notulariam fuisse, ex eo conijce= re possumus, quòd nulle per M puram scribebant: & per eandem literam singulis apostrophis hinc & inde cir= cunscriptam, decem nullia: eaq[ue] rursus sic multiplicabant per apostrophos, ut centum nullia significare uolentes, I literam unitatis notam, ternis utrinque apostrophis cinge rent. Apostrophus autem dextera, simulis est omnino literæ c, quæ tertia est in alphabeto, qua numerus cètenarius, ut nunc, sic olim notabatur. Ita facile fuit uel duas uel tres a= postrophos pro duobus aut tribus c fallere, id est pro ducê tis & trecentis: apud eos quidem qui rationem numeroru[m] antiquariam ignoraret. Quanquam & is autor, siue Pri scianus siue alius fuit, parum sibi constare uideatur in ijs notulis declarandis. I am apud Valerium Probum X lite= < X-> ra quæ tertia est à fine alphabeti nostri, nota est denarij nummu, addita tamen à dextro latere uirgula transuersa: eademq[ue] litera pura, id est sine uirgula, nota est decem mul lium, apud Priscianum autem utrinq[ue] apostropho circun scripta. Idem Probus addit, quamlibet numerorum figu= < -I> ram, si ei præponatur linea ex trasuerso directa, tot signi= < -V> ficare nullenarios, quot per se ac pura unitatu[m] nota est, ut uerbi gratia, I nulle, & V quinque nullia, & X decè mul= < -X> lia, & itidem alias literas. Id quod mihi tractum à Græ= corum more uidetur. Quare simule ueri est numeros anti= quorum autorum ad nostram ætatem magna ex parte cor ruptos peruenisse, qui quidem notis scripti fuerunt. Libra= < -I> riorum enim ignorantiæ, & sæpius incuriæ, accessit eme= < -V> datoru[m] uel temeritas, uel hallucinatio: qualis est illa apud Tranquillum de césu Senatorio, quà antea adnotauimus. < -X> q 5 Mult

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PART B. BOOK III. ... though I do not think that little work of Priscian’s is about numbers and weights, as I said before. That this manner of writing was the notarial one, we may infer from the fact that they wrote no M for 1,000; and with that same letter, surrounded on either side by single apostrophes, they denoted 10,000; and again they multiplied it in this way by apostrophes, so that, wishing to signify 100,000, they enclosed the letter I , the sign of unity, with three apostrophes on either side. The apostrophe on the right is entirely like the letter c , which is the third in the alphabet, by which the number one hundred, as now, so in old times, was marked. Thus it was easy to mistake either two or three apostrophes for two or three c s, that is, for two hundred and three hundred; at least for those who did not know the old system of numeration. Although even that author, whether he was Priscian or someone else, seems to me to be somewhat inconsistent in explaining these signs. Now in Valerius Probus the letter X , which is the third from the end of our alphabet, is the sign of ten coins, provided, however, that a slanting stroke is added on the right side; and the same letter, plain, that is, without the stroke, is the sign of 10,000, whereas in Priscian it is enclosed on both sides by apostrophes. Probus also adds that any figure of numbers, if a line drawn crosswise is placed before it, signifies as many thousands as the sign of unity itself, taken by itself and in its plain form, signifies ones; so, for example, I means thousands, V five thousands, X ten thousands, and likewise the other letters. This, it seems to me, was taken from the Greek custom. Therefore it is very likely that the numbers of the ancient authors have come down to our time greatly corrupted, in so far as they were written in these signs. For to the ignorance, and often the carelessness, of copyists was added either the boldness or the blundering of editors; such as that instance in Suetonius concerning the senatorial decree, which we noted before. q 5 Mult

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 251 sestertijs x i i i i. permutata latifundij taxatione. In men= tione autem Ciceronis antiqui codices sestertijs tantu[m] ha= bent sine numeri adiectione. Cæterum uidere est pauculus in uersibus quot errata fuerint. Attegijs autem legendu[m] pu < Attegiæ.> to pro Maurorum casulis: quod non sine stomacho à Pli= nio dictum est, ut ex supellectili rusticæ domunculæ men= sa sestertijs x i i i i. parata sit, id est trecetis quinquagin ta aureis, quod Plinius precium appellat latifundij, id est agri latè patentis. Iuuenalis Sat yra decimaquarta, Dirue Maurorum attegias. Apud eundem Plin. lib. x i x. in prædictis exemplaribus ita legitur, ubi hortorum meminit, Etiamne in herbis di= scrimen inuentum est? olusq[ue] differentiam facere, in cibo etiam uno asse uenali? & in his aliqua quoque sibi nasci tribus negant: caule in tantum signato, ut pauperis men= sa non capiat. syluestres fecerat natura horridos, ut quis= que demeteret passim: ecce altiles spectantur asparagi, & Rauenna ternis libris rependit. Hæc uerba Hermolaus, & qui ante eum Plinium emendauere, pari coniuentia trans= nuserunt: cum tamen quædam ex antiquis exemplaribus < Plin. locus.> emendari potuerint, quibus obseruatis sic legere locum hunc institui, Etiamne in herbis discrimen inuentum est? opes que differentiam fecere in cibo etiam uno asse ue= nali: & in his aliqua quoque sibi nasci tribus negant: caule in tantum saginato, ut pauperis mensa non capiat. Syluestres fecerat natura corrudas, ut quisque demeteret passim: ecce altiles spectantur asparagi. Saginatum cau= lem dixit Plinius, non signatum, ut altiles uerbum satis si= gnificat. antiqua autem exemplaria horridas non horri= dos habent, & opus no[n] olus, & fecere no[n] facere in uetustis simo legimus. Plinius ipse alio loco eodem in libro, Hor= torum

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART I. OF HIS BOOK III. 251 sestertii 13,000, by a changed assessment of the latifundium. But in the mention of Cicero the old codices have only “sestertii,” without the addition of the number. However, one may see in these verses how many errors there were in the few words. But “attegijs” should be read as “pu <Attegiæ.>” for the huts of the Moors: which, not without sarcasm, Pliny said, so that from the furnishings of a rustic little house a table should be provided for 13,000 sesterces, that is, 350 aurei, which Pliny calls the price of a latifundium, that is, of a broadly extending field. Juvenal, Satire XIV, “Destroy the huts of the Moors.” In the same Pliny, book XIX, in the above-mentioned copies it is read thus, where he makes mention of vegetables: “Has even a distinction been found among herbs? And does a difference exist in greens, even in food sold for a single as? And among these some deny that any also springs up for them in their own tribes: with the stalk so marked that the poor man’s table cannot contain it. Nature had made the wild ones rough, so that each might gather them everywhere: lo, cultivated asparagus is seen, and Ravenna pays for it with three pounds.” These words Hermolaus, and those who before him corrected Pliny, passed over with equal blindness; although certain things from the ancient copies could have been emended, and, having observed these, I have decided to read this passage thus: “Has even a distinction been found among herbs? And have riches made a difference in food sold even for a single as? And among these some deny that any also springs up for them in their own tribes: with the stalk so fattened that the poor man’s table cannot contain it. Nature had made the wild corrudas, so that each might gather them everywhere: lo, cultivated asparagus is seen. Pliny said ‘saginatum’ stalk, not ‘signatum,’ as the word ‘cultivated’ sufficiently shows. But the ancient exemplars have ‘horridas,’ not ‘horridos,’ and ‘opus,’ not ‘olus,’ and in the very oldest we read ‘fecere,’ not ‘facere.’ Pliny himself elsewhere in the same book, “Gardens”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET torum iudicauimus corrudam: hunc intelligimus syluestrê asparagum. Ex his uerbis satis apparet Plinium loco supe riore corrudas non horridos scripsisse. Idem, Omnium hor= tensiorum laudatissima cura asparagis. de origine eorum in syluestribus curis abunde dictum. Est & aliud genus incultius asparago, mutius corruda, passim etiam in mon= tibus nascens, refertis superioris Germaniæ campis, no[n] in= scito Tyberij Cæsaris dicto, herbam ibi quandam nasci simulimam asparago, uel (ut in antiquis codicibus) no[n] in= faceto Tyberij Cæsaris dicto. Cæterùm quod sequitur in superiore loco, Et Rauenna ternis libris rependit: haud scio an ternis sestertijs rependit, legi debeat, uel ternis nummus. Plinius alibi, Nullum gratius ijs solu quàm Ra= uentinum. Quòd si ternis libris legamus, ad pondus refe= rendum est: propterea quòd saginatos & altiles appella= uit: sed illud non conuenit, propter uerba quæ sequuntur: Heu prodigia uentris: mirum esset non licere carduis peco ri uesci, non licet plebi. Vt autem libris pro assibus intelli= gam, adduci non possum, cum legisse me non meruinerim, nec id precium esset quod plebem à macello arceret. E ius= dem autem annonæ fuit duracina persica tricenis nummis aut uicenis uenire, & asparagos singulos ternis nummis. In eodem capite obiter & alia emendabimus, Aues ultra Phasidem annem peti, nec fabuloso quidem terrore tu= tas, imò sic preciosiores: alias in Numidia atque Ae= thiopia in sepulchris aucupari: aut pugnare cum feris: ma[n] di ab eo cupientem, quod mandat alius. Lego ex anti= quis, Alias in Numidiæ atque Aethiopiæ sepulchra, aut depugnare cum feris, mandi que, capientem quod man= dat alius. Sic enim sensus argutior, & magis Plinianus. Ibidem, Hortorum Cato prædicat caules, hinc primùm agrico

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASSE AND we have judged corruda: by this we understand wild asparagus. From these words it is clear enough that Pliny in the passage above wrote corrudas, not horridos. Likewise, “Of all garden plants, asparagus is the most highly praised.” Enough has been said elsewhere about their origin in wild places. There is also another kind, more uncultivated than asparagus, called mutius corruda, growing here and there even on mountains, in the fertile fields of Upper Germany, not unlike the well-known saying of Tiberius Caesar, that there grows there a certain herb very similar to asparagus, or (as in the ancient manuscripts) not unlike the witty saying of Tiberius Caesar. Moreover, what follows in the earlier passage, “And Ravenna repays with three pounds,” I am not sure whether it ought to be read as “with three sesterces” or “with three coins.” Pliny elsewhere says, “Nothing is more pleasing to them than those from Ravenna.” But if we read “with three pounds,” it must be referred to weight; for he called them fattened and stall-fed: yet that does not fit the words that follow, “Alas, prodigies of the belly: it would be strange if it were not allowed for cattle to eat thistles, yet the common people are not allowed.” But I cannot be persuaded to understand “pounds” as “asses,” since I should not remember having read it, nor would that be a price that kept the common people from the butcher’s stall. In the same season, peaches with hard flesh used to sell for thirty or twenty coins, and asparagus individually for three coins. In the same chapter we shall also correct other matters in passing: birds are pursued beyond the Phasis river, and are protected not even by a fabulous terror, indeed are all the more valuable for it; elsewhere in Numidia and Ethiopia they are hunted in tombs; or they fight with wild beasts; whoever wishes to be eaten by it, what another commands. I read in the ancient texts: “Elsewhere in the tombs of Numidia and Ethiopia, or to fight with wild beasts, and to be eaten, desiring what another commands.” For in this way the sense is sharper and more Plinian. There also, Cato praises cabbages among garden plants; here first among the agric…

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nona, etiam si nulla autoritate exemplaris ducat. Hæc autem ideo commemoranda duxi, ut labefactatam esse exemplarium Plinianorum fidem lectores meritò iudicare possint, qui hæc & huiuscemodi alia toto hoc opere sparsa accuratè perpenderint: nec unius aut alterius loci autoritate rebus contestatissimis fidem derogandam esse: quamquam dictum Plinij supradictum huiusmodi est, ut res ipsa & mutilatum & corruptum esse locum clamutet, e[ss]e eius loci membra mutuò collidâtur. Si enim auri scrupulum ui cenis sestertijs ualuit, quonam tandem modo in libra sester tij tantum nongenti: sed sint sanè n[ost]o genti in libra sesterij, qui igitur fieri potest ut à noningentis ad X L. millia peruentum sit? Quare relinquetur ut Plinius hoc in loco suo sibi testimonio refellatur & concidat. In uno uenerandæ uetustatis libro ita legebatur, Quod efficit in libras ratione sestertij qui tunc erant D. n[ost]o genti: post hæc placuit, X. X L. signari ex auri libris. ex quo conijcio non millia X L. sed nummos Plinium reliquisse scriptum, & locum mutilatum post uerbum sestertij. In omnibus enim libris antiquis, erant pluraliter legitur, & X L. signari, n[ost]o X L. nullia. Quàm autem ancipites notæ fuerint inter nummos & nullia, patuit ex supradictis. Nec eò tamen pertinet longa hæc disputatio, ut ueritatis assertionem in hoc loco positam putem, aleamq[ue] huius operis in hoc uno cardine uerti. Nec enim usqueadeo exilibus argumentis nixus sum, ut si Plinius ipse reuiuiscat, & hunc locum agnoscere uelit ita ut lectitatur, aut si dies olim forte autographu[m] Plinij, aut eius ætatis uolumen æquale protulerit (ut id fieri posse cre damus) non ipsi etiam Plinio iudicem ferre ausim uniuersam antiquitatem, ni hoc perperam ac falsò scriptum sit, ut & alia quædam quæ postea dicetur. Dixi suprà argen- team

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nona, even if it is led by no authority of an exemplar. But I have thought this ought to be mentioned for this reason, so that readers may rightly judge that the credit of the Plinian exemplars has been weakened, those who have carefully weighed these and similar things scattered throughout this whole work: nor is the authority of one or two passages to be allowed to detract from matters that are most fully attested. And yet the statement of Pliny cited above is such that the thing itself proclaims the passage to be both mutilated and corrupt, because the parts of that passage clash with one another mutually. For if a scruple of gold was worth twenty sesterces, how then could it be in a pound of sesterces nine hundred; but let there indeed be in our notation sesterces in a pound, how then can it be possible that from nine hundred it should have come to XL thousand? Wherefore it will remain that Pliny in this place is refuted by his own testimony and falls. In one venerable old book it was read thus: Quod efficit in libras ratione sestertij qui tunc erant D. nostri genti: after this it was decided that X. XL. should be marked from pounds of gold. From which I conjecture that Pliny left written not X L thousand, but coins, and that the passage was mutilated after the word sestertij. For in all ancient books, erant is read in the plural, and X L. signari, nostro X L. nulla. But how doubtful the marks were between coins and nulla was clear from what has been said above. Yet this long discussion does not concern the point, as if I thought the affirmation of the truth to be placed in this passage, and the outcome of this work to turn on this one hinge. For I have not rested on arguments so slender that if Pliny himself should revive and wish to recognize this passage as it is read, or if some day by chance the autograph of Pliny, or a volume of his age equal in character, should be produced (as we believe it could happen), I would not dare to bring against even Pliny himself the judgment of the whole of antiquity, unless this has been written wrongly and falsely, as also certain other things that will be said later. I said above silver

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 255 < Aurea nominata expensa.> tea me nonusmata Romanorum diligenter expeditisse, ut id quod ratiocinatione & autoritate uetusta colligeba, rea= pse quoque comprobarem. In auro itidem faciendu[m] quum statuissem, quatuor & uiginti nonusmata (tot enim aurea eoq[ue] plura habebam) in altera lance posui, & ex aduerso sex uncias nostras statui. Quo facto, cum leuius aurum esse inuenirem, grossulorum duorum additamento cum paucu luminutijs, rem ad æquilibrium perduxi. has nunutias no strates grana uocant: nos momenta Latinè appellare pos= sumus. hæc quatuor & uiginti sunt in denario nostro, quod scrupulum Latinè uocitatur. Quomodo enim in un= cia Latina quatuor & uiginti sunt scrupula, sic in nostra quatuor & uiginti denarij: & ut drachma tria scrupula pendet, sic grossius tres denarios. Verùm hæc nonusmata cu[m] singillatim pesitarè, in ijs fueru[n]t Tyberij Augusti duo, in quibus effigies paru[m] iconice uidebatur: unum hac inscri= ptione: Tyb. Cæs. diui Aug. Augustus. & in auersa fa= cie, Pontif. Max. ubi simulachru[m] sedens. Alterum utrinq[ue] effigiem habebat, ut eodem habitu, sic sibi dissimulem, cum hoc elogio notis scripto, Tyberius Cæsar Augustus Tribu nitiæ potestatis quindecies. & in altera parte, Tyberius Cæsar diui filius. Singuloru[m] pondus erat didrachmu[m], id est denarij bini, argetei quadrigati, de quibus antè diximus. Alteru[m] fuit male imitatu[m], sed quod Augusti fuisse ex indice cognouimus, qui fuit huiusmodi, quatenus legi per uetustæ tem potuit, Cæsar Aug. Pater patriæ. & in postica facie, Cæsari Augusto. Hoc quanqua[m] attritum, grauissimum ta= men inuenimus, ut bina argentea traheget. Aliud eiusdem principis erat iconica effigie, qualis uulgò agnoscitur, à postica parte quadrigatum, dicterio tetragrammato in infimo margine, S. P. Q. R. significate Senatu populumq[ue] Romanu[m]. & in auersa parte nomen principis ipsius erat. hoc

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 255 < A named expenditure of gold.> I had carefully weighed the Roman denarii, so that I might indeed confirm by actual fact what I had gathered by reasoning and ancient authority. When I had decided to do the same with gold, I placed twenty-four denarii worth of gold (for I had at least that many gold pieces) in one scale, and on the other I set six of our ounces. When this was done, since I found the gold to be lighter, by adding two grossuli and a few small bits, I brought the matter to equilibrium. These small pieces are called grana by us; we may call them momenta in Latin. There are twenty-four of these in our denarius, which is called a scruple in Latin. For just as there are twenty-four scruples in one Latin ounce, so there are twenty-four denarii in ours; and as a drachma weighs three scruples, so a grossius weighs three denarii. But when I weighed these denarii separately, there were among them two of Tiberius Augustus, in which the image was not very clearly shown. One had this inscription: Tyb. Cæs. diui Aug. Augustus. And on the reverse, Pontif. Max., where there was a seated figure. The other had a portrait on both sides, so that, though in the same style, it was unlike itself, with this legend written in the letters: Tyberius Cæsar Augustus Tribunitiæ potestatis quindecies. And on the other side: Tyberius Cæsar diui filius. The weight of each was a didrachm, that is, two denarii, the quadrigati of silver, of which we spoke before. Another was badly imitated; but since by the inscription we recognized that it had been Augustus’s, it was of this sort, so far as could be read in its antiquity: Cæsar Aug. Pater patriæ. And on the back side: Cæsari Augusto. Although worn, we nevertheless found it to be very heavy, so that it drew two silver pieces. Another of the same prince was with an iconic portrait, such as is commonly recognized, and on the reverse was quadrigatus, with the tetragram in the lowest margin, S. P. Q. R., signifying Senatus populusque Romanus. And on the reverse side the name of the prince himself was there. This

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET hoc iusto pondere leuius erat circiter granulis duobus, sed ita, ut detritum diceres quod ponderi deerat. Erat unum eiusdem Augusti & Antonij in Triumviratu percussum, utrinq[ue] effigie insigne: ijsdem elogijs quibus & argenteum illud cuius inter argentea meminimus, nec decoris characteribus, & cætera inscitè assimulatum, pondere no[n] detrito, sed iniquo, imminuto sex momentis. Incidit in manus meas et aliud in quo erat Augusti effigies pulchrè expressa, hoc titulo, S. P. Q. R. Cæsari Augusto Cos. X I. trib. Pot. V I. & in tergo, Ciuib. & sign. Milit. à Part. Recup. percussum in memoriam signorum quæ cum Crass so amissa erant, & postea Augusto à Parthis remissa sunt cum captiuis. < Nomismata prisca.> Appendi & aliorum principum, in queis et Tyberij Claudij Augusti, eleganter percussum, hoc epi grammate, Tyb. Claud. Cæs. Ger. I M. T R. P. iconicum, cuius imaginem ex Tranquillo agnosceres: à tergo hoc elogio, Constantiæ Augusti. quod quanquam detritu[m], pondus tamen iustum asseruauerat. Appendi & Neronis Cæsaris & iconica et scitè percussa hoc indice, Nero Cæsar Aug. Imp. in postica facie spicea erat corona, intus quatuor habens literas ex senatus consulto significantes decretam ei coronâ, ambiente extrorsus hoc elogio, Pōtif. Max. T R. P O. V I. Cos. I I I I. iusto pondere aliquanto leuiora. V num præterea Galbæ Neronis successoris iconicè effectum, cum corona spicea ambiente marginem, in auersa facie octo literarum elogio hoc significante, Sena tus po. q; Romanus ob ciues seruatos, leuius etia[m] aliqua[n]to Neronianis. Habui tu & Vespasiani superciliosa fronte, & nitetis uultu. Habui & Neruæ et Traiani Hadrianiq; principu[m], elega[n]ter quidem expressa, sed po[n]dere leuiuscula[m], octonis circiter detractis minutijs. suus unicuique index erat,

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE AS, this was lighter than the proper weight by about two grains, but so that you would say it was worn away from what was lacking in weight. There was one struck of Augustus and Antony in the Triumvirate, distinguished by the image on both sides: with the same legends as also that silver one of which we made mention among the silver coins, and no less with the characters of the design, and the rest cleverly made to resemble it; the weight, not reduced by wear, but unequal, diminished by six moments. There came into my hands another in which there was a beautifully engraved effigy of Augustus, with this title, S. P. Q. R. Cæsari Augusto Cos. X I. trib. Pot. V I. and on the reverse, Ciuib. & sign. Milit. à Part. Recup. struck in memory of the standards which had been lost with Crassus, and later returned to Augustus by the Parthians together with the captives. < Ancient Coins.> I also weighed those of other princes, among which also that of Tiberius Claudius Augustus, elegantly struck, with this inscription, Tyb. Claud. Cæs. Ger. I M. T R. P. in a portrait, whose likeness you would recognize from Tranquillus: on the reverse this legend, Constantiæ Augusti. Although it was worn, it had nevertheless preserved the correct weight. I also weighed those of Nero Cæsar, both portrait and cleverly struck, with this mark, Nero Cæsar Aug. Imp. on the reverse there was a crown of ears of corn, within having four letters signifying by decree of the senate the crown decreed to him, with this legend encircling it outside, Pōtif. Max. T R. P O. V I. Cos. I I I I. somewhat lighter than proper weight. Also one of Galba, successor of Nero, made in portrait form, with a crown of ears of corn surrounding the border; on the obverse side was this inscription of eight letters signifying, Sena tus po. q; Romanus ob ciues seruatos, also somewhat lighter than the Neronian pieces. I had too Vespasian with his haughty brow, and with a bright face. I had also those of Nerva and Trajan and Hadrian, very elegantly indeed engraved, but somewhat lighter in weight, with about eight small particles worn away. Each had its own label,

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET gusti filia. Hæc ideo enarraui uerbosè fortasse, quòd hodie huiusmodi multa circunferuntur nomismata, ex quibus iu dicium fieri uolo, si quid aut falsò aut temere censuisse ui sus sim. neque enim de meis tantummodo iudicio facto ac= quieui. Aureum autem Romanu[m] Attici nummu instar per= cussum fuisse existimare debemus, coniectura ab argento nummo sumpta, de quo antè dictu[m] est. At aureus Atticus, qui stater ab eis appellatur, pondere didrachmus erat, ut autor est Pollux lib. IIII. de uocabulis rerum, [n]o[n] s[un]t Aureus, inquit, nummus duas drachmas Atticas habebat. de quo etiam infrà non= nihil dicetur. Existimo staterem esse quod in iure libra au ri uocatur, ut in lege Omnes, in Cod. Iustiniani in tracta tu de appel. & in l. Illustres, de modo multarum. Plus est enim auri uncia, quàm auri libra, ut ibidem liquet, & inferius dicetur, si locus occurrerit. Quare cum denarium Ro manum drachmali pondere fuisse còstet, aureum quoque Romanum didrachnum, id est duorum denariorum pon= dere percussum fuisse meritò iudicare debemus. quamquam quid opus est argumetis, cum nummu ipsi extent uetustat sis symbola asseruantes, ne imponere nobis nouitij pro ue teranus possint: proinde cum libra Romana sex & nona= ginta drachmarum fuerit, duodequinquaginta nummi di= drachni ex ea factitati sunt à principio: quibus si semun= ciam addideris, id est quatuor drachmas, ut ex libra fiat plena nuna (cum libram & minam in re nummaria idem fuisse docuerimus) erut in libra quinquaginta omnino no= mismata: ut apud Plinium quinquaginta potius quàm qua draginta legendu[m] sit. siquidem (ut dixi) cum illa nomisma ta uniuersa quatuor & uiginti exp[er]esarem, & unius numi loco pòdusculum didrachmum (grossum nûc appellamus) adderem

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET daughter of Gustus. I have therefore perhaps explained this at some length, because today many coins of this kind are circulated, from which I want a judgment to be made, in case I may seem to have judged anything falsely or rashly. For I have not been satisfied with a judgment made only on my own authority. But we must think that the Roman gold coin was struck on the model of the Attic one, by conjecture drawn from the silver coin, of which mention has been made above. But the Attic gold coin, which they call the stater, was in weight a didrachm, as Pollux is the author in book IV of the Vocabulary of Things. “The gold coin,” he says, “had two Attic drachmas.” Something also will be said of this below. I think that the stater is what in law is called a pound of gold, as in the law Omnes , in Justinian’s Code, in the section on appeals, and in the law Illustres , on the amount of fines. For an ounce of gold is more than a pound of gold, as is clear there, and will be said below, if the occasion arises. Therefore, since it is certain that the Roman denarius was of drachmatic weight, we ought rightly to judge that the Roman gold coin was also struck as a didrachm, that is, weighing two denarii. Although what need is there of arguments, when the coins themselves survive, preserving the symbols of antiquity, lest newcomers be able to deceive us in place of the ancients? Accordingly, since the Roman pound was of sixty-six drachmas and a half, fifty-eight didrachm coins were made from it at first; and if you add a half-ounce, that is, four drachmas, so that a full mina is made from a pound (since we have shown that in monetary matters a pound and a mina were the same), there will be in the pound altogether fifty coins: so that in Pliny it should be read “fifty” rather than “forty.” Indeed, as I said, when I had distinguished all those coins by dividing them into twenty-four, and added a small didrachm weight in place of one coin, which we now call a grossus ...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET re aut rescindere aut abrumpere non toto anno uertente potuerit. Romani autem nummu imminutionem sic colligo. In uncia (ut dixi) nostrates grossulos octo pon[n]ut, ut Romani octo drachmas, & ternos in grossulo denarios, qui Latinè scrupuli dicuntur: in singulis autem denarijs uicenaquaterna granamomenta ue, pro quibus & ulterio ribus minutijs uerbum Latinum assignare non possumus. In uncia igitur quatuor & uiginti denarios ponimus, & granula seu momenta quing[itu]ta septuagintasex, id est quater & uicies quatuor & uiginti. At Romani quaternos aureos in uncias signabant, & argenteos octonos. siquidem argentei bini singulos aureos æquant pondere. Ita quater duodenos in libras signasse deprehenduntur, id est in duodecim uncias, & binos ex semuncia, quæ minæ, id est libræ argentariæ accedit. Sic numerus quinquagenarius in libram impleri deprehenditur. Agedum igitur fac ex quolibet nummo in argyrocopio, id est in officina argentaria detracta esse octo granula (quandoquidem hanc decessionem in recentioribus ferè deprehendimus) detrimenti scrupulum unum in ternis nummis inuenies, & in denis octonis scrupula sex, id est aureum unum, & duo aureos in tricenissenis, & in quadragenisquinis duos aureos & semisse, & in quinquagenis eo amplius aurei quadrantem. Quòd si sesquiplam huius detractionem posueris, ut in singulos nummos duodena granula decesserint, in libras quinquageniquaterni nummi signari potueru[n]t, ita ut eo amplius sextantes lucrifierent. huiusmodi autem ætate Plinij signatos fuisse affirmare no[n] dubitem. quippe cu[m] Tyberianis & Claudianis ut grauissimis alioru[m] principum nummos opponerem, non antè, quàm decimu[m] granum addidi, prægrauare illi Vespasiani nummum destite= runt

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE AS AND whether it could be broken off or cut short before the whole year had turned. But I thus infer the diminution of the Roman coinage. In an uncia, as I said, our people place eight grossuli, as the Romans [place] eight drachmas, and three denarii in a grossulus, which in Latin are called scrupuli: but in each denarius there are twenty-four granamomenta, for which, and for smaller minutiae beyond these, we cannot assign a Latin word. In an uncia, therefore, we place twenty-four denarii, and five hundred seventy-six granula or momenta, that is, four and twenty times twenty-four. But the Romans marked four aurei to the uncia, and eight silver coins. For two silver coins equal one aureus in weight. Thus they are found to have marked four twelves in a libra, that is, in twelve unciae, and two from a semuncia, which makes a mina, that is, the silver libra. In this way a number of fifty is found to make up a libra. Come then, suppose from each coin in the money workshop, that is, in the silver mint, eight granula have been taken away (since we find this diminution in the more recent coins); you will find one scruple of loss in three coins, and in ten coins six scruples, that is, one aureus, and two aurei in thirty coins, and in forty-five coins two aurei and a half, and in fifty coins a quarter more than an aureus. But if you set the deduction at one and a half times this, so that from each coin twelve granula have gone, fifty-four coins could have been marked in a libra, so that sextants more than that would be gained. Of this sort of age I do not doubt that the coins were stamped in Pliny’s time. For when I compared the coins of Tiberius and Claudius, as the heaviest among the coins of other princes, they would not cease to outweigh Vespasian’s coin until I had added the tenth grain.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET denarijs & semisse, quali nota percussi sunt aurei supra= dicti, & Galliæ quondam uernaculi, qui pecude uillosa si= gnati sunt, nunc inuentu rari, ut plerique antiqui. Aiunt autem eos nummularij nulli nummo aureo bonitate secu= dos esse. Quod ut intelligatur, scire hoc oportet, auri bo= nitatem in quatuor & uiginti caractis indicaturæ co[m]sum= mari, ultra id nihil exquiri posse. < Auri indicaturæ. Caractæ. Ceratium.> Indicatura est quam lin= gua nostra legem uocat, id est notam gradumq[ue] bonitatis. Eadem lingua caractas à ceratio uerbo Græco uulgari inscitia deflexit. Est enim ceratium minuti ponderis uoca bulum, à grano siliquæ ductu, qui fructus est arboris Ita= licæ prædulcis, digitorum hominis longitudine, & polli= cis latitudine. nos in hac urbe importatum uidimus. intus sunt grana quæ ceratia dicuntur, nomine cum fructu co[m]= municato. Theophrastus tamen aliter appellat: propterea Columella lib. I I I. Siliquam, inquit, Græcam quidam ce ratium uocant. Vtitur eo uocabulo Dioscorides. Aiunt Genuæ Carubam uocitari. Ex quo factum esse arbitror, ut nostri pondusculi certam minutiam eo nomine appel= lent. Tradunt enim nummulariorum placita, quatuor & uiginti ceratia in auri libra esse, & in singulis ceratijs ut cenaquaterna grana, & in his rursus singulis uicenas quæ ternas carubas, & postremò in carubis totidem minutula. Sed hic ceratium non ad pondus, sed ad indicaturam refe= rendum est. Ceratio enim ponderali gemmarij tantu[m] utun tur, non aurifices, nec nummularij. Anti qui, scrupuli ap= pellatione in ea reutebantur. Plinius lib. X X X I I I. de lapide Lydio loques, His coticulis periti cu[m] è lima rapue rint experimentu[m], protinus dicunt quantum auri sit in ea, quantum argenti uel æris, scrupulari differentia mirabili ratione no[n] fallente. Scrupulu[m] dixit quod caractam nostri dicunt

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET denariis & semisse, as the gold coins mentioned above were struck with the same mark, and of Gaul, once native-born, which are marked with a woolly beast, now rare to find, as are most ancient coins. But the money-changers say that none of these are inferior to any gold coin in quality. And in order that this may be understood, it must be known that the quality of gold is measured in twenty-four carats, beyond which nothing can be sought. <Of gold markings. Carats. Ceratium.> A marking is what our language calls a law, that is, a sign and grade of quality. The same language has, through common ignorance, derived carats from the Greek word ceration. For ceratium is the name of a minute weight, taken from the grain of the silique, which is the fruit of an Italian tree, very sweet, about the length of a man’s fingers and the width of a thumb. We have seen it imported into this city. Inside are the seeds which are called ceratia, the name being shared with the fruit. Theophrastus, however, calls it differently; therefore Columella, book III, says: “Some call the Greek silique a ceratium.” Dioscorides uses that word. They say that in Genoa it is called caruba. From this, I think, it came about that our little weights are called by that name because of their definite smallness. For the rules of money-changers teach that there are twenty-four ceratia in a Roman pound of gold, and in each ceratium four cenae, and in each of these again twenty-four carubae, and finally in the carubae the same number of minutulae. But here ceratium is to be understood not as weight, but as marking. For only jewellers use ceratium as a weight, not goldsmiths or money-changers. The ancients used the term scrupulus for this matter. Pliny, book XXXIII, speaking of the Lydian stone, says: “When experts have scraped the test from these touchstones, they immediately say how much gold, how much silver or bronze there is in it, with a wonderfully exact scrupular difference, not misleading in its reasoning.” He used the word scrupulus for what our writers call a carat.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 263 dicunt. Aurum itaq[ue] nummarium iam dictum, licet no[n] sit exacta probitate, in primam tamen notam cedet, quod quæ drante tantum ceratij à primario absit, quanquam rarissi mum sit primarium inuenire. Huius semuncia octonis erit francicis, & quaternis solidis, & quadrante solidi, æstima tione nostra, & quadrans unciæ, id est binæ drachmæ, quaternis fræcicis, & binis solidis, id est duodenarijs. Quæ ratione scrupulum, id est tertia pars drachmæ, quod dena rium à nostris dicitur, ternisdenis solidis & besse ualet. Est autem ea ratio argenti, ut quo purius inueniri no[n] possit, id cineraceum & Parisinum uocetur, Parisijs ad sum= mam bonitatem excoctum. Apud nos enim non pridem uir < Argentum Parisinum & cineraceum. Chrysoplysiu[m].> quidam obscuræ sortis chrysoplysium instituit, id est lauâ di auri officinam, re omnino quæstuosam, sed paucissimis hominibus cognitam. Huius est id artificium, ut ui aquæ medicatæ, quam Chrysulcam appellant, quantulamcunq[ue] auri partem argento aut cuiuis metallo illitam aut confu= sam, nullo propemodum dispendio adimat, ita ut in auratu ris nihil iam ferme depereat mundo, nisi quod usu interte= ritur. Res omnino stupenda, auri argentiq[ue] quotamcunq[ue] portionem ex ærse eximere, etiam (quod magis mireris) manente uasculi forma quassa interdum & inani, ueluti quadam idea à materia abstracta. Is moriens filio ætem cu[m] patrimonio no[n] mediocri reliquit, qui nunc unus Chry soplytæ appellatione dignus esse existimatur. usqueadeo < Chrysoplytes Parisiensis.> ea in arte præstat, alioquin à paucis tentata, cæterum uale tudini noxia. sumus enim bullientis eius aquæ haustus uitæ lia tabefacere dictitatur: & eum artificem magna uigilan tia satagere circa aquam necesse est, occasionesq[ue] horaru[m] idetidem obseruare, & temperaturæ modum nosse. qua= propter in ea functio[n]e alieno sæpe ministerio utitur, emi= r s n ut

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they say. Thus coined gold, as has already been said, although it is not of exact purity, will still yield to the first grade, because it falls short of the primary by only one quarter of a ceratium, though it is exceedingly rare to find the primary kind. A half-ounce of this will be worth eight French coins, and four solidi, and a quarter of a solidus, according to our estimate; and a quarter-ounce, that is, two drachmas, four French coins and two solidi, that is, twelve denarii. By this reckoning a scruple, that is, the third part of a drachma, which is called by us a denarius, is worth thirteen solidi and a third. Now the rule for silver is such that, when it can no longer be found purer, it is called cineraceous and Parisian, refined in Paris to the highest excellence. For among us not long ago a man of obscure station established chrysoplysium, that is, a workshop for washing gold, a very profitable business indeed, but known to very few people. Its craft is such that, by means of a medicated water, which they call chrysulca, it removes from silver or any metal whatever any small portion of gold smeared on or mixed with it, with scarcely any loss at all, so that in the refining nothing is lost from the world, except what is worn away in use. A truly astonishing thing: to extract from bronze whatever fraction of gold or silver there may be, even, what is more remarkable, while the shape of the vessel remains, though sometimes battered and hollow, as if some idea abstracted from matter. When he died, he left his son a not inconsiderable inheritance, and that son is now thought worthy to be called the only true Chrysoplytes. To such a degree does he excel in that art, though otherwise it has been attempted by few and is harmful to health. For it is said that the fumes of that boiling water weaken the vital parts of life; and the craftsman must take great care around the water, and repeatedly watch the hours of the day, and know the proper degree of heat. For this reason he often uses another person’s help in that task, and so on.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 267 duodeuiiginti granulis esse aiunt. Hæ igitur notæ non re= apse primæ sunt, sed pro prima nota cedunt: quâdoquidem experimento cognitum esse fertur, Chrysurgicam diligen tiam progredi porrò non posse, etiam si uulgò aurum & argentum omnibus numeris absolutum appellatur. Præfecti tamen nummulariorum, quos pro uiris monetalibus ha bemus, affirmat aurum non ad ultimum modò quadrante excoqui posse, sed etiam eo amplius ad ultimi quadrantis quadrantem, ita ut ad bonitatem numeris omnibus absolutum nihil præter quadrantis quadrantem desit, quem ipsi appellat sextamdecimam caractæ. eum enim quadrante qui deest exquisitæ auri uel argenti probitati, quartam ceratij appellantes, in octauas binas partiuntur, & octauam rursus unam in binas sextas decimas. Decoqui igitur aiut octauam & alteram sexta[n]decimam summa industria posse, altera[m] sexta[n]decimam non posse. Argentum uerò ita decoqui posse, ut nihil præter merum argentum supersit: & huiuscemodi in hac urbe fuisse dicebant cu[m] hæc scriberem: uerum lege cautum olim fuisse, ne cui argyrocopij mancipi fraudi esset qui nummum percuteret, si auri quod primæ notæ abscriberetur, ultimu[m] ceratij dodras tantum aureus esset. uidelicet id prouidente legislatore, ne auri exco quendi difficultate nummulariorum mancipes in multa[m] incideret, & nummu[m] ipsi sæpe in publicu[m] commutterentur: eâ tamen mentem fuisse, ut pleriq[ue] numu[m] exacta[m] indicatura[m] signaretur: sed auaritia homunu[m] factu[m], ut omnibus omnino numus quadras ille decederet: dum passim remussione summi iuris ma[n]cipes quasi iure suo uti coeperunt, & id quod intra spem ueniæ relictu[m] erat ab omnibus & semper pro iure usurpatu[m] est. Huius rei argumentu[m] esse, quòd quadratale illud subsidium no[n] lucro redemptoru[m] cedere, sed prin= cipum

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 267 They say that they are of eighteen grains. These signs, therefore, are not really the first, but serve in place of the first sign; since, as is said, it has been established by experiment that the diligence of the Chrysurgic art cannot go any further, even though gold and silver of the most perfect quality are commonly so called. Yet the officials of the money-changers, whom we regard as the men of the mint, affirm that gold can not only be refined down to the last quarter, but even beyond that, down to the quarter of the last quarter, so that, in order to reach perfection in every reckoned point, nothing is lacking except the quarter of the quarter, which they themselves call the sixteenth carat. For that portion which is lacking to the exquisite purity of gold or silver, they call a quarter of a ceratium, dividing it into two eighths, and one eighth again into two sixteenths. Thus they say that the eighth and another sixteenth can be refined away with the greatest care, but not the other sixteenth. Silver, however, can be refined so far that nothing remains except pure silver. And they said that a specimen of this sort existed in this city when I was writing this; but that formerly a law had provided that no harm should be done to the moneyers by the minters who struck the coin, if the gold to be described as of the first grade was only a three-quarters of a ceratium short of being fully gold. Clearly, this was foreseen by the legislator, lest, because of the difficulty of refining gold, the agents of the money-changers should incur a penalty and should often have to spend the coin itself on public matters. Yet the intention was that most coins should be marked as exact; but the greed of men brought it about that the coin was everywhere diminished by that quarter. While the agents, by a general relaxation of the strictest law, began to make use of their supposed right, what had been left within the hope of pardon was always and everywhere claimed as a right. The proof of this is that that quarter-value allowance does not go to the profit of the contractors, but of the princes.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nesas putauit. Ac ne quis signandi causam annulis esse in= telligeret, solidas induit. Contrà uerò multi nullas ælmut= tunt gemmas, auro'que ipso signant, ut Claudij Cæsaris principatu repertum. Ex his uerbis Plinij intelligimus an nulos aureos non ornamenti causa, sed signandi insti= tutos, siue aurea pala, siue gemmea: id quod satis ex li= bris iuris ciuilis intelligitur in mentione obsignandorum testamentorum. De iure autem annulorum aureorum nos alibi diximus. Tyberio autem principe (inquit idem autor) anno ab Vrbe còdita D C C L X X V. annulorum autoritati forma constituta est. Quo tempore statutum ne cui ius esset annuli aurei gestandi, nisi cui ingenuo ipsi, patri, auó que paterno sestertia C C C C. census fuissent, & lege Iulia theatrali in quatuordecim ordinibus seden= di. Romæ autem argentu magis quàm aurum olim abun= dasse ex eo conijcere possumus, quòd idem autor alibi eo= dem libro inquit his uerbis, Sed præter alia quidem muror populum Romanum uictis gentibus in tributo semper ar gentum imperasse, non aurum, sicut Carthagini cum An= nibale uictæ, argēti pòdo annua in quinquaginta annos, nihil auri. Nec potest uideri penuria mundi id euenisse. nam Midas & Croesus in infinitum possederant. Quo in loco numerus pondo deest in omnibus libris, ex Liuo re= stituendus, qui pacem factam ea conditione inquit, ut de= cem nullia talentum descripta pensionibus æquis in annos quinquaginta soluerent. Aut igitur Plinium numerum omisisse calculi exigendi tædio dicendum est, aut locum sic restituendum, Argenti pondo annua sedecim nullia in quinquaginta annos. Hoc autem sic colligo, Si decem mul= liæ talentum in quinquaginta annos pensionibus æquis di tributa sunt, oportuit ducenta singulis annis pensitari. At talen

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET thought so. And lest anyone should understand rings to be for the purpose of sealing, he wore plain ones. On the other hand, many do not set any gems in them at all, and seal with the gold itself, as was discovered in the principate of Claudius Caesar. From these words of Pliny we understand that gold rings were instituted not for ornament, but for sealing, whether with a gold bezel or with a gem: this is sufficiently clear from the books of civil law in the mention of the sealing of wills. But concerning the law of gold rings we have spoken elsewhere. Under the emperor Tiberius, however, as the same author says, in the year from the founding of the City 775, the legal form of rings was established. At that time it was decreed that no one should have the right to wear a gold ring unless both he himself and his father and paternal grandfather were freeborn, and had a census of 400,000 sesterces, and the right, under the Julian theatrical law, to sit in the fourteen rows. At Rome, however, silver seems to have abounded more than gold in former times; we may infer this from the fact that the same author elsewhere in the same book says in these words: “But besides other things, I marvel that the Roman people, in the tribute imposed on conquered nations, always exacted silver, not gold, as was done from Carthage, conquered with Hannibal, for fifty years, 50 pounds of silver annually, and no gold.” Nor can it be thought that this happened because of scarcity in the world; for Midas and Croesus had possessed it in boundless quantity. In this passage the word for weight is missing in all the manuscripts, and must be restored from Livy, who says that peace was made on the condition that they should pay ten thousand talents in equal installments over fifty years. Either, then, we must say that Pliny omitted the number through weariness of exact calculation, or else the passage must be restored thus: “16,000 pounds of silver annually for fifty years.” I infer this as follows: if ten thousand talents were divided over fifty years in equal installments, two hundred must have been paid each year. But talen

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET τὴ ἀργωρία Πιαπλάσιον ἐν, ἔφος ἀν τίσικ ἔν μενάδον Παραπαθήκης μάθοι. Quòd autem aurum decuplum argenti esset, non obscurè ex Menandri com[m]odia quæ sponsio uel pignus dicitur, uel depositum apud argentarium potius, intelligere quicuis possit. Cum enim quodam in loco talenti aurei pondus dixisset, alio loco de eodem loquens, decæ talantium dixit, id est talentis decem æstimabile. Herodotus aurum πρισκαι Πιαπασίον dixit, id est terdecies argento æstimabile, uel terdecies argento rependendum, ut infrà dicetur. Ecce autem rursus aliud aliudq[ue] occursaculum. Si enim ea fuit auri analogia ad argentum quam diximus, quonam modo stare illud Tranquilli dictum poterit in Cæsare? In Gallia fana templaq[ue]; deûm donis referta expilauit: urbes diruit sæpius ob prædam, quàm ob delictum: unde factum ut auro abundaret, ternis que nullibus nummûm in libras promerceale in Italia prouincijsq[ue]; diuenderet. Multis iam testimonijs docuimus absoluta nummu appellatione sestertium nummu intelligi, sestertiumq[ue]; quartam tantum partem denarij fuisse: quare etiam drachmæ, cum denarius drachmali pondere fuerit. Porrò etiam ratione & experimento, id est libra docente, dicimus bino senarios aureis singulis rependi, & centenos in libram (quæ duodenarum unciaru[m] est & semunciæ) signari solitos. Cui consequens est ut in libras singulas quadringen tos nummos adnumerare debeamus: qua ratione tria nu[m]mum millia, septem libras & selibram conficiu[n]t. Ita apud Tranquillum auri ad argentum analogia dimidio minor est, quàm esse ex Plinij lectione collegerim, & quarta parte minor quàm Pollux esse dixerit. Ita quicquid hactenus adstruximus, corruat in sese necesse est. Age, nonne Plinius quodam loco libri tricesimutertij ita inquit? Miscuit

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G. BVD. ON THE AS AND the ratio of silver to gold; let Piaplasion, in the manner of Menander, explain it. But that gold was ten times the value of silver may be understood quite clearly from Menander’s comedy, which is called either Surety , or rather Deposit with a Banker , as anyone can see. For when in one place he had said the weight of a golden talent, in another place, speaking of the same thing, he said deca talantium , that is, worth ten talents. Herodotus called gold priskai piapasion , that is, worth thirteen times silver, or to be weighed against silver thirteen times over, as will be said below. But see, here again is another little difficulty. For if the proportion of gold to silver was as we have said, how can that statement of Tranquillus stand in the case of Caesar? In Gaul he plundered temples and shrines, filled with the gifts of the gods: he overthrew cities more often for booty than for punishment: hence it came about that he abounded in gold, and in Italy and the provinces he sold it by the pound at three thousand sesterces. By many proofs already we have shown that, when the word nummus is used absolutely, a sestertius is meant, and that the sestertius was only a quarter of a denarius; and likewise the drachma, since the denarius was of drachma weight. Moreover, by calculation and by experiment, that is, by the testimony of the pound, we say that two senarii were repaid for each gold piece, and that one hundred were usually minted to the pound, which is of twelve ounces and a semuncia. From this it follows that we ought to reckon four hundred coins to each pound: by which reckoning three thousand coins make seven pounds and a half. Thus, in Tranquillus, the proportion of gold to silver is smaller by half than I had gathered from Pliny’s reading, and smaller by a quarter than Pollux said it was. Thus everything we have hitherto established must necessarily collapse. Come now, did not Pliny say somewhere in the thirty-third book as follows? Mixed

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET aurum obryzum decuplex quàm argētum fuerit purum, id quod Pollux inquit: potuit Cæsar aurum ex donarijs templorum & priuatis expilationibus congestum, ita co= flandum temperandumq; curasse: imò ut non hoc affecta= uerit Cæsar, potuit aurum ex omnibus notis co[n]statum si= mul & collique factum, ad eam indicaturam redijsse, quæ uno quadrante à primaria distat. Id hodie nostri duode= uicenariu[m] uocant. Vasa enim rarò ex auro tenuissimo & molissimo fiunt, ideo, quòd illud aurum usuram non fert atque attrectationem sine magno intertrimento. Quare aurum uasculatorium & usuale, ferè uicenarium aurifices esse dicunt: quanquam & deterius multo reperitur, con= sultò etiam temperatum, non modò fortuitum. Plerunque tamen Parisijs celatores & inclusores in sigillis & catel= lis spirisq; & mundo muliebri, duoetuicenario utuntur, quod duodecima parte à purissimo distat. Est etiam in usu undeuicenario, quod coticularium uulgò uocant. Qui autem splendidiora gestamina habere uolunt, auro nomi= smatico utuntur, quo aurei nostri percussi sunt; quorum legitima & iusta nota uno tantum ceratio indicaturæ de= ficitur. Non pridem aurifices in aureolis gestaminibus so lo undeuicenario utebantur, quod coticularium ideo uoca tur, quòd infrà eam notam aurum cælare lege municipali uetitum est. Superiores autem notæ nunc passim in offici= narum usu sunt usq; ad nomismaticam. Extant hodie num mi in Germania signati ex auro dodrantali, id est duodeui cenario, in quo quarta pars æris uel argenti mixta est. Vi suntur etiam hodie Philippei & Gulielmei siue Hilermei Hollandini ex auro ferè septunciali, id est cui sesququa= drans æris mixtus est, quos quindecim ceratijs tempera= tos appellant. Aurum primarium æstimatione quam nunc sequimur

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G. BVD. OF GOLD AND SILVER gold refined ten times as much as silver was pure, as Pollux says: Caesar may have been able to have gold, gathered from temple donations and private plunder, so melted down and tempered; indeed, even if Caesar did not aim at this, gold collected from all known sources and smelted together may have returned to that indication, which differs from the primary standard by one quarter. This is what our people today call the twelfth-degree alloy. For vessels are rarely made from very thin and very soft gold, because such gold does not bear wear or handling without great loss. Therefore gold for vessels and ordinary use, goldsmiths say, is generally of the twentieth-degree alloy; though a much worse kind is also found, intentionally tempered, not merely by chance. Yet in Paris most commonly chasers and setters, in seals and chains and spirals and women’s ornaments, use the twenty-second-degree alloy, which differs from the purest by one twelfth. The nineteenth-degree alloy is also in use, which they commonly call “coticularium.” Those, however, who wish to have more splendid ornaments use monetary gold, from which our gold coins are struck; the lawful and proper standard of these falls short by only one ceratium in the indicated assay. Not long ago goldsmiths in golden ornaments used only the nineteenth-degree alloy, which is therefore called coticularium, because by municipal law it is forbidden to work gold below that standard. But the higher standards are now widely in use in workshops up to the monetary standard. There are to be found today coins in Germany struck from three-quarters gold, that is, the twelfth-degree alloy, in which one quarter part of copper or silver is mixed. Philippeus and Gulielmei, or Hilermei, of Holland are also seen today, made of gold of about seven-eighths fineness, that is, with one and a half quarters of copper mixed in, which they call tempered to fifteen carats. Primary gold, in the estimation that we now follow

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. sequimur, ualet in uncias (ut iam dictum est) senisdenis libris, & octonis solidis & semisse. Qua ratione ceratium x i i i. solidis & octo denariolis ualet. Esto igitur (uerbi gratia) proportio auri ad argentum, quæ est duodecim ad unum, hac ratione libra auri Romana duntaxat summæ notæ quaternis millibus & octingentis numis uenalis esse debut, & auri uicenarij quaternis millibus, & duodeui= cenarij ternis millibus & sexcenis. Eademq[ue] ratio est in cæteris temperaturis, accedente decedenteq[ue] semper auri portione pro eo quantum est æris quod in auro remansit. Fieri igitur potuit ut Cæsar auru[m] promercale tribus num mum millibus in libras habuerit, tum ob auri abundantiam, tum ob crassitudinem, etiam ut maiorem decupla proportionem auri appellatione non dignantur quod infra dodrantem descendit. Fortasse etiam ternis millibus pro quaternis apud Suetonium legitur. Mihi enim antiquum uidere non contigit, sed eò suspectos numeros habeo, quòd in Tyberio ita legitur, Corinthiorum autem uasorum pretia in immensum excreuisse, tres'que mullos x x x. millibus nummum uenisse grauiter conquestus est. Si enim hoc uerum esset, quo nam modo aut Plinius hoc tacuisset, qui prodigum appellat Asinium Celerem, quòd nullum unum Claudio principe octo millibus nummum emerit: aut Iuuenalis, qui sex millibus emptum nullum satyricè exclamauit? Præterea quis credat tres pisces, decem auri libris emptos? (tanti enim empti sunt, si aurum tribus millibus uenijt) & pisces eos qui Plinio autore binas libras ponderis rarò admodum exuperant? Restat nunc ille scrupulus uel scopulus potius de denariorum numero in libra testimonio Plinij, contrà quàm s 2

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART I. OF IT. BOOK III. we follow, is worth in ounces (as has already been said) sixteen pounds and eight solidi and a half. By which reckoning a ceratium is worth thirteen solidi and eight denarioli. Let it therefore be assumed (for example) that the proportion of gold to silver, which is twelve to one, in this way a Roman pound of gold, by bare notation alone, ought to have been saleable for four thousand and eight hundred nummi, and the aurum vicenarium for four thousand, and the duodevicenarium for three thousand and six hundred. And the same ratio holds in the other mixtures, with the proportion of gold always increasing or diminishing according as that much bronze remains in the gold. It may therefore have happened that Caesar had bullion gold at three thousand nummi to the pound, both because of the abundance of gold, and because of its coarseness, so that they do not deem it worthy of the name of gold when it falls below a tenth less than a whole ounce. Perhaps also in Suetonius it should be read as three thousand instead of four thousand. For I myself have not had the opportunity to see the ancient reading, but I suspect the numbers for this reason, because in Tiberius it is read thus: that Corinthian vessels had risen in price to an enormous extent, and he bitterly complained that three mulls had been sold for thirty thousand nummi. For if this were true, in what way either would Pliny have passed this over in silence, who calls Asinius Celer prodigal because in the reign of Claudius he bought a single fish for eight thousand nummi; or Juvenal, who satirically exclaimed over a fish bought for six thousand? Moreover, who would believe that three fish were bought for ten pounds of gold? (For they were bought for that sum, if gold fetched three thousand.) And those fish, which according to Pliny rarely exceeded two pounds in weight? There now remains that scruple, or rather rock, concerning the number of denarii in a pound according to the testimony of Pliny, contrary to what...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quàm toto hoc opere censuimus: quem si eximere uel æmoliri quoquo modo possim, rursus ille alter existet de mil lenis sestertijs quæ libro tertio de Institutione iuris à Iustiniano principe pro uno aureo accipiuntur, ut antea di= ximus. E quidem tot difficultatibus offensus, hanc nostram commentationem subinde interpellantibus, marinum illu[m] < Proteus.> deum Protei nomine à poëtis decantatum, retentare mihi uisus sum. Protei autem nomine uetustatem esse à priscis adumbratâ in præsentia interpretabor. Etenim senex ille fingitur, ad id etia[m] nomine accommodato. Is cu[m] omnia no= uerit quæ sint, quæ fuerint, quæ mox uentura trahantur: siquando è specu emergens, & in littore apricans, de re= rum ueritate consulitur, omnia transformat sese in miracu la reru[m]: nec prius in sese redire dicitur, quàm omni ope o= mnibusq; (ut aiunt) ungulis correptus, manibus uinclisq; tenetur. Nam sine ui non ulla præcepta dabit, neque illum orando flectes: uim durâ ac vincula capto inijcias necesse est, si ueritatis documentum ab eo elicere uelis. Hunc Pro= teum non modò ego nunc captare, sed etiam uincire ia[m] ui= deor, necdum tamen satis arctis nexibus retinere. Siquidem ueritatem rerum nûc in uasto quodam sinu uetustatis ab= strusam, nunc in mendis exemplarium uelut in alto quodâ gurgite obscuritatis obrutam, in lucem ac solem elicere co nor, haud intempestiuè, ut arbitror: quippe eo demu[m] tem= pore, quo lingua Romana maiorum æqualiumq; nostro= rum diligetia propemodu[m] redditæ sibi creditur: ut si hæc ætas paucarum adhuc reru[m] caliginem dispulerit, prisca o= mnino lux oborta nobis existimari possit. Veritatem igitur adhuc attigisse magis, atque etia[m] nunc palpare, quàm in potestate habere ipse mihi uideor. Idq[ue] adeò eò magis, quòd numerosa quædam cohors antiquorum scriptorum enarræ

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET far more than we have judged throughout this whole work; if I could remove him, or somehow cut him away, again there would arise that other one of mil lions of sesterces, which in the third book of the Institution of law are received by the emperor Justinian as one gold piece, as we said before. Indeed, being offended by so many difficulties, and my own commentary being repeatedly interrupted by these obstacles, I seem to myself to have been grappling with that marine god < Proteus.> Proteus, celebrated by poets under that name. But under the name of Proteus I shall now interpret ancientness, as shadowed forth by the ancients. For that old man is imagined, and the name is suitably adapted to him as well. Since he knows all that is, all that has been, and all that is about to come: if ever, emerging from his cave and basking on the shore, he is consulted about the truth of things, he transforms himself into all sorts of wonders of things; nor is he said to return to himself before, by every effort and with all his hooves, as they say, seized, he is held fast with hands and fetters. For without force he will grant no precepts, nor will you bend him by entreaty: you must needs throw force and bonds upon the captive, if you wish to draw from him a proof of the truth. This Proteus I seem not only now to be catching, but even to be binding, though not yet with sufficiently tight knots. For in truth I am trying to bring to light and to the sun the truth of things, now hidden in some vast recess of antiquity, now, through the errors of manuscripts, as though buried in some deep whirlpool of darkness; and not, I think, untimely: for only now, at the very time when the Latin tongue is believed to have been almost restored to itself by the diligence of our forefathers and contemporaries, so that if this age has dispelled the obscurity of a few things still, the old light may altogether be thought to have risen again for us. Therefore I seem to myself rather to have touched truth as yet, and even now to be feeling it, than to have it in my power. And that indeed all the more because a certain numerous company of ancient writers enarræ

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. enarratrix ex aduerso stare mihi uidetur, & Proteum ipsum altrinsecus retentare. Proinde instaurato commetandi impetu, rursus eôdem incumbendum: quando quidem forte, ut spero, fortunata, ex alterius operis diuerticulo quod in manibus erat, in parergon huiuscemodi tràsuersum me rapuit impetus animi fortasse inconsultus. Verùm multitu dine rerum obuiam sese ingerete longissimè digressus, institutum cursum, quem magnopere urgebam, non modò differre (ut speraueram) sed etiam destituere atq[ue] obliuisci coactus sum. Excreuit enim opus quadruplo iam amplius quàm pro destinatis modulis. In quo iam ipse in altum ite rum iterumq[ue] raptus sum, haud sine quadam utiq[ue] culpa, ut qui expassis uelis peruicaciæ, in altum magis ac magis quo res cunq[ue] tulisset, quàm in littus quoddam certu[m] meditatus uela facerem. Quare ultro citroq[ue] iactatus emansisse tandem me sensi, cum coelum undique & undiq[ue] pontus esset. uidelicet in eo culpa fuit, quòd inexplorata improuisaq[ue] rei absoluendæ difficultate, strenuè magis quàm consideratè has mihi uices depoposci. Cum enim hoc opus (ut ita loquar) menses abhinc circiter decem locaretur, digito præcupidè sublato me obstrinxi. Itaque cum renuntiare eam redemptionem nequeam, & prædes annotationes meas, & omnem industriam meam atque etiam existimatione dederim, & idetidem appeller ab ijs ad quos res emanauit, quasi iam dies & cesserit & uenerit: omnino uetustati ipsi ut uenerandæ quidem, sic malignè ueritatem promenti, nec mihi unquam ueritatis dispendio sacrosanctæ, manus inijcienda nobis est. Quam enim interdum ueritatem ipsa ad manum etiam aspiciendam porrexit, rursus in tenebras ac caliginem condit: & cum rem profligatam speramus, & ad lucem nos peruenisse, tum uariæ illu= dunt

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PART II. BOOK III. The expounding seems to stand opposite to me, and to be trying to hold Proteus himself on the other side. Therefore, with the impetus of commenting renewed, I must again be pressed on the same course: since perhaps, as I hope, fortunately, from the side-turning of another work that was in hand, some impulse of mind, perhaps inconsiderate, snatched me aside into this sort of by-work. But, having strayed very far from the multitude of matters thrusting themselves before me, I was compelled not only to defer, as I had hoped, the course I had planned and was pressing on greatly, but even to abandon and forget it. For the work has now grown to more than four times the size of the intended measure. In it I have been carried out to sea again and again, not without some fault, surely, as one who, with sails spread to stubbornness, would, wherever things carried me, make sail more and more into the open sea rather than toward some fixed shore. And so, tossed to and fro, I at last felt that I had remained out there, when sky was all around and sea on every side. Doubtless the fault lay in this, that, with the difficulty of completing the matter unexplored and unforeseen, I claimed these turns for myself more boldly than considerately. For when this work, if I may so speak, was assigned some ten months ago, I rashly raised a finger and bound myself. Therefore, since I cannot renounce that redemption, and since I have given my pledges by my notes, and all my industry, and even my reputation, and since I continually appeal to those to whom the matter has passed on, as though the day were already both gone and come: by no means must we lay hands upon antiquity itself, venerable indeed, but malignly bringing truth to light, nor upon me with the sacred loss of truth ever to be endured. For though at times it has even extended the truth for us to be seen at hand, it again buries it in darkness and gloom; and when we hope the matter is finished, and that we have come to the light, then various things mock us.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET dunt species: adeò nunc in summa manu imponenda ope= risq[ue]; ardui colophone labor propè omnis effusus. Atqui certum est nobis nihil eorum quæ dicta sunt antea, inter= linere, cum satis animaduersa sint, & comprobata. Quid igitur? Proteo uim adhibere tum quidem, cum flecti ora= tione non poterit, & planè affirmare corrupta esse exem plaria, aut siquid eo facinorosius erit atque confidentius: cuius tamen inuidiam laudatis autoribus summis amoliri à me possim, litiq[ue] oppositis. Neque enim cum hoc commise rimus, nostrum id exemplum erit, & magnos in hoc uiros crimineq[ue]; maiores imitabimur. Iamprimum ad Iustiniani <Centenarij.> dictum satis iam responsum est. Centenarij etiam olim di= cti sunt non qui centum sestertia possidebant, sed qui cen= tum millibus æris censi erant, ut ex Liuo apparet in clas= sium descriptione, & ex Plin. lib. x x x i i i. his uerbis, Maximus census c x. millia assium fuit illo Rege, & ideo hæc prima classis. Quòd si lex Papia post nummu[m] argenteu[m] signatum lata sit, centenarij etiam dici potuerunt qui se= < Ducenarij iu-dices.> stertia centum in censu habebant, quomodo ducenarij iu= dices dicti sunt Equites Romani, qui dimidiatum censum Equestrem habebant: de quibus Tranquillus in Augusto, Ad tres, inquit, iudicum decurias quartam addidit, quæ du cenariorum uocaretur, iudicarentq[ue]; de leuioribus summis. Ii autem ius annulorum non habebant. Autore Plinio his uerbis, Diuo Augusto decurias ordinante, maior pars iu= dicum in ferreo annulo fuit, ijq[ue]; non Equites, sed Iudices uocabantur. Vt autem pro mille sestertijs unus aureus ha= beretur, nulla autoritate antiqua defendi potest. Etenim docuimus suprà aureum unum pro centum sestertijs ces= sisse Galbæ tempore: qua ratione quinque millia sester= tium in auri libra fuerunt. Et auri ad argentum propor= tio

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G. BVD. OF ASSE ET thus the kinds: so now, with the work itself to be laid upon the hand, the labor of the arduous colophon is almost wholly spent. Yet it is certain to us that we are not to insert anything of what has been said before, since it has been sufficiently noted and approved. What then? To use force against Proteus indeed, when he cannot be bent by speech, and plainly to affirm that the exemplars are corrupt, or anything still more audacious and confident than that: the odium of which, however, I may be able to avert from myself by praising the highest authors, and by opposing them in litigation. For when we shall have done this, it will not be our example, and we shall imitate great men even in this accusation. First of all, enough has now been answered concerning Justinian's <Centenarij.> statement. Those called centenarii were not formerly those who possessed one hundred sesterces, but those who were rated at one hundred thousand asses, as appears from Livy in the description of the classes, and from Pliny, book xxxiii, in these words: “The highest census under that king was 100,000 asses, and therefore this was the first class.” But if the Papian law was passed after the silver coin was struck, centenarii could also be called those who had one hundred sesterces in census, < Ducenarij iu-dices.> just as the ducenarii iudices were so called, the Roman Knights who had a reduced equestrian census: concerning whom Suetonius in Augustus says, “To the three decuries of judges, he added a fourth, which was to be called that of the ducenarii, and they were to judge cases of lesser amounts.” But they did not have the right of rings. According to Pliny, in these words: “When the de curies were arranged by the deified Augustus, the greater part of the judges had an iron ring, and they were called not Knights, but Judges.” But that one aureus was held to equal one thousand sesterces cannot be defended by any ancient authority. For we have shown above that in the time of Galba one aureus went for one hundred sesterces: by which ratio five thousand sesterces were contained in a pound of gold. And the proportion of gold to silver

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 279 tio ea fuit, quæ est duodecim & semissis ad unum. Restat locus ille Plinij de quatuor & octoginta denarijs, & alter libro x x x v. longè nos retroagens, quo in loco sic legitur, Timomachus Byzantinus Cæsaris Dictatoris ætate Aiacem ei pinxit & Medeam, ab eo in Veneris genitricis æde positas, octoginta talentis uenundatas. Talentum autem Atticum, ut ait Varro, sedecim sestertijs taxatur. Nos talentum Atticum sexcetis coronatis taxauimus, & singula sestertia quinis & uicenis. Qua ratione fit ut talentum quatuor & uiginti sestertia ualeat, quod Plinius sedecim ualuisse dicit. Ita fit ut aut in his uadis hærere nec mediocre comminisci: quandoquidem certum est retroactu non defungi. Quod ad prius igitur illud pertinet, Alij è pondere subtrahunt, cum sit iustum L X X X I I I I. è libris signari: hoc affirmare non dubitauerim, quod Hermolaus in glossematis suis suspicatus est, eo loco ubi talenti meminit, Plinium non L X X X I I I I. sed L X X X X V I. scriptu reliquisse. Ita enim fateri scriptorum autoritas cogit: cui ut adstipulatur id quod apud Priscianum legitur, libram duodenarum unciarum sex & nonaginta drachmas habere, ita Plinianæ lectioni refragatur in libra eadem Romana denarios duos et septuæ ginta fuisse. id enim ibide[m] legitur. Alioquin piaculi instar esse non putem Plinio in hoc non assentiri, qui de re nummaria, & auri argenti que temperatura parum accuratè scripsit, nec pro eo quanta eius esse solet cæteris in rebus tradendis diligentia. Quod non magnopere miradum est. Quotus enim quisque hodie eorum qui literas didicerunt, disertus in eare inuenitur, ut uel numerum nummorum in libram nostram statuere certò possit, nedum rationem s 4 indicaturæ < Rei numaria difficultas.>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 279 This was the amount, which is twelve and a half to one. There remains that passage of Pliny about eighty-four denarii, and another in Book XXXV, leading us far back, where it is thus read: Timomachus of Byzantium, in the age of Caesar the Dictator, painted Ajax for him and Medea, set up by him in the shrine of Venus Genetrix, and sold for eighty talents. A talent, however, Attic, as Varro says, is valued at sixteen sesterces. We have valued the Attic talent at six hundred coronati, and each sesterce at twenty-five. By which reckoning it comes about that a talent is worth twenty-four sesterces, whereas Pliny says that it was worth sixteen. So it comes about that one must either remain stuck in these difficulties or devise something not insignificant; since it is certain that one cannot be freed by going backward. As to the former point, then, some subtract from the weight, since it is proper to mark it as LXXIIII from the books: I would not hesitate to affirm this, that what Hermolaus suspected in his glosses, namely that in the passage where he mentions the talent, Pliny left written not LXXIIII but LXXXXVI. For the authority of the manuscripts compels us to admit this. And as this is supported by what is read in Priscian, that a libra of twelve ounces has ninety-six drachmas, so it conflicts with the reading in Pliny that in the same Roman libra there were seventy-two denarii. For that is what is read there. Otherwise I should not think it sacrilegious, so to speak, not to agree with Pliny here, since in matters of coinage, and of the proportion of gold and silver, he wrote rather inaccurately, and not with the diligence he usually shows in setting forth other matters. Nor is this greatly to be wondered at. For how many today among those who have learned letters are found so skilled that they can certainly determine even the number of coins in our libra, let alone the ratio of the money standard? s 4 indicaturæ <Difficulty of the monetary system.>

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legitur. Rursus Plinius eodem in loco libri uicesimiprimi, Mna, quam nostri minam uocant, pendet drachmas Atticas centum. Idem libro X I I. de thure loquens, Micas concussu elisas mannam uocamus. etiam tamen inueniuntur guttæ quæ tertiam partem minæ, hoc est x x x I X. denariorum pondus æquent. In uetusto exemplari non x x x I X, sed x x I X. id est, undetriginta legitur. In duobus alijs manu scriptis x x V I I I. legitur. Si x x x= I X. probamus, ut impressa habent exemplaria, mina centum & decem & septem denarios habet. si x x I X. septem & octoginta. si x x V I I I. quatuor & octoginta, & co[m]uenit cum dicto Plinij libro x x x I I I. nisi quod illic de libra dicitur, hic de mina: id quod si admittamus, Plinius secum ipse pugnabit. Ad illud alteru[m] de taleto Attico, quod ex Varronis autoritate à Plinio sedecim sester tijs taxatur, id est, quadraginta libris, dico in antiquis omnibus codicibus non x v I. sestertijs legi, sed, sedecim alijs: quod quo modo restituendum sit, nescio. Sed quàm dubia sit fides numerorum summarumq[ue] in Plinio, & pecuniæ uocabulorum, multis iam exemplis docuimus: quibus tamen & unum aut alteru[m] addemus ex eode[m] x x x v. libro. Quo enim in loco de Parethonio loquitur, sic habent impressi codices: Preciu[m] optimo in pondo sex librarum. ubi manu scripti habent, Precium optimo in pondo c x I. denarij. unus uetustissimus sic, in pondo c x I. & denarij uerbu[m] additum erat lectoris manu, & c. loco deletili scriptu[m]. Et paulò inferius de Vsta in impressis libris, Optima nunc Asiatica habetur, preciu[m] eius in libras æris quini. In manu aute[m] scriptis, precium eius in libras x v I. denarij. Et paulò superius de L. Mumio, Nam cu[m] in præda uendenda Rex Attalus sex millibus sestertium emusset Aristi

Transcription: Translated (English)

is read. Again Pliny, in the same place in the twenty-first book, A mina, which our people call a mina, weighs one hundred Attic drachmas. Likewise, in book X I I, speaking of frankincense, “the tiny particles knocked off by shaking we call manna.” Yet there are also found drops which amount to a third part of a mina, that is, xxxi denarii in weight. In an old copy it is read not xxxi, but xxix, that is, twenty-nine. In two other manuscript copies xxviii is read. If we approve xxx= i x, as the printed copies have it, a mina has one hundred and seventeen denarii. If xxix, eighty-seven. If xxviii, eighty-four, and this agrees with the said Pliny, book xxxiii, except that there he speaks of a pound, here of a mina: which, if we admit it, Pliny will be contradicting himself. On the other point, concerning the Attic talent, which by Pliny’s authority is valued at sixteen sesterces according to Varro, that is, forty pounds, I say that in all ancient codices not xv. sesterces is read, but sixteen others: how this is to be restored, I do not know. But how uncertain is the reliability of the numerals and sums in Pliny, and of the words for money, we have already shown by many examples: to which nevertheless we shall add one or two from the same xxxv book. For in the place where he speaks of Parethonius, the printed copies read as follows: “Price at best in a weight of six pounds.” Whereas the manuscripts have: “Price at best in a weight of cx i denarii.” One very old copy reads thus: “in a weight of cx i,” and the word “denarii” was added by the reader’s hand, and “c” was written in place of the deleted text. And a little further on, in the printed books, concerning Vsta: “Best Asian is now considered; its price in pounds of copper quini.” But in the manuscripts: “Its price in pounds xv i. denarii.” And a little above, concerning L. Mummius: “For when, in selling the booty, King Attalus had bought Aristi”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Aristidis tabulam Liberum patrem cōtinentem, precium miratus, suspicatus aliquid in ea uirtutis quod ipse nesciret, reuocauit tabulam, Attalo multu[m] querente. In reliquis non sex millibus sester. sed sedecim libris legitur, pro sedecim talentis, ut arbitror. Græci enim sestertij uocabulu[m] non nouerunt, et alioquin sex millia sestertium no[n] erat preciu[m] quod Mummius Corintho expugnata miraretur, et ob id addictam tabulâ reuocaret. Strabo lib. VIII. de Corinthi euersione loquens, hanc tabulâ Romæ se uidisse affirmat in æde Cereris cōsecratam, opus omnino speciosum, propter quod etia[m] emanauit prouerbium apud Græcos, id est, nihil ad Liberum patre[m]. hoc est, nihil hoc præ Aristidis Libero patre. quod prouerbium usurpari solet quoties res impares componuntur. Talentum aute[m] Atticum nemo minus dixit esse L x. minis centenarum drachmaru[m], ut suprà docuimus. Suidas omnino L x. minarum esse affirmat, et minas centenarias esse. Quare apud Plinium sic fortasse legendum est, Talentum autem Atticu[m], ut ait Varro, denariorum v 1. millibus taxatur. Antiqui enim denarium x nota significabant, ut si prà dictu[m] est à nobis. Quod cum v 1. iunctum, pro x v 1. exauditum est, et millibus pro sestertijs, quoru[m] uerboru[m] eadem sæpe significatio est, ut ex præcedentibus apparet: ut cum centum sestertia pro centu[m] millibus sestertium dicunt. Hæc etsi abunde sufficiunt cum ijs quæ autea tot autoritatibus autoru[m] cōprobata sunt, hæsitatiunculam tamen manere scrupulosis mentibus nolo, Protogenisq[ue] pictoris exemplo tabulas idetidem respectans, tollere manu[m] nequeo: urgeo memet ipse, scriptorumq[ue]; meoru[m] calumnia tor fio, nec mihi satisfacio, nisi omnia tam clara quàm lucem reddo. Itaque ut semel hanc disputationem finiam, recitanda Tollere manu[m] de tabula nescire, uerbu[m] est Plinianu[m] lib. 35. & Ciceronianu[m] inlib. de Perfecto Ora- tore.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Aristides, on seeing the price of a painting containing Liber Pater, marveled, suspecting that there was in it some excellence which he himself did not know; he called the painting back, much to Attalus’s complaint. In other copies it is read not “for six thousand sesterces,” but “for sixteen pounds,” perhaps for “sixteen talents.” For the Greeks did not know the term sesterce, and besides, six thousand sesterces was not a price at which Mummius, after Corinth had been captured, would have marveled and for that reason recalled the condemned painting. Strabo, in book VIII, speaking of the destruction of Corinth, affirms that he saw this painting at Rome, dedicated in the temple of Ceres, a work altogether beautiful, because of which even among the Greeks the proverb arose, that is, “nothing to Liber Pater.” That is, nothing in comparison with Aristides’ Liber Pater. This proverb is commonly used whenever unequal things are compared. Now no one has said that the Attic talent consists of 50 minas of 100 drachmas each, as we have shown above. Suidas expressly states that it consists of 50 minas, and that these are hundred-drachma minas. Therefore in Pliny perhaps the following should be read: “The Attic talent, as Varro says, is valued at 5,000 denarii.” For the ancients signified the denarius by the mark X, as we have said above. When this is joined with v 1, it was taken as x v 1, and “thousand” instead of “sesterces,” since these words often have the same meaning, as appears from the preceding discussion: as when they say one hundred sestertia for one hundred thousand sesterces. Although these things are more than sufficient, together with those which have already been confirmed by so many authorities of authors, yet I do not wish any hesitation to remain for scrupulous minds; and, looking again and again at the tablets, in the example of the painter Protogenes I am unable to raise my hand. I urge myself on, and am worn out by the slanders of my critics, and I do not satisfy myself unless I make everything as clear as light. Therefore, to end this discussion once and for all, it must be read: “To raise the hand from the tablet, not to know,” is a word of Pliny, book 35, and of Cicero in the book De Perfecto Oratore .

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. recitanda sunt ea testimonia quæ controuersiam quamlibet ambiguam decernere ita possint, ut ultrà referri quæstio nequeat. Iam primum (ut mittam quod apud Priscianum legitur, Senecam ad Nouatum scribentem, Talentu[m] paruum Atticum dixisse quatuor & uiginti sestertioru[m] fuisse, quæ sexaginta libras ualent) Plutarchus in Fabio, Progressus, inquit, Dictator ad plebem uouit, dijs omnia eius anni capraru[m], ouium, suum, atq[ue] boum foeta, quæ Italiæ montes planitiesq[ue] ac flumina, pratiq[ue] ea in regione educarent, se mactaturum fore, & trecenta trigintatria se stertia, totidemq[ue] denarios pro Megalesiacis spectaculis faciendis, in impensam se collaturum, tertiamq[ue] partem additurum. Hoc caput est octo myriades, & tria nullia quingentæ octogintatres drachmæ, & oboli duo. Hæc uerba Plutarchi prius quàm exemplar Græcum legissem, quum calculo prosequerer, nec numerus responderet ad ratione quàm hactenus tenendâ affirmaui, errore id factu[m] interpretis intellexi, qui quod transtulit, no[n] percepit. id quod facile calculo explanabitur. trecenta sestertia septingentas ac quinquaginta libras ualèt: & trigintatria sestertia, octogintaduas libras et selibram, quu[m] in singula sestertia dipondium et semissem intelligamus. fiunt hæc in summa octingenta trigintaduo pondo & selibra. Si igitur in singula pondo cætenas drachmas numeres, ideoq[ue] eum numerum cætenario multiplices, facilè drachmas octoginta millia & ducentas in summa inuenies, et præterea pro selibra quinquaginta. huic summæ si pro trecentis trigintatribus denarijs totidem drachmas adieceris, fient in assem octogintatria millia quingentæ octogintatres drachmæ. Huic iterum summæ si tertiam partem addideris, nescio quid summæ habiturus sis. Non enim id conuenit ut ter- tiam

Transcription: Translated (English)

In PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. Those testimonies are to be cited which can settle any ambiguous controversy so that the question cannot be carried further. First of all (to pass over what is read in Priscian, that Seneca, writing to Novatus, said that a little Attic talent was equal to twenty-four sesterces, which are worth sixty pounds), Plutarch, in the Life of Fabius, says: “The Dictator, having advanced to the people, vowed to the gods that he would sacrifice all the births of that year of goats, sheep, swine, and cattle, which the mountains, plains, rivers, and meadows of Italy produced in that region, and that he would contribute to the expense three hundred and thirty-three sesterces and the same number of denarii for providing the Megalesian games, and would add a third part.” This amount is eight myriads and three nullia, five hundred and eighty-three drachmas, and two obols. Before I had read the Greek original of these words of Plutarch, while I was working through the calculation and the number did not correspond to the explanation I had so far maintained, I understood that it was a mistake made by the translator, who did not grasp what he translated. This can easily be shown by calculation. Three hundred sesterces are worth seven hundred and fifty pounds; and thirty-three sesterces, eighty-two pounds and half a pound, since in each sesterce we understand two and a half pounds. These together make in all eight hundred and thirty-two pounds and half a pound. If, then, for each pound you count a hundred drachmas, and therefore multiply that number by a hundred, you will easily find in all eighty thousand and two hundred drachmas, and besides fifty for the half-pound. If to this sum you add, for the three hundred and thirty-three denarii, the same number of drachmas, there will be in as many units eighty-three thousand five hundred and eighty-three drachmas. If to this sum again you add a third part, I do not know what total you will have. For it is not consistent that the third

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tiam partem addas huius ingentis summæ, cum duo obo= li tantum restent ex summa à Plutarcho posita. Si au= tem trientem adieceris, id est, duos obolos (denarius enim senis obolis constat) summa adamussim quadrabit. Inter= pres Plutarchi tritemorion, id est, triente[m], pro trito morio, id est, tertia parte, errore ductus accepit. Trientem enim Plutarchus pro triente denarij intelligi uoluit, no[n] pro ter tia parte summæ. Θεας [μασικὰς] [νετι] [θυμηλικὰς] [αγαθὴν] [απο] [θησοδοξιῶν] [πιάνεντα] [πιῶν], [νετι] [θυμαρίων] [πιακοδιῶν] [πιάνεντα] [πιῶν], [νετι] [πιτημορία] [προσόντος]. Hoc ex Liuio probari potest lib. I I. de bello Punico, qui de Fabiano uoto loquens (in quo omnia ternario numero nuncupata sunt) ita post alia uerba subdit, Eiusdê rei causa ludi magni uoti, æris ccc xxxiii. millibus, triente, præterea bubus trecentis. nisi tam[m]e error est apud Liuium. Plutarchus alium autorê secu tus est. Liuius enim pro ccc. millibus nummûm, id est, to= tide[m] sestertijs, millia æris dicit, et de denarijs tacuit. Tri= entem aute[m] tertiam parte[m] Assis intellexit, qui genus num= mi fuit, ut postea uidebitur. Satis tamen patet ex uerbis Plutarchi denarium & drachmâ pro eode[m] accipi, & cen= tenos fuisse in libris. Suspicari quis posset apud Liuium locum esse mutilatu[m] post uerbum millibus, itaq[ue] restituen dum, cccxxxiii. mil. trecentis trigintatribus assibus, triente. Idem Liuius lib. VIII. de bello Macedonico de L. Scipione loquens, qui post triumphum Asiaticu[m] accusan= tibus Tribunis peculatus damnatus esse dicitur ob sup= pressam manubiarum partem. De Scipione, inquit ille, iu= dicium factum, quò commodior pax Antiocho daretur, Scipionem sex millia pondo auri, quadringenta octoginta argenti plus accepisse quàm in ærarium retulerat. Et pau lò inferius de summa dânationis loquens, In L. Scipione malim

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE ET if you add this part to that huge sum, only two obols remain from the sum set down by Plutarch. But if you add a third, that is, two obols (for the denarius consists of six obols), the sum will fit exactly. Plutarch’s interpreter, misled by an error, took tritemorion, that is, triente[m], for trito morio, that is, a third part. For Plutarch meant trientem to be understood as the trient of the denarius, not as the third part of the sum. Θεας [μασικὰς] [νετι] [θυμηλικὰς] [αγαθὴν] [απο] [θησοδοξιῶν] [πιάνεντα] [πιῶν], [νετι] [θυμαρίων] [πιακοδιῶν] [πιάνεντα] [πιῶν], [νετι] [πιτημορία] [προσόντος]. This can be proved from Livy, book 11 of the Punic War, who, speaking of Fabius’s vow (in which everything is named by a triple number), after other words adds: “For the same reason, the great games were vowed, 333,000 asses, triente, and besides three hundred oxen.” unless the error is in Livy. Plutarch followed another authority. For Livy, in place of 300,000 coins, that is, the same number of sestertii, says “thousands of bronze,” and said nothing of denarii. But he understood trientem as the third part of an as, which was a kind of coin, as will be seen later. Yet it is clear enough from Plutarch’s words that denarius and drachma are taken as the same thing, and that there were hundreds in the books. One might suspect that in Livy the passage is mutilated after the word “millibus,” and thus should be restored: “333,000 asses, three hundred and thirty-three asses, triente.” The same Livy, book 8 of the Macedonian War, speaking of L. Scipio, who after his triumph over Asia, accused by the tribunes, is said to have been condemned for peculatus because a part of the spoils had been withheld. “The case against Scipio,” he says, “was made in order that a more favorable peace might be granted to Antiochus; Scipio was found to have received six thousand pounds of gold and four hundred and eighty of silver more than he had carried into the treasury.” And a little lower, speaking of the amount of the fine, “In the case of L. Scipio I would rather

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET in priore summa, si tanti damnatus est, quanta fuit petitio. Sed si decuplex tantum fuit auri ad argentum proportio, ut Polluci credere nunc uelimus, sexta ferè pars hinc decedere debet. Ego enim hoc aurum ita æstimaui, ut auri libra paulò minus duodecim libris argenti ualuerit. Hæc sexta pars centum decè & octo millia, & paulo aliquid amplius efficit. Ad amussim autem quadrare numerus no[n] potest, propter auri ad argentum analogiam hodiernam, quæ paulò minor est duodenaria, ut antea docuimus, & ego ita nunc deduxi, quasi planè duodecuplex esset. Non dubito autem tanti Scipioni litem æstimatam esse, quantu[m] iudicatum fuit eum auri atq[ue] argenti interuertisse, id est, in lite æstimanda nihil ei remissum esse, sed iudices decuplicem æstimationem secutos, quæ communis erat, præsertim in auro non planè obryzo. Hæc ratio etsi odiosa est propter supputandi tædium: eò tamen pertinet, ut intelligatur ducenties & quadragies sestertium ingentem pecuniam fuisse, nec absurdam me rationem iniuisse in auri atq[ue] argenti æstimatione facienda. Nunc uerò compendiariam rationem ineamus. < Animaduertè- dus locus.> Centies sestertium significat centies centena millia nummum, id est, centies ducenas & quinquagenas libras, quæ sunt quinq[ue]; & uiginti millia pondo argenti. Sic ducenties & quadragies sestertiu[m], sexaginta millia argenti pondo ualet. Huius decima pars est sex millia, & illa est proportio auri ad argentum, ex Polluce. Quare ad nummum ratio quadrabit, ut ducenties & quadragies sestertium, id est, sexaginta millia pondo argenti, uel auri sex millia, sex centis millibus aureoru[m] nostrorum æstimari debeant, cum singulas libras denis aureis æstimare statuerim. id tantum excurrat, quod pro quadringentis octoginta libris argenti taxauimus, id est, quatuor

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON THE AS AND in the earlier sum, if he was condemned for so much, as great as the claim was. But if the proportion of gold to silver was only tenfold, as we now wish to believe Pollux, then nearly a sixth part must be deducted from this. For I estimated this gold so that a pound of gold was worth a little less than twelve pounds of silver. This sixth part amounts to one hundred and eight thousand and a little more. But the number cannot fit exactly, because of the present ratio of gold to silver, which is a little less than twelvefold, as we showed earlier, and I have now reckoned it as though it were plainly twelvefold. Yet I do not doubt that Scipio’s case was assessed at so much as it was judged that he had embezzled of gold and silver, that is, that in setting the value of the suit nothing was remitted to him, but the judges followed the tenfold valuation, which was the common one, especially for gold that was not fully pure. This method, though irksome because of the tedium of the calculation, nevertheless serves this purpose: that it may be understood that two hundred and forty sesterces was a huge sum of money, and that my way of reckoning the value of gold and silver was not absurd. But now let us use a shorter method. <A passage to be noted.> One hundred sesterces means one hundred times one hundred thousand coins, that is, one hundred times two hundred and fifty pounds, which makes twenty-five thousand pounds of silver. Thus two hundred and forty sesterces are worth sixty thousand pounds of silver. One tenth of this is six thousand, and that is the proportion of gold to silver, according to Pollux. Therefore the calculation will fit exactly, so that two hundred and forty sesterces, that is, sixty thousand pounds of silver, or six thousand of gold, should be valued at six hundred thousand of our gold coins, since I have determined to value each pound at ten gold coins. That much should therefore be added, on account of what we have valued at four hundred and eighty pounds of silver, that is, four

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. quatuor millia & octingenti aurei. Intelligere autem debemus, uel argenti in lite æstimanda nullam habitam esse rationem præut erat auri summa, uel annalium scriptores eam summam prætermisisse, quæ extra rotundum numerum excurrebat. Parum enim expeditu[m] erat sic loqui, ut dicerent ducenties & quadragies semel & aliquot præterea sestertijs litem ei æstimatam. Hoc autem ex eode[m] libro Liuij confinari potest; qui de conditionibus pacis Aetolis datæ ita inquit, De pecuniæ summa quam penderent, pensionibusq[ue] eius, nihil de eo quod cum c[uius] s[ive] conuenerat, mutatum. Pro argento si aurum dare mallent, dare conuenit, dum pro argenteis decem aureus unus ualeret. Et intellige de nummis Asiaticis, non Romanis, quia aurei Romani duplici pondere quàm argentei erant, ut antea dictum est, utpote didrachmi. Hæc ratio etsi pulchre quadrare mihi uisa est, sola tamen nequit ita hominum arbitrium adstringere, ut non liberè negare possint nos ad ueritatis ipsius (ut ita dicâ) cubile peruenisse, etia[m] si multa eius uestigia luculenta atq[ue] expressa deprehendimus. Vlteriore igitur indagine lectorè eò perducemus, ubi uel ab inuito confessio exprimatur, se iam ueritatem non modo uidere, sed etiam palpare. Primus locus est apud De mosthenem in oratione quæ ἀρόν ἀργυρον ἐπι παρὰ τοὺς κλινοποις κλείφασι. τετιαράκντα μὴ μνᾶς αυτ ἀρχαῖον. Σεινα δὲ ἐτῶν ἡ ἐργον αυτῶν, Συο τὰς λαυτὰς. Σώ Σεινα γὰρ μνᾶς ἐκάσα τὴνιαντὴ τὴν πρόσοφον αυτῶν ελάμβανον. Cõsiderate igitur quantâ isti pecuniâ ex lecti carijs fabris interuertût. primum pro sorte x L. minas po no,

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. four thousand eight hundred aurei. But we must understand either that in the lawsuit, when silver was to be estimated, no account at all was taken of it, because the sum was for gold; or that the annalists omitted that amount, since it went beyond a round number. For it was not easy to state it thus, that they should say the suit was estimated at two hundred and forty-one thousand and some additional sesterces. This, however, can be inferred from the same book of Livy; for in the terms of peace granted to the Aetolians he says: “Concerning the sum of money which they were to pay, and the installments of it, nothing was changed from what had previously been agreed with C[uius] S[ive].” If, instead of silver, they wished to give gold, it was agreed that they should give it, provided that one aureus was worth ten silver pieces. And understand this of Asiatic coins, not Roman ones, because Roman aurei were of double weight compared with silver coins, as was said before, being didrachms. Although this reasoning seemed to me to fit beautifully, it alone cannot so bind human judgment that men cannot freely deny that we have reached the very bed, as it were, of truth, even though we have discovered many clear and unmistakable traces of it. Therefore by further investigation we shall lead the reader to the point where even from an unwilling man a confession may be drawn, that he now sees the truth not only, but even feels it. The first passage is in Demosthenes, in the speech which ἀρόν ἀργυρον ἐπι παρὰ τοὺς κλινοποις κλείφασι. τετιαράκντα μὴ μνᾶς αυτ ἀρχαῖον. Σεινα δὲ ἐτῶν ἡ ἐργον αυτῶν, Συο τὰς λαυτὰς. Σώ Σεινα γὰρ μνᾶς ἐκάσα τὴνιαντὴ τὴν πρόσοφον αυτῶν ελάμβανον. Consider, then, how much money those men embezzled from the makers of the couches. First, I set down for the principal x L. minas,

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 289 quidem usum fructum ex bonis meis septuaginta minarum dedit, quoad ego inter uiros censerer, id est quo ad tutelæ meæ factus essem. Demophontem autem uoluit apud se so rorem meam habere cum duobus talentis. Huic autem ipsi quicum ago, matrem meam uxorem ducendam cum dote octoginta minarum reliquit. Hactenus Demosthenes. Ex cuius uerbis intelligimus duo talēta & octoginta minas & septuaginta, id est centum & quinquaginta minas, tantum ualere, quantum quatuor talenta & ter millenas. ubi subin telligendu[m] drachmas, ut ex Græco apparet, propter quod millenas pro mille transluli. Sic fit ut talentum sexaginta sit minarum, & mina centum drachmarum. Minam enim Atticam ad centum drachmas auxisse Solone Plutarchus in eius uitæ tradidit, ut quæ Græci nullia dicunt ex sua per sona, drachmarum semper intelligere debeamus. quod eò pertinet, quod legitur apud Plutarchum in Pompeio de ue ctigalibus Romani imperij, & in Antonio de decies se= stertio, ubi interpretes male sestertios intellexerunt, ut su prà adnotauimus. Quàm multus aute[m] Demosthenes in eo loquêdi modo fuerit, licet ex eadem oratione perfecta in= telligere, cuius loca uertere necesse nunc non habui. Alter est locus Ciceronis, ubi uelut cubile esse ipsius ueritatis quam quærimus, existimaui. Is est autem in oratione pro Rabyrio, in qua oratione de Gabinio loquês, qui ob Pto= lemæi reductionem in Aegyptum, & peculatum insigne[m] in eare admissum, decem millibus talentum damnatus est, ita inquit, Redeo igitur ad crimen & accusatione[m] tuam. quid uociferabare decem millia talenta Gabinio esse pro= missa? huic uidelicet perbandus reperiundus fuit, qui ho= minem, ut tu uis, auarissimum exoraret. Sestertium bis mil lies, sed quadringenties magnopere contemneret. Ad intel t ligen

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 289 indeed he gave the usufruct of my goods, amounting to seventy minae, as long as I was counted among men, that is, until I had come under my guardianship. But he wished Demophon to have my sister with himself, with two talents. And to the man with whom I am dealing, he left my mother to be given in marriage with a dowry of eighty minae. So far Demosthenes. From his words we understand that two talents and eighty minae and seventy, that is, one hundred and fifty minae, are worth just as much as four talents and three thousand. Here drachmas must be understood, as appears from the Greek, for which reason I have translated “thousands” for “thousand.” Thus it comes about that a talent is sixty minae, and a mina one hundred drachmas. For Plutarch, in his Life of Solon, recorded that the Attic mina was increased by Solon to one hundred drachmas, so that those things which the Greeks call by no name of their own we must always understand as drachmas. This is relevant to what is read in Plutarch, in Pompey, about the revenues of the Roman empire, and in Antony about the ten thousand sesterces, where the interpreters wrongly understood “sestertii,” as we have noted above. How copious Demosthenes was in that manner of speaking can be understood even from the same complete oration, passages from which I have not now thought necessary to translate. There is another passage of Cicero, where I considered it, as it were, the very resting place of the truth we seek. It is in the speech for Rabirius, in which speech, speaking of Gabinius, who, on account of the restoration of Ptolemy to Egypt and the remarkable plundering committed there, was condemned to ten thousand talents, he says thus: “I return therefore to your charge and accusation. What were you shouting that ten thousand talents had been promised to Gabinius? Clearly one who could be bribed had to be found for him, one who, as you wish, was most greedy, and who would greatly despise two hundred thousand sesterces, but four hundred million.” To the understanding

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ligentiam horum uerborum hoc præfari habemus, Gabinium decem millibus talentum damnatum, nec prædes tantæ summæ dare, nec ex bonis eius auctione addictis eam summam seruari potuisse. Quare cum Rabyrius Posthumus eius criminis affinis uideretur, accusatus & ipse fuit, quasi impulsu eius Gabinius Ptolemæum in regnum reduxisset, et quasi pars peculatus ad eum peruenisset: ut quod eius pecuniæ à Gabinio seruari nc: potuerat, à Rabyrio damnato exigeretur. Hunc igitur Cicero patrocinio suo defendit, cuius oratio & corrupta & mutilata lectitatur, nec eam in uetusto libro orationum Ciceronis reperi. Ea autem uerba sic legenda censeo, Quid uociferabare decé millia talentum Gabinio esse promissa? huic uidelicet perblandus reperiendus fuit, qui hominem, ut tu uis, auarissimum exoraret. Sestertium bis millies scilicet & quadringenties magnopere contemneret. Hoc sensu, Pugnat secu accusatio tua. tu Gabinium auarissimum hominem fuisse criminabaris, & ut regem reduceret, talentis decem millibus conductum esse: nunc Rabyrij impulsu secisse dicis ut regem deduceret, & ob id Rabyriu in crimen uocas. quo nam modo conuenit hominem auarissimum (ut tu uis) Gabinium pollicitatione bis millies & quadringenties sestertiu adduci ad facinus non potuisse, nisi & suasore Rabyrio impelleretur? Cæteru nos singula talenta sexcentis coronatis aureis, & sexaginta libris cetenarijs æstimare instituimus: singulas autè libras denis aureis. sexagies enim deni aurei, sexcenti in summa fiunt. Hac ratione centum talenta, sexaginta millia aureoru ualent, id est centies sexcentos. Hæc summa decies multiplicata, sexcenta millia aureorum efficit. tot enim coronatoru millia, mille talentum ualct. Sic fit ut decem millia talentum, sexagies cent ena millia

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET To avoid the negligence of these words, we must preface this: Gabinius was condemned in ten thousand talents, and neither could sureties for so great a sum be given, nor could that sum be secured from his property sold by auction. Therefore, since Rabirius Postumus seemed to be connected with this charge, he too was accused, as though, at his instigation, Gabinius had restored Ptolemy to his kingdom, and as though part of the embezzlement had come to him: so that what could not have been preserved from Gabinius’ money, might be recovered from the condemned Rabirius. Cicero therefore defended him with his patronage; that speech is read in a corrupted and mutilated form, and I have not found it in the ancient book of Cicero’s orations. But I think those words should be read thus: “Why did you cry out that ten thousand talents had been promised to Gabinius? Clearly a very flattering man had to be found for him, one who could persuade a man as avaricious as you say he was. He would have despised greatly the sum of two million sesterces, and four hundred thousand besides.” In this sense, “Your accusation fights against itself. You were charging that Gabinius was a most greedy man, and that he had been hired for ten thousand talents to restore the king; now you say that, at Rabirius’ instigation, he did so in order to bring the king back, and for that reason you bring Rabirius into the charge. In what way does it make sense that a man so greedy, as you say, could not be induced to commit the deed by the promise of two million four hundred thousand sesterces, unless he were also urged on by Rabirius as adviser?” As for the rest, we have resolved to reckon each talent at six hundred gold crowns and sixty libral denarii; each pound at ten gold pieces. For sixty times ten gold pieces makes six hundred in all. By this reckoning, one hundred talents amount to sixty thousand gold pieces, that is, six hundred thousand. Multiplied by ten, this sum yields six million gold pieces. For so many thousand crowns make one thousand talents. Thus it comes about that ten thousand talents equal six hundred ten thousand

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. millia aureoru[m] ualeant, hoc est decies sexcenta millia. Rur sus æstimatione nostra quadringenties sestertium, millies mille aureos nostros ualet, hoc est decies centena millia. Qua ratione bis millies & quadringenties, sexagies cen- tena millia ualet. Et ita ad nummum summa Latina cum summa Græca conuenit, & est ea quam Græci Apartilo= giam uocant. lingua nostra uernacula Latinæ linguæ imi tatione rotundam rationem uocat. Horatius lib.1. Epistol. Mille talenta rotundentur, totidem altera, porrò Tertia succedant. - De Gabinio & Ptolemæo Plutarchus in Antonio sic in= quit circa principium, μετὰ ταῦτα γαβίνιον ὑμιγοις τα= λάνθις πολεμαίοι πεθονθεὶς ἀις ὀυρποιον ἀμα σωμευάλην ὑω= λεῖ. id est, Deinde cum Ptolemæus suadere coepisset Ga= binio, ut in Aegyptum secum expeditione[m] susciperet, pa= cta mercede talentorum decem millium. Qui locus Latinè non est conuersus in exemplaribus quæ uidi. ex quibus uer bis liquet id quod dictum est de decè millibus talentorum. Nego igitur quenquam esse tam hæsitatorem, qui modò hæc uerba & supputationem intellexerit (quotus autem quisque etiam citra calculum non intelliget?) ut de hoc quod hactenus egimus, ultrà addubitare possit, id est de sestertium & talentorum & reliquorum uerborum intel lectu, & summarum auri argenti que æstimatione. Nam de auri proportione ad argentum, nondum planè statuo. Ita Proteus ille logodædalus, id est uerboru[m] uarietate fal= lax, & diu exemplarium mendis ueluti formarum desul= toria uicissitudine ludificatus, in sese tandem redijt, per= uicaci nostro proposito uictus ueritatis inuestigandæ. Exoratum autem unumquenque lectorem uelim, aut cer= tè candidissimum quenque, mihi ut uitio ne uertatur quòd t 2 monu

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. OF BOOK III. which may be worth of gold pieces, that is, sixteen hundred thousand. Again, by our estimate, four hundred sestertia, that is, a thousand of our gold pieces, namely one million. By this reckoning, two million and four hundred thousand are worth sixty hundred thousand. And thus, to the very coin, the Latin total agrees with the Greek total, and this is what the Greeks call Apartilogia . In our vernacular tongue, by imitation of the Latin language, it is called a round reckoning. Horace, Book 1 of the Epistles: Let a thousand talents be rounded off, let as many more follow, and then a third succeed. On Gabinius and Ptolemy Plutarch in Antony says thus near the beginning, “μετὰ ταῦτα γαβίνιον ὑμιγοις ταλάνθις πολεμαίοι πεθονθεὶς ἀις ὀυρποιον ἀμα σωμευάλην ὑωλεῖ.” That is, “Then, when Ptolemy had begun to persuade Gabinius to undertake with him an expedition into Egypt, for an agreed payment of ten thousand talents.” This passage has not been translated into Latin in the copies I have seen. From these words it is clear what has been said about ten thousand talents. I therefore deny that anyone is so much a hesitator that, if he has now understood these words and the calculation—how many, moreover, would not understand it even without calculation?—he could still doubt what we have thus far discussed, namely the meaning of sestertia and talents and the remaining words, and the estimation of sums in gold and silver. For I do not yet make a completely settled judgment about the proportion of gold to silver. Thus that Proteus, that logodaedalus, that is, false by the variety of his words, and long beguiled by the errors of manuscripts as though by a shifting succession of forms, has at last returned to himself, overcome by our persistent purpose of searching out the truth. And I would ask every reader, or at least every most fair-minded one, not to hold it against me that I have warned ...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET uerbis testimonium locupletissimum habemus autoris antiqui, qui Hadriani principis temporibus scripsit, drachmam & denarium eodem pondere fuisse. sed quod decé millia denariorum centum festertijs ualuerint, falsum est. tantum enim quadraginta ualent. minis ergo non festertijs legendum est. Athenæus lib. I I I I. Dipnosophistarum, Hic locus colophonem & coronide[m] disputationi imponit. O [tha]t μεγας αλεξανδρος Σπυνων εκάστε μετὰ τῶν φίλων, ως ισορ[μ]ε ἔφιππος [tha]t ὑλύνθιν ἐν ἐθ[ι]σι πορ[is] τ[ame]n αλεξανδρον μὴ μανδρισιων μεταλλαγμ[en]tis, αυτιλισκε τ[ame]n μοδ[us] μνας ἔναχρ, δεπούντων ἐσως ἔγκηκντα ἐν ἐθοδηκηκντα φίλων. [tha]t [tha]t ποδοῦν εασίλοβε, ως φιοι πτησίας μὴ δυσων ἐν πῶς ποδοπεῖς, ἔδειπινει μετὰ αυθρῶν μυρίων πενταχιχιλίων, και αυτιλισκετο εἰς [tha]t Σπυνων τάλαυτα τετρακόσια. γινετ) [tha]t ταῦτα Ἱταλικὴ νομισματος ἐν μυριάσι Πανεσίας τεταράκντα. αυτα [tha]t εἰς μυρίας πενταχιλίας μορι (όμωνα, ἔκάσω αυθί ἰγνον) αυτὰ ἐναχρ ἐγκηκντα Ἱταλικὴ νομισματος, ως ως ισορ[μ]α καθίσασαν ἐν τῷ αλεξανδρον αυτιλιώματ, ἔναχρ γὰρ μνας αυτιλισκεν ως ἐφιππος ἰσορχον. Magnus autem, inquit, Alexander coenans semper et ubiq[ue] cum amicis, ut Ephippus Olynthius in eo uolumine prodidit quod de Alexandri obitu & Ephæstionis scripsit, centenas minas in dies expensas coenæ ferebat, cu[m] ad sexagenos, aut summu[m] septuagenos ad coenam adhiberet. At uerò Persaru[m] Rex, ut autores sunt Ctesias & Dinon in historijs Persicis, ad coenam suam quindecim hominum nullia accipiebat, in easq[ue] coenas quadrin gena talenta expesabat. Funt hæc Italico nomismate myriades ducentæ & quadraginta. Porrò hæ in quindecim millia hominum distributæ, fiunt in singulos centum & sexaginta Italici nomismatis. Quare hic sumptus superiorem illum Alexandrinum æquat, quippe cum Alexander centenas minas in dies expenderet. Hæc uerba Athenæi cum

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET We have the most abundant testimony from an ancient author, who wrote in the time of the prince Hadrian, that a drachma and a denarius were of the same weight. But that ten thousand denarii were worth one hundred sestertii is false. For they are worth only forty. Therefore it should be read “minas,” not “sestertii.” Athenæus, book I I I I, Deipnosophistae, This passage puts a colophon and a coronis to the discussion. Magnus autem, inquit, Alexander coenans semper et ubique cum amicis, ut Ephippus Olynthius in that volume which he wrote about the death of Alexander and Hephaestion records, used to spend a hundred minas a day on banquets, though he had at table no more than sixty or at most seventy guests. But the King of the Persians, as Ctesias and Dinon are authorities in their Persian histories, took only fifteen men to his banquet, and on such banquets spent forty talents. These amount in Italic coin to two hundred and forty myriads. Moreover, distributed among fifteen thousand men, they come to one hundred and sixty Italic coins apiece. Wherefore this expense equals the former Alexandrian one, since Alexander spent a hundred minas a day. These words of Athenæus, with

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET coronatorum. At mille talenta, sexcentis millibus aureorum à nobis æstimata sunt. Quo fit ut quatuor millia, quater & uicies centenis millibus aureoru[m] ualeant. Quare summæ ambæ quadrabunt, si tantum hoc animaduertamus, Plutarchum excurrentem numerum talentorum (qui sunt ferè centum & quinquaginta sex) addere quatuor millibus neglexisse. Sed ne mirum aut incredibile potius uideatur tanti cænas Persicas constare Regibus potuisse, hic mihi in mentem uenit ut adderem id quod memoriæ proditum est de uasis & suppellectile & instrumento (ut ita dicam) luxuriæ Persicæ. Post uictum igitur Darium apud Issum in Cilicia, cum Alexander Darium fugientem secuturus, Parmenionem Damascum misisset, ubi ueluti sedem eius belli Darius esse statuerat, comportatis illuc pecunijs, omniq[ue] splendore instrumenti uiatorij tam regij quàm procerum: Damasco iam in potestatem redacta, Parmenio ad Regem Alexandrum scribens de thesauris repertis, & impedimentorum copias enumerans, < Luxus Darij Persarum Regis.> inter alia luxus castrensis ministerium hoc catalogo recensuit, παλλανίστας ευρομασοργηστὴς ἐασίλέως πιακοσίας ἐκκεινενέα, ἀνδρας Παρανοπλόνας ἐξ ἑμι τεαράκητα, ὑφοδιοις πακεσίας ἔθμημητα ἐπία, χυτρετικὸς ἐκκεινενέα, γαλακτηρικὸς πεῖς ἑμι δενα, ὑποκατοστοιοις ἐπία ἑμι δενα, ὑποκομητικὰς ἔθμημητα, μηροδιοις τεαράκητα. Pallacas (inquit) inueni canendi peritas, & musicæ uariæ artifices, ad Regis oblectationem intentas, numero trecentas undetriginta. uiros coronamentorum artifices sex & quadraginta. coquos ducentos & septuaginta, septe[m] figulos ad culinarium instrumentu[m] in castris fingendu[m] undetriginta lactarios pistores tredecim. potionu[m] teperatores concinnatores q[uæ] liquoru[m] decè & septe[m]: et præter hos, homines septuaginta qui à

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND crowned ones. At a thousand talents, estimated by us at six hundred thousand aurei. Whence it follows that four thousand times four and twenty hundred thousand aurei are equivalent. Therefore both sums will agree, if we only note this, that Plutarch, in running through the number of talents (which are about one hundred and fifty-six), neglected to add four thousand. But lest it should seem strange or rather incredible that Persian feasts could have cost so much to kings, it came into my mind to add what has been handed down in memory concerning the vessels and furniture and, so to speak, the instruments of Persian luxury. After Darius was therefore defeated at Issus in Cilicia, when Alexander, preparing to pursue Darius in flight, had sent Parmenion to Damascus, where Darius had established, as it were, the headquarters of that war, after the money and all the splendour of the royal and noble traveling equipment had been brought there: Damascus now having been reduced into power, Parmenion, writing to King Alexander about the treasures found, and enumerating the stores of baggage, <Luxury of Darius, King of the Persians.> among other things he set out the equipment of camp luxury in this catalogue: παλλανίστας ευρομασοργηστὴς ἐασίλέως πιακοσίας ἐκκεινενέα, ἀνδρας Παρανοπλόνας ἐξ ἑμι τεαράκητα, ὑφοδιοις πακεσίας ἔθμημητα ἐπία, χυτρετικὸς ἐκκεινενέα, γαλακτηρικὸς πεῖς ἑμι δενα, ὑποκατοστοιοις ἐπία ἑμι δενα, ὑποκομητικὰς ἔθμημητα, μηροδιοις τεαράκητα. Pallacas (he says) I found three hundred and thirty skillful singers, and artists of various kinds of music, appointed for the King's amusement. forty-six men skilled in making crowns. two hundred and seventy cooks, seven potters for making cooking utensils in the camp, thirty-nine milk-men, thirteen bakers, decerters and mixers of drinks, of liquors ten and seven: and besides these, seventy men who from

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 299 qui à sacellandis uinis erant Regi, & colo condiendis. unguentarios insuper quadraginta. Si tantus igitur splendor fuit, tamq[ue] copiosus in statius & castris apparatus, quantum concipere animo possumus eum fuisse apparatus qui Babylone aut Suisis aut Persepoli fuit? Hoc igitur tandem confecto, quod uix absolui posse sperabamus, uideamus quonam modo intelligi possit id quod apud Plutarchum legitur de tertio Pompeij triumpho loquentem, quê de Asia subacta egisse dicitur. Ex prænotatis, inquit, literis clarè cognoscebatur ex quo genere gentium trium pharet. Erat quippe regiones hæ, Pontus, Armenia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, Media, Colchis, Iberia, Albania, Syria, Cilicia, Mescopotamia. Præterea ij qui circa Phoeniciam & Palæstinen incolunt, Iudæi, Arabes. Piratarum etia[m] quotquot genera terra mariq[ue]; debellata erant. Inter hæc notabantur castella haud pauciora quàm mille capta, ciuitates ferme noningentæ, piraticæ naues octingentæ: urbes colonijs Romanis habitatas esse undequadraginta. His quoq[ue]; addebatur, uniuersa Romanæ urbis tributa ante id bellum quinquagies decies cætena millia fuisse: cum ijs uerò quæ Populo Romano ipse quæsiuit, octuagies quinquies decies centena millia. In ærarium præterea uasa, aurum argētumq[ue]; signatu ad uiginti millia talentorum, præter ea quæ militibus diuisa sunt, quorum qui minimum accepit, mille & quingentos æris tulit. Hæc uerba significat tributa Populi Romani ante Mithridate[m] uictu[m], quingeties sestertiu[m] fuisse: et ex tertia expeditione P[ræ]opeij treceties quinquagies accessionis factum esse. Hæc summa ære nostro uicies semel centena & uigintiquinq[ue]; millia aureoru[m] ualet. Intra quam summâ si coarctare uelimus imperij Romani reditu[m], ridebimur ab ijs qui nouerunt re- gni Summa tribu- torum Po. Ro- mani ex Plu- tarcho.

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PART II. HIS BOOK III. 299 those who were in charge of tasting the wines for the king, and of preparing the sauce. In addition, forty perfumers. If, therefore, such splendor existed, and such a lavish apparatus in the camps and in the field, how much greater can we imagine was the equipment that was at Babylon or Susa or Persepolis? Having now completed this matter, which we scarcely hoped could be brought to an end, let us see in what way the passage can be understood that is found in Plutarch, where, speaking of Pompey’s third triumph, he is said to have acted with regard to Asia subdued. From the prewritten notes, he says, it was clearly understood from what kind of peoples he triumphed. For these regions were these: Pontus, Armenia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, Media, Colchis, Iberia, Albania, Syria, Cilicia, Mesopotamia. Moreover, those who dwell around Phoenicia and Palestine, the Jews and Arabs. Likewise all kinds of pirates were defeated, both by land and sea. Among these there were noted not fewer than a thousand forts captured, nearly nine hundred cities, and eight hundred pirate ships; and forty-four cities inhabited by Roman colonies. To these things there was also added that the whole tribute of the Roman city before that war had been fifty million sesterces; and with those which he himself secured for the Roman People, eighty-five million. Furthermore, into the treasury were brought vessels, and gold and silver coined, to the amount of twenty thousand talents, apart from those things which were divided among the soldiers, the least recipient of whom carried off 1,500 bronze coins. These words signify that the tribute of the Roman People before Mithridates was defeated, was five hundred million sesterces; and from Pompey’s third expedition an additional one hundred and thirty-five million was made. This total in our money is equal to 221,250,000 golden coins. If within such a sum we wished to confine the income of the Roman empire, we should be laughed at by those who know the kingdom Total tribute of the Roman People, from Plutarch.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Reditus regni Franciæ. gni nostri tributa. Quo anno hæc prodidi, princeps noster tantam ferme pecuniâ ex ditione Gallica percepit. Quod ne comminisci uidear, scire licet apud nos tria esse pensi= tationum genera ex quibus ærarium nostrum constat, Ca= Canon. nonem, Oblationem, & Indictionem. In Canone césentur ea quæ sceptris ita hærent, ut cum sceptris nata, nec si= ne ijs interitura uideantur, qualia sunt portoria, & isa= gogica uel exagogica quæ in introitu uel exitu urbium uel locorum aliorum pensitantur. Et in uniuersum uecti= galia quæ multis nominibus accepta referuntur in ratio= cinijs principalibus, & possessiones prædiaq[ue]; quorum e= tiam mancipium proprium est diadematis Francici, nec in Regalia. commercio hominum esse putatur, duntaxat ut perpetuò emancipari ipsæ possessiones possint. Huc accedunt rega= liorum clientelarumq[ue]; iura, id est iura quædam certarum perceptionu[m] in eas possessiones adscripta, quæ in fide sunt diadematis. Accedunt & commissa omnia, & aduentitiæ Albana, ade- spota. quæ assertorem non habent, Albana uulgo dicuntur, ade= spota à Græcis appellantur, quæ assertorem nullum atque uindicem habent, ob idq[ue] in fiscum cedunt. Strabo libro decimoseptimo de Aegypto loquens, ἀλλος δή ἔσιν ὑπο= στοιοροβοῦναι ἔδος λόγος, ὑς τῶν αλεαστων καὶ τῶν ἀινοι= σαρα πιπλειν ὑφιλόντων ἐκτετασίς ἔσιν. Eôdem pertinent uno uerbo omnia in fiscum cedentia, ut caducorum iura in ex= ternorum hominum hæreditates, qui quidem ius ciuilitatis Aut prouinciæ à principe non impetrarint. In secundo ge Oblationes. nere sunt quæ Oblationes dicuntur, uicesima, & octaua, & quarta in quibusdam locis, in res promercales statutæ, & salarium uectigal, & exoticum, omnia à popularibus olim principibus delata: unde nomen Oblatio apud pri= scos accepit. Horum duorum generum ut æstimationem certam

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Income of the kingdom of France. our lord’s taxes. In the year when I published this, our prince received almost so much money from the Gallic domain. So that I may not seem to be inventing this, it should be known that among us there are three kinds of impositions from which our treasury is made up: Ca= Canon. nonem, Oblation, and Indiction. In the Canon are reckoned those things which adhere so closely to scepters that they seem born with the scepters, and not to perish without them, such as tolls and isa= gogica or exagogica, which are levied on entry or exit from cities or other places. And in general the revenues that are entered in the principal accounts under many names, and the lands and estates; of which the proper ownership also belongs to the French diadem, and which are not thought to be in the commerce of men, but only so that those possessions may be permanently enfranchised. To these are added the rights of regalities and feudal dependencies, that is, certain rights of particular receipts assigned to those possessions, which are held in the faith of the diadem. There are added also all confiscations and adventitious Albana, ade- spota. which have no claimant; they are commonly called Albana, called adespota by the Greeks, those which have no claimant and no defender, and for that reason fall to the treasury. Strabo, in book seventeen, speaking of Egypt, says: ἀλλος δή ἔσιν ὑπο= στοιοροβοῦναι ἔδος λόγος, ὑς τῶν αλεαστων καὶ τῶν ἀινοι= σαρα πιπλειν ὑφιλόντων ἐκτετασίς ἔσιν. In the same category belong, in one word, all things that fall to the treasury, such as the rights over escheats in the inheritances of foreigners, who indeed have not obtained the right of citizenship or of a province from the prince. In the second ge Oblations. ner are those things which are called Oblations: the twentieth, and the eighth, and in some places the fourth, imposed on merchandise, and the salary tax, and the exotic tax, all formerly granted by the people to princes; whence the name Oblation was received among the ancients. Of these two kinds, in order that a certain estimate

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET rit: id quod eò pertinet, quod dixi de æquanimitate populi in accipiendis obeundisq[ue] imperijs. In quo utinam etiam felicitatem suam ac benignitatem diuinam principes agnoscerent: nec fallere nos ij homines existimarent, qui huiuscemodi commentis deum & superos omnes aut accommodare conniuentiam, aut arridere credunt. Verùm ut ad rem redeamus, hoc affirmare ausim, Indictio= num capiti principem quo anno hæc prodidi, non minus acceptum retulisse, supputata cum sorte supradicta re= præsentatione, quàm quanta sit æstimatio illa supradicta octingenties sestertij. < Plutarchi locus.> Quare apud Plutarchum legendum antea putabam, quinquagies decies centena millia drachmarum. Græci enim uunquam per se sestertium millia numeros colligere solent, sed per myriadas chiliadas que drachmarum, ut non semel antè diximus. Nunc autem quod antea conijcibam, certò ac non dubiè opinor, ut paulò pòst ostendam. hac uerò ratione summa illa redi= tus Romani quadruplicato augetur, & fit ter millies & quadringenties sestertium, id est, octogies quinquies cen= tena millia aureorum nostrorum. < Summa pecuniæ à Pôpeio in ærarium illatæ triumpho Mithridatico.> Summa autem pecuniæ in ærarium relatæ ab eodem Pompeio, fit centies & ui= cies centena millia aureorum, quod nos duodecies millies mille aureos lingua uernacula dicimus: Græci mille ac ducentas myriadas appellant. Myrias enim numerum decies millenarium significat. Quòd si præter hoc æstime= mus in capita singula mulitum sesquilibram argenti, id est mille & quingentos æris, æstimatio in immensum abibit: et tam[m]e corruptu[m] id esse apud Plutarchu[m] interpretis culpæ facilè ostedemus ex Appiano, q[ui] in eo libro q[ui] Mithridati= cus dicitur, de hoc loqués ita inq[ui]t, Fini[n]te hyeme Pôpeius præmia militibus exhibuit, uiritim mille & quingentas drachmas

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET rit: that which pertains to the point I mentioned concerning the equanimity of the people in receiving and undertaking commands. In this, would that princes too would acknowledge their own good fortune and divine benevolence: nor would they think us men deceivers, who believe that by such contrivances God and all the heavenly powers either give their tacit approval or smile upon them. But to return to the matter, I would venture to affirm this: in the heading of the Indiction, the prince in whose year I produced these things did not receive back any less, when the aforesaid sum was reckoned together with the aforesaid payment by lot, than the amount of that aforesaid valuation of eight hundred thousand sesterces. <A passage from Plutarch.> Therefore I used formerly to think that in Plutarch one should read fifty times ten hundred thousand drachmas. For the Greeks never usually count sums of thousands of sesterces by themselves, but by myriads and chiliads of drachmas, as we have said more than once before. But now what I was formerly conjecturing I think with certainty and beyond doubt, as I shall show a little later. By this calculation, indeed, that total Roman income is increased fourfold, and becomes three thousand and four hundred thousand sesterces, that is, eighty-five hundred thousand of our gold pieces. <The sum of money brought into the treasury by Pompey in the Mithridatic triumph.> But the total sum of money carried into the treasury by the same Pompey amounts to one hundred and twenty hundred thousand gold pieces, which in our vernacular we call twelve thousand thousand gold pieces: the Greeks call it twelve hundred myriads. For myrias signifies the number ten thousand. And if in addition to this we estimate for each head a half-pound of silver, that is, one thousand and five hundred asses, the estimate will go beyond measure. And that it is corrupted there in Plutarch, through the fault of the translator, we shall easily show from Appian, who in that book called Mithridaticus, speaking of this matter, says: "At the end of winter Pompey distributed rewards to the soldiers, one thousand and five hundred drachmas per man."

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 303 drachmas Atticas, ducibus eorum condigna pariter impendit, quorum summa decies sexagies mille talenta attigisse creditur. Vbi legendum, Quarum summa[m] aiunt fuisse talenta sedecim millia, uel decem & sex millia. καὶ ἔκασον ἐνδειχιλια pentan[n]osias απικὰς, καὶ ποίς πηνεινοις ὑπων αυάλενον. & ducibus eorum pro portione, καὶ φασὶ γενεα[n] παλαιντα μυεια ἐκαιχιλια. Huiusmodi corruptos numeros no[n] semel apud eum autorem Latinum factum offendi: sed ex his uerbis intelligimus non mille & quingentos æris, ut interpres existimauit, sed mille & quingentas dra= chmas, id est denasquinas libras argenti, hoc est centenos quinquagenos aureos singulis militibus datos. Ex Plutarcho autem ipso Græco, qui post alteram etiam libri huius editionem ad nos peruenit, error interpretis ipsius Plutarchi manifestus est. sic enim in eo loco historiæ legitur, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἐφρασε σκὴ τῶν ζαμμάτων, ὑπι πενταιχιλια μὴ μυειάδες ἐκ τῶν τελῶν ὑπηρχον, ἐκ δὲ ὑπος προσεντήσα ἐπὶ τὴν πόλει, μυειάδες ὑπταιχιλιας πεντακσίας λαμβάνουν. Et paulò post, τῶν δὲ σκαπωτῶν ὑπο ποιλὰχισον ὑφων κατὰ λόγον, δὲ χιμὰς ἐιληφε χιλιας πεντακσίας. Ex quibus apparet interprete numos sestertios uel asses pro drachmis intellexisse, errore luculento, qui etiam tributa pro uectigalibus translutit. Plutarchus enim ijs summis uectigalia, id est τέλη, no[n] tributa, id est φόρας, significasse mihi uidetur. Quod autem Plutarchus quinq[ue]; nullia myriadu[m] scripsit, quingēties cētena millia latinè uerti debuit, uel quingēties sestertiu[m], si quidem sestertios nummos intelligi uolebat. Et secudo loco octingenties quinquagies. Verùm quoni[n]a[m] Plutarchus more Græcoru[m] scripsit, summa quadruplicato excrescit, & fit ter millies & quadringēties centena millia num[m]um, uel ter millies quadringenties sestertium. Plutarchi autem uerba < Vectigalia. Tributa.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 303 drachmas Attic, he likewise expended on their leaders, whose total is believed to have reached ten times sixty thousand talents. Here one should read, “the total, they say, was sixteen thousand talents,” or ten and six thousand. καὶ ἔκασον ἐνδειχιλια pentan[n]osias απικὰς, καὶ ποίς πηνεινοις ὑπων αυάλενον. & and to their leaders in proportion, καὶ φασὶ γενεα[n] παλαιντα μυεια ἐκαιχιλια. Corrupted numbers of this sort I have more than once found in that Latin author: but from these words we understand not one thousand and five hundred asses, as the interpreter supposed, but one thousand and five hundred drachmas, that is, fifteen pounds of silver, that is, one hundred and fifty gold pieces for each soldier. But from Plutarch himself in Greek, who has come down to us after a second edition also of this book, the interpreter’s error in Plutarch himself is manifest. For in that place the history reads thus: πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἐφρασε σκὴ τῶν ζαμμάτων, ὑπι πενταιχιλια μὴ μυειάδες ἐκ τῶν τελῶν ὑπηρχον, ἐκ δὲ ὑπος προσεντήσα ἐπὶ τὴν πόλει, μυειάδες ὑπταιχιλιας πεντακσίας λαμβάνουν. And a little later, τῶν δὲ σκαπωτῶν ὑπο ποιλὰχισον ὑφων κατὰ λόγον, δὲ χιμὰς ἐιληφε χιλιας πεντακσίας. From which it is clear that the translator took coins of sestertii or asses for drachmas, a very plain error, and one by which he also rendered tributes as revenues. For Plutarch seems to me to have meant by these sums revenues, that is, τέλη, not tributes, that is, φόρας. But since Plutarch wrote five nullia myriads, it ought in Latin to have been rendered “five hundred times one hundred thousand,” or “five hundred times a hundred sestertii,” if indeed he wished sestertii to be understood. And in the second place, eight hundred and fifty times. But since Plutarch wrote in the Greek manner, the sum increases fourfold, and becomes three thousand and four hundred times one hundred thousand coins, or three thousand four hundred times a hundred sestertii. Plutarch’s words however < Revenues. Tributes.>

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET uerba sic uerti ad uerbum possunt: Ex ijs uerò quæ ipse ciuitati Romanæ iam quæsitis addidit, Romanos capere quotannis octo millia & quingentas myriadas drachma= rum. Sic superior summa quaternario multiplicata, efficit ter millies & quadringenties centena millia. Plinius lib. Cap. 2. xxxvii. hunc triumphu[m] magnificè descripsit, sed adeò corruptus ad nos peruenit, ut satis habuerim locum notare, quem transcribere non poteram. Qui tamen locum illum legerit, Plutarchum mirabitur uiginti tantum millibus talentum æstimasse prædam in ærarium illatam. Apud Plinium in eius triumphi descriptione ad ultimum ita legitur in codicibus omnibus impressis, Cætera triumphi eiusdem quàm uerissime subijciam, Reipub. datum mille talentum, Legatis & Quæstoribus qui oras maris defendissent, sestertia bina millia: commulitibus singulis quinquaginta. Hoc prorsus non conuenit nec cum Appiano, nec cum Plutarcho. bina enim millia sestertium quinas libras argenti ualent, & quinquaginta sestertij uiginti drachmas. Præterea quis credat Plinium post bina millia dixisse quinquaginta? saltem quinquagenta emendatores scribe- rent. In antiquis quos uidi, sic legitur, Cætera triumphi eiusdem quàm uirilia. Reip. & Quæstoribus qui oras maris defendissent, datum mille talentum: militibus singulis Plinij locus. sena millia sestertium. Et hactenus legitur. Fortasse autem sic legi debet, Cætera triumphi eiusdem quàm uirilia (ut hoc referatur ad superiora, in quibus Plinius molilitiem & delicias reprehendit) præfectis & quæstoribus qui oras maris defendissent, datu[m] mille talentum, militibus singulis sena millia sestertium, comitibus singulis quinquagena. Vt intelligamus comites, eos qui spōte Pompeiu[m] secuti sunt. Sena millia sestertiu[m], millenas & quinquagenas drachmas

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET The words can be translated word for word thus: From those things, moreover, which he himself added to what had already been acquired for the Roman state, the Romans took each year eight thousand and five hundred myriads of drachmas. Thus the larger sum, multiplied by four, makes three hundred and forty thousand hundreds of thousands. Pliny, book xxxvii, ch. 2, described this triumph magnificently, but it has come down to us so corrupted that I have thought it enough to note the passage, which I could not transcribe. Yet whoever reads that passage will wonder that Plutarch estimated the booty brought into the treasury at only twenty thousand talents. In Pliny, at the end of his description of that triumph, the following is read in all the printed manuscripts: “The rest of that triumph, as truly as possible, I shall set down: to the Republic was given one thousand talents; to the legates and quaestors who had defended the shores of the sea, two thousand sesterces each; to the soldiers fifty apiece.” This does not agree at all either with Appian or with Plutarch. For two thousand sesterces are worth five pounds of silver, and fifty sesterces twenty drachmas. Moreover, who would believe that Pliny, after “two thousand,” said “fifty”? At least the editors should write “fifty thousand.” In the ancient copies I have seen, it is read thus: “The rest of that triumph, as truly as possible. To the Republic and to the quaestors who had defended the shores of the sea was given one thousand talents; to each soldier.” Pliny’s passage. Six thousand sesterces each. And up to this point it is read. Perhaps, however, it ought to be read thus: “The rest of that triumph, as truly as possible” (so that this may refer back to what precedes, in which Pliny criticizes softness and luxury), “to the prefects and quaestors who had defended the shores of the sea was given one thousand talents; to each soldier six thousand sesterces; to each companion fifty thousand.” So that we may understand by companions those who spontaneously followed Pompey. Six thousand sesterces, that is, one thousand and five hundred drachmas

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 305 drachmas significant, quod c[on]uenit cu[m] supradictis. Quapropter admirari subit uel emendatorum licentiam, uel li= brariorum incuriam, qui hunc locum ita corruperunt: ex quo coniecturam in uniuersam Plinij emendationem face= re licet. Appianus autor est, in exercitu Pompeij ab ini= tio statim peditu[m] uiginti millia, et equitu[m] quatuor fuisse: et legatos ei quinque et uiginti à Senatu decretos. Vt ergo in singulos pedites mille et quingentas drachmas dederit, et tria nullia in equites (sic enim fieri solitum, ut equites uel duplex uel triplex donatiuum acciperent, et duplex Centuriones) Pompeius ultra mille talenta le= gatis et præfectis data, non potuit minoris quadringen= tis et uiginti millibus argenti libris defungi. Fiunt in sum= ma cum mille talentis quadringenta octoginta millia pon= do, quæ ære nostro duodequinquagies centenis millibus aureorum æstimantur. In singula enim pondo, denos au= reos numeramus. Atque in hoc rationem nullam habeo centurionatus, nec auxiliaris militis, et euocati, et pro= uinciatim collecti. Appianus Latinus (ut diximus) sum= < App. locus.> mas argenti non modò incredibiles, sed etiam absurdas re fert: apud quem legitur, in eam largitionem Pompeium decies sexagies mille talenta impendisse. Ego autem inter= pretem non sexagies decies, sed decies et sexies scripsisse puto, pro sedecim talentorum millibus, quæ ære nostro se= xies et nonagies centena millia aureorum dici possunt. Hoc donatiuum Pompeianum non modò credibile, sed etiam contemnendum nec memorabile fecerunt illa quæ postea secuta sunt donatiua, ad bella ciuilia legiones au= torantia, ut posthac ostendemus. Nunc uerò si Romani < Magnitudo Romani imperij.> imperij magnitudine non dico ostendere, sed argumentis tantum conijciendam relinquere uelim, longus de integro u instaur

Transcription: Translated (English)

drachmas signify, which agrees with the aforesaid. Wherefore one is moved to wonder either at the license of the emendators, or at the carelessness of the scribes, who have so corrupted this passage: from which one may draw a conjecture about the emendation of the whole of Pliny. Appian is authority that in Pompey’s army at the very beginning there were twenty thousand foot-soldiers and four thousand horsemen, and that twenty-five legates had been decreed to him by the Senate. So if he gave to each foot-soldier one thousand and five hundred drachmas, and three thousand to each horseman (for this was customary, that horsemen should receive either a double or a triple gratuity, and centurions a double one), Pompey, in addition to the more than one thousand talents given to the legates and prefects, could not have spent less than four hundred and twenty thousand pounds of silver. In all, with the thousand talents, this makes four hundred and eighty thousand pounds, which in our money are reckoned at twelve hundred and sixty million gold pieces. For we count ten gold pieces to each pound. And in this calculation I take no account of the centurionate, nor of auxiliary troops, nor of the evocati, nor of those levied by provinces. Appian the Latin writer, as we said, reports sums of silver not merely incredible but even absurd: in him we read that Pompey spent on that largesse sixteen times one hundred thousand talents. But I think the interpreter wrote not sixty times ten, but ten and six times, for sixteen thousand talents, which in our money may be said to amount to six hundred and ninety million gold pieces. This Pompeian gratuity was made not merely credible, but even insignificant and unworthy of mention, by those gratuities that followed later, approving armies for the civil wars, as we shall show hereafter. But now, if I should wish not to demonstrate, but only to leave it to be inferred by arguments, the greatness of the Roman empire, a long and completely new...

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. Donatium Cæsaris & co- giariu[m] memorabile. [ Σεπλῶ άσίαν Συμμερίοις παλάνθις ιερμίωσε]. Appianus in se- cundo de bellis ciuilibus, de Cæsare Dictatore loqués, Sta tim post triumphum quæcúq[ue] exercitui pollicitus fuerat, omnia cum additamento exoluit, militi drachmas Atticas quinque millia, manipuli ductori bis totidem, Tribunis mi litu[m], equituq[ue]; præfectis duplo maius. Sic enim legi debet, ςκαπῶτη μὴν ανὰ πεντακίχιλίας δαχινὰς ατπκὰς, λοχαρῶ δὲ ἀυτῶς Σπλαστον, καὶ χιλιάρχο καὶ ιππάρχο ζεῦνο Σπλαστον, καὶ πῶς Σημότας ἔκάσω μαῖν ἀγίων. Ad hæc, singulis ex po pulo nunam unam Atticam. Apud Tranquillum locus mu tilatus est. Veteranis, inquit, legionibus prædæ nomine in pedites singulos super bina sestertia quæ initio ciuilis tu= multus numerauerat, in equites uicenaquaterna nullia nummûm dedit: populo præter frumenti denos modios, ac totidem olei libras, trecenos quoq[ue] nummos quos pollici= tus olim erat, uiritim diuisit: & hoc amplius centenos pro mora: annuam etiam habitationem Romæ usq[ue]; ad bina millia nummûm, in Italia non ultra quingenos sestertios. Quadringentos sestertios dedisse uiritim populo Tran= quillus dicit, & Appianus minam Atticam, quod idem est: ex quo loco comprobatur id quod semper diximus, librâ fuisse centenûm denariorum: & soluitur obiectu[m] superius factum ex Prisciano. Sed hic quina millia drachmaru[m] data dicit in singulos milites, & in equitum præfectos singu= los multo maiorem summam: ille in equites uicenaquater= na millia nummûm, id est sena millia drachmarum. quare locum mutilatum esse oportet apud Tranquillum. Sed & apud Appianum nulla equitum fit mentio. ἰππαρχοι enim turmarum ductores sunt, non λοχαρoi, ut interpres intel= lexit: quo uerbo Appianus uti solet pro Centurione, quæ= admodum & in quarto de pronuntiatione eius donatiui u 2 loquens

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART II. BOOK III. Donatius of Caesar and the memorable grain-distribution. [Σεπλῶ άσίαν Συμμερίοις παλάνθις ιερμίωσε]. Appian, in the second book of the Civil Wars, speaking of Caesar the Dictator, says: Immediately after the triumph, whatever he had promised to the army, he paid in full with an addition: to the soldier five thousand Attic drachmas, to the leader of a maniple twice as much, to the tribunes of the soldiers and of the cavalry, and to the prefects twice as much. For thus it ought to be read: ςκαπῶτη μὴν ανὰ πεντακίχιλίας δαχινὰς ατπκὰς, λοχαρῶ δὲ ἀυτῶς Σπλαστον, καὶ χιλιάρχο καὶ ιππάρχο ζεῦνο Σπλαστον, καὶ πῶς Σημότας ἔκάσω μαῖν ἀγίων. In addition to this, to each person from the people one Attic mina. In Suetonius the passage is mutilated. “To the veterans,” he says, “in the name of spoils, he gave to each foot-soldier more than two thousand sesterces, which at the beginning of the civil turmoil he had reckoned, and to the cavalry twenty-four thousand nummi each; to the people, besides ten measures of grain and as many pounds of oil, he also distributed three hundred nummi each, which he had once promised; and this further sum, one hundred nummi for the delay; and also annual housing in Rome up to two thousand nummi, in Italy not more than five hundred sesterces.” Suetonius says that four hundred sesterces were given to each member of the people, and Appian an Attic mina, which is the same thing: from which passage that point is confirmed which we have always said, that the libra consisted of one hundred denarii; and the objection drawn above from Priscian is answered. But here he says that five thousand drachmas were given to each soldier, and to each prefect of the cavalry a much larger sum; the other says, to the cavalry twenty-four thousand nummi, that is, six thousand drachmas. Therefore the passage must be mutilated in Suetonius. But also in Appian there is no mention of cavalry. For ἱππαρχοι are commanders of turmae, not λοχαροι, as the translator understood: Appian is accustomed to use that word for centurion, just as also in the fourth book, speaking of the proclamation of that gift, he...

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. Ais μυρία καὶ διὰ καὶ τεαράς καὶ τετραυσίας λίτρας, ἀφ ἐνδύσ ἐπι λευθειάμενον Πεῦ ἀπεχημένα πανθέ ἀποθέαλων. Summa talentorum æstimatione nostra undequadragies millies mille aureos nostros ualet. Viginti millia pon= do auri, ut minimum uicies centena millia superiori addi= dit summæ, ut sint semel & quadragies millies mille aureo rum coronatorum, hoc est quadringenties decies centena millia: cuius summæ bonam partem Cæsar ex Gallorum spolijs coëgit: præter ea quæ impendit in emerendo fauo= re plebis & potentium Romæ, ut Pauli & Curionis, & aliorum, ut suprà dictum est. Omnia enim illa ante bellum ciuile contigerant: sed triumphi ducti sunt post bella ciuili confecta. Antonius autem Triumvir post mortem Cæsaris bellum Philippense pariter cum Cæsare qui postea Augustus dictus est, gessit in Cæsaris interfectores: quo confecto morte Cassij & Bruti, cum Cæsar Octavius Romam redijsset, ipse Antonius in Græciam se contulit, ut il- lic de donatiuo statueret quod militi antea polliciti fue= rant: quod'que (ut Plutarchus inquit) quinûm milliu[m] dra= chmarum in singula capita fuerat, ut antè Cæsaris, id est uicenûm millium nummûm, ἀπεχημένοι ἡφεκάσω σκαπῶτη δραχμαίς πεντακιχιλίας, ἔδειοντο σωπονωτέρα χηματομήνεις καὶ δασμολογίας. Quantus autem fuerit exercitus eius, ex eode[m] autore alio loco nouimus: qui de altero dissidio Cæsaris et Antonij loqués, & de bello Mutinensi, quo tèpore Anto= nius Lepidi castra ingressus esse dicitur, Munatiu[m]q[ue] sibi adiuxisse, ὑπτω δὲ μεχρὰς αρθεῖς, αυθύς ἀποθέθαλε τὰς ἀλπδ, ἔς πῶ ἰταλίαν ἀγων ἐπικαινίαν τὴλη περῶν σων αυτῶ, καὶ μυρίας πιπέως. His rebus (inquit ille) elatus Antonius, castra Lepidi ingressus, quodam ex compotoribus suis cum sex legioni= bus in præsidio Galliæ relictio, ipse in Italiam redijt, decè millia π 3

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. OF IT. BOOK III. Ais μυρία and through and τεαράς and τετραυσίας pounds, from having been stripped, something released, with all things taken away. By our estimate of the value of talents, it is worth forty-nine times one thousand of our gold pieces. Twenty thousand pounds of gold, at the very least, add two hundred thousand to the above sum, so that there are once and forty times one thousand gold pieces of crowns, that is, four hundred and ten hundred thousand: a good part of this sum Caesar collected from the spoils of the Gauls: besides what he spent in buying the favor of the people and the powerful at Rome, such as Paulus and Curio, and others, as has been said above. For all these things had happened before the civil war; but the triumphs were led after the civil wars had been completed. Antony, however, the Triumvir, after the death of Caesar, waged the Philippian war together with Caesar, who afterward was called Augustus, against Caesar’s murderers: and when that was finished by the death of Cassius and Brutus, and Caesar Octavius had returned to Rome, Antony himself went over to Greece, in order that there he might determine the donative which they had previously promised to the soldiers: and which, as Plutarch says, had been five thousand drachmas for each head, as before under Caesar, that is, twenty thousand coins, ἀπεχημένοι ἡφεκάσω σκαπῶτη δραχμαίς πεντακιχιλίας, they were in need of a harsher assessment and taxation. But how great his army was, we learn from the same author elsewhere: who, speaking of another dispute between Caesar and Antony, and of the Mutinian war, at the time when Anto- ny is said to have entered Lepidus’ camp and joined Munatius to himself, ὑπτω δὲ μεχρὰς αρθεῖς, αυθύς ἀποθέθαλε τὰς ἀλπδ, ἔς πῶ ἰταλίαν ἀγων ἐπικαινίαν τὴλη περῶν σων αυτῶ, καὶ μυρίας πιπέως. Elated by these things (says he), Antony, having entered Lepidus’ camp, left one of his drinking companions with six legions in garrison in Gaul, and himself returned into Italy, ten thousand π 3

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET millia equitum & decem & septem legiones peditum se= cum ages: quo tempore Cicero à Cæsare destitutus est ob id quòd libertati nimium tribuere uideretur, Cæsarq[ue] cum Antonio iterum in gratiam redijt. Vt autem omnia extenuare potius quàm augere uideamur: ponamus equitum peditumq[ue]; octoginta millia capitum fuisse (plenæ enim ra rò legiones erant) equites etiam & Centuriones in ordinem redigamus, ut in singula militum capita simplex donatiuum procedat, id est quingenti aurei: ad eam largitio nem quadringenties centena millia aureorum nostrorum constituenda sunt æstimatione iam dicta, ut proptum est colligere. Quod an credibile sit, ex ijs quæ infrà dicêtur, apparebit. Fuerat etiam memorabile donatiuu[m] Cassij & Bruti, quod Cassius in concione pronuntiauit. nam cum octoginta millia legionariorum essent in eius exercitu sine equitibus, ipse in singulos mulites mullenas & quingenas drachmas italicas se confestim repræsentaturum dixit ijs qui ad præliu[m] quod instabat, alacri animo ituri essent, & centurioni quincuplex donatiuu[m], & tribuno pro portione. καὶ νῦν ἰκασι ἐπι ἔγρον ἐνη, σωόδα ὑδὲ ἔνεκα, ἐπι ὑμην ἐνθυς ἀπὸ τὰς ἔνταμας, ἑραπῶτη μὴν χιλιας καὶ πεντακοσίας ἀφαχιὰς Ἱταλικὰς, χιλιάρχη ἔδὲ ἀνάλογον. & paulopost, Collaudantes autem mulites Brutu[m] & Cassium, cum se omnia eoru[m] causa, ut par erat, facturos polliciti essent, illi confestim quod pronunciarant, præsenti pecunia persoluerunt, & alia insuper alijs atque alijs nominibus erogauerunt. Hæc ratione in octoginta millia hominum, qui undeui ginti legiones non planè integras, ut ipse inquit, conficiebant, centies & uicies centena millia aureoru[m] Franciæ elargiti sunt, absque eo quod Centurionibus, quod Tribunis, quod equitibus datum est, qui am- plius

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET one thousand horsemen and seventeen legions of foot soldiers he had with him: at which time Cicero was abandoned by Caesar, because he seemed to lean too much toward liberty, and Caesar again came into friendship with Antony. But so that we may seem rather to diminish than to increase everything: let us suppose that the horsemen and foot soldiers were eighty thousand heads in all (for the legions were rarely full), and let us also reckon the horsemen and centurions among the ranks, so that a simple donative may go to each soldier’s head, that is, five hundred aurei: for that largesse four hundred times one hundred thousand of our aurei must be set down by the valuation already stated, as is easy to gather. Whether this is credible will appear from what will be said below. There was also a memorable donative of Cassius and Brutus, which Cassius proclaimed in the assembly. For when there were eighty thousand legionaries in his army, excluding the horsemen, he himself said that he would at once pay out to each soldier fifteen hundred Italian drachmas to those who were going to the battle that was imminent with willing spirit, and to the centurion five times as much, and to the tribune in proportion. καὶ νῦν ἰκασι ἐπι ἔγρον ἐνη, σωόδα ὑδὲ ἔνεκα, ἐπι ὑμην ἐνθυς ἀπὸ τὰς ἔνταμας, ἑραπῶτη μὴν χιλιας καὶ πεντακοσίας ἀφαχιὰς Ἱταλικὰς, χιλιάρχη ἔδὲ ἀνάλογον. And shortly afterward, when the soldiers were praising Brutus and Cassius and had promised that they would do everything for their sake, as was fitting, they immediately paid in present money what they had announced, and besides distributed other sums under various and various names. By this method, among eighty thousand men, who made up, as he himself says, not quite full twenty legions, the French bestowed one hundred and twenty times one hundred thousand aurei, apart from what was given to the centurions, to the tribunes, and to the horsemen, who received more

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 311 plius decè nullia fuerunt, Celtæ, Lusitani, Parthi, & aliarum gentiu[m]. Eode[m] autem tempore Antonius cu[m] Ephesum in Asiam ex Græcia uenisset, & eò reges reginæq[ue]; Orientis ad eum salutandu[m] confluerent, sese suæq[ue]; ultro illi offerentes (ut autor est Plutarchus) diu ille per luxum inusitatu[m] debacchatus, cu[m] de primoribus uiris pro arbitrio suo statuisset, prædictarum rerum impendijs exhaustus, altera tande[m] uectigalia Asiaticis populis imperare institit. Ibi Hybreas quidam orator nobilis, qui causam gentium Asiaticaru[m] agendam receperat, huiusmodi oratione usus esse dicitur, memorabili certè, ac nostris quibusdam hominibus etiam atq[ue] etia[m] animaduertenda, si ipsis ab aulicis appari turis feriari paulisper uacaret, & animu[m] aduertere huiuscemodi acroamatis. Sed quædò id fieri non potest, proximu[m] est ut optemus per ora id hominu[m] ferri tandiu quo adusq[ue]; ad principes permanarit. Verùm ille orator, Si potes inquit, [n]o[n] Antoni alteru[m] uectigal eode[m] anno exigere: illud etia[m] possete æquu[m] est, binas ut eode[m] anno æstates, binosq[ue] etia[m] autu[n]nos habeamus. Duceta tibi talentum millia Asia iam pependit: hæc si tu no[n] accepisti, exige ab ijs qui acceperunt. sin cu[m] acceperis, ia[m] no[n] habes, quid nunc causæ est quin ipsi perierimus? ταυτα ἐπερ, ἐ μὴ ἐκ ἀληφας, ἀπώτει παρὰ τῶν λαβόντων. ἔδὲ λαβῶν ἐκ ἔχεις, ἀφολύλαμεν. Hoc sermone magnopere flexit Antonium Hybreas, ut quem plurima latuissent eoru[m] quæ fiebat: & erat no[n] tâ remisso animo quàm simplici, ideoq[ue] omnia credes ijs quos circa se esse uoluerat. Inerat enim moribus hominis simplicitas, nec cito ad secus admissa animu[m] aduertebat: uerùm ubi res perpera[m] actas senserat, illico poenitentia subibat eius animu[m], culpâq[ue] ingenuè etia[m] ad eosipsos agnoscebat ad quos res acta iniuriaq[ue]; pertinebat. Hic locus ut alia pleraq[ue] eius II 4 autoris

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 311 more than ten were the Celts, Lusitani, Parthians, and people of other nations. At the same time, when Antony had come from Greece into Asia to Ephesus, and the kings and queens of the East flocked there to salute him, offering themselves and their possessions to him of their own accord (as Plutarch is the authority), after he had for a long time rioted in an unusual extravagance, and after he had disposed of the leading men according to his own will, and had exhausted the expenses of the aforesaid things, he at last set about imposing another tribute on the peoples of Asia. There a certain Hybreas, a noble orator, who had undertaken the defense of the Asian peoples, is said to have used the following speech, certainly memorable, and one that some of our own men ought to notice again and again, if only they had leisure to be entertained a little by court flatterers and to turn their minds to such performances. But since that cannot easily be done, it is next best that we wish these things to be carried by word of mouth among men until they may reach the princes. But that orator said: If you can, Antony, do not exact a second tribute in the same year; it is also fair that we should have two summers in the same year, and likewise two autumns. Asia has already paid you two hundred thousand talents: if you have not received this, exact it from those who received it; but if you have received it, and no longer have it, what cause is there now that we ourselves should not be ruined? ταυτα ἐπερ, ἐ μὴ ἐκ ἀληφας, ἀπώτει παρὰ τῶν λαβόντων. ἔδὲ λαβῶν ἐκ ἔχεις, ἀφολύλαμεν. By this speech Hybreas greatly moved Antony, for many things that were being done had escaped him; and he was not so remiss in mind as he was simple, and therefore he trusted everything to those whom he had wished to be about him. For simplicity was part of the man’s character, and he did not quickly turn his mind to things done otherwise than rightly; but whenever he realized that matters had been mishandled, at once repentance would come over his mind, and he would frankly acknowledge the fault even to those very persons to whom the matter done and the injury had belonged. This passage, like many others of that author’s II 4

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET autoris, mèdose Latinus factus est. Digna uerò omnino historia quæ in regiæ conspicuo loco sesquipedalibus literis proscriberetur, uel in æs incideretur potius, ut & pricipes nostri meminissent quid sui sit officij, & qui rei argentariæ apud nos summam tenent, innocentiùs & cautius obirent sua munera in posterum. Hic est ille M. Antonius qui Cleopatræ ultimæ Aegypti reginæ, Phoeniciam, Syriam, Cyprum, & Ciliciæ bonam partem, Iudæam balsa miseram & Nabathæorum Arabiam in stupri mercedem dedit: qui Antigonum Regem securi percussit: qui expeditionem in Parthos cum centum millibus peditum equitumq[ue] suscepit: cui denique nobilis illa cæna portentosi luxus conducta est à Cleopatra, in qua centies sestertium, id est ducenta & quinquaginta millia aureorum < Mirabilis cæna. > uno sciculo secundæ mensæ consumpta sunt. De hac re Athenæus in quarto Dipnosophistarum ita propemodum inquit, uerbis ex Rhodio Socrate transcripsit, qui bellum ciuile Cæsaris & Antonij scripsit: Quum autem Cleopatra obuiam processisset Antonio in Ciliciam, ibi conuiuium regium opiparumq[ue] instruxit, in quo aulicu[m] omne instrumentum aureum erat, gemmis etiam consertum singulari uasculatorum opificio. Erant etiam parietes purpureis aureisq[ue] peripetasmatis obteti. Duodecim igitur ad hunc modu[m] triclirijs constratis & instructis, Antoniu[m] ad conuiuium illud Cleopatra, quosdamq[ue] primorum uocauit, quos ei uisum fuit. Ibi Antonio apparatus magnificentiam cum stupore admirante, renidens Cleopatra, omnia[m] se illi dono dare respondit: & subinde in die posteru[m] cæna[m] ei condixit: ad qua[m] ille prostridie cu[m] uenisset comitatus amicis & proceribus, eo splendore Cleopatra atq[ue] ea opulentia conuiuiu[m] instruxit, ut hesternus apparatus despica- bilis

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET authorities, methdose Latinus factus est. Indeed, this is altogether a worthy history, which ought to be inscribed in a conspicuous place in the royal with letters a foot and a half high, or rather engraved in bronze, so that our princes may remember what belongs to their office, and those who hold the highest authority over money matters among us may discharge their duties more innocently and more cautiously in the future. This is that M. Antony who gave Cleopatra, the last queen of Egypt, Phoenicia, Syria, Cyprus, and a good part of Cilicia, Judea balsa miserable and Arabia of the Nabataeans in payment for lust; who struck King Antigonus with the sword; who undertook the expedition against the Parthians with a hundred thousand infantry and cavalry; for whom, finally, that famous dinner of monstrous luxury was arranged by Cleopatra, at which a hundred million sesterces, that is, two hundred and fifty thousand gold pieces < A marvelous dinner. > were consumed in a single second course. On this matter Athenaeus in the fourth book of the Deipnosophistae says, almost as follows, transcribing the words from the Rhodian Socrates, who wrote the civil war of Caesar and Antony: But when Cleopatra had gone out to meet Antony in Cilicia, there she prepared a royal and sumptuous banquet, in which all the courtly equipment was of gold, and also studded with gems by a singular art of the craftsmen. The walls too were covered with purple and gold hangings. Therefore, with twelve triclinia arranged and furnished in this way, Cleopatra invited Antony to that banquet, and certain men of the foremost rank, whom she had chosen as it seemed good to her. There, while Antony admired the magnificence of the display with astonishment, Cleopatra, smiling, replied that she gave him everything as a gift; and soon after she appointed him a dinner for the next day: and when he had come the day before yesterday, accompanied by his friends and nobles, Cleopatra arranged the banquet with such splendor and such wealth, that the previous display was despicable

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. bilis præ eo uideretur. ac nihilo secius peracto conuiuio omnia identidem donauit: uisenda sanè munificentia, cum unicuiq[ue] conuiuarum permitteretur toralia, & lectum in quo accubuisset, & uasa aurea præterea auferre, ita ut cuiq[ue] lectisternio cesserat. His peractis sub digressum Antonij comutes prout dignitate aliqua præcellebant, ita partim lecticas gestatorias cu[m] seruis lecticarijs, partim equos instratos argenteis ephippijs referebant. queis omnibus regina eo amplius face prælucentes asseclas digredientibus repræsentauit, nou[m] eis auri[us] παρεκάλη σωφηπνήσαι, παίνητα μετὰ τῶν φίλων nou[m] τῶν υγεμόνων, ὑπενικοι παίνητοι Πακεσμήσανε κομμητοιον, ἐποίχονε φανηναε τὴν πρῶτα μικρὰ, nou[m] παίνητι nou[m] ταῦτα ἐδωρήσαν. τῶν άν υγεμόνων εφήν ἐκασων κατέκδον κλήνη, nou[m] τὴν κυλικια καθῶς τοῦς στόμαναι ἐμεμειρει, ἐκὰσω φερδην ἐπετρεφε, nou[m] κατὰς πλῶν ἐφοδην, τοῖς μὴν ἐν αξιώμασι φορθὰς συν τοῖς κενίζασι, τοῖς πλειοστὸν ἐν καταργησοις σκοβαίς κενομημένας ἐπισκε. Παίνητοι Πε λαμπηροφόρας παῖνητας αἰθίοπας παρεσκοε. Mirabitur forsan quippiam quonam modo ducêta millia talentûm uno anno Antonius ex Asia auferre potuerit. Asiam hic intelligere oportet Oriëtale populi Ro. imperium: quod quantu[m] fuerit ex partitione illa Triumvirali intelligere licet, quæ mihi instar fuisse uidetur Homericæ regnorum diuisionis inter Iouem, Neptunum & Plutonem. In ea partitione omnis ad Orienté tractus Antonio, ad Hesperiam Cæsari, hoc est Octauio concessus. Vtriusq[ue] autem imperij confinium, Ionium mare factum. Lepido Africa cessit. Ita ditio nostra omniu[m] citra mare longè hodie clarissima, portium cula propè dixerim fuit no[n] dico Romani imperij, sed tertia[m] partis eius. Postea autem sublato Lepido, cum Trium viratus ad Duumviratum redijsset, quantæ fuerint Ro- mani

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bile seemed to him to be beneath his dignity. And none the less, after the banquet had been completed, he repeatedly gave away everything: truly a spectacle of munificence, when each of the guests was allowed to take the couch-coverings, and the bed on which he had lain, and moreover the gold vessels, so that each one departed with the whole furnishing of the couch assigned to him. When these things were done, on Antony’s departure those of the attendants who excelled in some dignity, some bore litters with their litter-servants, others led horses equipped with silver saddles. And to all of these the queen, lighting their way still more with torches for their departing followers, presented gifts, asking them in addition to make themselves merry with their friends and their governors, and honoring them with new presents; she also provided each of the governors with a couch, and cups to match, and handed over each service as if at table, and with escorts on the way, and for those in office burdens together with the carriers, and for the most part in empty chambers she had furnished sofas. She also provided brightly adorned Ethiopians as attendants. One may perhaps wonder how Antony could have taken from Asia two hundred thousand talents in a single year. Here Asia must be understood as the eastern empire of the Roman people; how great this was may be gathered from that Triumviral division, which seems to me to have been like the Homeric division of kingdoms among Jupiter, Neptune, and Pluto. In that division the whole eastern region was assigned to Antony, and the west to Caesar, that is, Octavian. The Ionian Sea became the boundary of both empires. Lepidus received Africa. Thus our dominion on this side of the sea, far the most renowned today, was, I might almost say, not so much a part of the Roman empire as the third part of it. Afterwards, when Lepidus had been removed and the Triumvirate had returned to a Duumvirate, how great the Roman…

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tuo fuit. Tum enim hæc emendi Romæ in auctionibus regijs uerecundia exempta est, urbis anno DCXXVI. medijs LVII. annis erudita ciuitate amare etiam & no[n] solum admirari opulentiam externam. Immenso & Achaicæ victoriæ momento ad impellendos mores, quæ & ipsa hoc interuallo anno urbis DCVIII. Parthica signa & tabulas pietas inuexit, nequid deesset: pariterq[ue] luxuria nata est, & Carthago sublata, ita co[n]gruentibus fatis, ut liberet am plecti uitia, & liceret peccare ex dignatione. In quibusda[m] impressis libris legitur, & uasorum aureorum pondo ducenta millia, duplicato auri numero. In antiquis omnibus, pondo mille quingenta. adeò fluxa fides est exemplarium in numeris tradendis. Apud Liuium non millia, sed mille utrobiq[ue]; legitur: quod luculentam facit discrepantiam. In quibusda[m] antiquis mille legitur, in alijs per notas scriptu[m] est, ut ad mille & millia ambiguum sit. Sic autem inquit Liuius lib. VII. de bel. Maced. Tuit in triumpho uasoru[m] arg[umen]teorum (omnia cælata erant) mille pondo & ccccc XXIIII. aureorum mille pondo & XXIII. Præter hæc etiam duo uerba in supradicto loco corrupta esse intelligo ex obseruatione uetustæ lectionis. Neq[ue] enim Asia do mita lego, sed donata. Scimus enim Attalum Regem Asiæ, populum Romanum hæredem instituisse, autore Trogo lib. XXXVI. Deuictam igitur Asiam Plinius prius dixit luxuriam misisse in Italiam, quod fuit Antiochi tepore. post ea etiam donatam, quod fuit Attalo Rege hæreditatem po pulo Romano relinquete. Parthica autem signa corruptu[m] esse satis scio: sed quomodo restituendum sit, affirmare no[n] ausim. Dicer e[st] Corinthiaca, nisi in uetusto parta legissem, ut uictoriam parta intelligamus, id est, ut parta uictoriæ signa & statuas & tabulas inuexerit ex Achaia. Neq[ue]

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET it was yours. For then this was bought in Rome at the royal auctions, shame having been set aside, in the year of the city 626, in the midst of 57 years, a learned state also loved, and not only admired, the wealth from abroad. By the immense force of the Achaean victory, to the end of influencing morals, which also in this interval, in the year of the city 608, piety introduced Parthian standards and tablets, so that nothing might be lacking; and luxury arose together with it, and Carthage was destroyed, by such fitting fates, that it was pleasing to embrace vices, and it was allowed to sin out of respectability. In some printed books it is read, “and 200,000 pounds of golden vessels,” with the number of gold doubled. In all ancient copies, 1,500 pounds. So uncertain is the faith of copies in transmitting numbers. In Livy it is not “thousands,” but “thousand” in both places; it is read thus, which makes a clear discrepancy. In some ancient copies “thousand” is read; in others it is written in numerals, so that it is ambiguous whether it is “thousand” or “thousands.” Thus, however, says Livy, book VII, on the Macedonian war: “In the triumph there were vessels of silver (all were chased work), 1,000 pounds, and 524 of gold, 1,000 pounds, and 23.” Beyond these I also understand that two words in the above-mentioned passage are corrupt from the observation of the old reading. For I do not read “Asia conquered,” but “Asia given.” For we know that King Attalus made the Roman people heir, as Trogus says, book XXXVI. Therefore Pliny first said that conquered Asia had sent luxury into Italy, which was in the time of Antiochus; later also that it had been given, since King Attalus was leaving his inheritance to the Roman people. But I know well enough that “Parthian standards” is corrupt; but how it should be restored, I would not dare affirm. It ought to be “Corinthian,” unless I had read in an old copy “parta,” so that we may understand “victory won,” that is, that he introduced the standards, statues, and tablets won by victory from Achaia. Nor

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. quo principe latissime patuisse Romanum imperium de= monstrabimus, & priuatim publicéq[ue] locupletissimum fuisse, licet postea Germaniæ populi multi alijq[ue] ad Ar= cton uergentes accesserint, à quibus principes RO. cognomina sumpserunt. Strabo enim Græcus autor, qui Romæ diu uersatus est Augusti T yberijq[ue] tèporibus, lib. XVII. circa sine ita inquit: Πειλ Μ οι ἐγωμαῖοι τω ἀρίσων τ[ame]n οἰκα= μένης καὶ γνωμωτάτων κατὲ χασην, ἀπαγνας ὑποδεθλημένοι τῶς προτερον υγμόνας ὑποι μημων ἔσωλη, ἀξιον καὶ σκις ἐρα χέων τὴ τοῦτων ἐπεῖν. Quoniam uerò Romani terræ ha bitabilis optimam quamq[ue] regionem ac celeberrima obtinent, omnes ante se populis imperitantes supergressi, duntaxat quoru[m] memoriam norimus, dignum esse duxi, ut de eorum statu breuibus disseramus. Et post paulum, τω μὲν ἐν συμπληξον χεδρὸν πιασων ἐχασην, πλων τ[ame]n ἐκω τὴ ἰσρα, καὶ τῶν μεταξύ τὴ ὑπινα καὶ τὴ ταυάρθος παρωκεατῶν. τ[ame]n δελιβύς ἐν καθ[em] ἐμαῖς παραλια παῖθε ὑπο χερια ἔσι, ἐν [μὴ] ἀλλη ασίκητος ἐγν[ερ]η, ἐν λυπημῶς καὶ νομαδικῶς σκικὴται. ὑμοιως ἐν τ[ame]n ἐμιαίς ἐν καθ[em] ἐμαῖς παραλια παῖθα ὑπο χερισούς ἐγν[ερ]η. Europæ igitur ferme omne[m] tenent, præter eâ eius parte[m] quæ ultra Danubiu[m] protenditur, & eas gentes littorales quæ inter Rhenu[m] & Tanaim ad Oceanu[m] uergunt. Africæ aute[m] ora quæ nobis obuersa est, omnino eis paret, reliqua aute[m] Afri cæ uel ægrè habitantur, uel Nomadu[m] more incolu[n]tur. Si= militer & Asiæ omnis ora quæ in nos uergit, ab eis impe ria accipit: nisi siquis Achæoru[m] & Zygoru[m] & Eniocho rum ratione habendam putat, aut eoru[m] regiones in nume ro aliquo habendas censet, qui & latrocinia exercent, & Nomadum uitam degunt. At uerò mediterranea & inte= riora partim Romani obtinent, partim Parthi, & qui su= pra eos sunt Barbari Septentrionem et Orientè uersus, ut Indi

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PART II. BOOK III. Under this prince we shall show that the Roman Empire was spread out over the widest extent, and that it was exceedingly rich both in private and in public, although later many peoples of Germany and others turning toward the Arctic settled there, from whom the Roman princes took surnames. For Strabo, the Greek author who spent a long time at Rome in the times of Augustus and Tiberius, says in Book XVII, near the end, in substance: Since the Romans hold the best and most famous regions of the inhabited world, and have surpassed all peoples who ruled before them, so far as we know their memory, I have judged it worthy to speak briefly of their condition. And a little later, in effect: they hold almost all Europe, except that part beyond the Danube, and those coastal peoples who stretch between the Rhine and the Tanais toward the Ocean. The whole coast of Africa that faces us is entirely subject to them; the rest of Africa is either scarcely inhabited, or is inhabited in the manner of nomads. Likewise, almost the whole coast of Asia that turns toward us receives its rule from them, unless one thinks account should be taken of the Achaei, Zygi, and Heniochi, or judges that their regions ought to be counted among the number of those peoples who both practice robbery and lead the life of nomads. But the inland and interior regions are partly held by the Romans, partly by the Parthians, and by the barbarians above them toward the north and east, such as the Indians.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Indi, Bactrij & Scythæ, inde Arabes et Aethiopes, à qui bus Romani semper sensim aliquid adimunt, ditioni suæ adiungentes, προσίδεντα ἐκείνων ὑποίς. His uerbis apparet quàm latè patuerit imperum Romanum sub Augusto. Ex sequentibus autem qualis fuerit status eius, & cuiusmodi imperitandi ratio, ταύτης ἐν τῷ συμπάσης χωρὰς ἐν ὑπὸ ὑγομαίων, ἀ μὴν βασιλευται. ἐν ἐγχεσην ἐπιδεντες ἐπαρχιαν, και πεμπασμε υγεμονας και φορολογων. ὑσί δὲ πνες και ελοβτέρα πόλδα, αι μὴν ἐγ αρχης κατὰ φιλιαν προσελθήσα, τὰς ἐν πλοθερωσαι ἐπιδει κατὰ πεμιω. ὑσί ἐν και δωάσαι πνες και φύλαξοι και ἰδρεις ὑπὸ ἐπιδεις, ἐπι μὲν ιδιοι κατὰ πνες παρίσ νόμιν. Vniuersæ autem, inquit, huius regionis quæ Romanis paret, partim à regibus tenetur, partim Romani ipsi tenent, & prouincias appellant, in quas & Præsides & Quæstores mittût qui tributa exigant: in queis tamen liberæ quædam sunt ciuitates, quarum nonnullæ in Romanorum amicitiam ea lege uenerunt: nonnullis & ipsi postea honorem habentes, libertate eas donauere. Sunt & Dynastæ quidam sub eis, id est, potentatus nomine dominantes, & Philarchi, id est, gentium principes, & sacerdotia obtinentes, hi quidem ipsi legibus quibusdam suis uiuentes. αι δὲ ἐπαρχια δημπται μὴν άλλοτε άλλος, ἐν ἐν ἐθελει παρόντι ως καίδερ ἐν σελασος δηματην. ἐπιδη ἐν ἐν πατρίς ἐπίρεθεν ἀυτῶν πινο προσασίαν ἐν υγεμονιας, και ωπεῖμα και ὑφύνης κατίση κυρίος κατὰ ἐν, διχα δημιλε πάσαιν πιν χώραν. και πιν μὴν ἀπερειχεν ἐπιδει, πιν ἐν ἐθελει Πημω. Prouinciæ uerò aliàs aliter, nec sem per ijsde[m] finibus diuisæ sunt. Nunc aute[m] eam diuisionis ratione tenet, qua[m] Cæsar Augustus arbitratus est. Siquidem postqua[m] ei à patria imperij summa, & pacis belliq[ue]; arbitrium perpetuu[m] delata sunt, in duas parteis uniuersam di- -tionem < Potestas à po pulo in Augu- stum trâslata, imperiùs per petuù delatu.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE DE ASSE ET India, Bactria, and Scythia, then the Arabs and Ethiopians, to whom the Romans are always gradually taking something away, adding them to their own dominion, [Greek]. By these words it appears how far the Roman empire extended under Augustus. From what follows, however, it is clear what the condition of it was, and what manner of governing it was: [Greek]. In some places they appoint provinces, and send governors and tax-collectors. Others are free cities, which, though they have come to Roman power through friendship, have been shown favor and preserved in their liberty; others also they have afterward honored and granted freedom. There are also certain dynasts under them, that is, rulers governing under the name of authority, and phylarchs, that is, chiefs of peoples, and those holding priesthoods, these indeed living by their own laws. The provinces, however, are otherwise arranged in different places, and are not always divided by the same boundaries. Now the same division is held as Caesar Augustus judged best. For after the supreme power of the empire and the authority over peace and war had been entrusted to him forever, he divided the whole dominion into two parts. < Power transferred from the people to Augustus; the empire delivered forever. >

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET paucæ, aut ijsde[m] quibus ademerat reddidit, aut alienigenis co[n]tribuit. Reges socios etiam inter semetipsos necessitu= dinibus iunxit mutuis: proptissimus affinitatis cuiusq[ue] atq[ue] amicitiæ co[n]ciliator & fautor: nec aliter uniuersos quàm me[m]bra partesq[ue] imperij curæ habuit. Rectore quoq[ue] soli= tus apponere ætate paruis, aut mente lapsis, donec adole= scererent, aut resipiscerent: ac plurimoru[m] liberos & educa= uit simul cum suis, & instituit. Hactenus Tranquillus. Hic idem Augustus Aegyptu[m] post Antonium uictum, & Cleo patram captam, in prouinciæ formam redegit, ut autor est Strabo: cuius etiam arma Petronio duce in Aethiopiâ pe= netrauerunt. Plinius lib. VII. de Aethiopia loqués, Intra= uere autem & eò arma Romana diui Augusti temporibus duce P. Petronio, & ipso Equestris ordinis præfecto Ae= gyptijs, oppida eoru[m] expugnauit quæ sola inuenerat, quo dicemus ordine. Sic enim legendum est, quanqua[m] in omni= bus exemplaribus legatur non Aegyptijs, sed Aegyptus Aethiopiam expugnauit, non Petronius Aegyptijs præ= fectus. nota est historia ex Strabone. Aelius etiam Gallus in Arabiam felicem Augusto iubete expeditione sumpsit, & multa ibi oppida expugnauit, qua[m] tamen non subegit, deceptus à Syleo duce quodam Nabatæorum primario uiro, qui diuturna ludificatione Gallum per deserta frustra tus est, exercitu interim penè consumpto: ob quam cau= sam postea Syleus ab Augusto securi percussus est, ut au= tor est Strabo lib. X V I. Nabatæi tamen & Sabæi felicis Arabiæ incolæ Romanis tum parebant, ut idem autor est, his uerbis, πρῶβι δὲ ὑπὲρ τὰ σερίας ναβατῶν ἡ σαβατῶν τῶν δυδαίμονα αραβλαν νέμονται, ἡ πολλὰκις κατίπεχον αυτῶν πρὸν ἐγω μαλων γενεατὴν νῦν δὲ πανεῖνοι ὑμαπιοις εἰσιν ὑπικροι. Metropolis aute[m] Nabatæoru[m] urbs est Petra, à situ loci di Etta. Do

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASH AND few, or those from whom he had taken them, he restored, or else bestowed them on foreigners. He also bound allied kings together among themselves by mutual ties: a very ready promoter and supporter of every kind of kinship and friendship; and he cared for them all no otherwise than as members and parts of the empire. He was also accustomed to appoint a guide for those who were young in age or weak in mind, until they should grow up or come to their senses; and he raised and educated together with his own the children of many, and instructed them. Thus far Tranquillus. This same Augustus, after Antony was defeated and Cleopatra captured, reduced Egypt into the form of a province, as Strabo is author; and his arms under Petronius as leader also penetrated into Aethiopia. Pliny, book VII, speaking of Aethiopia, says: “And the Roman arms of divine Augustus entered there too, under P. Petronius, prefect of the equestrian order over the Egyptians, and he captured the towns which he had found there, as we shall tell in due order. For thus it must be read, although in all copies it is read not ‘of the Egyptians,’ but ‘Egypt conquered Aethiopia,’ not ‘Petronius, prefect of the Egyptians.’ The history is known from Strabo.” Aelius Gallus also, by Augustus’ order, undertook an expedition into Arabia Felix, and captured many towns there, though he did not subdue them, being deceived by Syllaeus, a certain leading man of the Nabataeans, who for a long time mocked Gallus through the deserts, while the army in the meantime was nearly worn out: for which reason Syllaeus was afterwards beheaded by Augustus, as Strabo is author, book XVI. Yet the Nabataeans and Sabaeans, inhabitants of Arabia Felix, then obeyed the Romans, as that same author says in these words: [Greek text]. The metropolis of the Nabataeans, however, is the city of Petra, so named from the nature of the place. Do

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Post Actiacam autem victoriam quantum opes Romanæ creuerint, ex Tranquilli uerbis intelligere licet. Inuecta (inquit ille) Vrbi Alexandrino triumpho regia gaza, tantam copiam rei nummariæ effecit, ut foenore diminuto plurimum agrorum precijs accesserit. Senatorum cæsum ampliauit, ac pro octingentorum millium summa duodecies festertium taxauit, suppleuitq[ue] non habentibus. Cōgiaria populo frequenter dedit, sed diuersæ ferè summæ, modò quadragenos, modò tricenos, nonnùquam ducenos quinquagenosq[ue] nummos: ac ne minores quidem pueros præterijt, quamuis non nisi ab undecimo ætatis anno accipere consueuissent. Frumentum quoq[ue] in annonæ difficulta tibus sæpe leuissimo, interdum nullo precio uiritim admensus est. Hic si reputare uelim quanti congiarium unum ducenorum nummorum constiterit illi principi, uereor ne fidem detraham historiæ. Legitur autem apud Eusebium in Chronicis, post triumphu[m] Actiacum Romæ censu acto inuenta esse Romanorum ciuium quadragies semel centena & sexaginta millia. Domino autem nostro iam nato & adolescente, Augustum cum Tyberio quem sibi in filium adoptauerat, censum Romæ egisse, & inuenisse capitum Romanorum ter & nonagies centena & septuaginta millia. Fac igitur (ut omnia intra fidem statuam) uicies centena millia ciuium fuisse ad congiarium nominæ dantium, quod ipsum ducenium tantum nummum fuerit, id est quinquaginta denariorum, seu selibræ Romanæ: oportuit decies centena millia pondo argenti congiarium constitisse, quod nos centies centenis millibus æstimare solemus. quòd si ducenum quinquagenum nummum congiarium statuamus, uiciesquinquies centena millia aureorum ad summam illam accedent. Perge porrò, & fac quadrâ

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET But after the Actian victory, how greatly the wealth of the Romans increased may be understood from the words of Suetonius. Into the City, he says, was brought the royal treasure from the Alexandrian triumph, and it produced such abundance of money that, interest being reduced, the price of land rose greatly. He increased the census of the senators and fixed it at twelve hundred thousand sesterces, supplying those who did not have it. He frequently gave largesses to the people, but usually in different amounts, now forty, now thirty, sometimes two hundred and fifty coins; and he did not even pass over young boys, although they had been accustomed to receive nothing until the age of eleven. He also often distributed grain in times of shortage, sometimes at a very small price, sometimes for nothing, to each individual. Here, if I wished to calculate how much one largess of two hundred coins cost that prince, I fear I should detract from the credibility of the history. But it is read in Eusebius in the Chronicles that, after the Actian triumph, when a census was taken at Rome, there were found forty-one hundred thousand and sixty thousand Roman citizens. And when our Lord had now been born and was a youth, Augustus, together with Tiberius whom he had adopted as his son, held a census at Rome and found three hundred and ninety-seven thousand Roman heads. Therefore let us suppose (so that I may place everything within reason) that there were twenty hundred thousand citizens giving their names for the largess, which was itself only a two-hundred-coin gift, that is, fifty denarii, or half a Roman pound: the largess must have cost ten million pounds of silver, which we are accustomed to estimate at a hundred times a hundred thousand. But if we set the largess at two hundred and fifty coins, twenty-five hundred thousand gold coins will come to that total. Continue further, and suppose quadrâ

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. < 325> quadrages centena millia ciuiu[m] fuisse, & ducenties quinquagies centenis millibus id congiarium necessariò æstimabis. Dubium tamen esse potest utrum coniarium Romæ tantum commorantes acceperint, an omnes ciues Romani qui ad censum nomina dabant. Orofius lib. v 1. Augustum post legiones in Sicilia à Popeio receptas, x x x millia seruorum dominis restituisse tradit, & quatuor & < XLIII. legiones lub Augusto.> quadraginta legiones ad tutelam imperij per prouincias instituisse. Tranquillus de hoc ita scribit, Ex militaribus copijs legiones & auxilia prouinciatim distribuit, classem Miseni, & alteram Rauennæ ad tutelam superi & inferi maris collocauit. Et post aliquot uersus, Quicquid autem (inquit) ubique militum esset, ad certam stipendiorum præmuorumq[ue] formulam adstrinxit, definitis pro gradu cuiusq[ue] & temporibus militiæ, & commodis missionum, ne aut ætate aut inopia post missionem solicitari ad res nouas possent: utq[ue] perpetuò ac sine difficultate sumptus ad tuendos eòs prosequendosq[ue] suppeteret, ærarium militare cum uectigalibus nouis constituit. Strabo libro x v 1. de Beryto loquens quæ est in Syria, ἀυτη κατεωά= δη μὲν ὑπὸ τρύφωνος, αυληρην δὲ νῦν ὑπὸ ὑπομαίων, δεξαιμε= νη δύο τὰρματα, ἀ ἰδυστεν αξιππας ανταῦθα. ἡ σ ευρσα à Tryphone, nunc à Romanis restituta est, duas legiones admittens, quas in ea Agrippa collocauit. Illa est Berytus colonia, cuius meminit Vlpianus in Pandectis titulo De censibus, in principio. Apud Strabonem Latinum Barutus ubiq[ue] legitur: credo, quia sic hodie uocitatur. Idem libro x vii. de Aegypto loquens in prouinciam redacta, εἰ δὲ μὴ σκαπωτικὴ γὰτὰρματα, ὑπὸν κατὰ πιον πολιν ἰδυν= ταί, πιὰ δὲ ἀλλα ἐν τὴν χώρα. χωρίς δὲ τοῦτων ἐννέα μὲν ἐσι αων ρα ὑπομαίων, πεῖς ἐν τὴν πόλθ, ἐπι τῶν ὑφων ὑπιθιοπίας ἐν x 3 πηνη

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. < 325> There were 400,000 citizens, and you would necessarily estimate that congiarium at 250 times 100,000. Yet it may be doubted whether they received the congiarium only those dwelling at Rome, or all Roman citizens who entered their names for the census. Orosius, book V, relates that Augustus, after the legions in Sicily had been recovered from Popeius, restored 30,000 slaves to their masters, and that he established forty legions under Augustus for the protection of the empire through the provinces. Suetonius writes of this as follows: “From the military forces he distributed the legions and auxiliaries by provinces, stationed one fleet at Misenum and another at Ravenna for the protection of the upper and lower sea. And after a few lines, ‘Whatever soldiers there were anywhere,’ he says, ‘he bound by a fixed formula of pay and rewards, determining according to each man’s rank both the length of service and the advantages of discharge, so that neither by age nor by poverty after discharge might they be prompted to new troubles; and so that expenses for maintaining and settling them might always and without difficulty be available, he established the military treasury with new taxes.’” Strabo, in book XV, speaking of Berytus, which is in Syria, says: “This was laid waste by Tryphon, but is now restored by the Romans, admitting two legions, which Agrippa stationed there.” That is the colony of Berytus, mentioned by Ulpian in the Pandects, title De censibus , at the beginning. In Strabo’s Latin text it is everywhere read “Barutus”; I believe because that is how it is called today. The same author, in book XVII, speaking of Egypt when it had been reduced to a province, says: “If not by naval stations, then by legions under command in the cities, and others in the country. Besides these there are nine in the city, under the prefects; three in the city; under the governor...”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET τηνη, φρησκὰ ποίς τῶνις, της δικατατιω ἀλλω χώραν, εισι δὲ μὴ ἀπιπαρχιαν της. Copiaru[m] autem militariu[m] tres sunt legio nes, quarum una in Vrbe collocata, reliquæ duæ per re= gionem dispositæ, & præter has nouem cohortes Romæ= næ, ternæ in Vrbe, ternæ in finibus Aethiopiæ ad Syenem pro locorum præsidio: & tres per regione sparsæ: & in= super tres equitu[m] turmæ opportunis locis dispositæ. Lib. autem quarto in mentione Britanniæ, pacatam illam pro= uinciam tantum legione contineri in officio dicit, & paruo equitatu, τηλα χισον μὴ ά ινός παρ μαλς χημοι ἀν κει ιπικὴν πνός. Lib. III. de Hispania loquens, Betica (inquit) plebi attributa est, ad qua Prætor mittitur, qui Legatum habet et Quæstore, ἐ χων πρεοδοξητήν τε μὴ ταμίαν. Et post aliquanto, ἐ λειπη δὲ, ἀυτη οἰς ιειν ἐ πλειση, ἔ ιβηρίας ἔπο τω ἐπικημονι, spatian ἐχοντι αξιολογον πιῶν παταμάτων. Reliqua autem Iberiæ pars (hæc aute[m] est plurima) à Con= sulari uiro regitur, memorabile exercitum habete ad tres circiter legiones. Verùm hæc & alia è Græcis autoribus < Cur Budæus citata è Græcis autoribus loca Latina fecerit.> citata & Græce pleru[m]; & Latine in hos ueluti co[m]men= tarios recōditioris antiquitatis referenda esse duxi & per= scribenda. Na cum id no[n] esse discrepans generi scriptionis arbitrabar, tu uerò si Latina à me facta tantumodo pro= ferrem, ueritus sum ne rerum penè incredibiliu[m] fidem le= ctoribus parum certam facerem, ut nuhi interpretes plu= rimi nunc faciunt, postquam poenitere me coepit multo= rum, pudereq[ue]; quòd eorum testimonijs inconsulta secu= ritate & penè inerti usus essem: qua etiam & ipsi usi sunt quælibet ex[em]plaria inexploratò sequendo. Sin Græca tantu[m] uerba pro testimonio protulisse, non contenenda parte re= rum enarrataru[m] maximâ parte lectorum fraudauisse. Veru[m] Romanaru[m] legionu[m] in Germania no[n] mediocres fuisse co= pias opor

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASSE AND ET then, fresh? what of the others, of the same arrangement, into another region, and not an appendix of it. But of the military companies there are three legions, one of which is stationed in the City, the other two are disposed throughout the region; and besides these, nine Roman cohorts, three in the City, three on the borders of Ethiopia at Syene for the protection of the places; and three scattered through the region; and furthermore three troops of cavalry placed in suitable locations. In the fourth book, however, in mentioning Britain, he says that that province, though pacified, is kept in order by only one legion, and by a small cavalry force, ... In Book III, speaking of Spain, he says that Baetica (he says) was assigned to the people, to which a praetor is sent, who has a legate and a quaestor. And a little later, ... The remaining part of Iberia (and this is the larger part) is governed by a proconsular man, having a noteworthy army of about three legions. But these and other passages quoted from Greek authors I judged should be set down and copied here, both in Greek for the most part and in Latin, as though in commentaries on more remote antiquity. For since I thought this did not differ from the nature of the writing, I nevertheless feared, if I were to present only the Latin versions made by me, that I might make the truth of matters almost incredible to readers less certain, as very many interpreters now do, after I began to repent of many things, and to be ashamed that I had used their testimonies with unwary confidence and almost laziness; for they too have used the same method, following whatever copies without examination. But if I had presented the Greek words alone as testimony, I would have deprived the greatest part of the readers of a not inconsiderable part of the matters narrated. Yet the forces of the Roman legions in Germany were not small, it is neces...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET instituisse, idq[ue] argumentis haud leuibus credendum esse collegimus. Si plenæ igitur legiones fuerunt, id est, denis cohortibus constantes, quarum prima millenaria, reliquæ quinquagenariæ esse solebant, præter equitum alas: quæ= tum numerum hominum in tot legionibus fuisse dicemus? Nam eas non plenas fuisse sub mortem Augusti Christo domino nostro recens è uirgine nato, credibile no[n] est, cum omnia penè pacata essent, & in locu[m] demortuoru[m] succen= turiari facilè posset: præsertim sub eo principe, qui rem militare seuerissimè rexit, & copiaru[m] militarium breuiæ= rium, quod & pyctacium dicitur, apud sese habuisse dici= tur. Sed fuerint sanè legiones quatuor & quadraginta, no[n] iustæ plenæq[ue]; sed quaternum tantum millium singulæ, ut legionarioru[m] peditum centum & septuagintasex millia fuerint: ut trecenos numos singuli acceperint, hæredibus hoc legatu[m] centum & trigintaduobus millibus pondo ar= genti stetit, hoc est tredecies centenis ac uiginti millibus aureorum. Quibus si nunc addamus prætorianas & urbæ nas cohortes & equitatu[m], nescio quàm magna summa ac= cessura sit. Legatu[m] autem populo & tribubus factu[m] paulo minus undecies centenis millibus ualet. quod ad hæredes peruenit, tricies septies centenis & quinquaginta millibus æstimari debet. In uaria legata non dubito ingentem sum= mam absumptam. Præter congiaria autem quæ suprà re= tulimus in uitæ sæpe dedisse (nam frum[m]etationes ternas in anno quaternorum mensium, ne plebs frum[m]etandi causa ab urbe & negocijs auocaretur, ex ærario publico institutas esse existimo) præter largitiones inquam iam dictas etiam opera publica plurima & magnifica extruxit, in quibus priuatas propriasq[ue]; opes absumpsisse se elogio ul= timo testatus est. Ex his præcipua sunt foru[m] cu[m] æde Martis ulteris <Opera publica ab Augusto ex tracta.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET he established it, and we have gathered that it is to be believed on no slight arguments. If, then, the legions were full, that is, made up of ten cohorts, of which the first was usually of a thousand men and the rest of five hundred, besides the wings of cavalry: what number of men shall we say there was in so many legions? For it is not credible that they were not full at the death of Augustus, when our Lord Christ, newly born of the Virgin, was born, since almost everything was at peace, and they could easily be filled up in the place of those who had died; especially under that prince, who governed the military state most strictly, and is said to have kept in his own possession a register of the military forces, which is also called a pyctacium . But let the legions have been forty-four, not full and complete, but only of four thousand each, so that there were one hundred and seventy-six thousand infantry legionaries: if each received three hundred denarii, this legacy cost the heirs one hundred and thirty-two thousand pounds of silver, that is, thirteen hundred and twenty thousand gold coins. If to these we now add the praetorian and city cohorts and the cavalry, I do not know how great a sum will be added. But the legacy made to the people and tribes amounts to a little less than eleven hundred thousand. What came to the heirs ought to be estimated at three million seven hundred and fifty thousand. In the various bequests, I do not doubt, a vast sum was spent. Besides the congiaria, however, which we noted above that he often gave during his lifetime—for I think the grain distributions, three times a year for periods of four months, were instituted from the public treasury, so that the plebs would not be drawn away from the city and from business for the sake of obtaining grain—besides these gifts, I say, he also erected many and magnificent public works, in which he testified in his final statement that he had exhausted his private and personal resources. Among these the chief are the forum with the temple of Mars the Avenger

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 329 ultoris in honorem confecti Pharsalici belli ob ultionem cædis Cæsarianæ suscepti, quo nomine etia[m] nummus per= cussus uisitur. Aedes tonantis Iouis in Capitolio. templum Apollinis ea parte Palatinæ domus excitatum, quam fulmi ne ietam desiderari à deo Aruspices pronunciarant. addita porticus cum bibliotheca Latina Græcaq[ue], quo loco iam senior sæpe etiam Senatum habuit, decuriasq[ue] iudicum re cognouit. Quædam etiam opera sub nomine alieno, nepo= tum scilicet & uxoris sororisq[ue] fecit, ut porticum basili= camq[ue] Lucij & Caij. Item Porticus Liuiæ & Octauiæ, theatrumq[ue] Marcelli. Sed & cæteros principes uiros, ut pro facultate quisque monumentis uel nouis uel refectis & excultis Vrbem adornaret, adhortatus est: multaq[ue] à mul= tis extructa sunt, sicut à Martio Philippo ædes Herculis & Musarum, à L. Cornificio ædes Dianæ, ab Asinio Pol lione atrium Libertatis, à Munatio Plancædes Saturni, à Cornelio Balbo theatrum, à Statilio Tauro amphitheæ trum, à Marco uerò Agrippa complura & egregia. Idem princeps aduersus incendia excubias nocturnas uigiliasq[ue] commentus est. ad coërcendas inundationes, alueum Ty= beris laxauit, ac repurgauit, co[m]pletum olim ruderibus & ædificiorum prolapsionibus coarctatum. Quò autem faci lius undiq[ue] Vrbs adiretur, desumpta sibi Flaminia uia A= rimino tenus munienda, reliquas triumphalibus uiris ex manubiali pecunia sternendas distribuit. Aedes sacras ue= tustate collapsas, aut incendio absumptas refecit, easq[ue] & cæteras opulentissimis donis adornauit, utpote qui in cel= lam Capitolini Iouis sexdecim millia pondo auri, gem= masq[ue] & margaritas quingenties festertium una donatio ne contulerit: quæ omnia autore Tranquillo nouimus. Sexdecim millia pondo auri æstimatione nostra (quæ est x 3 centum

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 329 a Pharsalian war undertaken in honor of the avenger, for the revenge of the slaughter of Caesar, under which name a coin was also seen to have been struck. The temple of Jupiter Tonans on the Capitol. A temple of Apollo, erected on that part of the Palatine house which the augurs had declared must be abandoned as struck by lightning by the god. A portico was added with a Latin and Greek library, where, when already old, he often even held the Senate and reviewed the decuries of judges. He also made certain works under another's name, namely those of his grandsons and of his wife and sister, such as the portico and basilica of Lucius and Gaius. Likewise the Portico of Livia and of Octavia, and the theater of Marcellus. But he also urged the other leading men, each according to his means, to adorn the City with monuments, whether new or restored and embellished; and many things were built by many, such as by Marcus Philippus the temple of Hercules and the Muses, by L. Cornificius the temple of Diana, by Asinius Pollio the Hall of Liberty, by Munatius Plancus the temple of Saturn, by Cornelius Balbus the theater, by Statilius Taurus the amphitheater, and by Marcus Agrippa very many and splendid works. The same prince also devised night watches and sentries against fires. To check inundations, he widened and cleaned out the channel of the Tiber, which had formerly been choked up with rubble and the collapse of buildings. And in order that the City might more easily be approached from every side, he assigned the Flaminian Way, as far as Rimini, to be paved at his own expense, and distributed the remaining roads among triumphal men to be paved with money from spoils of war. He restored sacred buildings that had fallen down through age or been destroyed by fire, and adorned these and the others with the most generous gifts, as one who in a single donation contributed to the cell of Jupiter Capitolinus sixteen thousand pounds of gold, and gems and pearls to the amount of five hundred sesterces; all of which things we know from the author Tranquillus. Sixteen thousand pounds of gold, by our estimation (which is x 3 hundred

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET centum duodecim aureorum & semissis in singula pondo, si eius indicaturæ aurum fuit, cuius extant Romana nonis mata) duodeuicies centena aureoru[m] nullia ualent: & quin genties sestertiu[m], duodecies centena & quinquaginta milia. fit summa huius donationis tricies centena & quinquaginta millia aureorum. Cum hæc & multo plura fecisset, paulò minus (ut diximus) quadragies centena millia hæredibus reliquit: cum tanta etiam legata reliquerit: cum interim (quod mireris) ærarium publicum non attigerit: quod non suum (ut plerique sequentium principum) sed populi esse uoluit. Tria enim uolumina cum testamento suo reliquit: unum, in quo mandata de funere suo complexus est: alterum, indicem rerum à se gestarum: tertium, breuiarium totius imperij, quantum militum sub signis ubique esset, quantum pecuniæ in ærario, & fiscis, & uectigaliorum residuis, & eorum seruorum libertorumq[ue]; nomina à quibus ratio exigi posset: ut autor est Tranquillus. Hic nescias utrum magis murere, potentiamne & opulentiam Romani imperij hac ætate inauditam & incredibilem, an principis frugalitatem & diligentiâ: qui tanta opera efficere, tot sumptus tolerare, tantisq[ue]; summis testari potuerit. <Hadrianus.> Spartianus autor est, Hadrianum, antequam Antoninu[m] Pium adoptasset, Ceionium Commodum adoptasse: ob cuius adoptionem Circenses ludos dedit, & donatium populo ac militibus. <Donatiuu[m] Hadriani.> Quem Consulem designatum cum minus sanum uideret, sæpissime dictitabat, In caducum parietem nos inclinauimus, & perdidimus quater millies sestertium, quod populo & militibus pro adoptione Commodi dedimus. Hæc summa à nobis centies centena nullia aureum nostrorum æstimatur. Is princeps cum magnificentissimus uideri uellet, & à nullo magni

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G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND ET one hundred and twelve aurei and a half in each weight, if the gold was of that assaying, of which there remain Roman nones mata) twelve times a hundred thousand aurei have no value: and five hundred sestertii, twelve hundred and fifty thousand. the total of this donation comes to thirty-five hundred thousand aurei. When he had done these things and much more, he left to his heirs, a little less than, as we said, forty hundred thousand; and he left such great legacies as well: while in the meantime, which is surprising, he did not touch the public treasury: because he wished it to be not his own (as most of the succeeding emperors did), but the people’s. For he left three volumes with his will: one, in which he included instructions concerning his funeral; another, an inventory of his achievements; the third, a brief account of the whole empire, how many soldiers were everywhere under arms, how much money was in the treasury, and in the fisc, and in the remaining revenues, and the names of those slaves and freedmen from whom an account could be demanded: as Tranquillus reports. Here you would not know whether more to marvel at the power and wealth of the Roman Empire, unprecedented and unbelievable in that age, or at the prince’s frugality and diligence: who could accomplish so much, bear so great expenses, and leave behind such enormous sums. <Hadrian.> Spartianus reports that Hadrian, before he adopted Antoninus Pius, adopted Ceionius Commodus: on account of whose adoption he gave Circensian games, and a donative to the people and soldiers. <Donative of Hadrian.> When he saw the man designated for the consulship to be less than sound in mind, he very often used to say, In a crumbling wall we have leaned, and we have lost four million sestertii, which we gave to the people and the soldiers for the adoption of Commodus. This sum by us is reckoned at one hundred times a hundred thousand of our aurei. This prince, since he wished to seem most magnificent, and by no one

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 331 magnificentia superari, cum Phrasmeni Iberoru[m] Regi ingentia dona dedisset, & ipse uicissim ab eo uisenda accepisset, & inter alia auratas chlamydes, ipse irridedis eius Regis donis, trecentos noxios cum auratis itidem chlamy dibus in arenam misit cum feris depugnaturos, aut à feris laniandos. Idem Spartanus alio libro de supradicto Com modo loquens, qui Aelius Verus post adoptionem dictus est, Pro eius, inquit, adoptione infinitam pecuniam populo & militibus Hadrianus dedit: sed cum eum uideret homo argutior ægerrimæ ualetudinis, ita ut scutum solidius iactare non posset, dixisse fertur, Ter millies perdidimus, quod exercitui populoq[ue] pro eo dependimus. Sed quater (ut arbitror) hic ut supra legendum est. Quin & illud mirari magnopere quis possit, quòd Augustus testamento suo inseruit, Se uiginti annis proximis quaterdecies millies testamentis anucorum percepisse: quam summam non minorem quinquies & tricies centenis myriadibus aureorum coronatoru[m] esse existimo, hoc est trecenties & quinquagies centenis nullibus. Hæc enim & huiuscemodi credi non possunt ab ijs qui Romanorum opes publicas priuatasq[ue] animo non conceperunt. Quotus autem quisque intra annos octingentos co[n]cepisse dici potest? Multa iam diximus de Crasso, de Pompeio, de Cæsare, & alijs permultis qui ciuile fastigium non excesserunt. Vidimus etia[m] quibus Romanorum victorijs luxuria Asiatica admissa sit in Vrbem & Italiam. Plinius igitur libro x x x i i I. de copia argenti loquens ita inquit, Scimus lectos mulierum iampridem toto operiri argento, & triclinia quædam, quibus argentum addidisse primus traditur Pollio Eques Romanus, non ut operiret, aut Deliaca specie faceret, sed Punica. Idem & aureos fecit. Nec multo post argentei Delia

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 331 to be surpassed in magnificence, when he had given great gifts to Phrasmenus, king of the Iberians, and had in return received gifts to be seen by him, including, among other things, gilded cloaks; mocking the gifts of that king, he sent three hundred criminals into the arena, likewise clad in gilded cloaks, to fight with wild beasts or be torn apart by them. The same Spartan, speaking in another book of the aforesaid Commodus, who after his adoption was called Aelius Verus, says of his adoption: Hadrian gave infinite money to the people and the soldiers; but when he saw him, a man of sharper wit and of the most severe ill health, so that he could not even throw a shield with any force, he is said to have remarked, “We have lost three thousand times ten thousand, which we have paid out for him to the army and the people.” But, as I think, this should be read “four times.” And indeed one may greatly wonder at the fact that Augustus inserted in his will that in the preceding twenty years he had received fourteen times ten thousand from the wills of friends: a sum which I judge to be no less than thirty-five hundred thousand golden crowns, that is, three hundred and fifty million of naughts. For such things, and things like them, cannot be believed by those who have not conceived in mind the public and private wealth of the Romans. And who among us can be said to have conceived such a thing within eight hundred years? We have already said much about Crassus, Pompey, Caesar, and very many others who did not exceed the civic summit. We have also seen by what Roman victories Asiatic luxury was admitted into the City and Italy. Pliny therefore, in book XXXIII, speaking of the abundance of silver, says: We know that women’s couches have long since been covered with silver all over, and certain dining rooms, to which the Roman equestrian Pollio is said to have been the first to add silver, not so as to cover them, or to make them in the Delian style, but in the Punic. He also made golden ones. And not long after, silver Delia

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET < Plinij locus restituendus.> bonus pro x x x. sestertijs intellexit, cum apertè sensus refragetur. Ex his uerbis Valerij intelligimus numerum in Plinio deesse. Valerius enim ante Plinium fuit. In anti= quissimo codice sic scriptum inueni, Pro domo eius hs. promittens. quod significat sestertium, sed numerus deest, quem numerum cum librarij uel emendatores non perciperent, millia nummorum subdiderunt. In eodem codice non concedere, sed addicere legitur, quod nahi placuit. Verùm eas columnas Hymettias Plinius libro trigesimo= sexto duobus in locis non decem, sed sex fuisse dicit. Quòd si domus Crassi sexagies sestertium æstimata fuit ab inimico, ita ut ne tanti quidem Crassus addicere uoluerit quin arbores inde tolleret, quid existimabimus de alijs quæ postea factæ fuerunt? Siquidem L. Crassus æqualis Qu. Catuli fuit, cuius paulò antè mentio facta est ex Plinio. Hoc autem ex uerbis Plinij intelligimus in eodem xvII. Crassus, inquit, orator fuit in primis nominis Romani: domus ei magnifica, sed aliquando præstantior in eodem Palatio Qu. Catuli qui Cimbros cum Mario fudit: multo uerò pulcherrima consensu omnium ætate ea in colle Viminali C. Aquilij Equitis Romani, clarioris etiam tum iu ris ciuilis scientia, cum tamen obiecta Crasso sua est. Hactenus Plinius. Si ergo Crassus Censor ipse centum & quinquaginta nullibus aureorum nostrorum habitauit (tant ti enim sexagies sestertium esse dico) nec tamen pulcherrimam tum habuit, & quæ tunc pulcherrima domus fuit Romæ, post trigintaquinque annos centesimam pulchritudinus notam non obtinuit: quantam magnificentiam ædium Romanaru[m] luxuriæ tempore concipiemus, cum nulla iam Censura timeretur? Is enim est Crassus dialogus Ciceronis de Oratore nobilitatus, quem Cicero meminisse po

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET < Pliny’s passage to be restored.> “bonus” for xxx. sesterces he understood, although the sense plainly refutes it. From these words of Valerius we understand that a number is lacking in Pliny. For Valerius lived before Pliny. In a very ancient codex I found it written thus: “Pro domo eius hs. promittens,” which signifies a sesterce, but the number is lacking; and when the copyists or emendators did not perceive what number it was, they inserted “thousands of coins.” In the same codex it is read “not to concede, but to assign,” which pleased me. But Pliny in book thirty-six says of those Hymettian columns, in two places, not ten, but six. For if Crassus’s house was valued at sixty million sesterces by an enemy, so that Crassus would not even have wanted to assign it for that sum unless he were to remove the trees from it, what shall we think of the others that were later built? Indeed L. Crassus was a contemporary of Q. Catulus, mention of whom was made a little before from Pliny. But from Pliny’s words in the same book XVII we understand this: “Crassus,” he says, “was in the foremost rank of Roman orators: his house was magnificent, but at one time that of Q. Catulus in the same Palatine was superior, who with Marius defeated the Cimbri: but much more beautiful by the agreement of all, in my time, was that on the Viminal Hill of C. Aquilius, a Roman knight, even then more distinguished in knowledge of civil law, although Crassus’s was set against it.” Thus far Pliny. If, therefore, Crassus the Censor himself lived in one hundred and fifty thousand of our gold coins (for I say that sixty million sesterces amount to this), and yet did not then have the most beautiful house, and the house which was then the most beautiful in Rome, after thirty-five years did not obtain the hundredth mark of beauty: what magnificence of Roman houses shall we conceive in the age of luxury, when no censorship was now feared? For this is the Crassus made famous in Cicero’s dialogue De Oratore, whom Cicero remembers to have

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. se potuit, non etiam uidisse, & qui uasa argentea senis se= stertijs in libras empta habuit, si exempla non mendosa sunt in eo loco: quod minime ipse arbitror. Plutarchus in Mario de domo uel prætorio Marij loquens, Circa Mi= senum ad uoluptatem etiam effoeminatam condito: Hanc, inquit, ædemum Cornelia fertur quinque & septuaginta drachmarum millibus emisse, ταυτω λεγταί μυειάσων ἐπία ἀμισων ἐνενηλία πρίαδα. Postea tempore non admo= dum multo interlapso Lucius Lucullus hanc eandè quin= gentis drachmarum millibus emit, & ducentis præterea. χρόνα ἐν Πανη ωολλή ἐνομήνα λοδική λοδικολή ὑνεῖταί μυειάσων πεντήνητα ἐνι άκασίων. ὑτω ταχίως ὑτε= ραυνον ἔν ωδυτήλα. usqueadeo celeriter luxuria excur= rit. Posterior summa quinquaginta millibus aureorum coronatorum ualuit, & paulo plus, cum prior non maior fuerit septem millibus & quingentis. Cicero autem non minoris quinquaginta millibus aureorum coronatorum ha bitauit. Gellius libro x 1. Cicero cum emere uellet in Pa= latio domum, & pecuniam in præsens non haberet, à Pu= blio Sylla qui tum reus erat, mutuò sestertium uicies taci= tè accepit. Eares tamen priusquam emeret, prodita in uul gus exiuit, obiectumq; ei est quòd pecuniam domus emen= dæ causa à reo accepisset. Tum Cicero in opinata oppro= bratione permotus, accepisse se, ac domum quoque se em= pturum negauit. Atque adeò, inquit, uerum sit accepisse me pecuniam, si domum emero. Sed cum postea emisset, & hoc mendacium in Senatu ei ab inimicis obijceretur, risit satis, atque inter ridendum, Ignoratis, inquit, pruden tis & cauti patris famili esse, quod emere uelit, empturum sese negare propter co[n]petitores emptionis. Hactenus Gel lius. Tanti autem æstimatam fuisse Senatus etiam decreto Cicero Cicer. domus. Cicero facetè mendacij cri- men diluit.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. He could do so, but not even see it; and one who had silver vessels bought for six sesterces a pound, if the examples in that passage are not corrupt, which I by no means think. Plutarch, in his Life of Marius, speaking of the house or praetorium of Marius, built near Misenum for luxury even to effeminacy, says: “Cornelia is said to have bought this residence for five and seventy thousand drachmas.” Later, after not much time had passed, Lucius Lucullus bought the same house for five hundred thousand drachmas, and two hundred besides. Thus luxury advanced so rapidly. The later sum was worth fifty thousand gold crowns, and a little more, while the earlier had not been greater than seven thousand five hundred. Cicero, however, inhabited one worth no less than fifty thousand gold crowns. Gellius, book x. 1. Cicero, when he wished to buy a house on the Palatine and did not have money at the moment, secretly borrowed from Publius Sulla, who was then under accusation, two million sesterces. The matter, however, before he bought it, was disclosed and came out among the people, and he was charged with having accepted money from a defendant for the purpose of buying a house. Then Cicero, moved by the unexpected reproach, denied that he had received it and that he would even buy the house. “And indeed,” he said, “let it be true that I have received the money, if I buy the house.” But when he had afterwards bought it, and this falsehood was thrown at him in the Senate by his enemies, he laughed heartily, and while laughing said: “You do not understand that it is the part of a prudent and careful head of a household to deny that he will buy what he wants to buy, because of rival purchasers.” So far Gellius. But the Senate also valued it at that amount by decree. Cicer. domus. Cicero cleverly clears himself of the charge of lying.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. ita subdit, Sed, ut opinor, illa te magis extollunt, quæ post Consulatum cum uxore de Republica consuluisti, cum le= gis Plauciæ iudicia domu faciebatis, ex coniuratis alios pe cuniæ condemnabas, c[uius] tibi alius Tusculanam, alius Pom peianam ullam ædificabat, alius domum emebat. qui ucrò nihil poterat, hic erat calumniæ proximus. hic oppugna= tum domum tuâ uenerat, aut insidias Senatui fecerat. de= nique de eo tibi compertum erat. Quæ si tibi falsa obij= cio, rede rationem quantum patrimonij acceperis, quid tibi litibus accreuerit, qua ex pecunia domum paraueris, Tusculanum & Pompeianum infinito sumptu exædifi= caueris: aut si retices, cui dubium potest esse quin opulen= tiam istam ex sanguine & miserij ciuium paraueris? Ex bis uerbis satis apparet uicies sestertium magnam pecu= niam fuisse, nec immeritò Ciceronem conquestum apud Atticum, quod Tusculanum suum ædificium quingentis sestertijs æstimatu esset, quæ nos duodecim nullia & quin= gentos aureos esse dicimus. Sallustius enim infinito sum= ptu ædificatum esse obiecit. Blondus libro nono Romæ triuphantis, in quo libro urbis Romæ Romanorumq[ue] ma= gnificentiam diligenter magis quàm doctè ostendisse ui= detur, ait obseruasse in Epistolis Ciceronis, Ciceronem uil las duodeuiiginti numero habuisse, in queis præcipuas Tu sculanam, Formianam, Arpinatem, Ancanâ, & Pompeia= nam. quas tamen eum simul possedisse non credo, nec ipse Blodus affirmat. Cicero in Oratione pro M. Cælio, Sum= ptus unius generis obiectus est, habitationis. x x x. mul= libus dixistis eum habitare. Ex hoc loco conijci potest magnam esse pecuniam x x x. sestertia: & præterea exemplum habemus quanti domus locarentur anniuersaria mercede. x x x. sestertia ego septingentos quin= y quæ Sestertia x x x.

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thus he adds, “But, as I think, those things raise you up more, which after your consulship you discussed with your wife concerning the Republic; when, under the Plautian law, you were holding trials at home, condemning some of the conspirators to a fine of money, while for others one was building a Tusculan house for you, another a Pompeian one, another was buying you a house. But whoever could do nothing, he was nearest to a prosecution. He had come to your house as one attacking it, or had laid snares for the Senate. In short, you had information about that man. If I accuse you falsely of these things, give an account of how much patrimony you received, what you gained from lawsuits, from what money you acquired your house, and built your Tusculan and Pompeian villas at such enormous expense; or if you keep silent, who can doubt that you acquired that wealth from the blood and misery of your fellow citizens?” From these words it is clear enough that twenty times a hundred thousand sesterces was a great sum of money, and Cicero was not unjustified in complaining to Atticus that his Tusculan estate had been valued at five hundred sesterces, which we say is twelve thousand five hundred gold pieces. For Sallust charged that it had been built at enormous expense. Blondus, in the ninth book of Roma triumphans, in which book he seems to have shown the magnificence of the city of Rome and of the Romans more diligently than learnedly, says that he observed in Cicero’s letters that Cicero had eighteen villas, among which the principal ones were the Tusculan, the Formian, the Arpinate, the Ancanan, and the Pompeian. Yet I do not believe that he possessed them all at the same time, nor does Blondus himself assert it. Cicero, in the speech For M. Caelius, says: “An expense of one kind was objected, that of habitation. ... You said that he lived in ...” From this passage it may be inferred that a great sum of money was involved, ... sesterces; and besides, we have an example of how much houses were let for as an annual rent. ... sesterces; I ... seven hundred ... ... sesterces ...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quaginta aureos nostros esse dico. Ipse in Oratione pro domo sua quodam in loco ita inquit, Nihil erat latum de me: non adesse eram iussus, non citatus affueram: eram etia[m] tuo iudicio ciuis in columnis, cuius domus in palatio, uilla in Tusculano, altera ad alterum Consulem transferebatur: Senatus Co[s]sules uocabat, columnæ marmoreæ ex ædibus meis inspectante populo Romano ad socerum Consulis <Cic. locus.> portabantur. Sed emendandus locus in quinto Epistolarum, ubi ad P. Sestium scribens, ita inquit, Ego tua gratulatione commotus, quòd ad me pridem scripseras, uelle te bene euenire quòd de Crasso domu[m] emissem, emi eâ ipsam domum millibus nummum x x x v. aliquanto post tuam gratulationem. Itaque nunc me scito tantum habere æris alieni, ut cupiam coniurare, si quisquam recipiat. Huiusce modi menda est in x 1. in epistola Decimi Bruti ad Ciceronem, Cum ad rempub. liberandu[m] accessi, mihi fuit sestertium quatuor millibus amplius. septem legionu[m] numerum alo, qua difficultate, tu arbitrare. Verum illic tricies quinquies sestertium legendum puto. Si enim superficies uicies æstimata est, potuit area quindecies addere ad preciu[m]. Hu iusmodi ædificia damnosa ambitione exædificata compel lans Sallustius in Catilinario, ita inquit, Operæ preciu[m] est cu[m] domos atque uillas cognoueris in urbium modum ædificatas, uisere templa deorum quæ nostri maiores reliogissi mi mortales fecere. Ciceronem autem tanti domum emere potuisse, argumentum est id quod ipse in secunda Antoniana dicit, Hæreditatem mihi negasti obuenisse. utinam hoc tuum uerum crimen esset. Ego enim amplius sestertiu[m] ducenties acceptum hæreditatibus retuli. quanquam in hoc genere fateor feliciorem esse te. me nemo nisi amicus fecit hæredem, ut cum illo commodo quod erat, animi qui= dam

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G. BVD. OF THE AS AND I say that there are fifty of our gold pieces. He himself, in the Oration for his house, says in a certain place: “Nothing was decreed against me: I had been ordered not to be present, I had not been summoned, yet I was present; I was, even by your judgment, a citizen on the pillars, whose house in the palace, villa on the Tusculan road, was being transferred one to another Consul: the Senate was calling the Consuls, marble columns from my house, in the sight of the Roman people, were being carried to the father-in-law of the Consul <Cic. locus.>.” But the passage must be corrected in the fifth book of the Letters, where, writing to P. Sestius, he says: “I, moved by your congratulation, because you had long before written to me, wishing you well with the purchase of Crassus’s house, bought that very house for 350,000 sesterces some time after your congratulation. And so now know that I have so much debt that I would wish to conspire, if anyone would receive me.” A blunder of this kind is in x 1. in a letter of Decimus Brutus to Cicero: “When I came forward to liberate the republic, I had more than four million sesterces. I maintain seven legions, judge for yourself with what difficulty. But there I think ‘thirty-five million sesterces’ should be read. For if the surface was estimated at twenty times its value, the plot could add fifteen times to the price. Sallust, in the Catiline, driving out such buildings, ruinously raised by ambition, says: “It is worth while, when you have come to know houses and villas built in the manner of cities, to visit the temples of the gods, which our ancestors, most religious of mortals, made. But that Cicero could have bought a house at such a price is shown by the argument of what he himself says in the second Philippic: “You denied that an inheritance had come to me. I wish that this charge of yours were true. For I have received more than two hundred million sesterces in inheritances.” Although in this kind of thing I admit that you are more fortunate. No one but a friend made me heir, so that together with that advantage there was, a certain of the mind

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 141 in eius conuiuio aliud acroama quàm anagnosten audiuit. Verùm ex suprà dictis apparet fructuosam Ciceroni atq[ue] etiam auriferam eloquetiam fuisse. omnes enim artes olim magno cum splendore exercebantur. Non omittendum il lud, quòd caput amputatum parenti eloquentiæ Romanae, decies sestertium ab Antonio Triumuiro æstimatum est, id est quinque et ui ginti nullibus aureorum nostrorum. Autorem enim Appianum habemus in 1111. Ciuilium bel. qui ducenta et quinquaginta nullia drachmarum Popilio Lænæ pro capite Ciceronis Antonium dedis se scripsit. Tati caput eloquentiæ ab inimico æstimatu est. Caput Ciceronis quanti æstimatum sit. [δ]ε[ ομ]ιδι πα μάλισα, κει χρ λεχατον ιεφάνωσε κει πλεοσ την αθλων ιδωροκτο πέντε κει ικνοπ μυράσν ατικῶν δαχμῶν, ως μερισον δη την [δ]η παντων ιχηων κει ωλεμιώτατον δι λειωμων αυλοῦντα. tametsi merces in singula capita proscriptorum erat constituta in edicto proscriptionis, ut idem autor prodidit, his uerbis, αναφεροντων [δ]επεικεφαλας δι πτειναυτες ἰφοιμας, [δ]ειμιελοθερος [με]ν ομιμιριας δαχμοῦς ατικαῦς [μη]ν ποντακιχιλιας [μη]περεκάσμεν [δ]ειλελοθερια της σώματος, [μη]ν μυριας ατικαῦς, [μη]ν της της λαώτη ωολιτεια. qua ratione caput Ciceronis decuplo æstimatum fuit, quàm alioru[m] proscriptorum. Diximus suprà Isocratem dicendi præceptorem orationem unam talentis ui ginti uendidisse. Theombrotum medicum, Antiochum regem talentis centu[m] sanasse. Apellem pictorem, sed literarum peritu[m], Alexandrum regè uiginti auri talentis pinxis se, quâti bodie ducatus non mediocris emu possit. Singula enim talenta auri non minus senis nullibus septingentis et quinquagenis solatis nostris ualuerunt. Aristoteles Speuippi pauculos libros tribus talentis emit, ut autor est Gel. Quanti igitur emptos existimamus libros Aristotelis et y 3 Theo

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. HIS LIB. III. 141 in his feast he heard no other entertainment than a reader. But from the things said above it is clear that eloquence was fruitful for Cicero and even golden. For all the arts were once practiced with great splendor. Nor should this be omitted: that the head cut off of the parent of Roman eloquence was valued by Antony the Triumvir at ten million sesterces, that is, twenty-five thousand of our gold coins. For we have Appian as an author in the fourth book of the Civil Wars, who wrote that Antony gave Popillius Laenas two hundred and fifty thousand drachmas for the head of Cicero. So the head of eloquence was valued by an enemy. The head of Cicero how much it was valued at. [Greek text] indeed, most especially, and because it surpassed the rewards of all others by five and twenty Attic drachmas, as the destroyer of the most just and most hateful of all men. Although a price was fixed in the edict of proscription for each head of the proscribed, as the same author relates, in these words, [Greek text] for each head they who brought it in received fifty thousand Attic drachmas; for each whole body twenty-five thousand; for the body with the head, ten thousand Attic drachmas; for the one that brought back the city to order. By this reckoning the head of Cicero was valued ten times higher than those of the other proscribed men. We said above that Isocrates, the teacher of oratory, sold one speech for twenty talents. The physician Theombrotus cured King Antiochus for one hundred talents. Apelles the painter, but skilled in letters, painted Alexander the king for twenty talents of gold, which today a not insignificant principality could scarcely buy. For each talent of gold was worth no less than six hundred and fifty of our solidi. Aristotle bought Speusippus’ few books for three talents, as Gel. says. How much then do we think Aristotle’s books were bought for, and y 3 Theo

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Theophrasti, quos Strabo libro X I I I. ab Appellicone Teio, magno argento redemptos esse tradidit, tineis iam & situ corruptos, ut qui iamdiu in terram obruti fuerat? Plinius auunculus Collectanea sua quadringentis sesterijs uendere noluit, ut autor est Plin. iunior lib. I I I. Epistolarum, his uerbis, Perire enim omne tempus arbitrabatur quod studijs non impartiretur. Hac intentione tot ista uolumina peregit, electorumq[ue] commentarios c x. mihi reliquit, opisthographos quidem et nunutissimè scriptos, qua ratione multiplicatur hic numerus. Refrebat ipse potuisse se cum procuraret in Hispania, uendere hos commetarios Largio Licinio c c c c. nullibus num[m]um. & t[ame]n aliquanto pauciores erant. quo in loco no[n] electorum quæ Latina dictio est, sed electorum lego. Sunt enim Græcè adnotata, & ἰκλογαὶ adnotationes, & ἰκλελομητια ἐα quæ legendo adnotamus. Cæterùm quis nunc regum emere bibliothecam confertissimam decem aureorum nullibus uelit, quanti à Plinio eius unus priuatus regesta quædam extemporanea licitari ausus est? Et Plinius tamen tanti addicere noluit. Plinium autem iuniorem diuitem fuisse, multa eius epistolarum loca declarant. Iam primum in V I I. Epistolarum ad Corelliam scribens, ita inquit, Tu quidem honestissimè, quòd tam impensè & rogas & exigis, ut accipi à te iubeam precium agrorum, non ex septingentis nullibus, quanti illos à libero meo: sed ex nongentis, quanti à publicanis partem uigesimam emusti. Inuicem ego & rogo & exigo, ut non solum quid te, uerum etiam quid me deceat, aspicias. Et ex his uerbis & ex epistola paulò superiore quam ad Fabatum scribit, apparet eum ducêta nullia num[m]um pro accessione precij cōtempsisse, emptrice etia[m] hoc petente, ne ratum non habere uideretur. quod

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. On the asinine of Theophrastus, which Strabo in book XIII. says were bought from Appellicon of Teos for a great sum of silver, were now corrupted by worms and decay, as though they had long been buried in the earth? Pliny the Elder would not sell his Collectanea for four hundred sesterces, as Pliny the Younger is authority in Book III of the Epistles, in these words: “For he thought that all time was being lost which was not devoted to studies.” With this intention he went through so many volumes, and left me one hundred and sixty commentaries of selected passages, indeed written on both sides and most minutely penned, by which method this number is increased. He himself related that when he was serving as procurator in Spain he could have sold these commentaries to Larcius Licinus for four hundred thousand nummi, and yet they were somewhat fewer. In this place I read not electorum, which is a Latin word, but electorum. For they are Greek notes, and ἐκλογαί are annotations, and ἐκλελογητια α are those things which we note while reading. Moreover, who now among kings would wish to buy a very full library for ten aurei, when Pliny’s one private man dared to bid for certain extemporaneous notes at what price? And yet Pliny would not let them go for so much. That Pliny the Younger was a man of wealth, many places in his letters show. First of all, in Epistle VII, writing to Corellia, he says thus: “You indeed act most honorably, since you so earnestly both ask and demand, that I may order the price of the lands to be accepted from you, not from seven hundred thousand, the price at which I bought them from my freedman, but from nine hundred thousand, the price at which I bought a twentieth share from the tax-farmers. I in turn both ask and demand that you consider not only what is fitting for you, but also what is fitting for me.” And from these words, and from the somewhat earlier letter which he writes to Fabatus, it appears that he despised two hundred thousand nummi as an addition to the price, even though the purchaser also asked this, lest he should seem not to have confirmed it. which

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. quod à libero suo gestu[m] erat. Idem ad Caniniu[m], Equidem comodius nihil inuenio, quàm quod ipse feci. Na pro quin gentis nullibus nummum, quæ in alimeta ingenuoru[m] ingenuarumq[ue] promiscra, agrum ex meis longè pluris actori publico publicè mancipaui, eundè uectigali imposito recepi, tricena annua nullia daturus. Per hoc enim et reip[ublicæ] sors in tuto, nec reditus incertus, et ipse ager propter id quod uectigali logè supercurrit, semper dominu[m] à quo exerceatur, inueniet. Ex his uerbis apparet Pliniu[m] patriæ suæ donasse annua sestertia tricena, quæ à nobis septingentis & quinquaginta aureis æstimantur, pro quingentis sestertijs in numerato, quæ pollicitatione patriæ facta debebat, id est duodecim nullibus & quingentis aureis. Qua ratione paulo plus sedecim nullibus sestertium & quingetis, singula millia sestertium annua æstimauit. Id de libro v. ad Caluissiu[m] scribens: Saturninus qui nos reliquit hæredes, quadrâ tem reipub[licæ] nostræ, deinde pro quadrante præceptionem quadringentorum nullium dedit. Hoc, si ius aspicias, irritum: si defuncti uoluntatem, ratum & firmum est. mihi autem defuncti uoluntas antiquior iure est, utiq[ue]; in eo quod ad communem patriam uoluit peruenire. An cui de meo sedecies contuli, huic quadringentorum nullium paulo amplius tertiam partem ex aduentitio denegè? Sic enim in omnibus exemplaribus legitur, sed corruptissimè: quare sic locus restituèdus: An cui de meo sestertium decies contuli, huic quadringenta nullia. & reliqua sicq[ue] sensus liquidus erit. siquidem Plinius his uerbis significat decies centena millia nùmum reip[ublicæ] suæ antea se dedisse, & tum quadringe ta millia co[n]donare per præceptionem à se hærede relicta, quæ ipsa paulo plus tertia partem decies sestertium efficiunt. quadringenta enim millia, tertia pars est duodecies y 4 sester

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. which had been done at his free discretion. The same passage to Caninius: “For my part, I find nothing more convenient than what I myself have done. For, on account of five hundred men, a sum of money, which in the sustenance of freeborn boys and girls, mixed together, I publicly conveyed to the public farmer, an estate of mine worth much more, I took back under the imposition of a rent, never to pay thirty annua. For by this means both the state’s share is safe, and the income is not uncertain, and the estate itself, because the rent greatly exceeds it, will always find a master by whom it may be worked.” From these words it appears that Pliny gave to his native city thirty thousand sesterces annually, which are valued by us at seven hundred and fifty aurei, in place of five hundred sesterces in cash, which he had promised to his native city, that is, twelve thousand and five hundred aurei. By this method he estimated each thousand sesterces annually at a little more than sixteen thousand and five hundred sesterces. He writes this in book V to Calvissius: “Saturninus, who left us as heirs, gave to our commonwealth, first, a quarter share, and then, for the remaining quarter, an advance payment of four hundred thousand. This, if you look to the law, is void; if to the will of the deceased, it is valid and firm. But for my part the will of the deceased is prior to the law, especially in what he wished to pass to our common fatherland. Or shall I, when I contributed sixteen times one hundred thousand from my own property, deny to this other man a little more than a third part of four hundred thousand from what came to him by inheritance?” For so it is read in all the copies, but very corruptly; wherefore the passage must be restored thus: “Shall I, to whom I contributed ten million sesterces from my own property, deny to this man four hundred thousand?” and the rest, and so the sense will be clear. For Pliny by these words signifies that he had previously given six million sesterces to his own commonwealth, and then, by way of advance payment, he bestowed four hundred thousand more from the estate left by him to his heir; and these four hundred thousand make a little more than a third part of ten million sesterces. For four hundred thousand is the third part of twelve times one hundred thousand sesterces.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sestertium: & ideo ultra decies sester. olim in remp. collatum, ait se c c c c. mul. donare tunc, ut quæ cogi non pos set soluere, si iure summo uti uoluisset. ita enim erat ius co[n]stitutum, ut nec hæres institui respublica, nec præcipuum accipere ex testamento posset: ut ex eadem epistola significatur. duæ autem illæ summæ, x x x v. nullia aureoru[m] nostrorum ualent. Apud eudem epistola quarta ad Traianu[m], liberalitatem sestertij quadringentis pro quadragies legitur. Magnam enim essè pecuniam ex eo ostenditur, quod epistola alia ad eundem legitur, Theatrum domine Niceæ maxima iam parte constructum, imperfectum tamen, sester tium (ut audio) amplius centies hausit. Seruius grammaticus autor est Vergilium poëtam tres libros Aeneidis suæ Augusto recitasse, secundu[m], quartum, & sextum: sed sextu[m] maximè ob Octauium Augustisororem, Marcelli matrem, quem Marcellum Augustus sibi adoptauerat, qui perijt anno decimooctauo ualetudine correptus. Hæc igitur Octauia cum recitationi interesset, & Vergilius ad carmina illa uenisset circa finem sexti libri quæ Marcelli luctu[m] describunt, defecisse animo illa dicitur cum ad illud uentum est, Heu miserande puer si quà fata aspera rumpas, Tu Marcellus eris. - Aurei Vergiliani uersus. Aegrè autem resocillata Octauia silentium Vergilio imperasse dicitur, & dena sestertia pro singulis uersibus dari iussisse, qui numero sunt unus & uiginti. quod si est ueru[m], Vergilius paucis uersibus supra quinque nullia aureorum meruit. De hoc poëta ita inquit Seruius, aut quicunq[ue] fuit qui eius uitam scripsit, Bona autem cuiusdam exulantis no[n] sustinuit accipere. possedit propè centies sestertium ex li beralitatibus amicorum; habuitq[ue] domum Romæ in Aesquilijs, <Census Maronis.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sestertium: and therefore, beyond ten million sesterces formerly contributed to the state, he says he would then give 300,000 crowns, so that what could not be exacted, he might pay if he wished to use the highest right. For such was the established law, that the republic could neither be instituted heir, nor could it receive a specific legacy from a testament: as is indicated from the same letter. But those two sums, 35, have no value in our aurei. In the same letter to Trajan, in the fourth, a liberality of 400 sesterces is read for forty million. For it is shown to be a great sum of money from this, that in another letter to the same man it is read: the theater of Lord Nicæa, already built for the greater part, but still unfinished, has swallowed more than a hundred million sesterces (so I hear). Servius the grammarian is authority that Virgil the poet recited three books of his Aeneid to Augustus, the second, fourth, and sixth; but especially the sixth, because of Octavia, Augustus’ sister, mother of Marcellus, whom Augustus had adopted for himself, who died in the eighteenth year, overtaken by illness. Therefore when Octavia was present at the recitation, and Virgil had come to those verses around the end of the sixth book which describe Marcellus’ grief, she is said to have fainted in spirit when it came to that line: Heu miserande puer si qua fata aspera rumpas, Tu Marcellus eris. — Golden verses of Virgil. And when Octavia had with difficulty been revived, she is said to have commanded Virgil to be silent, and ordered that ten sesterces be given for each verse, of which there are twenty-one. If this is true, Virgil earned more than five million aurei for a few verses. Servius thus says of this poet, or whoever it was who wrote his life, that he did not tolerate receiving the good fortune of a certain exile. He possessed nearly a hundred million sesterces from the liberality of friends; and he had a house in Rome in the Esquiline quarter, <The estate of Maro.>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 343 quilijs, quanquam secessu Campaniæ Siciliæq[ue] plurimum uteretur. Quæcunq[ue] ab Augusto petijt, repulsam n[ost]quam tulit. parentibus quotannis aurum ad abundantem alitum nuttebat, quos iam grandis amusit. Hæredem autem fecit ex quadrante Augustum. Centies sestertiu[m] ducenta quinquaginta aureorum nullia ualet: quare non frustra Iuuenalis eius memunit ut copiosi in Satyra septima. Qui autem diligenter reputauerit commoda magistratum non modò in prouincijs, sed etia[m] in Vrbe, is non murabitur tam diuites quosdam fuisse. Argumentum eius rei ingens mihi uidetur ambitus Romæ flagrantissimus, cuius unum exem plum sat erit ex Ciceronis sumere libro secundo Epistolarum ad Quintum Fratrem. sic enim scribit, Ambitus redijt immanis. nunquam fuit par. non dico hyperbolas, uel sestertium centies constituunt in prærogatiuam pronunciare. Res ardet inuidia. Tribunitij candidati compromiseru[n]t, sestertijs c c c c. in singulos apud M. Catone[m] depositis, petere eius arbitratu: ut qui contrà fecisset, ab eo condemnaretur. Hic locus in impressis pridem libris corruptissimè legebatur, in quibus etiam numerus sestertiorum deerat: in recens impressis ne restitutus quidem satis est: quare à me citari integer non potuit. Male tamen sester. c c c c. legi ex eo apparet, quòd idem Cicero libro quar to ad Atticum ita scribit de his comitijs loquens, Sequere nunc me in campum. ardet ambitus. foenus ex triente Idibus Quintil. factum erat bessibus. Et post aliquot uersus, Pompeius fremit. queritur. Scauro studet. sed utrum fronte an mente, dubitatur. exoche in nullo est. pecunia omnium dignitatem exæquat. Messala languet: non quò animus desit, aut amicis careat: sed coitio c o s. & Pompeius obsunt. Candidati iurarunt se arbitrio Cato- nis

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 343 he used, although he made much use of retirement in Campania and Sicily. Whatever he asked from Augustus, he never met with a refusal. He used to send gold every year to his parents for their abundant support, whom he had now lost when grown old. But he made Augustus his heir to one quarter. A hundred times one hundred thousand sesterces, or two hundred and fifty aurei, amount to nothing: wherefore Juvenal does not in vain remind us of him in the seventh Satire, as a wealthy man. But whoever has carefully considered the advantages of magistracies, not only in the provinces but also in the City, will not wonder that some men were so rich. The proof of this seems to me to be the extremely flagrant bribery at Rome, of which one example will suffice to take from Cicero’s second book of Letters to his brother Quintus. For thus he writes: “Bribery has returned in monstrous form. Never has there been anything like it. I do not mean hyperboles, or that they fixed a hundred times a hundred thousand sesterces as the preliminary stake. The matter burns with envy. The tribuneship candidates have made a compact, with four hundred sesterces deposited with M. Cato on each man’s behalf, to seek the office at his discretion: so that whoever acted against it should be condemned by him.” This passage was long ago read in the printed books most corruptly, in which even the number of sesterces was missing; in the recent printings it has not even yet been sufficiently restored: therefore I could not cite it in full. Yet that four hundred sesterces should be read is shown by this, that the same Cicero writes in the fourth book to Atticus, speaking of these elections, “Follow me now into the Campus. Bribery is raging. Interest at the rate of one-third had by the Ides of Quintilis become two-thirds.” And after a few lines, “Pompey is muttering. He complains. He supports Scaurus. But whether in face or in mind, it is doubtful. There is no high position in any man. Money puts all dignity on the same level. Messala is slackening: not because his spirit is lacking, or because he has no friends; but because of the coalition of four hundred and Pompey are obstacles. The candidates swore by the decision of Cato-

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nis petituros. Apud eum sestertia quingena deposuerunt, ut qui à Catone damnatus esset, id perderet, & competitoribus tribueretur. Si locus hic non mendosus est, supra quingentis uel quingenis potius legi debet: cui parti autoritas Plutarchi non Latini facti sed Græci suffragatur, his uerbis, ἐπιδερ ὑποκαινοῦσις πιν ὅρχιν μετωπισις ἔσ των ὑμελεθει στι, παραβαλεσαι αφαχιμὴν ἐκασον ὑργιὰ διὰν ὑπο ὑμισον μετιάσας, ἐπιτα μετεναι πιν ὅρχιν πιντας ὑρθῶς ἐν δικαιως. Duo= decim myriades & semis drachmarum Atticarum, hoc est centum & uigintiquinque nullia denariorum, quingenta nullia nummum ualent, sicq[ue] summa quadrat ad nummu[m]. Hanc historiam tetigit Plinius in præfatione, Cum apud Catonem, inquit, ambitus hostem, & repulisit tanquam ho noribus ineptis gaudentem, pecunias flagrantibus comitijs deponerent candidati, hoc se facere pro innocentia (quod in rebus humanis summum esset) profitebantur. Verumenimuero ex uerbis Ciceronis apparet animosum illum fuisse ambitum, cum in tribum uel centuriam potius prærogatiuam centies sestertium pronunciare candidati non dubitarent. Oportuit enim proportione & alijs aliquid diuidi, quæ numero quinq[ue] & triginta erant, aut certè tot tribubus aut centurijs quot ad renunciationem magistratus sufficerent. Hoc ne falsum putetur, tametsi creditu difficile, Cicero præfatiuncula fidem sibi præstruit: N[ost]ro dico, inquit, hyperbolas, uel hyperbolos aduerbialiter, hoc est hyperbolice. utroq[ue] enim modo legitur. Argumentum etiam ingentis summæ est quod Cicero ambitum foenus intendisse dicit, & altero tanto maius fecisse, hoc est ex triente bessale. Eiusdem rei magnum argumentum apud Appianum libro 1 1. bell. ciuil. De triumuiratu enim loquens Cæsaris, Crassi & Pompeij, & ambitu ingenti, ita inquit,

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET they would be seeking it. With him they deposited five hundred sesterces, so that he who had been condemned by Cato would lose it, and it would be awarded to the competitors. If this passage is not corrupt, it ought to be read above as “more than five hundred” or rather “five hundred”; to which reading the authority of Plutarch supports, not in the Latin version but in the Greek, with these words, ἐπιδερ ὑποκαινοῦσις πιν ὅρχιν μετωπισις ἔσ των ὑμελεθει στι, παραβαλεσαι αφαχιμὴν ἐκασον ὑργιὰ διὰν ὑπο ὑμισον μετιάσας, ἐπιτα μετεναι πιν ὅρχιν πιντας ὑρθῶς ἐν δικαιως. Twelve myriads and a half of Attic drachmas, that is 125,000 denarii, are worth 500,000 nummi, and thus the sum comes out correctly in nummi. Pliny touched on this story in the preface: “At the time of Cato,” he says, “when bribery, the enemy, had been rejected as if rejoicing in unworthy honors, candidates in the heat of the elections deposited money, declaring that they did this for the sake of innocence (which in human affairs would be the highest thing).” But in truth, from Cicero’s words it appears that that bribery was bold indeed, since in a tribe or, rather, in a century, the candidates did not hesitate to pronounce a prerogative of one hundred sestertia. For something ought to have been divided according to proportion and the rest, since there were thirty-five in number, or certainly among as many tribes or centuries as would suffice for the announcement of a magistracy. Lest this be thought false, though it is hard to believe, Cicero secures confidence for himself in a little preface: “N[ost]ro,” he says, “I speak of hyperboles, or hyperbolos adverbially, that is, hyperbolically.” For it is read in either way. There is also evidence of an enormous sum in Cicero’s statement that bribery was increasing at interest and had made it another equal amount greater, that is, from a third to two-thirds. A great proof of the same matter is found in Appian, book 11 of the Civil War. For when he is speaking of Caesar, Crassus, and Pompey, and of enormous bribery, he says thus,

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. inquit: [n]o[n], te [mercur]ium [aurum] [argentum] [argent]um [argent]is [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios 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Transcription: Translated (English)

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Deiotarus. partem Pompeius Deiotaro dedit, ut Pharmaciæ et Tra= pezuntiæ adiacetia usq[ue] in Colchidem et nunorem Arme niam: horumq[ue] locorum Regem eum creauit, cu[m] alias ha= beret hæredicariam à patre tetrarchiam Galataru[m] qui T O listobogi dicuntur, [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] ap[er]e[n]d[er]en[ti]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [con]v[er]ta [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] t[er]t[er]d[er] [con]v[er]t[er]i[an]t[ur]. Regem, inquit, horum eum creauit. Hic idem Pompeius Tigranem Armeniæ Rege po tentissimum, sed victoria Pompeij fractum, ad se ueniente[m], et diadema suum ad pedes eius demuttent[er], genibusq[ue]; ad= uolutum, diadema uel tiaram regiam resumere iussit, et in sella regia sedere, mulcta sex nullium talentum ob culpa[m] at que iniquitatem arrogata, ut Plutarchus autor est: ut Ap= pianus, sex nullibus talentum ab eo dono acceptis. Sic enim inquit in Mithridatico, [n]o[n] [con]d[ic]tio [con]v[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]v[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m], [n]o[n] [con]c[er]tia[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m], [n]o[n] [con]c[er]tia[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] 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Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Deiotarus. a part Pompey gave to Deiotarus, so that it adjoins Pharnacia and Trapezus, extending as far as Colchis and Lesser Armenia; and of these places he made him king, though he already had by inheritance from his father the tetrarchy of the Galatians who are called Tolistobogii. “The king,” he says, “he made of these regions.” The same Pompey also, when Tigranes, king of Armenia, a man of very great power, but broken by Pompey’s victory, came to him and laid his diadem at his feet, and, kneeling down, begged him, Pompey ordered him to take up again his diadem, or royal tiara, and to sit on the royal throne, imposing a fine of six thousand talents for his offense and arrogance, as Plutarch says; Appian says that six thousand talents were accepted from him as a gift. Thus, in the Mithridatic history, ...

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 349 millibus, in quos omnifariam potestatem habebat, præterquam eos uendendi. Cicero autem hoc docet in lege Agraria contra Rullum, cum dicit no[n] licere Decemuiris à populo creatis statuere de agro Pontico et Mithridatico à Pompeio capto. Ita ne uero, inquit, hos agros regios Mithridatis, qui in Paphlagonia, qui in Ponto, qui in Cappadocia fuerunt, cum adhuc imperater in bello uersetur, in locis autem illis etiam nunc belli nomen reliquum sit, eos agros quorum adhuc penes Cn. Pompeium omne iudiciu[m] et potestas more maiorum debet esse, Decemuiri uendet? Eôdem pertinent ea quæ apud Lucanum Pompeius ipse gloriatur in secundo Pharsaliæ, cum auxilia undiq[ue] euocada disserit, filio ob id allegato, Hoc tamen ueru[m] est, quòd ea quæ ab his imperatoribus statuebâtur, necesse erat Senatus consulto confirmari: id quod eodem in loco Strabo docet his uerbis, Πανοπλημύδες ἐν οἰκιονελθῶν δικαισία, ιενικησην ὑπετὰς πιναίς δες ὑπιαχετο ὑ λοθηματὸν τῶν ουσικῶν πισί, μὴ κυρώσαι πῶ σίγκλητον. Confecto autem bello Romam reuersus Pompeius, peruicit ne ea præmia quæ Lucullus quibusdam Ponticis primoribus pollicitus fuerat, à Senatu confirmarentur. ἀδηκην γὰρ εἰν ἀποθεωτικὴ ἀλλα κην πολεμην, τὴ Σκαθηια ἐπὶ ἀλλο γενεατ, ἐν τῶν τῶν ἀγιστικὸν Πανομω. Iniquu[m] enim esse, bello eo ab alio co[n]fecto, in alterius arbitrio belli præmia, et decorum militariu[m] collationem manere. Nemo autem ignorat Ponticum bellum Lucullum bona ex parte gessisse, sed cum ei Pompeius ante diem successisset, conficere non potuisse: et Pompeium ex rebus gestis Luculli triumphasse fortunæ iniquitate, quæ Lucullum summo favore euectum, repente destituit, ut uidere est Plutarchum in Lucullo legentibus. Causam tamen præbuit Cicero, qui orationem pro Pompeio habuit ad popu

Transcription: Translated (English)

…in whose cases he had authority over everything, except the power of selling them. Cicero, however, teaches this in the Agrarian Law against Rullus, when he says that the Decemvirs elected by the people were not permitted to decide concerning the Pontic and Mithridatic land captured by Pompey. “So then,” he says, “shall the Decemvirs sell these royal lands of Mithridates, which were in Paphlagonia, which were in Pontus, which were in Cappadocia, while the commander is still engaged in war, and while in those places even now the very name of war still remains, lands over which, by the custom of our ancestors, the whole right of decision and power ought still to rest with Cn. Pompeius?” To the same point are the words in which Pompey himself boasts in Lucan’s second book of the Pharsalia, when he relates that auxiliaries were summoned from every quarter, and his son was assigned for that purpose. Yet this is true: whatever was decreed by these commanders had to be confirmed by a senatus consultum; this Strabo also teaches in the same place with these words: Πανοπλημύδες ἐν οἰκιονελθῶν δικαισία, ιενικησην ὑπετὰς πιναίς δες ὑπιαχετο ὑ λοθηματὸν τῶν ουσικῶν πισί, μὴ κυρώσαι πῶ σίγκλητον. But when the war was finished and Pompey returned to Rome, he succeeded in preventing those rewards which Lucullus had promised to certain leading Pontic men from being confirmed by the Senate. ἀδηκην γὰρ εἰν ἀποθεωτικὴ ἀλλα κην πολεμην, τὴ Σκαθηια ἐπὶ ἀλλο γενεατ, ἐν τῶν τῶν ἀγιστικὸν Πανομω. For it would be unjust that, when the war had been brought to an end by another, the rewards of war and the distribution of military honors should remain in another’s discretion. No one, however, is unaware that Lucullus waged the Pontic war for the most part, but since Pompey had succeeded him before the appointed time, he was not able to bring it to completion; and that Pompey triumphed from Lucullus’s achievements by an unfortunate turn of fortune, which, having first raised Lucullus up to the highest favor, suddenly abandoned him, as may be seen by those who read Plutarch in the Life of Lucullus. Cicero, however, provided the occasion, when he delivered the speech for Pompey to the peo

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 331 nomine lucrifacere potuit, si famam contempisset. Opulentam autè Cyprum olim fuisse ex eo conijcimus, quòd Ptolemæo Cypri Rege confiscato, Cato qui Clodij factione ad colligendam eius gazam ablegatus est, paulo minus septem millia talentum Romam deportauit ex auctione gazæ, ut autor est Plutarchus, < Cypria gaza publicata.> κατωνι σωνι χει μει δρωρία παλαιτα μικρὸν παρακιαλιων αποδιοντα. Quanquam maior ob id pecunia fuisse uidetur, quòd Cato aliquando in altercatione Pompeio obiecit se ex Cypro plus auri atq[ue] argenti nullo exercitu detulisse, quàm Pompeius ex omnibus triumphis concusso terrarum orbe ipse instructus ingentibus copijs intulisset in ærarium: quo tempore Cyprus in prouinciam prætoriam redacta est factione eiusde[m] Publj Clodij Pulchri Ptolemæo infensi ob negatam ei pecuniam ad redemptionis precium, cum à piratis interceptus esset. quæ historia à Strabone narratur in fine libri decimuquarti. Idem Cicero pro lege Manilia, Difficile est dictu Quirites quanto in odio simus apud exteras nationes propter eorum quos ad eas hoc anno cum imperio mi simus, iniurias ac libidines. Quod enim sanum putatis in illis terris uestris magistratibus religiosum, quam ciuitatem sanctam, quam domum satis clausam ac munitam fuisse? Vrbes iam locupletes & copiosæ requiruntur, quibus causa belli propter diripiendi cupiditatem inseratur. Idem Pisoni obiecit quòd perfidiam c c c. talentis uendidisset, his uerbis, Idem 'que tu Rabocentum Bessicæ gentis principem, quum trecentis talentis Regi Cotto uendidisses, securi percussisti, cum ille ad te Legatus in castra uenisset, & tibi magna præsidia & auxilia à Bessis equitum peditum 'que polliceretur. Et paulo infærius, Non'ne sestertiù centies & octogies, quod quasi uasari

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 331 by name he could have made a profit, if he had despised his reputation. From this we infer that Cyprus had once been wealthy, because when the property of Ptolemy, King of Cyprus, had been confiscated, Cato, who was sent by the faction of Clodius to collect his treasure, brought to Rome from the auction of the treasure just under seven thousand talents, as Plutarch says, < Cypria gaza publicata.> κατωνι σωνι χει μει δρωρία παλαιτα μικρὸν παρακιαλιων αποδιοντα. Although it seems that the sum was greater for this reason, that Cato at one time in debate taunted Pompey that he had carried off from Cyprus more gold and silver, without any army, than Pompey, after shaking the whole world in all his triumphs, had himself brought into the treasury with great forces. At that time Cyprus was reduced to a praetorian province by the faction of the same Publius Clodius Pulcher, hostile to Ptolemy because he had been denied money for the price of his ransom when he had been seized by pirates. This story is told by Strabo at the end of the fourteenth book. Likewise Cicero, in the speech For the Manilian Law: “It is hard to say, Romans, how much we are hated among foreign nations because of the wrongs and lusts of those whom we have sent to them this year with command. For what place do you think among those lands of yours was so religious in its magistrates, what city so sacred, what house so well shut and fortified? Rich and well-provided cities are now sought out, against which the excuse for war may be introduced because of the desire for plunder.” The same remark he made against Piso, that he had sold treachery for 300 talents, in these words: “You too, when you had sold Rabocentus, chief of the Bessian people, to King Cotto for three hundred talents, struck him down with the axe when he had come to you as envoy into the camp, although he was offering you great garrisons and aid from the Bessi, horsemen and infantry.” And a little below: “Was it not one hundred and eighty million sesterces, which as if to furnish

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sarij nomine in uæditione mei capitis adscripseras, ex ærario tibi attributu[m] Romæ in quæstu reliquisti? Non ne cu[m] ducenta talenta tibi Apolloniatæ Romæ dedissent ne pecu nias creditas soluerent, ultro Suffidium Equitem Roma= num hominem ornatissimum, creditorem debitoribus suis < Vasarium.> iddixisti? Vasarium Cicero appellat id quod publicè da= batur magistratibus, ut muli, equi, uasa, et reliqua quæ magistratus instrumentum implerent: id quod patet ex eo quod idem dicit in lege Agraria contra Rullum, de De= cemuiris loquens, quos Rullus creandos esse censuerat ad agros diuidedos, diuidedos q[ui] per prouincias: Dat, inquit, potestatem uerbo prætoriam, re uera regiam: definit in quinquennium, facit sempiternam. tantis enim confirmat opibus et copijs, ut inuitis eripi nullo modo possit. Deinde ornat apparitoribus, scribis, librarijs, præconibus, archi= tectis, præterea mulis, tabernaculis, centurijs, supellectili. Sumptum haurit ex ærario, suppeditat à socijs. Intelligi= mus ergo uasarij nomine pecuniam publicè dari solitâ ma gistratibus euntibus in prouincias, ex qua sibi necessaria compararent: id quod postea Augusti tempore Senatus co[m] sulto constitutum est. Tranquillus in Augusto, Autor et aliarum rerum fuit: in quers, ne acta Senatus publicaren= tur: ne magistratus deposito honore statim in prouincias mutterentur: ut pro Consulibus ad mulos et tabernacula quæ publicè locari solebant, certa pecunia co[n]stitueretur. Meminit eius moris Cicero in quinta in Verrem Actione, et Lampridius in Alexandro, his uerbis, Iudices cu[m] pro= moueret exemplo ueterum, ut et Cicero docet, et argen to et necessarijs instruebat, ita ut Præsides prouinciarum acciperent argenti pondo uicena, mulos et equos binos, uestes forenses binas, domesticas singulas, balneares sin= gulas,

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET under the name of sarij you had inscribed in the sale of my head; what you had been assigned from the treasury to you at Rome, you left behind there in the pursuit of gain? Did you not, when the people of Apollonia had given you two hundred talents at Rome so that they might not pay the debts contracted, promptly declare Sufidius Equitius, a most distinguished Roman gentleman, creditor to his own debtors? <Vasarium.> Cicero calls vasarium that which was publicly given to magistrates for travel: mules, horses, vessels, and the rest of the equipment needed for magistrates. This is clear from what he says in the Agrarian Law against Rullus, when speaking of the Decemvirs, whom Rullus had proposed should be created for dividing the lands, and dividing them by provinces: “He gives, he says, praetorian power in name, royal power in reality; he sets it for five years, and makes it perpetual. For he equips them with such great resources and supplies that, even if unwilling, they cannot by any means be deprived of them. Then he provides attendants, scribes, accountants, heralds, architects, besides mules, tents, centurions, and furnishings. The expense is drawn from the treasury; the allies supply it.” We therefore understand that under the name of vasarium was meant the public money customarily given to magistrates going to the provinces, from which they might procure what they needed for themselves; this was later established by decree of the Senate in the time of Augustus. Suetonius, in his Augustus , was the author of other reforms as well: that the acts of the Senate should not be published; that magistrates should not be transferred immediately to the provinces after laying down their office; that instead of proconsuls, a fixed sum should be assigned for mules and tents, which had formerly been hired publicly. Cicero mentions this custom in the fifth action against Verres, and Lampridius in Alexander, in these words: “When he promoted judges according to the example of the ancients, as Cicero also teaches, he furnished them with silver and necessary items, so that the governors of provinces received twenty pounds of silver, two mules and two horses, two outer garments, one set of domestic clothing, one bath garment,”

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gulas aureos centenos, coquos singulos: & si uxores non haberent, singulas concubinas, quòd sine ijs esse non possint. Reddituri deposita administratione mulas, mu= los, equos, muliones, & coquos: cæteræ sibi habituri, si bene gessisset. Sed illa fuit priscæ seueritatis imitatio, qua= lis in legibus sumptuarijs intelligitur, de quibus infra di= cturi sumus. Cicero igitur Pisoni obijcit quòd eo tem= pore quo Cicero exilio mulctatus fuit, Piso & Gabi= nius prouinciarum pactione cum Clodio Pulchro Trib. pleb. Ciceronis inimico conspirarint: sicq[ue] factum ut per Trib. pl. prouincias obtinuerint, Gabinius Syriam, Piso Macedoniam: & Pisoni centies & octogies sestertium uasarij nomine decretum sit, si uerus est numerus: quam to tam pecuniam foenore Romæ occupauit, quæ non minor fuit quadringetis & quinquaginta nullibus aureorum no strorum. Sunt & alia nomina pecuniæ imperandæ ciuita tibus, quam magistratus in rem suam uertebant: quæ Cice ro eadem in oratione in Pisonè persequitur. Qui modus, inquit, tibi fuit frumenti æstimandi? qui honorarijs? si qui= dem potest ui & metu extortum, honorarium nominari: quod cum peræquè omnes, tu acerbissimè Bæotij & By= zantij, Chæronenses, Thessalonica sensit. Frumentum æsti mandum intelligo id frumentum quod in cellam Prætoris uel Consulis imperatur, pro quo pecuniam imperabant quantam collibuerat. Honorarium appello, quod Græci Honorariu[m] iso diô & isodes. id est xenium aduentitium quod datur ingredienti quanque urbem magistratui, ut bodie prin= cipibus nostris cum primùm urbes pompaticè ingrediun= tur. Sequitur in eadem oratione, Mitto aurum corona= rium quod te diutissime torsit, cum modò uelles, modò nol les. Lex enim generi tui & decerni, & te accipere ueta= Z bat

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gold in hundreds, cooks one each; and if they did not have wives, one concubine each, because they could not be without them. When they were to hand back the administration entrusted to them, mules, muleteers, horses, and cooks; the rest they were to keep for themselves, if they had conducted affairs well. But that was an imitation of ancient severity, such as is understood in the sumptuary laws, of which we shall speak below. Cicero, then, reproaches Piso because at the time when Cicero had been punished with exile, Piso and Gabinius, through a bargain over the provinces with Clodius Pulcher, tribune of the plebs and Cicero’s enemy, had conspired; and so it came about that, through the tribunes of the plebs, they obtained provinces, Gabinius Syria, Piso Macedonia; and to Piso a sum of one hundred and eighty million sesterces was decreed under the name of a conveyance fee, if the number is correct: all of which money he seized at Rome on interest, and it was not less than four hundred and fifty thousand of our gold coins. There are also other names for money exacted from communities, which magistrates turned to their own profit; these Cicero pursues in the same speech against Piso. “What limit,” he says, “was there for you in assessing the grain? What in the honorary payments? For if something can be extorted by force and fear, it can hardly be called honorary; and this, as to your equal measure of suffering, the Boeotians and Byzantines, the Chaeroneans, and Thessalonica felt most bitterly. By grain to be assessed I mean that grain which is exacted into the store-chamber of a praetor or consul, in return for which they exacted whatever amount of money pleased them. I call honorary that which the Greeks call Honorarium, isodion and isodes, that is, the gift of hospitality offered to a magistrate on his arrival in whatever city he enters, as today is done to our leaders when they first enter the cities with pomp. In the same speech follows: ‘I pass over the gold crown, which long tormented you, when at one time you wished for it, at another refused it. For the law forbade it to be decreed for your family and for you to accept it.’” Z

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET bat, nisi decreto triumpho. His accedit, quòd Romani Im= peratores ciuitatem Romanam dare poterat, ut autor est idem Cicero in Oratione pro Cornelio Valbo, his uerbis, Audebo etiam hoc contendere, nunquam esse condemna= tum quem constaret ab Imperatore nostro ciuitate dona= tum. His igitur & huiuscemodi causis Romani Senatores ditescere in immensum poterant. Augusti autem tempore murum in modum auctum est fastigium Romanum, no[n] mo= dò publicum, sed etiam priuatum, licet luxus uitæ diminu= tus esset: exemplum prodente principe. nuttebat enim in prouincias Consulares & Prætorios & Equestris ordi= nis uiros, quoscunq[ue] honore dignos iudicabat: qui etiam quò plures (ut Tranquilli uerbis loquar) partem admini= strandæ Reip. caperent, noua officia excogitauit, curam operum publicorum, uiarum & aquarum, aluci Tyberis, frumenti populo diuidendi, præfecturam Vrbis, Triumui ratum legendi Senatus, & alterum recognoscendi tur= mas equitum quotiescunque opus esset. Censores creari desitos longo interuallo, creauit. numerum Prætorum au xit, exegit etia[m] ut quotiescunq[ue]; Consulatus sibi daretur, binos pro singulis Collegas haberet. Ab ijs igitur quos locupletes nouerat ipse, exigebat ut urbem monumento aliquo insigni ornarent. Hunc morem tenuerunt & alij principes, ut uidere est apud historicos, & Plinium in E= pist. lib. 11. Firminus, inquit, inductus in Senatu, respondit crimini noto. Secutæ sunt diuersæ sententiæ Consulu[m] desi= gnatorum. Cornutus Tertullus censuit ordine mouedum: Acutius Nerua in sortitione prouinciæ rationem eius no[n] habenda[m]: quæ sentetia tanquam mitior uicit, cum sit alio= qui durior, tristiorq[ue]. Quid enim nuscius, quàm exectum & exemptum honoribus Senatorijs, laboribus & mole= stia non

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but, unless by decree of triumph. To this is added that the Roman emperors could grant Roman citizenship, as Cicero himself states in his Oration for Cornelius Balbus, in these words: “I will even dare to maintain this, that no one was ever condemned who it was certain had been endowed with citizenship by our Emperor.” For these reasons, therefore, and for such like causes, Roman senators could grow immensely rich. But in the time of Augustus the Roman dignity was increased, as it were, by a wall; not only the public, but also the private wealth, although the luxury of life was diminished: the prince himself providing the example. For he sent into the provinces men of consular, praetorian, and equestrian rank, whomsoever he judged worthy of honor; and in order that more might take a share in the administration of the commonwealth, as many as possible, to use the words of Tranquillus, he devised new offices: the care of public works, roads and aqueducts, the bank of the Tiber, the distribution of grain to the people, the prefecture of the City, the triumvirate for selecting the Senate, and another for reviewing the companies of knights whenever need should arise. The censors, whose creation had long been discontinued, he restored. He increased the number of praetors, and he also required that whenever the consulship was granted to him, he should have two colleagues for each one. From those therefore whom he knew to be wealthy, he himself demanded that they adorn the city with some notable monument. This custom was followed by other princes as well, as may be seen in the historians and in Pliny, Epistles, book 11. “Firminus,” he says, “being brought into the Senate, replied to a familiar accusation. Different opinions of the consuls-elect followed. Cornutus Tertullus judged that he should be removed from the order; Acutius Nerva that no account should be taken of him in the allotment of the province: which opinion, though in fact harsher and more severe, prevailed as if it were milder. For what is more cruel than to have been expelled and removed from senatorial honors, from labors and inconvenience not

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 355 stia non carere & reliqua quæ longius prosequitur. Cæterùm præterquam quod suprà ex Traquillo diximus, Au gustum inuecta Vrbi Aegyptia gaza, tantam rei nummariæ copiam effecisse, ut multum precij prædijs accreuerit, ex eo conijsere licet homines Romanos inusitatis opibus affluentes fuisse, quòd intra x x. annos sestertiu[m] quaterdecies millies ex amicorum testamentis accepisse sese testatus est. Huic dicto fidem arrogat id quod apud Senecam lib. 1 1. de beneficijs scriptum est, his uerbis, Lentulus Augur diuitiarum maximum exemplum, antequam illum libertini pauperè facerent, quater millies sestertium suu[m] uidit. Hic cum omnia increm[m]eta sua diuo Augusto deberet, ad quem attulerat paupertatem sub onere nobilitatis laborantem, princeps iam ciuitatis & pecunia & gratia, subinde Augusto solebat queri, dicens à studijs se abductum. Quater millies sestertium dico non minorem esse pecuniâ centies centenis nullibus aureorum coronatorum, ne frustra putemus eum diuitiarum maximum exemplum appellatum à Seneca, homine ipso prædiuite, ut à Iuuenale appellatus est, & ipse fatetur apud Tacitu[m] lib. xiii in oratione ad Nerone habita: quem Tigillinus & alij eius inimici uarijs criminationibus apud Nerone adorti sunt, taquam ingentes & priuatu[m] supra modum euectas opes in dies adhuc augeret: hortorum quoq[ue] amoenitate, & nillarum magnificentia quasi principè supergrederetur. Traquillus Lentuli his uerbis meminit in Tyberio: Satis constat Cn. Lentulu[m] Augurem, cui maximus census fuit, metu & angore ad fastidiu[m] uitæ ab eo actum, & ut nequo nisi ipso hærede moreretur. Veruenimuero hoc animaduersione dignum, raram auri mentionem apud antiquos reperi, non modò pro eo quantæ priscæ ætatis opes celebratur Z 2 ab Rara auri men tio apud pri- ficos.

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…not to be wanting in the rest, which he goes on to discuss at greater length. Moreover, apart from what we have said above from Suetonius, that Augustus, by bringing Egyptian treasure into the City, produced such abundance of coin that the price of land greatly increased, it may be inferred from this that the Roman people were overflowing with unprecedented wealth, because he himself testified that within twenty years he had received from the wills of his friends fourteen million sesterces. Credence is given to this statement by what is written in Seneca, book II of On Benefits , in these words: “Lentulus Augur, the greatest example of riches, before freedmen made him poor, had seen four million sesterces of his own.” Since he owed all the increase of his fortune to the divine Augustus, to whom he had brought poverty, laboring under the burden of his nobility, when he had already become a leading man in the state both in money and influence, he was accustomed to complain again and again to Augustus, saying that he had been taken away from his studies. When I say four million sesterces, I mean a sum no less than one hundred times one hundred thousand gold crowns, so that we may not think it said in vain that he was called by Seneca the greatest example of riches, he himself being very wealthy, as Juvenal called him, and as he himself confesses to Tacitus in book XIII, in the speech delivered before Nero: whom Tigellinus and other enemies of his attacked before Nero with various accusations, as though he were daily increasing enormous wealth, already beyond measure for a private man, and as though by the beauty of his gardens and the magnificence of his villas he were rivaling a prince. Suetonius mentions Lentulus in these words in Tiberius: “It is well established that Cn. Lentulus Augur, whose estate was very large, was driven by fear and anxiety to disdain of life, and that he would die only as his own heir.” But truly this is worthy of notice: I find scant mention of gold among the ancients, not only in proportion to how much wealth of former ages is celebrated…

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ab autoribus, sed rariorem etiam quàm pro nostri temporis opulentia, & contrà quàm hodie loquendi mos inoleuerit. Quotus enim quisque in commemorandis opibus hodie præsertim ingentibus argenti mentionem facit? Na[m] in uotis temerarijs, quibus surdum numen Fortunam idè= tidem fatigamus, primo quoque uerbo aurum nuncupari solet: tametsi apud nos in rationibus publicis ac priuatis, argenteis summis omnia transiguntur: alioquin & spon= sionibus factitandis, & pignoribus deponendis, & circu= laribus fabulamentis aurum plerunq[ue] per ora hominu[m] fer= tur. At uerò apud antiquos argentu[m] hominum sermone ce lebratius fuit. Sed præter alia, inquit Plinius, equidè mirer populu[m] Ro. uictis gentibus in tributo semper argentu[m] im= perasse, no[n] aurum: sicut Carthagini cum Annibale uictæ argenti pondo annua in quinquaginta annos. nec potest uideri penuria mundi id euenisse: na[m] Midas & Croesus in infinitum possederant. Eôdem pertinere uidetur & illud eiusdem Plinij dictum eodem libro, Mirum in auro cælan do inclaruisse neminem, argento multos. maximè tamen laudatus est Mentor, de quo suprà diximus. Quatuor pa= ria denique ab eo omnino facta sunt, ac iam nullum exta= re dicitur. proximi Acragas & Boëthus & Mys fuere. Magna fama post hos celebratus est Antipater, quiq[ue] Sa= tyrum in phiala grauatu[m] somno collocauisse uerius quàm cælasse dictus est Stratonicus. Laudatur & Zopyrus, qui Areopagitas & iudicium Orestis in duobus scyphis pon= do x I I. æstimatis. In uetustissimo non pondo, sed HS. id est sestertium legitur: quod ego interpretor sestertiu[m] duo= decies, id est censu Senatorio. Nam paulò suprà dixerat, Nec copia tantum argenti fuerat uitæ, sed ualidius poenæ metu precium, idq[ue] iampridem, ut ignoscamus nobis. Del= phinos

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET by the authors, but also less common than suits the wealth of our own age, and contrary to the way of speaking that has now become established. For how many people, after all, when recounting wealth, especially today’s immense wealth, make mention of silver? For in rash vows, with which we repeatedly weary deaf Fortune, gold is usually named at the very first word: although among us, in public and private accounts, everything is settled with silver sums; otherwise too, in making pledges and in depositing guarantees, and in common conversations, gold is for the most part carried about in people’s mouths. But among the ancients silver was more celebrated in men’s speech. But besides other things, says Pliny, I would indeed wonder that the Roman people, having conquered nations, always imposed silver in tribute, not gold: as also on Carthage, defeated with Hannibal, an annual weight of silver for fifty years. Nor can it seem that this happened because of a scarcity in the world: for Midas and Croesus had possessed it in infinite abundance. It seems to relate also to that saying of the same Pliny in the same book: “It is remarkable that no one has become famous for engraving in gold, many have for silver.” But above all Mentor was praised, of whom we said above. In all, four pairs were made by him, and now none is said to survive. After them the nearest were Acragas and Boëthus and Mys. Great fame after these was celebrated in Antipater, and Satyrus, who is said to have set a drinking-cup weighed down with sleep rather than hidden away, according to Stratonicus. Zopyrus is also praised, who made the Areopagites and the judgment of Orestes in two cups valued at x I I. In the oldest text it is read not as weight, but as HS., that is, sesterces: which I interpret as twelve times a sestertius, that is, senatorial property qualification. For shortly before he had said, Nor had there been only abundance of silver for life, but a more powerful price for the fear of punishment, and that already long ago, so that we may pardon ourselves. Delphinos

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memini, cuiusmodi artis exempla hodie non uisuntur. nam & ante Plinij ætatem ars iamdiu exoleuerat. Officinæ Parisienses maximè auro & argento fabrefacto hodie no biles sunt, priuatim etiam uno uico aurificibus dicato. Et tamen uasa hodie pondere & inauratura cèsentur, & in= terdum pictura. In ijs enim rebus & in fabrica uascularij < Cælatores.> artem consumunt. Cælatores, sigillis, & aureolis gestami nibus, & mundo muliebri occupati sunt, quibus omnibus rebus ars nequit inclarescere. Quare hodie aurificium accessionis ferè uicem habet, olim autem precio huiusmodi rerum ex arte, non ex materia statuebatur. Inde illud Plinij dictum lib. x x x i i i i. Quondam ars confusè auro argento que miscebatur, & tamen ars preciosior erat. < Antiqua artificia.> Nunc incertum est, peior hæc sit, an materia: mirum q[ue], cum ad infinitum operum precio hæc creuerint, autoritas artis extincta est. Quæstus enim causa, ut omnia, exerceri coepta est, quæ gloriæ solebat: adeoq[ue] exoleuit fundendi æris preciosi ratio, ut iam diu ne fortuna quidem in ære ius artis habeat. Quoniam uerò iam multa de opibus Romanis, de primoribus uiris, & eorum magnificè tia, & immani etiam quorúdam luxu diximus, & eousq[ue] summas consumptarum opum auximus, ut fidem omnino facturi non uideamur, utemur nunc & alio testimonio Plinij, ut uerisimulia saltem dixisse uideamur, ijs quidem lectoribus, qui res priscas modulis nostræ auorumq[ue] memoriæ metientes, hactenus fidem historiæ accommodare possunt, quatenus pusilla animi sensa æstimare eos sinunt. < Plinius autor memorabiliu[m] reru[m] omnium.> Is igitur autor rerum omnium memorabilium, & æstimator acutus, & admirator disertus, lib. x x x vi. post enumerata opera externa, de rebus tædem Romanis dicere ita or sus est: Verùm & ad urbis nostræ miracula transire con= uenit

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I remember examples of such craftsmanship, which today are no longer seen; for even before Pliny’s time the art had long since fallen into disuse. The Paris workshops are today especially renowned for work in wrought gold and silver, and privately there is even a street dedicated to goldsmiths. And yet today vessels are judged by weight and gilding, and sometimes by painting. For in such things, and in the making of vessels, the < Engravers.> craftsmen devote their art. Engravers are occupied with seals, and with gold ornaments, and with female finery, in all of which matters art cannot come to prominence. For this reason, goldsmithing today has almost the status of an accessory; formerly, however, the price of such objects was fixed by skill, not by material. Hence that saying of Pliny, book xxxiv: “Once art was mixed indistinguishably with gold and silver, and yet art was more precious.” < Ancient arts.> Now it is uncertain whether the material is worse, or this: it is astonishing that, while these things have increased to an infinite number of works, the authority of art has been extinguished. For what used to be practiced for glory alone has been taken up for profit, as with everything else; and the method of casting precious bronze has so fallen into disuse that for a long time now not even fortune has any right to art in bronze. But since we have already said much about Roman wealth, about leading men, and about their magnificence, and even about the immense luxury of certain people, and since we have carried the account of expended wealth so far that we seem likely not to be believed at all, we shall now also make use of another testimony from Pliny, so that at least we may seem to have spoken plausibly, to those readers, indeed, who can still fit ancient matters within the measure of our age and our forefathers’ memory, and thus are able to grant some credence to history, insofar as their narrow minds allow them to estimate such things. < Pliny, the author of all memorable things.> That author, then, of all memorable things, keen appraiser and eloquent admirer, in book xxxvi, after listing foreign works, began to speak of Roman matters as follows: “But it is fitting to pass on also to the marvels of our city”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. uenit, nongentorumq[ue] annorum dociles scrutari uiros, & sic quoque terrarum orbem uictum ostendere, quod accidisse toties penè, quot referentur muracula, apparebit: uniuersitate uerò accurata, & in quendam unum cumulum coniecta, non alia magnitudo exurget, quàm si mundus alius quidam in uno loco narretur. < Circus maximus à Cæsare extructus.> Nam ut Circum maximum à Cæsare Dictatore extructum logitudine stadiorum trium, latitudine unius, sed cum ædificijs iugerûm quaternûm ad sedem ducentorum L X. nullium, inter magna opera dicamus: non'ne inter magnifica, basilicâ Pauli, forumq[ue] diui Augusti, templum Pacis diui Vespasiani Imperatoris Augusti pulcherrima operum quæ unquam. < Plinij locus.> Lego ex uetusto exemplari, uires dociles, non uiros. Basilicæ Pauli memunit Plutarchus his uerbis in Cæsare, ut qui dem Latinè leguntur: Cæsar uberrimas Gallorum diuitias per omnes passim magistratus hauriendas permuttens, Curionem Tribunumplebis grandi foenore obstrictum liberauit. Paulo quoque Consuli nulle & quingenta sestertia præbuit, ex quibus nobilissimam ille in foro basilicâ Fuluiæ dicatam extruxit. Quo in loco non sestertia, sed talenta lego ex Græco exemplari, & ex Appiano lib. 11. bel. Ciuilium: Paulum autem, inquit, nulle & quingentis talentis eo pacto redemit, ut neque pro illo quicquam ageret, neque contra eum quicquam moliretur. Curionem autem, ut pro eo in plerisq[ue] ageret, quæ plurimo ære alieno sciebat obrutum, facile adegit. Paulus basilicam admodum splendidam suo nomine ex ea pecunia extruxit παῦλον μὴ χιλίων καὶ πεντακοσίων ταλάντων ἐπικάτο, μὴν ἀυτῶ μὴτε συμπράτησε, μὴτε ἔνο χλεῖν: καρίωνα δὲ συμπράτησε ὑπο χρεῖν ὑπολῶν. Plutarchus etia[m] ipse in Pompeio talēta nō sestertia dixit his uerbis, ut Latine legimus: Z 4 Cæsar

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PART OF BOOK III. it came, and thus also, by scholars capable of investigating for nine hundred years and more, & it will appear that the circuit of the earth has likewise been conquered, since this has happened almost as many times as the wonders that are recounted. But when the whole is examined carefully, and brought together into one heap, no other greatness will arise than if some other world were being described in one place. <Circus Maximus built by Caesar.> For although we may mention among great works the Circus Maximus built by Caesar the Dictator, three stadia in length, one in breadth, but with buildings covering four iugera, accommodating 250,000 spectators, is it not among splendid works the Basilica of Paulus, the Forum of the deified Augustus, the Temple of Peace of the deified Vespasian Emperor Augustus, the most beautiful of works ever made. <A passage of Pliny.> I read in an old copy, "dociles vires," not "uiros." Plutarch mentions the Basilica of Paulus in these words in Caesar, as they are read in Latin: Caesar, transferring the very abundant wealth of the Gauls to be drawn from every quarter by magistrates everywhere, freed Curio the tribune of the plebs, who was bound by a heavy debt. He also gave to Paulus the consul 1,500,000 sesterces, out of which he built in the Forum the very famous basilica dedicated in the name of Fulvia. In this place I read not sesterces but talents, from the Greek copy, and from Appian, book II of the Civil Wars: "But Paulus," he says, "he redeemed for 1,500 talents on the condition that he should neither act for him in any matter nor plot anything against him. Curio, however, he easily induced to act with him in many things, since he knew him to be overwhelmed by very great debt. Paulus built at his own expense a very splendid basilica with that money." παῦλον μὴ χιλίων καὶ πεντακοσίων ταλάντων ἐπικάτο, μὴν αὐτῷ μήτε συμπράτησε, μήτε ἔνοχλεῖν· Κάριωνα δὲ συμπράτησε ὑπὸ χρεῖν ὑπολῶν. Plutarch himself also in Pompey said "talents," not sesterces, in these words, as we read in Latin: Z 4 Caesar

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Cæsar multos ciues pecunijs sibi allexit, multos etia[m] pri= moru[m] muneribus placauit, inter quos Paulus C[on]sul ob mul le & quingeta talenta mutatus est, & Curio Trib. pl. in= ge[n]ti ære alieno liberatus. Diximus alibi hanc summâ non= genta millia aureoru[m] nostroru[m] ualere, ne miremur eâ basi= licam à Plinio inter opera magnificetissima c[on]c[ern]eri. Idem Plinius, Pyramidas, regum miramur opera, cum solu[m] tan= tum foro extru[n]edo sestertijs nulle ducetis Cæsar Dictator emerit, & (si quidem imp[er]sæ mouet captos auaritia ani= mos) P. Clodius quem Milo occidit, sestertijs CXLVIII. millibus domo empta habitauerit, quod equidem no[n] secus ac regu[m] insaniam muror. Itaq[ue] & ipsum Milonem sester= tia septingenta millia æris alieni debuisse, inter prodigiæ humani animi duco. Hæc uerba tot tatisq[ue] mendis scatent, uix ut restitui posse co[n]fidâ. Primum sestertijs nulle & du= centis pro duodecies sestertio, rarus fuit antiquis sermo, ut alibi dixi: deinde in antiq[ui]s quibusda[m] numerus corruptus est, ut omnino nihil elici possit. In uetustissimo H S. lib. le= gitur. Postremò Traquillus in Iulio ipso de hoc ita scribit, Nullum largitionis aut officiorum in quæquam genus pu blicè priuatimq[ue]; omissit. forum de manubijs inchoauit, cu= ius area super sestertium nullies co[n]stitit. De Clodiana au tem domo ut nuc legitur, ridiculum est precium, quum Lu cij Crassi domus, cuius Plinius meminit ut mediocris, tri= cies pluris uendi potuerit. Milonem autem hominem egre giè profusum septingenta millia æris alieni debuisse, non erat admiratione dignum, quæ summa multo minor est de cies sestertio. Macrobius in 1 1. Satur. Augustus delata ad se magnitudine æris alieni quam quidam Eques Romanus dum uixit, excedetem ducenties celauerat, culcitram emi cubiculare[m] in eius auctione sibi iussit: & præceptum mi= rantibus

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G. BVD. OF THE AS AND Caesar attracted many citizens to himself by money, and likewise pleased many of the foremost men with gifts; among them Paulus the consul was won over for 500 talents, and Curio the tribune of the plebs was freed from a huge debt. We have said elsewhere that this sum amounts to nine hundred thousand of our gold coins, so we should not wonder that Pliny reckons that basilica among the most magnificent works. The same Pliny, when speaking of the pyramids, the wondrous works of kings, wonders that Caesar the Dictator, merely for building a forum, bought the site for no less than a hundred million sesterces; and, if indeed the matter stirs minds captured by greed, P. Clodius, whom Milo killed, lived in a house bought for 148,000 sesterces, which I indeed marvel at no less than at the madness of kings. And so I also count it among the prodigies of human spirit that Milo himself owed 700,000 sesterces in debt. These words are full of such and so many errors that I hardly trust they can be restored. First, sestertii nulli and ducenti stood for twelve sesterces; the phrase was rare among the ancients, as I have said elsewhere. Then in some old texts the number is corrupted, so that nothing at all can be drawn from it. In the oldest manuscript, H S. lib. le, it is read. Finally, Suetonius in Julius himself writes thus about this: “He omitted no kind of largess or services, public or private. He began the forum with the spoils of war, the ground of which cost more than a hundred million sesterces.” As for Clodius’ house, as it is now read, the price is ridiculous, since the house of Lucius Crassus, which Pliny mentions as modest, could have been sold for three times as much. But that Milo, a man exceedingly lavish, owed 700,000 sesterces in debt was not worthy of wonder, since that sum is far less than a hundred million sesterces. Macrobius in book 11 of the Saturnalia says that Augustus, when the extent of a debt that a certain Roman eques had concealed while he lived was reported to him, and which exceeded two hundred million, ordered a bedroom quilt to be bought for himself at the auction; and when those present were amazed at the command

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. mirantibus, hâc rationem reddidit, Habenda est ad somnum culcitra, in qua ille cum tantum deberet, dormire potuit. Planu[m] fit igitur locum medosum esse. In duobus antiquis libris, quos uidi taleta D C C. legitur, quod no[n] probo, cum propterea quòd Romani taletorum uocabulo no[n] utebantur, tum quia hæc summa minor est ducenties sestertio. at Curionem sexcenties sestertium debuisse, autor est Valerius lib. I x. his uerbis, Consinulis mutatio in domo Curionum extitit. Siquidem forum nostrum, & patris grauissimum supercilium, & filij sexcenties sestertium æris alieni aspexit, co[n]tractum famosa iniuria nobilium iuuenum. de quo nonihil suprà diximus ex secunda Ciceronis Antoniana. < Curionis xe alienum.> Publium autem Clodiu[m] perdita ac uecordi luxuria fuisse, ex eodem Valerio nouimus, his uerbis de eo eode[m] in loco dicete, Publij autem Clodij iudicium quâta luxuria & libidine abundauit? in quo ut euidèter incesti crimine nocens reus absolueretur, noctes matronarum & adolescetium nobilium magna summa emptæ mercedis loco iudici bus erogatæ sunt. Cicero ad Atticum libro primo de eo iudicio loquès ita inquit, Caluus per unum seruu[m], & quidem ex gladiatorio ludo, confecit totum negocium, accersiuit ad se, promisit, intercessit, dedit. Iam uerò (O dÿ boni) rem perditam, etiam noctes certarum mulierum, at que adolescetulorum nobilium introductiones, nonullis iudicibus pro mercedis cumulo fueru[n]t. Ita summo dissensu bonorum, pleno foro seruorum, x x v. iudices ita fortes tum fuerunt, ut summo proposito periculo uel perire maluerint, quàm perdere omnia. x x x 1. fueru[n]t quos fames magis quàm fama commouit. De eo iudicio iteru[m] loquès eode[m] lib. Afflicta, inquit, Resp. empto constuprató que iudicio. Omnino igitur oportet magnas has esse summas quas Pli- z s nius

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PART I. BOOK III. Wondering, he gave this reason: a mattress must be provided for sleep, on which he could sleep, since he owed so much. Thus it is clear that the place is a medosum. In two ancient books, which I have seen, it is read as taleta DCC , which I do not approve, both because the Romans did not use the word taletorum , and because this sum is less than two hundred thousand sesterces. But Valerius, Book I, x, is authority that Curio owed six hundred thousand sesterces, in these words: “A change of consulship occurred in the house of the Curiones. For indeed our forum, and the most severe frown of the father, and the son’s six hundred thousand sesterces of debt, were seen, contracted by the infamous wrong done to noble young men.” Of this we said something above from the second Philippic of Cicero. <Curio’s debt.> But that Publius Clodius was ruined by prodigal and senseless luxury we learn from the same Valerius, in the same place, speaking of him in these words: “What judgment did Publius Clodius pass, with what luxury and lust did he abound? In order that, when he was clearly guilty of the crime of incest, he might be acquitted, the nights of matrons and of noble youths were bought and paid out to the judges at great cost in the place of a fee.” Cicero, speaking of that trial to Atticus in the first book, says thus: “Calvus, by one slave, and indeed one from a gladiatorial school, brought the whole business to an end; he summoned him to himself, promised, interceded, gave.” But now indeed (O good gods) the ruined affair, even the nights of certain women and the introductions of noble youths, were to some of the judges a pile of payment. Thus, with the greatest disagreement of the good men, the forum full of slaves, 25 judges were then so brave that, with the greatest danger set before them, they chose rather to perish than to lose everything. 31 were those whom hunger moved more than fame. Speaking again of that trial in the same book, he says: “The republic, afflicted, was corrupted by a bought and debauched trial.” Therefore, these sums must surely be great, which Pli- s z nius

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nius ob insignem nequitiam insaniæ Regum Aegypti eô parandas duxerit, qui pyranudas ipsi mundi miracula eô struxerunt. Vidi tria exemplaria, ut suprà dixi, manu scri pta, in quibus ita de Clodio legitur, talètis ducétis XLVII. emut locum in quo habitauit. sensu etiam immutato, quasi aream domus tanti emerit. Sæpe suprà testati sumus exemplaria Pliniana fluxam fidem habere, quod ad numeros quidem & summas peculiæ pertinet. quid enim simule habet talentum cum sestertio? quanquam & in omnibus autoribus id genus errati inualuit, ut multis exemplis docui mus. Rursus ut sestertium nullies legam apud Tranquillu[m], adduci non possum, cum ea summa fidem omnino excessu ra sit, si superficiem operis proportione areæ æstimandæ relinquamus: potiusq[ue] sestertia nulle, & apud Plinium sestertijs nulle & ducentis probarim, si alterum eligere cogar, etsi omnino minor summa est, quàm ut Plinius inter muranda poneret. Quare nihil constituo, nisi hoc tantum, quòd hic locus corruptus est. Reliqua uerò ex uetustissimæ lectionis obseruatione sic legenda contenderim: Et si quidem impensæ mouent captos auaritia animos, P. Clodius quem Milo occidit, sestertium cēties & quadragies octies domo empta habitauerit: quod equidè non secus ac Regum insaniam nutor. Itaq[ue] & ipsum Milone[m] sestertiu[m] septingenties æris alieni debuisse, inter prodigia animi humani duco. Vidimus suprà Curionem grandi ære alieno liberatum esse à Cæsare, & hac mercede Rempu. prodidisse. Hos æs alienum Valerius sexcenties sestertium taxæ uit, ego nulle & quingentis nullibus aureorum uostrorum æstimo, id est quindecies centenis nullibus. Milo ultra hâc summam ducenta & quinquaginta nullia aureoru[m] debuit. Ne nuremur Plinium id inter prodigia humanarum me= tium

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ... because, on account of the notorious wickedness of the madness of the kings of Egypt, he judged them to have been prepared for that purpose, who built the pyramids, those wonders of the world. I saw three manuscript copies, as I said above, in which Clodius is read thus: “talets ducēns XLVII.” He changed the place where he lived. The sense too is changed, as if he had bought the ground of so great a house. We have often stated above that Pliny’s manuscripts have a loose reliability, as far as numbers and sums of money are concerned. For what similarity is there between a talent and a sestertius? Although in all authors too this kind of error has become common, as I have shown by many examples. Again, as I cannot be persuaded to read “sestertium nullies” in Tranquillus, since that sum would altogether exceed credibility if we judge the surface of the building by the proportion of the area to be estimated: rather I would approve “sestertia nulle,” and in Pliny “sestertijs nulle et ducentis,” if I am forced to choose the one, although the sum is altogether too small for Pliny to have placed it among wonders. Therefore I determine nothing, except this only: that this passage is corrupt. But I would argue that the rest should be read thus, following the observation of the most ancient reading: “And if indeed expenses move minds captured by greed, P. Clodius, whom Milo killed, would have lived in a house bought for one hundred and forty-eight million sestertii,” which I indeed admire no less than the madness of kings. So I also count Milo himself as having owed seven hundred million sestertii in debt, among the prodigies of human nature. We saw above that Curio was freed from a great debt by Caesar, and that he betrayed the Republic for this reward. Valerius reckoned this debt at six hundred million sestertii; I estimate it at five hundred and sixty-five million of your gold aurei, that is, fifteen times one hundred thousand. Milo owed beyond this sum two hundred and fifty thousand gold aurei. Let us not wonder that Pliny reckons this among the prodigies of human minds.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET cissimos dies profectus est. Bona eius propter alieni æris <magnitudinem semucia uenierunt. Semuncia uenire bona.> Semuncia uenire bona. Semucia nummi. sic dictum est; ut addicere nummo, de quo antè diximus: quod perinde est ac si gratuitò addiceretur. Semucia enim hoc in loco quartam & uicesimam partem assis nummi si gnificat, quæ stipe nostrate sextantem turonici denarioli ualeat. <Cæsar corruptor animosissimus.> Mirari hic rursus subit animosum corruptorem (ut suprà diximus) Cæsarem Dictatorem, de cuius ære alieno libro secundo dictum est, qui Paulum Consulem aureorum nongentorum nullium æstimatione redimere non dubitarit, atque ea demum lege, ne quid commoda= ret ei, modò ne quid incommodaret. Curionem Tribu= num etiam quindecies centenùm nullium, sed eo pacto, ut penè in omnia se addiceret, ne sexcentis nullibus au= reorum pluris sese indicasse Tribunum quàm Consulem muremur. Profectò non uideo ad hanc seu magnificen= tiam seu uecordiam aliquid addi posse. <Cæsar enim tum ciuis tantum Romanus erat, necdum Dictatura assumpta, & sublato Pompeio animos maiores priuato fastigio su=stulerat. Nam quæ post Dictaturam & triu[m]phos destina=uerat (ut autor est Traquillus) si mors e[ss]e non occupasset, æquare potuissent Alexandri magni incepta. Idem Plinius loco supradicto de Romanis domibus loques, Computed, inquit, in hac æstimatione qui uolet, marmoru[m] molem, ope ra pictorum, impedia regalia, & cum pulcherrima laudatissimaq[ue] certates centum domos, posteaq[ue] eas ab innume rabilibus alijs in hunc diem uictas. Profectò incendia pu=niunt luxu[m], nec tamè effici potest ut mores aliquid ipso ho mine mortalius esse intelligat, uel moralius ut in antiquis. <Domus Caligulæ & Neronis.> Sed eas omnes duæ domus uicerunt. Bis uidimus urbe[m] tota[m] cinqi domibus principu[m] Caij & Neronis, & huius quide[m], ne quid

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET he set out on the most auspicious days. His property, because of the magnitude of his debt, was sold for a semuncia. <Semuncia uenire bona.> Semuncia uenire bona. Semucia nummi. This was said, as with addicere nummo , of which we spoke before: which is just as if it were awarded for nothing. For here semucia signifies the twenty-fourth part of an as, which in our coinage would be worth a sextans of the Turonian denarius. <Caesar, a most audacious corrupter.> Here again one is moved to wonder at the bold corrupter (as we said above), Caesar the Dictator, of whose debt it was said in the second book, who did not hesitate to redeem Paulus the Consul for the valuation of nine hundred gold pieces, and indeed on this condition alone, that he should not grant him anything, provided only that he should not cause him any inconvenience. He also gave Curio the Tribune fifteen hundred thousand denarii, but on the condition that he should almost give himself up in everything, so that we should not grumble that he had declared himself the Tribune for more than six hundred thousand gold pieces rather than the Consul. Certainly I do not see that anything can be added to either this magnificence or this madness. <For Caesar at that time was only a Roman citizen, not yet having assumed the dictatorship, and with Pompey removed he had raised his aspirations above private rank. For what he had planned after the dictatorship and triumphs (as Suetonius is the authority) if death had not intervened, could have equaled the undertakings of Alexander the Great. Pliny also, in the above-mentioned passage, speaking of Roman houses, said: Compute, whoever wishes, in this estimate the mass of marble, works of painters, royal furnishings, and, along with the most beautiful and most praised structures, a hundred houses, and afterward those houses conquered by countless others to this day. Certainly fires punish luxury, yet it cannot be brought about that men understand that anything more mortal, or more morally fitting, exists than mortal man himself, or in antiquity. <The house of Caligula and Nero.> But those two houses surpassed them all. We have seen in the whole city twice the five houses of the princes, of Gaius and of Nero, and indeed of this one, lest anything

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 363 ne quid deesset, aurea. Et paulo inserius, Non patiemur duos Caios, uel duos Nerones, ne hac quidem gloria fa= mæ frui. docébimusq[ue] etiam insaniam eorum uictam priuæ tis operibus M. Scauri. < M. Scauri magnificetia por tentiua.> Cuius nescio an Aedilitas maxime prostrauerit mores ciuiles, maiusq[ue]; sit Syllæ malum tanta priuigni potetia, quàm proscriptio tot milliu[m]. Hic fecit in Aedilitate sua opus maximum omniu[m] quæ unquam fuere humana manu facta, no[n] temporaria mora, uerùm etiam æ= ternitatis destinatione. Theatru[m] hoc fuit, scena ei triplex altitudine, trecetarum L X. columnaru[m], in ea ciuitate quæ sex hymettias non tulerat sine probro ciuis amplissimi. Ia[m] pars scenæ è marmore fuit, media è uitro, inaudito etiam postea genere luxuriæ, summæ tabulis inauratis colunæ, ut diximus, imæ duodequadragenum pedum: signa ærea inter columnas, ut indicauimus, fueru[n]t tria millia numero: cauea ipsa cepit hominum L X X X. millia, cum Pompeij amphitheatri, toties multiplicata urbe tatoq[ue]; maiore po= pulo, sufficiat largè X L. millia sedere. Reliquus apparatus tatus Attalica ueste, tabulis pictis, cæteraq[ue]; cura fuit, ut in Tusculanam uillam reportatis quæ superfluebat quotidia ni usus delicijs, incesa uilla ab iratis seruis concremaretur ad sestertia M. In antiquis non nullis bina millia sestertia legitur, et Hermolaus, co[n]cremarentur bina millia sester= tia, legit ex antiquis: quod miror, cu[m] sestertium in geniti= uo legi debeat, uel dictio sestertia præcedere hæc duo uer ba bina millia, si in recto legatur. Etsi no[n] est is sermo è mo re antiquo, ut diximus: deinde no[n] bina, sed duo dixisset Plinius. < Locus Plinij insignis.> In antiquissimo est, concremaretur ad H. S. M. q[ui]d ego interpretor sestertium millies, uel bis millies potius. co[n]cre maretur enim singulari numero legitur. Admaturatio autem Plinij in eo co[n]sistit incedio, ut ex uerbis sequetibus appa= ret:

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 363 so that nothing should be lacking, golden. And a little later, “We shall not allow two Gaiuses, or two Neros, even to enjoy this glory of fa- me.” And we shall also teach that their madness was conquered by the private works of M. Scaurus. <The magnificence of M. Scaurus, extraordinary.> Whether his aedileship perhaps most of all corrupted civic morals, and whether Sulla’s greater evil was the power of such a stepson, than the proscription of so many thousands. This man, in his aedileship, made the greatest work of all that have ever been made by human hand, not only by reason of the temporary delay, but also because it was intended for eternity. This was a theater, with a stage three times the height of the one hundred and fifty columns, in that city which could not endure even six Hymettian columns without disgrace to its most eminent citizen. Already part of the stage was of marble, the middle of glass, an unheard-of kind even later of luxury; the upper columns, as we said, were gilded tables, the lower ones forty-eight feet high: there were, as we indicated, three thousand bronze statues among the columns: the cavea itself held one hundred and eighty thousand men, whereas the Pompey amphitheater, in a city so often multiplied and with so much greater a populace, would sufficiently accommodate forty thousand seated. The remainder of the apparatus was Attalic vesture, painted panels, and the rest of the care was such that, when what was left over was carried back to the Tusculan villa for daily use and luxury, the villa, set on fire by the angry slaves, was burned down for a million sesterces. In some ancient manuscripts two thousand sesterces are read, and Hermolaus, “let them be burned, two thousand sesterces,” reads from the ancients: which I wonder at, since sestercium ought to be read in the genitive, or else the word sestercia should precede these two words, bina millia, if it is read in the nominative. And yet this is not the manner of speech from ancient usage, as we said: moreover, Pliny would have said not bina, but duo. <An remarkable passage of Pliny.> In the oldest text it is, let it be burned down at H. S. M., which I interpret as a million sesterces, or rather two million. For it is read in the singular number, “let it be burned down.” The haste of Pliny, however, consists in the fire, as appears from the following words:

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ret: Quando hoc, inquit, certè incendij illius præmiu[m] habuit, co[n]uectis ex orbe terrarum rebus, ut nemo postea par esset insaniæ illi, sed ne ipse quidem Scaurus comparari sibi posset. Ex his enim intelligimus, incensa uilla, colliquesa eta signa ærea, et arsisse tabulas pictas immesi precij, et Attalicas uestes, id est tapetas preciosissimos, quales aliquado Neroni quadringenties sestertium co[n]siterunt ad tricliniu[m] ornandum, ut suprà docuimus ex eodem Plinio. Sensus est igitur, eo incèdio factum ut res eximuæ ex omni parte imperij Romani conuectæ, igne haurirentur, ita ut nemo postea imutari exemplum tanti spectaculi posset, ac ne ipse quidem Scaurus iterum edere tale posset, si maxime cuperet. hoc enim significant uerba illa Plinij. omnino igitur sestertium nullies legedum est, id est uicies et quinquies centena nullia aureorum nostroru[m], uel bis nullies potius ex plerisq[ue] libris, id est quinquagies centena. alioquin ridiculus esset Plinius, qui Scauru[m] superasse Caium et Ne ronem ingenia luxu et prodigentia monstirifica dixit: de quibus postea dicemus nonnihil, si locus dicendi incurrerit. Verùm ubi legitur, reliquus apparatus tantus Attalica ueste, tabulis pictis cæteraq[ue] cura fuit, legendu[m] censeo, cæteroq[ue]; choragio fuit: admonitus ab antiquis exeplaribus, in quibus tum uorago legitur, tum corago: et à Valerio lib. 11. cuius hæc uerba sunt, Claudius Pulcher scenam uaritate colorum adumbrauit, uacuis antè pictura tabulis extentam, quam totam argento C. Antonius, auro Petreius, ebore Quintus Catulus prætexuit, uel prætexit. Versatilem fecerunt Lucius et Cinna locum, quem argentatis choragijs Publius Lentulus Spinter adornauit. translatum antea Phoeniceis indutum tunicis M. Scaurus exquisito genere uestis cultum induxit. Cæterùm ubi legitur, iam

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ret: When this, he says, certainly had as the reward of that fire, after things were brought together from all over the world, that no one afterward could be equal to that madness, and that not even Scaurus himself could be compared with it. From these words indeed we understand that a country house was burned, bronze statues melted down, painted panels of immense value consumed, and Attalic garments, that is, the most precious tapestries, were burned, such as once cost Nero four hundred million sesterces to decorate a dining-room, as we have shown above from the same Pliny. The sense, then, is that by that fire extraordinary things collected from every part of the Roman empire were devoured by flame, so that no one afterward could imitate the example of so great a spectacle, nor could even Scaurus himself produce such a thing again, even if he especially wished it. For this is what Pliny’s words mean. Therefore the reading sestertium nullies must by no means be accepted, that is, twenty-five thousand millions of our gold coins, or rather, according to most books, twice nullies , that is, five hundred millions. Otherwise Pliny would be ridiculous, he who said that Scaurus surpassed Gaius and Nero in monstrous talents of luxury and extravagance: concerning whom we shall afterwards say something, if an occasion for speaking should arise. But where it is read, “the rest of the equipment was so great, with Attalic garments, painted panels, and the care of the rest,” I think it should be read cæteroque ; choragio fuit : warned by ancient exemplars, in which both uorago and corago are read; and from Valerius, book 11, whose words are these: “Claudius Pulcher shaded the stage with a variety of colors, stretched out before with empty painted panels, which C. Antonius entirely overlaid with silver, Petreius with gold, and Quintus Catulus with ivory, or overlaid. Lucius and Cinna made the place changeable, and Publius Lentulus Spinter adorned it with silvered stage scenery. Scaurus had previously introduced a place dressed in Phoenician tunics; in an exquisite kind of ornament he brought in luxury.” But where it is read, now

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 367 Iam pars scenæ è marmore fuit:lego, ima pars, licet exem plaria refragetur. Ipse Plinius alibi eodem lib. M. Scauri Aedilitate ad scenam theatri temporarij, & uix uno men se futuri in usu, uiderunt portari silentio legum. Et post duos uersus, Veru esto indulserint publicis uoluptatibus, etia ne tacueru[m] maximas earum atq[ue] adeo duodequadrage[n]um pedum Lucullei marmoris in atrio Scauri collocari? nec clam illud occulteq[ue] factu[m] est. satisfari sibi dani infecti egit redemptor cloacaru[m], cum in Palatium extraherentur. Ex his uerbus intelligimus, dissoluto theatro, quod ad unius circiter mensis tempus factum erat, id est quoad ludi finirentur, columnas grandissimas in atrium domus Scauri, quæ erat in Palatio, translatas. Atria enim peristy lijs constant, ut uidere est apud Vitruuium lib. v 1. sicut & caua ediu[m]. Addit hæc Plinius, Nec potest uideri Scaurus rudi & huius mali improuidæ ciuitati obrepsisse quodâ uitæ rudimeto. Iam enim Luciu[m] Crassum oratorem illum, qui peregrini marmoris colunas habuit in eodem atrio, hymettias tame[n], nec plures sex aut longiores duode[n]um pedum, M. Brutus in iurgijs ob id Palatinam Venerem appellauerat. Idem alibirusus de ijs loques qui marmoræ in donubus habuerunt, Inter hos, inquit, primum (ut arbitror) marmoros parietes habuit scena Marci Scauri, no[n] facilè dixerim, sectos, an solidis glebis politos, sicut est hodie Louis tonantis ædes in Capitolio. Idem libro trigesimoseptimo, Gemmas plures (quod peregrino appellat nomine dactylothecam) primus omnium habuit Romæ priuignus Syllæ Scaurus: diu que nulla alia fuit, do nec Pompeius Magnus eam quæ Mithridatis Regis fuerat, inter dona in Capitolio dicaret, ut M. Varro alijq[ue] eiusdem ætatis autores confirmant, multum præla- tam

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PART IB. HIS BOOK III. 367 Already a part of the stage was of marble; I read, the lower part, though the exemplars disagree. Pliny himself elsewhere, in the same book, says that in the aedileship of M. Scaurus they saw a temporary theater stage being carried in, and that it would scarcely be in use for one month, in silence of the laws. And after two verses: “And yet they did not even keep silent, when they allowed the public pleasures, that the greatest of them, and indeed the fourteen-feet Lucullan marble, to be placed in the atrium of Scaurus?” nor was this done secretly or under cover. The contractor for the sewers, when the materials were being taken to the Palatine, claimed compensation for damage done. From these words we understand that, when the theater had been dismantled, which had been made for about the space of one month, that is, until the games should be finished, the very large columns were transferred into the atrium of Scaurus’s house, which was on the Palatine. For atria consist of peristyles, as may be seen in Vitruvius, book V, and likewise the enclosed spaces of houses. Pliny adds this: “Nor can Scaurus be thought to have crept in through some crude and unforeseen negligence into a city unsuspecting of such an evil.” For already Lucius Crassus, that orator, who had columns of foreign marble in the same atrium, though Hymettian, and no more than six, nor longer than twelve feet, had been called by M. Brutus in his invectives “the Palatine Venus” on that account. The same author elsewhere, speaking in jest of those who had marble in their houses, says: “Among these, the first, as I think, to have marble walls was the stage of Marcus Scaurus; I cannot easily say whether they were cut stones or polished with solid masses, as is today the temple of Jupiter Tonans on the Capitol.” The same, in the thirty-seventh book, says that Scaurus, stepson of Sulla, was the first of all men at Rome to have many gems (which he calls by the foreign name dactylotheca); and for a long time there was none other, until Pompey the Great dedicated in the Capitol, among his gifts, the one that had belonged to King Mithridates, as M. Varro and other authors of the same age confirm, much surpassing it.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tam Scauri. hoc exemplo Cæsar Dictator sex dactylothe- cas in æde Veneris genitricis consecrauit. Et rursus libro X X X I I I. In M. Scauri Aedilitate tria nullia signoru[m] in scena tantum fuere temporario theatro. Ex supradictis conijcere licet, non mirabilem, sed stupendam, non magni ficentiam, sed luxuriam, & portentosa impendia in appa- ratu ludorum Scauri fuisse, quorum uix iniri ratio potest præ magnitudine. Fuit autem Scauro (ut eiusdem Plinij uerbis loquar) uitricus Sylla, & Metella mater, pro- scriptionum sectrix, & M. Scaurus pater, toties princeps ciuitatis, & Marianis sodalitijs rapinaru[m] provincialium sinus, uel (ut in antiquo legitur) Mariani sodalitij rapina- rumq; provincialium sinus. Metella uxor fuit Syllæ, ut au tor est Plutarchus: quam sectricem proscriptionu[m] Plinius uocat, quasi impetratricè redemptricemq; proscriptionu[m] quæ sub Sylla factæ sunt. Cui tamen morbo languenti Syl la repudium nusit, ne felicitas sua luctu uxoris contamina retur, cum interim ipse epulum magnificentissimum popu lo instauraret decima rapinarum & proscriptionum Herculi polluce[n]da. Plutarch. in Publicola de templo Iouis Ca pitolini loquens, quod ter incensum, quartum à Domutia no extractu[m] est, tati deauratu[m] fuisse suo tempore prodidit, ut nullius ciuis Romani priuati hominis c[æ]sus æquare eam impesam potueri t: quippe quod duodecim nullibus talen- torum deauratum. sic enim inquit, τοῦτα τὴν ἐμα[n]ς ἰρει- μερισον ἐν ἡωμη τῶν ἀθοπικῶν πλῶτον ἐκλογιαίντα, & ὑ χνοῦσεως μὴ τελεσον ἀνάλωμα λήτεα, πλεον ἐν ἀγχιλιων καὶ μεριον ταλάντων γενόμων. Quod tamen opus longe minus murandum esse domo principis ipsius ait, quæ undique auro splendebat. id quod mirum est Plinium & Tranquillum silentio prætermisisse. Quoniam autem hic liber

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND also of Scaurus. By this example Caesar the Dictator dedicated six dactylothecae in the temple of Venus Genetrix. And again in book XXXIII: In the aedileship of M. Scaurus there were only three nullia of statues on the stage of the temporary theater. From the things said above it may be inferred that in Scaurus’s arrangements for games there was not admirable, but astonishing, not magnificence, but luxury, and monstrous expenditure, of which the amount can scarcely be reckoned because of its greatness. But Scaurus had as his mother-in-law (to speak in the words of the same Pliny) Sulla, and Metella, a mother, a gatherer of proscriptions, and M. Scaurus the father, so often the first man of the state, and by the Marian associations the plunder of the provinces in their lap, or (as it is read in the old text) the Marian association and the plunder of the provinces in their lap. Metella was the wife of Sulla, as Plutarch is author: whom Pliny calls a gatherer of proscriptions, as if a procurer and redeemer of the proscriptions which were made under Sulla. Yet to her, though sick with that disease, Sulla sent a repudium, lest his own happiness be defiled by the mourning of his wife, while in the meantime he himself was providing a most magnificent banquet for the people, with a tenth of the spoils and proscriptions to be dedicated to Hercules Pollux. Plutarch, in Publicola, speaking of the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, which, having been burned three times, was restored a fourth time by Domitian, recorded that in his time it had been so gilded that no private expenditure of any Roman citizen could have equaled that outlay: indeed, it had been gilded with twelve talents. For thus he says, τοῦτα τὴν ἐμα[n]ς ἰρει- μερισον ἐν ἡωμη τῶν ἀθοπικῶν πλῶτον ἐκλογιαίντα, & ὑ χνοῦσεως μὴ τελεσον ἀνάλωμα λήτεα, πλεον ἐν ἀγχιλιων καὶ μεριον ταλάντων γενόμων. Yet he says that that work is far less to be wondered at than the house of the prince himself, which shone everywhere with gold. It is strange that Pliny and Tranquillus passed this over in silence. But since this book

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L I B E R III. aut marmorea imposuit, & columnas ex marmore quadringetas, eaq[ue] omnia annuo spatio. Adiecitq[ue] ipse in Aedilitatis suæ commemorationem & ludos undesexaginta diebus factos, & gratuita præbita balnea C L X X. quæ nunc Romæ ad infinitum auxere numerum. Vicit antece dentes aquarum ductus nouissimum impendiu[m] operis inchoati à Caio Cæsare, & peracti à Claudio, quippe à lapide X L. ad eam excelsitatem, ut in omnes urbis montes leuarentur, influxere Curtius atque Cæruleus fontes. Erogata in id opus sestertia quingenta quinquaginta quinq[ue] millia. quod si quis diligentius æstimauerit aquarum abundantiam in publico, balneis, piscinis, domibus, euripsis, hor tis suburbanis, uillis, spatiæq[ue] aduenientis, extractos arcus, montes persossos, ualles æquatas, fatebitur nihil magis mirandu[m] fuisse in toto orbe terrarum. Idem paulo superius, Mirabantur cloacas operum omnium dictu maximum, suffossis montibus, atque ut paulò antè retulimus, urbe pensili, subterq[ue] nauigata. Id Marcus Agrippa fecit in Aedilitate post consulatum, per meatus corriuatis septe[m] annibus, cursu præcipiti torrentium modo rapere atque auferre omnia coactis. Insuper mole hymbrium concitati uada ac littora quatiunt: aliquando Tyberis retro infusi recipiunt fluctus, pugnantq[ue]; diuersi aquarum impetus intus, & tamen obnixa firmutas resistit: trahuntur soles internæ tantæ non succumbentibus causis operis. Verùm in loco superiore ubi legitur in impressis, Præterea fontes < Plin. locus restitutus.> & v. in uetusto sapientes legitur: quare salientes lego. sensus enim id exposcit. Vbi autem impressi habet, erogata in id opus sestertia quingenta L V. millia: antiqui nonnulli talenta, uetustissimus H S. L V. D. ordine notarum inuerso. quare sestertium quingeties quinquagiesquinquies lego. GVL.

Transcription: Translated (English)

L I B E R III. either he set up marble [work], and four hundred marble columns, all within one year. And in commemoration of his aedileship he also added games lasting sixty-six days, and free baths provided, 170 in number, which now in Rome have increased the number without limit. He surpassed the earlier aqueducts, the latest expenditure of a work begun by Gaius Caesar and completed by Claudius, for from the fortieth milestone, to such a height that they might be brought up onto all the hills of the city, there flowed in the Curtius and Caeruleus springs. Five hundred fifty-five thousand sestertii were spent on that work. But if anyone more carefully weighs the abundance of water in public places, baths, pools, houses, euripi, suburban gardens, villas, and places for walking, the raised arches, the pierced mountains, the leveled valleys, he will confess that nothing more wonderful was ever in the whole world. He says a little above: they marvelled at the sewers, the greatest of all works to mention, mountains having been cut through, and, as we reported shortly before, the city hanging in the air and navigated beneath. This Marcus Agrippa made in his aedileship after the consulship, by means of conduits collecting seven streams, with the headlong course of torrents, forcing everything to rush and be carried away like a flood. Moreover, under the force of heavy rains the shallows and shores are shaken; at times the backflowing Tiber receives the waves and fights against them; the opposing rushes of water within, and yet the sturdy structure resists: the inner channels are drawn by such great causes, though the work does not yield. But in the upper passage, where in the printed text it is read, “Besides, springs” <Plin. locus restitutus.>, and in the old text “wise” is read; therefore I read “springs.” For the sense requires this. But where the printed text has, “five hundred and fifty thousand sestertii were spent on that work,” some of the ancients [read] talents; the oldest [text has] H.S. L.V.D., with the order of the signs reversed. Therefore I read “sestertium quinquies quinquagies quinquies.” GVL.

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GVLIELMI BVDAEI PARISI= ENSIS, CONSILIA= RII REG. DE ASSE ET PARTIBVS EIVS, LIBER IIII. VENTVM iamdiu esset ad finem huius operis, nisi aliaru[m] aliarumq[ue]; rerum recor datio subiens identidem mihi negotiu[m] fa= cesseret. Alter nunc de integro propè in= stauradus mihi labor, Persarum opes ex= pendendæ: qui soli, Romanorum fortunam ad terminos usq[ue]; Alexandri euadere gestientem, retro in occidua[m] mun di partem inhibuere: à Romanis etia[m] ipsi longè ad Orien= tem summoti. Herodotus Aicarnasceus libro III. qui Thalia inscribitur, Dariu[m] Histaspis filiu[m], qui post Mago ru[m] cæde hinnitu equi ad regnu[m] Persicu[m] assumptus est in ui ginti satrapias Persaru[m] regnu[m] distribuisse dicit, et præse etos unicuiq[ue]; dedisse, et tributa statu fixaq[ue]; indidisse, ea le ge dicta, ut qui argetu tributi nomine penderet, talenti Ba= bylonij pondere: qui auru[m], Euboici afferrent. Valet autem inquit, Babylonicu[m] talentu[m] L x x. minas Euboicas. Qua re Dariu[m] apud Persas ob hæc tributi formulâ cōstitutâ ea pelu[m] uerbo Græco, id est institoru[m] uel negotiatoru[m] uocita= tum ait. eo autem uerbo homine[m] ut quæstuariu[m] notabat. Ca[m] bysen uerò despotem, id est dominu[m] dictu[m]. Nec Cyrus enim nec Cambyses tributa ad certam formulam, et præcisam A 2 redeg

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GVLIELMI BVDAEI PARISI= ENSIS, CONSILIA= RII REG. DE ASSE ET PARTIBVS EIVS, BOOK IIII. It would long since have come to the end of this work, had not the recollection of other and other matters, coming in upon me from time to time, kept causing me trouble. Now another labor, almost to be undertaken anew, must be expended by me: to set forth the wealth of the Persians, who alone held back the fortune of the Romans, hastening to escape as far as the bounds of Alexander, back toward the western part of the world; and they themselves were also driven far to the east by the Romans. Herodotus of Halicarnassus, in Book III, which is inscribed Thalia, says that Darius, son of Hystaspes, who after the slaughter of the Magi was taken up to the Persian kingdom by the neighing of a horse, divided the kingdom of the Persians into twenty satrapies, and assigned overseers to each, and imposed fixed taxes and contributions, with this law, that whoever paid tribute in silver should pay by the Babylonian talent weight; whoever in gold, by the Euboean. For, he says, the Babylonian talent is worth 70 Euboean minas. Therefore Darius among the Persians, because of this established form of tribute, is said to have been called by the Greek word pelum , that is, of a shopkeeper or merchant. And by that word he marked a man as a profiteer. Cambyses, however, was called despot, that is, lord. For neither Cyrus nor Cambyses reduced the tributes to a fixed formula and exact measure. A 2 redeg

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET redegerant necessitatem, sed dona tantum anniuersaria à Satrapijs accipiebât. Has Satrapias, quas Nomos Herodotus appellat uerbo Græco, Plinius præfecturas uertit, Laurentius portiones subabsurdè uocitauit. Herodotus igitur has seu prouincias seu præfecturas ab Hellesponto ad Indiam usque sigillatim percensens, & quicquid una= quæque quotannis pensitaret, tandem summam colligens, Quòd si, inquit, Babylonica pecunia ad pondus Euboi= cum redigatur, fient nouem millia quingenta quadraginta argenti talenta, ὑ μὴ δὲ ἀργυριον τὰ βαθυλῶνιον, πρὸς ὑ οἰθοικὸν, συμβαλλῶνιον τὰ λατινον, εἰν[im] τεαράποντα μὴ πετακοσία μὴ ευνεκιχιλια τὰ λαττα. Aurum uerò ramentitium si ter= decies expendatur ad argentum, in summa reperietur ad rationem Euboicam esse quatuor millia talentorum, sex= centaq[ue]; & octoginta, ὑ δὲ χρυσίον πισκαίλιασάστον λευριον δὲ Τύγμα, ευρισκε) ἔνοι οἰθοικῶν ταλαντων δὲ σωκοντα, μὴ ἔκασθων μὴ τετακιχιλῶν. In Lauretij interpretatione medose hic locus legitur. Ramentu[m] auri, p[er]segma ab Hero doto dicitur, quasi aurea[m] scobem dixeris. Quibus, inquit, in unum coactis, fit summa eorum quæ quotannis collige= bantur, quaterdecies millena quingena & sexagena ta= lenta Euboica. Suprà autem dixit, ὑ δὲ βαθυλῶνιον τὰ λαταντον δυναται οἰθοικὰς ἔθοδημηκτα μείας. Valet autem talen= tum Babylonium septuaginta Euboicas minas. Ex uerbis Herodoti ut scire non possumus quantum Euboicum ta= lentu[m] fuerit, ita intelligimus minus fuisse Babylonio. Nos in superioribus nonnihil de hoc diximus cum loca Liuij ci taremus ex libris septimo et octauo de bello Macedonico. Festus Euboicum talentum quatuor millium denariorum fuisse dicit Romano nummo æstimatum, quod si est ueru[m], apud Pliniu[m] lib. x x x v. ubi legitur, Talentum autem Atticum < Nomi, id est præfecturæ. > < Herodoti locus. > < Psegma, > < Plinij locus, >

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET they had required the payment, but he used to receive only annual gifts from the Satrapies. These Satrapies, which Herodotus calls Nomos in the Greek word, Pliny renders as prefectures, Laurentius rather absurdly called portions. Herodotus therefore, enumerating in detail these provinces or prefectures from the Hellespont all the way to India, and gathering at last the total of whatever each one paid yearly, says, “If Babylonian money, reduced to Euboean weight, is reckoned, there will be nine thousand five hundred and forty talents of silver.” And if crude gold is reckoned three times as much in silver, the total will be found, at the Euboean rate, to be four thousand talents, six hundred and eighty. In Laurentius’ interpretation this passage is read in a distorted way. The gold filings, called psegma by Herodotus, are as if you were to say golden filings. When these, he says, are collected together, the total of what was gathered each year comes to fourteen thousand five hundred and sixty Euboean talents. But above he had said that the Babylonian talent is equal to seventy Euboean minas. From Herodotus’ words, although we cannot know how much an Euboean talent was, we do understand that it was less than the Babylonian talent. We have said something about this above when citing Livy’s passages from books seven and eight on the Macedonian war. Festus says that the Euboean talent was worth four thousand denarii in Roman coin, if this is true; and at Pliny, book xxxv, where it reads, “But the Attic talent...” < Nomoi, that is, prefectures. > < Herodotus’ passage. > < Psegma, > < Pliny’s passage, >

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. Atticum (ut dit Varro) sedecim sestertijs taxatur, legedu[m] esset Eubocum. Sedecim enim sestertia, quadraginta mi= nas ualent, & quatuor millia drachmarum. Sed apud Pli= nium legedum potius existimo denarium sex millia, quod olim sic scribebatur, x. v i. m. ex quo sedecim sestertia facta. Millia enim & sestertia ut idem significant, sic ea= dem nota scribebantur. < Hermolaus Barbarus.> Hermolaus Barbarus in glossema= tis in Plinium editis, dum autoru[m] magis nomenclaturæ quàm rei explicandæ studet, explanandæ huius rei diffi= cultatem propè conclamatam reddidit, autoritatumq; in= ter se pugnantium congerie ueritatem obruit. Interdum enim ea culpa summis in ingenijs deprehenditur, ut ambi= tione instincti, omnia magis consectari, quàm ueri simili= mum quodque amplexari cupiant: quasi diligentiores se doctioresq; quàm consideratiores existimari maluerint. Ego cu[m] rei obscuræ, & caligine quadam uariantium au= toritatum obductæ, lucem aliquam afferre magnopere la= borassem, nihil appositius ad illustrandam eam obscurita= tem inueni, quàm quod Pollux in nono de uocabulis reru[m] inquit: quod equidem miror ab Hermolao non esse animad= uersum, aut certè no[n] explicatu[m]: ut iudicare possis, forulos quidem eu[m] omnes diligenter excussisse, sed uolumina (quod aiunt) ad lucernâ Aristophanis non semper recognouisse, ac ne Plinium quidem ipsum, in quo tam sese admiratus est, quàm Peleus in machæra gloriabatur, ut est in prouerbio. Vir alioquin & disertus & elegans, & memoriæ suæ co= lumen: nec modò doctrina multiplici, sed etiam stylo gra ui, licet exultantiore ac licentiore: certè quidem scriptor in quo candidum ingenium, & bonam mentem agnoscas: id quod opinione nostra multis doctis uiris defuit. Cui utina[m] ipsi longior uita contigisset, præclaraq; nunc opera A 3 morte

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PART IV. BOOK IIII. Atticum (as Varro says) is valued at sixteen sesterces, legedum would be Eubocum. For sixteen sesterces is forty mi= nas, and four thousand drachmas. But in Pliny I think legedum should rather be six thousand denarii, because it used to be written thus, x. v i. m., from which sixteen sesterces were made. For millia and sestertia signify the same thing, and so they were written with the same mark. < Hermolaus Barbarus.> Hermolaus Barbarus, in the glosses published on Pliny, while he is more intent on explaining the names of authors than on explaining the matter itself, has made the difficulty of explaining this question almost impossible, and has buried the truth beneath a heap of conflicting authorities. For sometimes even in the greatest minds this fault is found, that, driven by ambition, they desire to pursue everything rather than to embrace whatever is most likely to be true: as though they preferred to be thought more diligent and learned than more judicious. I, who had labored greatly to bring some light to a matter obscure, and clouded by a certain darkness of varying authorities, found nothing more fitting for illuminating that obscurity than what Pollux says in the ninth book On the Words of Things: which, indeed, I wonder was not noticed by Hermolaus, or at least not explained: so that one may judge that he certainly examined all his little drawers carefully, but did not always, as they say, review the volumes by Aristophanes’ lamp, and not even Pliny himself, in whom he so admired himself as Peleus boasted in the sword, as the proverb goes. A man otherwise both eloquent and elegant, and the ornament of his memory: not only of varied learning, but also of a grave style, though somewhat more exuberant and freer: certainly a writer in whom you recognize a candid mind and a good understanding: something that, in our opinion, many learned men lacked. Would that a longer life had been granted to him, and that now his excellent works had not been cut off by death A 3

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET De talento dictum Pollucis memorabile. morte eius suppressa non desiderarentur, quæ exitura annos abhinc x i i i i. audieram cum domi eius prandere cum homine bene docto & eleganti Accursio Menerio, qui tunc legatus regius Venetijs agebat. Sed uerba Pollucis hæc sunt loco supradicto, τῶν καὶ ἐκἀφαίρον, ὑπὸ ὑπὸ ἀπικρὸν τὰλαιθρὸν ἐκαιχιλίας ἔδυνατο ἔραχμᾶς ἀπικᾶς, & ὑπὸ ἔκαθυλῶνιον ἐπικιχιλίας, ὑπὸ ὑπὸ αἰναιον μυρίας, ὑπὸ ὑπὸ εὐρον πεντακοσίας μὴ χιλίας, ως πρὸς ἐν ἀπικῶς ἔραχμᾶς λευκομὸν, ἐκωφὲ ὑπὸ μὴ τὰς μνᾶς τὰς ἀπικᾶς, ὑπὸ μὴ ἀπικὸν ἐκικοντὰ ἐμὲ χε, ὑπὸ ὑπὸ ἐκαθυλῶνιον ἐκδημηκοντὰ, ὑπὸ ὑπὸ αἰναιοῦν ἐκαχρὸν ἐμὲ χεν ἐραχμᾶς ἀπικᾶς, ὑπετω μὴ παρὰ πῶς ἀλλοις τὰς ἐπιχωρίας, δυναμένας πρὸς λόγον τὸν καθὲ ἐκαστὸν ταλὰντὸ κατὰ τε προδύνω μὴ ἀφαίρεστ. Hoc autem non absurdum erit dicere, quòd talentum Atticum Atticas drachmas ualebat numero sex millia, Babylonium septem millia, Aeginæum decé millia, Syriam mille & quingentas, duntaxat incunda ratione secundum drachmæ Atticæ modum: quippe earatione qua Atticum talentum sexagenas minas, Babyloniu[m] septuagenas, Aeginense centenas proportione capiebat. Porro mina ipsa ut apud Athenienses centenas habebat drachmas, sic apud alios quoq[ue] totidem suas cuiusque gentis, quæ proratione cuiusque talenti plus minus ue ualerent augme[n]to uel decreme[n]to. Ex his Pollucis uerbis ad formulam unam omnia propemodum genera talētorum minarumq[ue] redigere possumus. Quomodo enim Atticum talentu[m] sexagenas minas Atticas capit, & mina Attica centenas suas drachmas: sic Babyloniu[m] sexagenas minas Babylonias, quæ centenas ipsæ drachmas uernaculas capiunt: & Aeginense talentum totidem minas Aeginēses: & Aegineticæ rursus minæ, centenas drachmas Aegineticas

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Something memorable said by Pollux. If, with his death suppressed, they should not be missed, which were to come out thirteen years ago, I heard while dining at his house with a very learned and elegant man, Accursius Menerius, who was then serving as royal ambassador in Venice. But Pollux’s words in the above-mentioned place are these: τῶν καὶ ἐκἀφαίρον, ὑπὸ ὑπὸ ἀπικρὸν τὰλαιθρὸν ἐκαιχιλίας ἔδυνατο ἔραχμᾶς ἀπικᾶς, & ὑπὸ ἔκαθυλῶνιον ἐπικιχιλίας, ὑπὸ ὑπὸ αἰναιον μυρίας, ὑπὸ ὑπὸ εὐρον πεντακοσίας μὴ χιλίας, ως πρὸς ἐν ἀπικῶς ἔραχμᾶς λευκομὸν, ἐκωφὲ ὑπὸ μὴ τὰς μνᾶς τὰς ἀπικᾶς, ὑπὸ μὴ ἀπικὸν ἐκικοντὰ ἐμὲ χε, ὑπὸ ὑπὸ ἐκαθυλῶνιον ἐκδημηκοντὰ, ὑπὸ ὑπὸ αἰναιοῦν ἐκαχρὸν ἐμὲ χεν ἐραχμᾶς ἀπικᾶς, ὑπετω μὴ παρὰ πῶς ἀλλοις τὰς ἐπιχωρίας, δυναμένας πρὸς λόγον τὸν καθὲ ἐκαστὸν ταλὰντὸ κατὰ τε προδύνω μὴ ἀφαίρεστ. But it will not be absurd to say that the Attic talent was worth six thousand Attic drachmas by number, the Babylonian seven thousand, the Aeginetan ten thousand, the Syrian one thousand five hundred, only in the convenient calculation according to the standard of the Attic drachma: since, by that reckoning, the Attic talent contained sixty minas, the Babylonian seventy, and the Aeginetan one hundred by proportion. Moreover, the mina itself, as among the Athenians, contained one hundred drachmas, and so among the others as well, each with its own corresponding number, which by the proportion of each talent were more or less worth, with increase or decrease. From these words of Pollux, we can reduce almost all the kinds of talents and minas to one formula. For just as the Attic talent contains sixty Attic minas, and the Attic mina one hundred of its drachmas, so the Babylonian talent contains sixty Babylonian minas, which each contain one hundred native drachmas; and the Aeginetan talent similarly contains the same number of Aeginetan minas; and again the Aeginetic minas, one hundred Aeginetic drachmas

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET enarrandæ intentus. Verùm Herodotus primæ præfecturæ quadringenta talenta argenti attribuit, secundæ quingenta, tertiæ trecenta sexaginta, quartæ quingenta, quintæ trecenta quinquaginta, sextæ septingenta, septimæ centum & septuaginta, octauæ trecenta, nonæ mille, decimæ quadringenta quinquaginta, undecimæ ducenta, duodecimæ trecenta sexaginta, tertiæ decimæ quadringenta, quartæ decimæ sexcenta, decimæ quintæ ducenta quinquaginta, decimæ sextæ trecenta, decimæ septimæ quadringenta, duodeuicesimæ ducenta, undeuicesimæ trecenta: quorum summam non colligit, sed supputata ratione inuenio septem millia septingenta quadraginta talenta in summa esse. Atqui si talentum Babylonium proportionem habet ephectam ad Atticum talentum: septem millia septingenta quadraginta talenta Babylonia, Attica ualent talenta nouem millia & triginta. Si enim hanc summam, id est nouem millia & triginta partiaris septenario, numerus partiens erit mille ducenta & nonaginta, quot talentis crescit summa ad Atticum modum relata. At Herodotus Euboica fieri talenta tradit nouem millia quingenta & quadraginta, quæ summa maior est Atticorum talentorum summa quingentis & decem. Ita fit planum, talentum Euboicum minus esse talento Attico tribus serè minis & triente. Hoc autem promptum est sic colligere: fac ut singulis illis talentis sexagenarijs, id est Atticis (quæ nouè millia & triginta esse diximus) ternæ minæ cu[m] triente, id est tribus & triginta drachmis et tertia parte drachmæ decedat: fient utiq[ue] in summa ter nouies millia minaru[m], id est septè et uiginti millia et nonaginta, et pro triëte minæ, ter millia minaru[m] & decè præterea. Hunc numeru[m] triginta milliu[m] minaru[m] & cetu[m], si sexagenario partiaris, quin- genta Talentum Euboicum.

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G. BVD. OF THE TALENT AND intent on explaining it. But Herodotus assigns to the first prefecture four hundred talents of silver, to the second five hundred, to the third three hundred and sixty, to the fourth five hundred, to the fifth three hundred and fifty, to the sixth seven hundred, to the seventh one hundred and seventy, to the eighth three hundred, to the ninth one thousand, to the tenth four hundred and fifty, to the eleventh two hundred, to the twelfth three hundred and sixty, to the thirteenth four hundred, to the fourteenth six hundred, to the fifteenth two hundred and fifty, to the sixteenth three hundred, to the seventeenth four hundred, to the eighteenth two hundred, to the nineteenth three hundred: the sum of which he does not collect, but by calculation I find that there are seven thousand seven hundred and forty talents in all. Yet if the Babylonian talent has a proportion of six to the Attic talent: seven thousand seven hundred and forty Babylonian talents are worth nine thousand and thirty Attic talents. For if you divide this sum, that is nine thousand and thirty, by seven, the quotient will be one thousand two hundred and ninety, by how many talents the total increases when brought to the Attic measure. But Herodotus states that the Euboic talents amount to nine thousand five hundred and forty, which total is greater than the total of Attic talents by five hundred and ten. Thus it is made clear that the Euboic talent is less than the Attic talent by almost three minas and a third. This, moreover, is easy to determine thus: let us suppose that from each of those sexagenary talents, that is, Attic ones (which we said were nine thousand and thirty), three minas and a third, that is, three minas and thirty-three drachmas and one third of a drachma, is deducted: there will certainly be in all, three times nine thousand minas, that is, twenty-seven thousand and ninety, and in place of the third part, three thousand minas and ten besides. This number, thirty thousand minas and more, if you divide by sixty, five hundred Euboic Talent.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ineatur, ut p[er]segma terdecies tanto argenti rep[er]edatur. hoc enim significat uerbum πρισκαδεκασάσπον, quod unius lite < Herod. locus.> ræ immutatione in libris impressis aliud significat. Laurentius eius loci intelligentiam parum assecutus uidetur, nisi sit error impressorum: et alioquin numerus in eius interpretatione corruptus est: quod ε[st] ex Græco contextu & ex calculo depreheditur, ὑ ὑ χρυσίον (inquit Herodotus) πρισκαδεκασάσπον λευρομων ἔυγμα, ἐυρισκεν) ἐνν δεδοκινων ταλάντων ὑ δώκοντα καὶ ἐκασοσίων καὶ τετρακιαχιλιων. Si enim terdecies trecêta sexaginta multiplices, qua tuor millia sexcêta & octoginta in summa inuenies. Me minisse autem oportet id quod Herodotus antè dixerat, edicto Darij cautum esse, ut auru[m] Euboico pondere pensitaretur: alioquin n[on] conueniret summa, si Babylonia tælenta p[er]segmatis intelligerentur, & p[er]segma tredecies argento repensile. Congruit autem quod sequitur, numero à nobis posito, τοῦτων ὑπ[er] πάντων σωπερμένων ἡ πλῦδος δεδοικὰ τάλαντα σωελέχετοις ὑπ[er] ἐπέδον φόρον διερίω, μὴ εὰ μὴ τετρακιχήλια μὴ πεντακόσια μὴ ἐκκοντα. His igitur omnibus in unum coagmentatis, Euboica talenta numero quatuordecim millia quingenta sexaginta annuo tributo colligebantur. Quòd si reges Persarum quaternadena millia & quingena tala[n]ta uel Attica uel Euboica ex Asia tantum & paucis locis Libyæ tributorum nomine percepisse dicuntur, quæ nos ad octogies quinquies centena millia aurcorum nostrorum ut minimum æstimamus, quantum Romani imperij dicemus esse reditum? Præsertim cum extra eas præfecturas Persis ipsa dominatrix immunis relicta esset. sic enim inquit Herodotus, ὑ περσίς ὑ χώρη μούνη μοι ἐκ ἐργται δεσμομορός, ἀτελικὰ γὰρ πέρσαι νέμοντα. Persidis autem regio una à me inter stipendiaras

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G. BVD. OF ASSES AND it is to be reckoned, so that the same amount may be found in silver, thirteen times as much. For this is what the word πρισκαδεκασάσπον signifies, which, by the alteration of a single letter in printed books, signifies something else. Laurentius seems to have grasped the meaning of that passage only imperfectly, unless there is an error in the printers; and otherwise the number in his interpretation is corrupt: which is clear from the Greek context and from the calculation. “ὑ ὑ χρυσίον” (says Herodotus) πρισκαδεκασάσπον λευρομων ἔυγμα, ἐυρισκεν) ἐνν δεδοκινων ταλάντων ὑ δώκοντα καὶ ἐκασοσίων καὶ τετρακιαχιλιων. For if you multiply 360 thirteen times, you will find in all 4,680. But it must be remembered what Herodotus had said before, that by the edict of Darius it had been ordered that payment was to be weighed in Euboic weight; otherwise the total would not agree, if the Babylonian talents were understood by p[er]segmata, and the p[er]segma thirteen times repaid in silver. And what follows agrees with the number we have set down: τοῦτων ὑπ[er] πάντων σωπερμένων ἡ πλῦδος δεδοικὰ τάλαντα σωελέχετοις ὑπ[er] ἐπέδον φόρον διερίω, μὴ εὰ μὴ τετρακιχήλια μὴ πεντακόσια μὴ ἐκκοντα. Thus, with all these things joined together into one, 14,560 Euboic talents were collected as the annual tribute. But if the kings of the Persians are said to have received, under the name of tribute, forty-two thousand five hundred talents, either Attic or Euboic, from Asia alone and a few places in Libya, which we estimate at not less than eight hundred and fifty thousand of our gold pieces, what shall we say was the income of the Roman empire? Especially since beyond those prefectures the very land of the Persians, the mistress herself, was left exempt. For thus says Herodotus: ὑ περσίς ὑ χώρη μούνη μοι ἐκ ἐργται δεσμομορός, ἀτελικὰ γὰρ πέρσαι νέμοντα. But the region of Persis alone among the tribute-paying territories

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diarias dicta non est. Persæ enim immunes agros colunt. Aethiopes autem & Colchi & alij quidam populi munera in Persidem quotannis afferebant: inter quos insignis est pensitatio Arabum, qui millena quotannis talenta thuris afferebant. Sed & recentioribus seculis aucta erant tributa prorogatione imperij Persici facta, ut autor est Herodotus. Quare quod apud Flutarchu[m] in Pompeio Latino facto antehac legebatur de uectigalibus & tributis imperij Romani post triumphum Ponticum, merito à nobis reprehensum est ut mendosum libro superiore. Iam < Imperium populi Rom.> primum Antiochus ex foedere cum L. Scipione icto, omni bus urbibus agrisq[ue] excesserat cis Taurum montem usq[ue] ad Tanaim annem, & à ualle Tauri usq[ue] ad iuga quà in Lycaoniam uergit, ut tradidit Liuius libro VIII. de bello Macedonico: quanquam apud Liuium Tanaim mendose legi puto, & pro eo restituendum esse Halym. Notum est enim ex Herodoto in primo, Halym fluuium confinium olim fuisse Lydorum & Medorum imperij. Meminit etiam < Asia propria dicta.> Plinius Halyos fluminis in sexto, à radicibus Tauri per Cataoniam Cappadociamq[ue] decurrentis. Ab his autem finibus ad Hellesspōtum Asia est propriè dicta, à mari Aegæo & Pontico ambientibus in peninsulam conformata, intra quam Lydij regni fines circumscribuntur, unde Cræsi circunfluentes diuitiæ in prouerbium cesserunt. In ea Asiæ parte Herodotus tres præfecturas ponit, millena ducena sexagena Babylonia talenta annuo tributo pensitantes, quæ ratione Attica millena & quadrigena & septuagena ualent, ære autem nostro octingena & octuagena bina aureorum millia. Romano more sestertium tre centies quinquagies bis paulò plus dicitur. Atqui apud Plutarchu[m] legitur ante triumphum Pompeianu[m] uniuersa populi

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It is not called a daily tax. For the Persians cultivate lands exempt from tribute. But the Ethiopians, and the Colchi, and certain other peoples brought gifts into Persia each year; among these the levy of the Arabs is notable, who each year brought a thousand talents of frankincense. But even in later centuries the tributes had increased through the extension of the Persian empire, as Herodotus states. Therefore what in Plutarch’s Pompey, in the Latin version formerly read concerning the revenues and tributes of the Roman empire after the Pontic triumph, was rightly reproached by us as corrupt in the previous book. Now < Imperium populi Rom.> first Antiochus, by the treaty made with L. Scipio, had withdrawn from all cities and lands beyond Mount Taurus as far as the river Tanais, and from the valley of Taurus as far as the ridges which turn toward Lycaonia, as Livy relates in book VIII of the Macedonian War: although in Livy I think Tanais is read by mistake, and that Halys ought to be restored in its place. For it is well known from Herodotus in the first book that the river Halys was once the boundary of the rule of the Lydians and Medes. Pliny also mentions the < Asia propria dicta.> river Halyos in the sixth book, flowing down from the roots of Taurus through Cataonia and Cappadocia. But from these boundaries to the Hellespont is Asia properly so called, formed like a peninsula by the Aegean and Pontic seas surrounding it, within which the bounds of the Lydian kingdom are enclosed; whence the wealth of Croesus, flowing around on every side, passed into a proverb. In that part of Asia Herodotus places three satrapies, paying an annual tribute of a thousand two hundred and sixty Babylonian talents, which by the Attic standard are worth a thousand and seventy and sixty, and in our money eight hundred and eighty two thousand gold pieces. In the Roman manner it is said to be three hundred and fifty times a hundred sestertii, a little more. Yet in Plutarch it is read that before Pompey’s triumph the whole of the people’s

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET populi Rom. tributa quinquagies decies centena millia fuisse: cum ijs uerò quæ Pompeius populo Ro. in ea expe ditione quæsiuit, octuagies quinquies decies centena mil= lia fuisse. Prior summa quingenties sestertium dici Latine potuit, id est, mille & ducenta quinquaginta millia aureo= rum. Altera trecenties & quinquagies sestertium priori summæ addidit, ut fuerint uniuersa populi Ro. uectigal ia & tributa cum augmento triumphi Pompeiani, uicies semel centena uicenaquina millia aureorum nostrorum, cum Pompeius imperio populi Rom. adiecisset Ciliciam, Syriam, Phoeniciâ, Palæstinê, Iudæam, Mesopotamiam, Cappadociam, Armeniam, Colchidem, Iberiam, Albaniâ, Scythas, & Arabiæ partem. A' Cilicia autem Phoenicia & Syria Palæstinæ usq; ad fines Syriæ et Aegypti octingenta quinquaqinta talenta Darium tulisse quotannis Herodotus tradit: à reliqua Syria & Mesopotamia, non minus quingentis, quæ ad Atticam ratione ralata, octingenta decem millia aureorum nostroru ualent. Ita paucæ pro uinciæ summam illam quæ apud Plutarchum legitur, pendere populo Ro. potuerunt, absq; Cappadocia, Armenia, Colchide, Iberia, Albania, & Scythis & Arabia, quas inter stipendiarias non numero. Quapropter Pompeius pro concione gloriatus est (ut autor est Plinius lib. VII.) <Cherronesus.> Asiam se ultimam prouinciarum accepisse, eandemq; diam patriæ reddidisse: de Asia Cherroneso, id est, peninsula loquês (quam propriè Asiam esse uocitata diximus) Lydiorum olim regno, nunc Turcarum imperio. Hæc ab Antiocho, bello Asiatico ablata fuerat: & ei postea Pompeius illas prouincias adiecit. Nunc si iam dictis Peloponnesum, Helladem, insulas Cycladas, Sporadasq; atq; uno nomine Græciam, Thessaliam, Epirum, Macedoniam, Illyric

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET the revenues and taxes of the Roman people amounted to fifty times ten hundred thousand; and with those which Pompey won for the Roman people in that campaign, they amounted to eighty-five times ten hundred thousand. The former sum could in Latin be called five hundred sestertia, that is, one thousand two hundred and fifty thousand aurei. The latter, three hundred and fifty sestertia, was added to the former sum, so that the total revenues and taxes of the Roman people, with the increase from Pompey’s triumph, came to twenty-one times one hundred and twenty-five thousand of our aurei, when Pompey, by the authority of the Roman people, had added Cilicia, Syria, Phoenicia, Palestine, Judaea, Mesopotamia, Cappadocia, Armenia, Colchis, Iberia, Albania, the Scythians, and part of Arabia. From Cilicia, however, through Phoenicia and Syria, and as far as the borders of Syria and Egypt, Herodotus says that Darius received eight hundred and fifty talents yearly; from the rest of Syria and Mesopotamia, not less than five hundred, which, reduced to the Attic standard, are worth eight hundred and ten thousand of our aurei. Thus a few provinces could furnish that sum which is read in Plutarch, to the Roman people, apart from Cappadocia, Armenia, Colchis, Iberia, Albania, and the Scythians and Arabia, which I do not count among the tributary provinces. Wherefore Pompey boasted in a public assembly (as Pliny states, book VII.) <Cherronesus.> that he had received Asia as the last of the provinces, and had restored it, as it were, to his native land: speaking of the Asian Chersonese, that is, the peninsula (which, properly speaking, we have said ought to be called Asia), formerly the kingdom of the Lydians, now under Turkish rule. This had been taken from Antiochus in the Asiatic War; and Pompey later added those provinces to it. Now if to the provinces already named one adds the Peloponnese, Hellas, the Cyclades islands, and the Sporades, and in a single name Greece, Thessaly, Epirus, Macedonia, Illyric

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. Illyricum, Italiam omnem, Siciliam, Sardiniam & Corcyram, & superi inferi[us]; maris insulas, populos Alpinos & Narbonensem Galliâ, cum citeriore ulterioreq[ue] Hispania, & Africam adiecerit (hæc enim omnia iam tum sub ditione Romana regebantur) quam summam tributorum colligere debeamus, æstimandum lectoribus relinquimus. Meritò ergo illam Plutarchi summam ad drachmas Atticas, non ad nummos sestertios referendam censuimus: quæ ratione quadruplicata redit summa: quanquam eo tempore nec Aegyptus, nec reliqua Gallia, nec Britannia, nec Germania Pannonia que imperio Romano parerent. Diximus suprà de statu imperij sub Augusto. Appianus autem, quem Latinè tantu[m] uersum uidere nobis cõtigerat eo tèpore quo hæc primum edidimus, in præfatione historiæ, terminos Rom. imperij sub Hadriano principe, quo tèpore ipse historiam scripsit, latè describès, ponit terminos ab Herculeis columnis ad Aethiopas Orietales, quod ad Libyam pertinet: Asianæ autem ditionis terminos facit Euphratem fluuium, & Caucasum monte[m], maiorisq[ue] Armeniæ principium, & Colchos ad Euxinum pontum habitantes. In Europa aute[m] Rhenum & Histru[m] fines Romani imperij fuisse dicit. Omnes autem insulas quæcunq[ue] intra mare interius sunt sitæ, Cycladas, Sporadas, Hyadas, Echinadas, & quæcunq[ue] magnæ dicuntur à Græcis circa Libyam, Ioniam, Aegyptum, Myrtoum uel Siculu[m], & aliud quo cunque nomine mare dictum, Rom. imperio paruisse tum affirmat. Romanos autem Regibus exactis usq[ue] ad septingentesimum annum sub statu populari & ciuili, qui politia Græce dicitur, imperium suum propagasse, quoad Caius Cæsar qui Dictaturam perpetuam suscepit Republica oppressa, & in potestate[m] suam redacta, reuerat Termini imperij Rom. Appian[us] æqualis Hadriani principis fuit. Imperium Rom manum ad monarchiam deuenit.

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Part II. Book IV. Illyricum, all Italy, Sicily, Sardinia, and Corcyra, and the islands of the upper and lower sea; the Alpine peoples and Gallia Narbonensis, together with Citerior and Ulterior Spain, and Africa he would have added (for all these things were then already ruled under Roman domination): what total of tribute we ought to reckon, we leave to the readers to judge. Therefore we rightly judged that the total in Plutarch should be referred to Attic drachmas, not to sestertii: by which calculation the sum is quadrupled; although at that time neither Egypt, nor the rest of Gaul, nor Britain, nor Germany and Pannonia obeyed the Roman Empire. We spoke above about the state of the empire under Augustus. Appian, however, whom we had managed to see translated into Latin only at the time when we first published these things, in the preface to his history, describing at length the boundaries of the Roman empire under the prince Hadrian, at which time he himself wrote the history, sets the boundaries from the Pillars of Hercules to the Eastern Ethiopians, so far as Libya is concerned; but for the Asian dominion he makes the Euphrates river and Mount Caucasus the boundary, and the beginning of Greater Armenia, and the Colchians dwelling by the Euxine Sea. In Europe, however, he says that the Rhine and the Danube were the borders of the Roman empire. And all the islands whatsoever situated within the inner sea, the Cyclades, Sporades, Hyades, Echinades, and whatever are called great by the Greeks around Libya, Ionia, Egypt, the Myrtoan or Sicilian sea, and whatever other sea is called by any name, were then subject to the Roman empire. And the Romans, after the kings were driven out, had extended their dominion for up to seven hundred years under a popular and civil state, which in Greek is called πολιτεία, until Gaius Caesar, who assumed perpetual dictatorship, the Republic having been crushed and reduced into his own power, came in truth Boundaries of the Roman empire. Appian was a contemporary of the prince Hadrian. The Roman empire advanced by hand to monarchy.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET In numerato uero in thesauris erant quæ tuor & septuaginta myriades talentorum Aegyptiorum, tantum enim apparatu, ac tam amplas opes fuisse, ex actis com[m]entarjjs apparet secundi ab Alexandro regis, qui & ad annuos reditus potentissimus, & ad sumptus splendidissimus, & ad opera facienda magnificentissimus omniu[m] regu[m] fuit. Hactenus Appianus. Quatuor & septuaginta myriades Romano sermone septingenta & quadraginta nullia dicuntur. Quod si emendatè legitur, talentu[m] Aegyptium minimu[m] fuisse intelligere debemus ex ijs quæ infrà commemorabimus. Reditus uerò imperij Rom. nec dicere quisqua[m] (ut opinor) nec animi certa com[m]ectura assequi potest, nec aliquis scriptoru[m] aliquid de ea re tradidit, quod magnopere memorandum sit. Sed nec semper eade[m] ratio fuit, sed alia atq[ue] alia pro com[m]ditione temporu[m]. Si tamen de hac re com[m]etari quenqua[m] iuuat, primu[m] hoc scire oportet, ærariu[m] Ro. ex uectigalibus & tributis constitutum fuisse quomodo & hodie nostrum. Vectigalia trium generum fuerunt, ex agrorum cultu, ex mercium traiectu, & ex pæ scuis. Primum decimæ, alteru[m] portorium, tertiu[m] scriptura appellabatur: & præter hæc salarium. Cicero de imperio Cn. Pompeij, Nam in cæteris rebus cum uenit calamitas, tum detrimentu[m] accipitur; at in uectigalibus no[n] solu[m] aduentus mali, sed etiam metus ipse affert calamitatem. Nam cu[m] hostium copiæ non longè absunt, etia[m] si irruptio nulla facta sit, tam[m]e pecora relinquuntur, agricultura deseritur, mercatoru[m] nauigatio conquiescit. Ita neq[ue] ex portu, neq[ue] ex decimis, neq[ue] ex scriptura, uectigal conseruari potest. Quo tandem animo esse existimatis aut eos qui uectigalia uobis pensitant, aut eos qui exercent atque exigunt, cum duo Reges cum maximis copijs propè adsint? cum una

Transcription: Translated (English)

On the Ass and Indeed, in ready money in the treasuries there were four and seventy myriads of Egyptian talents; for so great a provision, and so vast a wealth, is shown by the records and commentaries of the second king after Alexander, who was the most powerful in annual revenues, the most splendid in expenditure, and the most magnificent of all kings in the making of works. Thus far Appian. Four and seventy myriads are expressed in Roman speech as seven hundred and forty million. If this is read correctly, we must understand that the Egyptian talent was the smallest, from the things we shall mention below. But the revenues of the Roman empire, I think, no one can even state, nor can anyone reach them by a certain conjecture of the mind, nor has any writer handed down anything about the matter that is worth especially remembering. But neither was the method always the same, but one and another according to the condition of the times. If, however, it pleases anyone to comment on this matter, first it ought to be known that the Roman treasury was established from taxes and tributes, as also ours is today. There were three kinds of taxes: from the cultivation of fields, from the transport of goods, and from pastures. The first was called the tithe, the second the portoria, the third scriptura; and besides these, salary. Cicero, On the command of Cn. Pompey: For in other matters, when calamity comes, loss is incurred; but in revenues not only the coming of evil, but even fear itself brings calamity. For when the forces of the enemy are not far away, even if no attack has been made, nevertheless the cattle are left behind, agriculture is abandoned, the merchant fleet comes to rest. Thus neither from the port, nor from the tithes, nor from the scriptura can revenue be preserved. With what spirit, then, do you think either those should be, who pay you the revenues, or those who manage and collect them, when two kings with the greatest forces are near at hand? when one

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 385 una excursio equitatus perbreui tempore totius anni ue= ctigal auferre possit? cum publicani familias quas in sali= nis habent, quas in agris, quas in portubus atque custodijs magno periculo se habere arbitretur? Salinas Ancus Mar tius Romanorum Rex tertius instituit, ut autores sunt Li uius & Plinius. Sed salarium uectigal Liuius in Censura < Salinator unde dictus.> commentus est, ob id Salinator postea dictus, ut autor est Liuius libro undetrigesimo. Tributa autem pro modo Tributum Romax pro modo census confere batur. census cuiusque conferebantur: cuius rei tenuia documen= ta apud scriptores reperiuntur, quantum equidem memi= nerim. Liuius libro 1 x. de bello Macedonico, de Censura Catoniana loquens, In censibus quoq[ue] accipiendis tristis & aspera in omnes ordines censura fuit. Ornamenta, & uestem muliebrem, & uehicula quæ pluris quàm quinde= cim millium æris essent, in censum referre uiatores iussit. Item mancipia minora annis x x. quæ post proximum lustrum x. millibus æris aut eo pluris uenissent, uti ea quo que decies pluris quàm quanti essent æstimarentur, & his rebus omnibus terni in millia æris attribuerentur. Attribu= < Attribui.> buerentur hoc loco significat tributi nomine statueretur. Ergo Cato deterrere uolens homines à luxu, pluris decies delicatam uestè & uenusta mancipia, q[uæ] quanti uendi pos= sent, æstimauit, & in æris singula millia ternos asses tribu ti constituit. Tacitus libro x 1 1 1 1. Eodem anno crebris populi flagitationibus immodestiam publicanoru[m] arguen tis, dubitauit Nero an cuncta uectigalia omitti iuberet, idq[ue] pulcherrimum donum generi mortalium daret: sed im petum eius multum prius laudata magnitudine animi atti nuere Senatores, dissolutionem imperij docendo, si fru= ctus quibus Respub. sustineretur, diminuerentur. quippe sublatis portorijs, sequens ut tributorum abolitio expostu B laretur.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 385 Could a single cavalry raid in an extremely short time carry away the revenue of an entire year? When the publicans think that the families they have in the saltworks, in the fields, in the harbors, and in the guards are held by them at great risk? Ancus Marcius, the third king of the Romans, established the saltworks, as Livy and Pliny are authors. But Livy invented the salt tax in the Censura; hence he was afterward called Salinator, as Livy says in book twenty-nine. Taxes, however, were paid according to the census: and the tributes of each were assessed according to the census; scant evidence of this matter is found among the writers, as far as I remember. Livy, book 19, speaking of the Censura of Cato in the Macedonian war, says: “In the taking of the census too, the censorship was harsh and severe toward all orders. He ordered ornaments, women’s clothing, and vehicles worth more than fifteen thousand asses to be entered in the census. Likewise, slaves under twenty years of age, who after the next lustrum had sold for ten thousand asses or more, were also to be valued at ten times what they were worth, and for all these things three asses per thousand were assigned.” Attribuerentur in this passage means that it was fixed under the name of a tribute. Therefore Cato, wishing to deter men from luxury, valued costly dress and handsome slaves at ten times what they could be sold for, and for each thousand asses he fixed three asses as tribute. Tacitus, book 11, 14. In the same year, amid repeated demands of the people, who were accusing the insolence of the publicans, Nero considered whether he should order all taxes to be abolished, and give that most splendid gift to the human race; but the senators, praising first his impulse and greatness of spirit, checked it by showing that the empire would be undone if the revenues by which the state was supported were diminished. For if the tolls were removed, it would follow that the abolition of the taxes would be demanded as well.

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laretur. temperandas planè publicanorum cupidines, ne per tot annos sine querela tolerata, nouis acerbitatibus ad inuidiam uerterent. Ergo edixit princeps, ut leges cuius= que publici occultæ ad id tempus, proscriberentur: omis= sas petitiones non ultra annum resumerent: Romæ Præ= tor, per prouincias qui pro Prætore aut Consule essent, iura aduersus publicanos extra ordinem redderent: muliti= bus immunitas seruaretur, nisi in ijs quæ ueno exercerent: aliaq[ue] admodum æqua; quæ breui seruata, dein frustra ha= bita sunt: manet tamen abolitio quadragesimæ quinquage simæq[ue], & quæ alia exactionibus illicitis nomina publica ni inuenerant. Temperata apud transmarinas prouincias frumenti subuectio: & ne censibus negociatorum naues adscriberentur, tributumq[ue] pro illis penderent, constitu= tum. Nonnihil etiam de hoc dicitur in l. Forma, in titulo de censibus, in Pandectis. Strabo de Britannia loquens li= bro I I I I. quam uectigalem sub Augusto factam fuisse dicit, Τελη Τε ὑπτως ὑπομεῖναι ὑδρια τῶν τε ἐπαρομήνων ὑπ πλῶ κελπικῶ μὴ τῶν ἐπαρομήνων. Vectigalia etia[m] sic tolera[n]t grauia earum rerum quæ in Galliam importa[n]tur, aut quæ inde exportantur. Et rursus, Ita nullo iam præsidio ad in= sulæ custodiam opus est. non enim una plus legione opus est ad exigenda ab eis tributa. Constituta autem erat omnis impesæratio exercitui pro modo tributorum: alio qui mi= nui necesse erat uectigalia, si tributa insuper imperaren= tur. Quòd si uis inferretur, periculum esset ne ad defectionem solicitarentur. Sic enim illa Strabonis uertenda mihi uerba uisa sunt, ἀς ἐγν ἐν καθίστο παν ὑδύλωμα της ἀρα= τεία ἐἰς προσφορομέναι χρήμαστεν, ἀυτηκη χαρ μειναι το τὴν φόρων ἐπιβαλλομένων. ἀμε δὲ μὴ κινδύνει ἀποταμ πνὰς ικις ἐπαρομήναις. Age citanda una autoritas insignis ad

Transcription: Translated (English)

He was restraining, as far as possible, the greed of the publicani, lest, after so many years of forbearance without complaint, they should turn the people’s dislike against him by new acts of harshness. Therefore the prince issued an edict that the laws of each public tax, which until then had been concealed, should be published; that omitted claims should not be revived beyond one year; that at Rome the Praetor, and in the provinces those who were acting as Praetor or Consul, should render justice against the publicani without formalities; that immunity should be preserved for the peoples, except in those matters in which they engaged in trade; and other provisions of very fair character; which, although observed for a short time, were afterward held in vain. Yet there remains the abolition of the fortieth and fiftieth, and of whatever other names the publicani had invented for unlawful exactions. The transport of grain to the overseas provinces was regulated; and it was established that merchants’ ships should not be entered in the census, nor should tax be paid for them. Something is also said about this in the law Forma, in the title de censibus, in the Pandects. Strabo, speaking of Britain in Book IV, says that it was made tributary under Augustus. The heavy imposts on goods imported into Gaul, or exported from it, were also thus borne. And again, “Thus no garrison is now needed for guarding the island; for not even one legion is needed to collect tribute from them.” But all military expenditure had been arranged according to the amount of the tribute; otherwise it would have been necessary to lessen the revenues, if tribute were imposed in addition. And if force were used, there would be danger that they might be incited to revolt. Thus, indeed, it seemed to me that the words of Strabo should be translated: “... when every burden of the administration was transferred to the revenues, it was necessary to remain content with the taxes imposed. But let us not run the risk of provoking the provincials.” Now let one notable authority be cited for this...

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ces uenditet, & exteris suppeditet: n[on] q[ui]a[n]t[ur] n[on] n[on] m[anu]opoliæ ἐχει, μονη q[ui]a[n]t[ur] μ[anu] αλεξανδρια τῶν ποιτων ἐς μ[anu] δων ἀνοσθχρῶν ἐσι, n[on] χορητὴν ἐγ[ε]ν ἐκτός. Quæ sint eiusmodi merces, ignorare nemo potest qui legem ultimam legerit tituli de publicanis in Pandectis: propter quas institutum est uectigal Rubri maris, ut apud Plinium legimus. Ptolemæus pater Cleopatræ fuit ultimæ Aegypti reginæ, qui omnibus flagitijs inquinatus, etiam tibicinum artem exercuit, ob quam cognomentum auletæ, id est tibici nis meruit. Hic ob nequitia & facinorosam uitam ab Alexandrinis exactus, à Gabinio duce Romano, qui tum Syriam obtinebat, reductus est: quo nomine Gabinio lis decemillibus talentum æstimata est accusante Memmio, ut ex oratione Ciceronis pro Rabyrio Posthumo in præcedentibus diximus. Poenæ tamen capitali creptum eum significat Valerius libro VIII. in principio. Cæterum in quæ oratione Cicero hoc dixerit, quòd Ptolemæus duodecies millena & quingena talenta ex Aegypto quotannis percipiebat, nescio, nisi in hac eadem pro Rabyrio loco aliquo mutilato, uel in ea oratione quæ non extat, quam pro Gabinio habuit, cui olim infensissimus, postea reconciliatum se dicit, his uerbis, Mihi hæc Cai Memmi causa defenden di Gabinij fuit reconciliatio gratiæ. Neque uerò me poenitet mortales inimicitias habere. Verùm duodecim millia & quingenta talenta Attica (Attica enim hic intelligo, ut ex superius de hoc à me dictis apparet, no[n] Aegyptia, quæ quadrante Atticis maiora sunt) septuagies quinquies centena nullia aureorum nostrorum ualent: quibus si augmentum addas ex Strabonis sententia, fortasse centies centenis millibus reditum annum Aegypti iure æstimare poteris. Sed operæ precium facturus mihi uisus sum, si ratione ad- minist

Transcription: Translated (English)

it is sold, and supplied to outsiders: not because of monopoly, but because it is obtained only through the hand of Alexandria, from the hands of the foreign porters, not as a carrier outside. Who these goods are, no one can be unaware who has read the last law of the title concerning publicans in the Pandects: on account of which the toll of the Red Sea was established, as we read in Pliny. Ptolemy was the father of Cleopatra, the last queen of Egypt, who, stained with every sort of infamy, even practiced the art of flute-playing, for which he earned the nickname auletes, that is, flute-player. Because of his wickedness and criminal life he was driven out by the Alexandrians, and was restored by the Roman commander Gabinius, who was then holding Syria; on this account Gabinius was assessed at ten thousand talents in the accusation brought by Memmius, as we said above from Cicero’s speech for Rabirius Postumus. Yet Valerius in book VIII, at the beginning, indicates that he was rescued from capital punishment. However, in which speech Cicero said this, namely that Ptolemy received twelve thousand five hundred talents annually from Egypt, I do not know, unless it is in this same speech for Rabirius, in some mutilated place, or in that speech which no longer exists, which he delivered for Gabinius, against whom he was once most hostile, but afterwards, he says, was reconciled, in these words: “For me, this reconciliation to the goodwill of Caius Memmius was a defense of Gabinius’ cause. Nor indeed do I regret having mortal enmities.” But twelve thousand five hundred Attic talents—for here I understand Attic talents, as appears from what I have said above on this subject, not Egyptian, which are a quarter larger than Attic—are worth seventy-five hundred thousand of our gold coins. If you add to these the increase according to Strabo’s opinion, perhaps you will be able to estimate the annual revenue of Egypt lawfully at a hundred times a hundred thousand. But I seemed to myself to be doing something worthwhile if, by reasoning, I had

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 389 ministradæ eius prouinciæ sub Augusto & Tyberio pro sequerer ex eodem autore. De Actiaco enim bello loquens ab Augusto confecto, & Antonio & Cleopatra captis, Aegyptum ab eo dicit in prouinciæ formâ redactam, his uerbis, ἐπαρχία δὲ νῦν ἰσί, φόρας μὴν τελῶς αξιολόγων, ἐπο σωφορών δὲ αυθῶν οἰκομεῖναι, τῶν πεμπομένων ὑ= παρχων αἰ. ὑ μὴν ὑπειμθεῖς, πῶν τὸς ἔασπλῶς ἐχεῖ τὰ= ξην. ὑπ ἀυτὸς δὲ ἰσιν ὑδικασθέτις, ὑ τῶν ὑπολῶν πρίσεων κυνθος. ἀλλοῦ δὲ ἰσιν ὑ προσαρθοῦμεν ἐν ὑ λόγο, ὃς τῶν καθαστών μὴ τῶν ἐικαισαρα πιπλὴν ὑφλόντων ἐξετασίς ἰς. παρεωτη ἐν ἐπιλοθοδοι καίθερ ἐν δικονόμοι, μὴν ὑ μὴ ἐλάτων πεπισομεῖναι πράγματα. Nunc aute[m] prouincia est tributa pendens memorabilia, à uiris eiusmodi administra ta, qui sibi teperare nouerût, quiq[ue] semper rectores ad eâ cum potestate mittuntur. Qui uerò recturus mittitur, is uicem Regis obtinet, sub eoq[ue] est is qui Dicæodotes dici= tur, id est iura reddes, in cuius potestate ferè sunt iudicia. < Dicæodotes.> Est & alius magistratus qui idios logos, id est priuata ra tio dicitur, earum rerum indagator, quæ adespotæ Græcè dicuntur, id est assertorem non habentes, uel nullius domi= nio mancipatæ, & omnino earum rerum quæ in Cæsarem recidût. Horu[m] uelut asseclæ sunt liberti Cæsaris & dispē= satores, quibus maiora minoraq[ue] negocia permittuntur. < Priuata ratio.> His uerbis procurator priuatæ rationis dicitur, q[ui] ea per= sequitur quæ fisco obueni[n]t, non quæ arario & populo, uel priuato principis patrimonio. Ex quo patet propriè esse hoc uerbum usurpatum in lege Procurator, in titulo De edendo, in Codice Iustiniani: licet aliter Accursius o= pinatus sit. Adespota autem appellat quæ etiam Hermæa < Adespota.> dici possent, uulgo Albana Spauaq[ue] dicuntur. Deinde idem autor enumeratis copijs militaribus, quæ ad eam B 3 prouin

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 389 I should follow his account concerning the administration of that province under Augustus and Tiberius from the same author. For speaking of the Actian war, finished by Augustus and with Antony and Cleopatra captured, he says that Egypt was reduced by him into the form of a province, in these words, ἐπαρχία δὲ νῦν ἰσί, φόρας μὴν τελῶς αξιολόγων, ἐπο σωφορών δὲ αυθῶν οἰκομεῖναι, τῶν πεμπομένων ὑ= παρχων αἰ. ὑ μὴν ὑπειμθεῖς, πῶν τὸς ἔασπλῶς ἐχεῖ τὰ= ξην. ὑπ ἀυτὸς δὲ ἰσιν ὑδικασθέτις, ὑ τῶν ὑπολῶν πρίσεων κυνθος. ἀλλοῦ δὲ ἰσιν ὑ προσαρθοῦμεν ἐν ὑ λόγο, ὃς τῶν καθαστών μὴ τῶν ἐικαισαρα πιπλὴν ὑφλόντων ἐξετασίς ἰς. παρεωτη ἐν ἐπιλοθοδοι καίθερ ἐν δικονόμοι, μὴν ὑ μὴ ἐλάτων πεπισομεῖναι πράγματα. Now however it is a province paying tribute, administered by men of this sort, who know how to govern themselves, and who are always sent as rulers to it with authority. But he who is sent as ruler holds the place of king, and under him is the one who is called Dicæodotes, that is, one who renders justice, in whose power the judgments are nearly all. < Dicæodotes.> There is also another magistrate called idios logos, that is, “private account,” the investigator of those things which are called adespotæ in Greek, that is, things having no claimant, or not assigned to anyone’s ownership, and in general of all things which fall to Caesar. Attached to these, as it were, are the freedmen of Caesar and the dispensers, to whom greater and lesser business is entrusted. < Priuata ratio.> By these words procurator privatae rationis is called he who pursues those things which come to the fiscus, not those that come to the treasury and the people, or to the private patrimony of the prince. From which it is clear that this word procurator is properly used in the law, in the title De edendo, in the Code of Justinian, although Accursius thought otherwise. But he calls adespota those things which might also be called Hermæa, < Adespota.> and which are commonly called Albana and Spauaq. Then the same author, after enumerating the military forces which to that province...

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET prouinciam tuendam statutæ sunt, [n]o[n] [e]n[im] ἐπιχωρισων ὑφα χοντων, [n]o[n] [tau]e ἐκπηντης ἀισι ἀποτι [μὴ]ν [μὴ]νοι, ὑφοφυραν ἀμα πεχομενον, [n]o[n] ἐχων πατρία πιὰς, [n]o[n] ἐπιμελαν [n]o[n] [μὴ]ν [μὴ]νοι [μὴ]νοι χησίμων. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] ὑπομηματομαρφον, [n]o[n] [n]o[n] δεχισμανον. ἔτορ[μον] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] νυχτονινος ἐρατην[ι]ς. Inter municipales <Exegetes.> autem magistratus est qui Exegetes dicitur, quasi sacroru[m] interpres, uel augur in urbe, purpuram gestans, & alijs ho noribus prouincialibus insignis, earum rerum procuratio <nem habens, quæ ciuitati conducunt. Est etiam qui hypo= mnematographus, id est à commentarijs dicitur, & qui iu> <Archidicastes.> dicibus præest, ob id archidicastes appellatus, & quartus Prætor nocturnus. Cicero pro imperio Cn. Pompeij de ue= stigalibus Romanis ita inquit, Nam cæterarum prouin= ciarum uestigalia Quirites tanta sunt, ut his ad ipsas pro= uincias tutandas uix contenti esse possimus: Asia uerò tam opima & fertilis, ut & ubertate agroru[m], & uarietate fru etuu[m], & magnitudine pastionis, & multitudine earu[m] quæ exportatur, facilè omnibus terris antecellat. Plinius autor lib. tricesimotertio post Persen Regem Macedoniæ deui= etum, & gazam eius in ærariu[m] illatam, populum Rom. tri= buta pendere desijsse. Quæ tame[n] postea restituta esse ex eo conijcio, quod Cicero in secunda Philippica dixit, Vbi est septies nullies sestertium quod in tabulis quæ sunt ad Opis, petebatur? funestæ quidem illius pecuniæ, sed tamen si ijs quorum erat, non redderetur, quæ nos à tributis possit uindicare. Vbi patebat, legendum puto. Non omit= tendum & id quod idem Strabo libro sexto tradidit, Romanos initio plurimam Africæ & Asiæ partem Re= gibus sibi subditis commisisse, quos propter amicitiam & societatem regnare permuserunt. Postmodum autem <Quonam modo regna in p uincias redacta sint.> uel defectione Regum, & uiolatis foederibus, uel stirpium regia

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET the province being protected, [for] there are no local officials, [no] taxes to be paid by the city, no burden of contributions, no parental inheritance, no care, no monthly fees, no scanty supplies, no smoking, no counting, no decoding, no night-time pleasures. Among municipal offices. <Exegetes.> But the magistrate is called Exegetes, as it were an interpreter of sacred matters, or an augur in the city, wearing purple and distinguished by other provincial honors, having charge of those matters which are for the benefit of the city. There is also one called the hypomnematographus, that is, the keeper of records, and one who presides over judges, for which reason he is called archidicastes, and the fourth, the night praetor. Cicero, in his speech for the command of Cn. Pompeius concerning the Roman revenues, says thus: “For the revenues of the other provinces, Quirites, are so great that we can scarcely be satisfied if they are enough to protect the provinces themselves: but Asia is so rich and fertile that it easily surpasses all lands both in the abundance of its crops, the variety of its fruits, the extent of its pastures, and the quantity of the exports.” Pliny, the author, in book thirty-third, says that after King Perseus of Macedon was defeated and his treasure brought into the treasury, the Roman people ceased to pay tribute. Yet I conjecture that this was restored later, from what Cicero said in the second Philippic: “Where is that seven times a hundred thousand sesterces which was demanded in the tablets that are at Opis? Truly the money of that ill-fated affair; but still, if it were not returned to those to whom it belonged, what could exempt us from taxes?” Where the passage is obscure, I think it should be read differently. And it should not be omitted that the same Strabo, in book six, reports that at the beginning the Romans entrusted most of Africa and Asia to kings subject to themselves, whom they allowed to reign because of friendship and alliance. Afterwards, however, <How kingdoms were turned into provinces.> either by the defection of kings, and broken treaties, or by the royal lineages

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET magnitudinem æstimare de censu singulorum capitum li= cet) Romano parere imperio non grauatur. tametsi quan tum stimulum defectionis habens Alexandriam urbem, cum multitudine hominum & opibus abundantem, tum amplitudine & ambitu non imparem? ut quæ longitudi= ne stadia triginta, latitudine decem habeat, tributorum ue rò multo amplius in singulos menses pensitet, quàm uos in annos singulos conferatis, & eo amplius Rom. populo quaternum mensium frumentum suppeditet: duæ autem legiones ciuitati insidentes, profundam Aegyptum cum illa Macedonum nobilitate frænant. De magnitudine Ale xandriæ Strabo idem cum Iosepo dixit, latitudinem pau= lo minorem ponens. Octo autem legionibus eo tempore Germania obtinebatur, ut inibi Iosepus in persona A= grippæ disserit. Quod eò pertinet, quod superiore libro de legionibus ab Augusto delectis, & per orbem colloca= tis diximus. Opimos autem fuisse reditus Hispaniæ, ex eo conijcere datur, quod de opulentia eius prouinciæ scribi= tur, præsertim Turdetaniæ, quæ & Bætica dicitur. Stra= bo libro 111. miranda de fertilitate eius narrans, quodam loco ita inquit, Quum uerò supradicta regio tot bona sup pediet, maximè tamen admiratione digna est ob metallo= rum copiam, quibus uniuersa Hispaniæ regio scatet: non ubiq[ue] ipsa frugibus exuberans, & præsertim ubi metallis copiosa est. Rarum est regionem inuenire utraque re ube= rem: rarius etiam illud, eandem regionem in paruo quo= dam agro metallis omne genus abundare. At uerò Turde= tania & finitima ei regio rationem nullam commendandi sui eo nomine remittit scribere de ea re uolentibus: usque= adeo numeros omnes laudis in metallis impleuit, nihil ut ei absit quod quidem memoratu dignum sit. Neque enim aurum

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. On the as and estimating magnitude from the census of individual heads it is allowed) does not hesitate to obey the Roman Empire. And yet with what a strong incentive to revolt does Alexandria, a city abounding in people and resources, as well as not inferior in size and extent—being thirty stadia in length and ten in breadth—pay tribute in far greater amount each month than you contribute in each year, and moreover furnish the Roman people with four months’ grain? And two legions stationed in the city keep in check Lower Egypt with that Macedonian nobility. Strabo said the same as Josephus about the size of Alexandria, putting its breadth a little smaller. Eight legions, however, held Germany at that time, as Josephus there argues in the person of Agrippa. This relates to what we said in the preceding book about the legions selected by Augustus and stationed throughout the world. The revenues of Spain are also shown to have been very rich, from what is written about the opulence of that province, especially of Turdetania, which is also called Bætica. Strabo, in book III, recounting marvels of its fertility, says in one place: “Since the region above mentioned supplies so many advantages, it is nevertheless most worthy of admiration on account of the abundance of its metals, with which the whole region of Spain abounds: not everywhere does it overflow with crops, and especially where it is rich in metals. It is rare to find a region rich in both; even rarer still is it for the same region to abound in every kind of metal in a small tract of land. But Turdetania and the neighboring region leave no ground at all for those who wish to write about it to commend it on that account: so fully has it filled every measure of praise in its metals, that nothing worthy of mention is lacking to it.” For indeed gold

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 395 tos puteos durare, sua ab inuentoribus nomina habentes, ex quibus Bebelo appellatur bodie qui c c c. pondo An= nibali summunistrauit in dies, ad nulle quingentos passus cauato iam monte, per quod spatiu[m] Aquitani stantes die= bus noctibusq[ue]; egerunt aquæ lucernaru[m] mensura. Trece= na pondo Romana, tricena millia drachmarum efficiebat, quæ terna millia coronatorum ualent. Quare hoc dictum Plinij conuenit cum superiore Strabonus loco, ut suspicer Plinium de Carthaginie[n]sibus arg[umen]tisodinis locutum, quæ in citeriore Hispania erant, finitima Aquitanis. Polybius enim æqualis Annibalis ætatis fuit, quo autore Strabo usus est. Rursus Strabo, [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] 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[n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 395 those wells remain durable, bearing the names of their inventors, among which that called Bebelo today supplied Hannibal with three hundred pounds each day, at about five hundred paces, after the mountain had already been hollowed out, through which space the Aquitani, standing day and night, drew off the water by the measure of lamps. Thirteen Roman pounds made thirty thousand drachmas, which are worth three thousand gold pieces. Therefore this statement of Pliny agrees with the earlier passage of Strabo, so that I suspect Pliny was speaking of the Carthaginian copper mines, which were in farther Hispania, neighboring Aquitania. For Polybius was a contemporary of Hannibal, from whom Strabo took his authority. Again Strabo, [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [that] [n]o[n] [n]o

bub_gb_2Iqok-Lv-wcC-page-403.png

Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 397 <Conuenx. Synclydes.> Synclydo, nomen esset oppidi, cum genitium sit pluralis, conuenaru[m] significans. Synclydes enim collectitij alicuius loci habitatores dicuntur, ut Latinè conuenæ. pròs μὴ π[er] πυρηνη μὴ τῶν καναίων ἐσί σηγκλώνην, ἐν [n]o[n] πόλις λογανθη. Plinius de Aquitania loquens, Mox in oppidum (inquit) contributi conuenæ. Lugduni autem oppidi in ea regione nô meminit. Strabo, Tectosages Pyrencis propinqui sunt montibus. paulum etiam aquilonare latus Cemmenorum montium attingunt, terram colentes auro multo præditâ. ιράπισται γὰρ μηρὰ καὶ τὴ προσαρτία πλοθήν τῶν κεμμήνων. πολυχναστε νέμονται γλῶ. Apud ipsos autem thesauros ab Imperatore Romano Scipione repertos in urbe Tolossa et ablatos ait: à quibus aurum Tolossanu[m] apud scriptores decantatissimum, in prouerbium cessit, ut autor est Gellius. πα μὴ γὰρ ἐυρεύντα ἐν τὴ πολυαπιχηματα μηριων πὴ καὶ πεντακιχηλιων ταλάντων καυίδαι φασί. πα μὴ ἐν ση- κητις αποκειμμενα, πα ιν λιμνας ιδροῦς, ολιαν κατασκοσμικὴ χοντα, αλλ ὑρὸν χνασίον μὴ ἀγωρον. Posidonius (inquit Strabo) uerisimiliter tradit pecunias Tolossæ repertas ad quindecim talentum millia, quaru[m] partem in fanis, partem in lacubus co[n]secratis reconditâ fuisse, argentum aurumq[ue] insectum atq[ue] rude. Et rursus paulo inferius, Vt autem inquit Posidonius, et alij complures, regio ipsa auro alioquin abundas, et homines habens superstitioni addictos, et ad parsimoniam in uictu assuetos, multis in locis Celticæ Galliæ thesauros habuit, maxime uerò lacus eis sacrosanctos à prædonu[m] direptionibus thesauros præstabat in quos ideo auri argentiq[ue] pondera demiserant. Romani uerò quum ui et armis loca ea obtinuissent, auctioni lacus eos publicè subieceru[n]t: emptoru[m] autem plurimi molas argenteas ductiles inueneru[n]t. μάλιστα δὲ αυθίς αἰ λιμνα τὴν ασπιαν

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 397 <Conuenx. Synclydes.> Synclydo would seem to be the name of a town, since its form is plural, signifying inhabitants living together. For Synclydes are in fact called the inhabitants of some gathered-together place, as in Latin conuenæ. ... Pliny, speaking of Aquitania, says, “Soon afterward, into the town were gathered together the conuenæ.” But he makes no mention of the town of Lugdunum in that region. Strabo says, “The Tectosages are near the Pyrenees mountains. They also reach somewhat onto the northern side of the Cemmenian mountains, cultivating a land endowed with much gold.” For there are also the treasures of the Cemmeni. They inhabit a much-frequented land. Among them, however, he says, the treasures discovered in the city of Tolossa by the Roman general Scipio and carried off: from which the Tolossanum gold, most celebrated among writers, passed into a proverb, as Gellius authoritatively states. Posidonius, as Strabo says, plausibly reports that in Tolossa treasures were found amounting to fifteen thousand talents, part of which had been deposited in temples, part in consecrated lakes, consisting of silver and gold, coined and unworked. And again, a little further on: “As Posidonius and many others say, the region itself, otherwise abundant in gold, and the people, devoted to superstition and accustomed to frugality in diet, possessed treasures in many places throughout Celtic Gaul; but most of all the lakes, sacred to them, protected those treasures from the depredations of robbers, into which they had therefore cast weights of gold and silver.” The Romans, however, when they had taken those places by force of arms, publicly put those lakes up for auction; and most of the buyers found flexible silver plates. Most of all, again, the lakes ...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 399 Nullies mille aureis coronatis æstimatur à nobis, id est cen- ties & quinquagies cætenus millibus. Quod si quis Trogû < Quinquies decies, & quaterdecies.> quinquies decies scripsisse malit, tamen pro quindecies in- telligam, quomodo apud Suetonium in Augusto quaterde cies millies pro bis septies, id est quatuordecies. Cicero e- tiam sic usus est. Strabo ex Posidonio quindecim millibus talentum argenti æstimasse aurum argentumq[ue] simul uide tur: quæ summa minor est minima prædictarum, id est no- nagies centena millia aurcorum. Apud Iosepum libro su- <Felicitas Galliarum.> prædicto Agrippa magnificè de Galliarum situ, & felici- tate Gallorum domestica disserit, quos omne genus bonis apud se scatentibus totum penè orbem irrigare, mirifico præconio uociferatur, & nihilo secius sub mille & ducê- tis militibus Romano imperio parere, quibus plures pro- pemodum ciuitates habeant, non animi mollitia, ut qui o- ctoginta annis pro libertate dimicassent, sed animi destina- tione in obsequium eius gentis fixa, cuius & uirtute ex- perti fuissent, & fortunâ admirarentur. Multa adhuc ad- notauimus, quæ fide caritura sunt, ut opinor, præsertim apud eos (ut dixi) qui omnia & præterita & futura præ- sentis temporis modulis metiuntur. unum etiam addam ex eodem Strabone, qui de Bætica loquens, ὑπολῦ ἰκιν ἰδύς, inquit, πρότερον, τῶν ἰκια μᾶλλον τῶν περαζῶν, καὶ ὑποδε- θωλῦ τοι ἔσι τῶν κάλλος. ταλαντάις τοῦω ὑνοῦται τοῦς χρισ- τῶς τὰς δχεῖας. Multa autem uestis antea inde ueniebat: <nunc autem lanæ magis quàm à Coraxis, pulchritudine eximia siquidem propter hoc arietes talentari precio emun- tur ad admissuram. Coraxi autem populi sunt Colchorum Stephano de urbibus. Talentum sexcentis aureis æstima- mus. tanti autem uenditari arietes potuerut apud eos qui asinos admissarios, uel etia[m] asinas ad foeturâ, id est ad mu- larum>

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART IB. HIS BOOK IV. 399 A thousand solidi in coronati is estimated by us at, that is, one hundred and fifty times the remaining thousands. If anyone would rather read in Trogus, “fifteen times five, and fourteen times four,” still I shall understand it as fifteen times, as in Suetonius in Augustus, “fourteen times a thousand” for “twice seven,” that is, fourteen times. Cicero also used it thus. Strabo, from Posidonius, seems to have estimated gold and silver together at fifteen thousand talents of silver; which sum is less than the smallest of those stated above, that is, ninety times one hundred thousand gold pieces. In Josephus, in the book mentioned above, Agrippa speaks magnificently of the situation of Gaul and the domestic prosperity of the Gauls, whom he proclaims with wonderful praise to be so abundantly supplied with every kind of good that they almost irrigate the whole world; and yet, none the less, they remain under Roman rule with only one thousand two hundred soldiers, though they have almost more cities than that, not because of weakness of spirit, since for eighty years they had fought for liberty, but because their minds were fixed in obedience to that nation, whose strength they had experienced and whose fortune they admired. We have noted many further things that, I think, will lack credibility, especially among those, as I said, who measure both the past and the future by the standards of the present time. I shall add one more thing from the same Strabo, who, speaking of Baetica, says, in his words: [Greek text]. Many garments used to come from there before; now, however, wool is prized more highly than that from the Coraxes, of exceptional beauty, since for this reason rams are purchased at a talent price for breeding. The Coraxi are a people of the Colchi, according to Stephanus on cities. We estimate a talent at six hundred gold pieces. And rams could be sold there at such a price as those who keep breeding asses, or even mares for foaling, that is, for mules.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. omnium prodigorum ingenia superauit, commentus no= uum balnearum usum, portentosissima genera ciborum atque coenarum, ut calidis frigidisq[ue] unguetis lauaretur, pretiosissimas margaritas aceto liquefactas sorberet, con= uiuis ex auro panes & obsonia apponeret: aut frugi ho= minem esse oportere dictitans, aut Cæsarem. quin etiam nummos non mediocris summæ è fastigio basilicæ Iuliæ per aliquot dies sparsit in plebem. In extractionibus præ toriorum atque uillarum omni ratione posthabita nihil tam efficere concupiscebat, quàm quod posse effici negare tur. Et iactæ itaq[ue] moles infesto ac profundo mari, & ex= cisæ rupes durissimæ silicis, & campi montibus aggere æquati, & complanata fossuris montium iuga, incredibili quidem celeritate, quum moræ culpa capite lueretur. Ac ne singula enumerê, immensas opes, totumq[ue] illud Tybe= rij Cæsaris uicies ac septies millies festertiù non toto uer= tente anno absumpsit. Idem alibi, Nouissimè contrectan= dæ pecuniæ cupidine incensus, sæpe super immësos aureo rum aceruos patentissimo diffusos loco, & nudis pedibus spatiatus, & toto corpore aliquandiu uolutatus est. Vi= cies septies millies festertium, nomismate nostro sexagies septies millies mille aureos & quingenta præterea millia ualuit: uel (ut prisco more loquamur) sexcenties septua= gies quinquies centena millia aureorum. Græci sex mil= lia septingentas & quinquaginta myriadas aureorum dicerent. Priscum autem eum morem numerandi fuisse ex Plinio apparet libro duodecimo, ubi de Arabia felici lo= quens, Minima, inquit, computatione millies centena millia festertium annis omnibus India & Seres, Peninsu= laq[ue] illa imperio nostro adimunt. non dicit centies mil= lies, mille festertium, ut nunc uulgo loquimur, sed millies C 2 centena

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. He surpassed the talents of all spendthrifts, devising a new use for baths, the most extravagant kinds of foods and banquets, so that he was washed with hot and cold unguents, swallowed the most precious pearls dissolved in vinegar, and had bread and dishes served to his guests from gold; saying that a man ought either to be frugal or to be Caesar. Indeed, he also scattered coins of no small sum from the summit of the Basilica Julia among the populace for several days. In the demolition of praetorian residences and villas, setting every consideration aside, he desired to accomplish nothing so much as what was said could not be accomplished. Thus were masses thrown into the hostile and deep sea, and the hardest cliffs of flint cut away, and plains leveled by embankments of mountains, and mountain ridges flattened by excavations, with incredible speed indeed, since delay was punished with death. And not to enumerate each thing, he consumed immense wealth, and the whole of that Tiberius Caesar’s twenty-seven million sestertii, in less than a single year. The same man elsewhere, most recently inflamed by a desire to handle money, often walked barefoot and for some time rolled himself over huge piles of gold spread out in the most open place. Twenty-seven million sestertii amounted in our coinage to sixty-seven million five hundred thousand gold pieces, or, to speak in the old manner, to six hundred and seventy-five times one hundred thousand gold pieces. The Greeks would say six thousand seven hundred and fifty myriads of gold pieces. And that this was the ancient way of reckoning appears from Pliny in book twelve, where, speaking of happy Arabia, he says: “At the lowest estimate, India and the Seres, and that peninsula, take from our empire every year one hundred million sestertii.” He does not say “one hundred million, a thousand sestertii,” as we now commonly speak, but “one thousand times one hundred thousand...”

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET centena, quod idem est. Sic alibi in secundo: Pars nostra terrarum de qua memoro, ambiente (ut dictum est) oceano uelut innatans, longissimè ab ortu & ab occasu patet, hoc est ab India ad Herculis colūnas Gadibus sacratas octuagies quinquies centena septuaginta octo millia passu[m], sicut Artemidoro placet autori. Hoc apud Martianum Capellam totidem uerbis legitur, Longitudo ab ortu ad occa sum, hoc est ab ipsius Indiæ extremitate, usq[ue] ad Herculi columnas sacratas, octuagies quinquies cētena septuaginta octo millia sunt, sicut etiam Artemidorus autor asseruit. Rursus idem Plinius lib. eodem, Vniuersum autem hunc circuitum Eratosthenes in omnium quidem literarum sub tilitate, & in hac utiq[ue] præter cæteros solers, quem à cunctis probari uideo, ducetorum quinquagintaduoru[m] milliu[m] prodidit, quæ mensura Romana computatione efficit trecenties quindecies centena millia passuum. Hæc uerba cu[m] sic legerentur apud Vitruuium libro primo, nuper Iocundus < Iocundus architectus.> architectus uir religioni initiatus, omnis antiquitatis < Locus Vitruuij restitutus.> peritissimus, tamen more hodierno referenda censuit, in ijs exemplaribus Vitruuij, quæ egregiè alioquin & solerter emendata imprimèda curauit. Sic enim in his legitur, Quæ ducenta quinquagintaduo millia stadioru[m] fiunt passus semel & tricies millies nulle & quingēties nulle. Huius autem octaua pars, quam uentus tenere uidetur, est ter millies nulle & noningenties tricies septies nulle, & passus quingenti. qui modus loquendi antiquitatem non resipit: quare sic locum potius lego (ex librorum prius impressorum observatione, licet corruptus ille locus atque etiam mutilatus in eis sit) quæ fiunt passus trecenties & quindecies centena millia. Huius autem octaua pars quam uentus tenere uidetur, est triciesnouies centena trigintaseptem millia

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND a hundred, which is the same thing. So elsewhere in the second book: Our part of the lands, of which I speak, surrounded (as has been said) by the ocean, as though floating upon it, extends farthest from east and from west, that is, from India to the Columns of Hercules consecrated to Gades, eighty-five hundred seventy-eight thousand paces, as the author Artemidorus prefers. This is read in the same words in Martianus Capella: The length from east to west, that is, from the very extremity of India, as far as the consecrated Columns of Hercules, is eighty-five hundred seventy-eight thousand, as Artemidorus the author also asserts. Again the same Pliny, in the same book: But Eratosthenes, in the subtlety of all learning indeed, and in this matter especially skilled beyond the rest, whom I see approved by all, reported the whole of this circuit as 252,000 stadia, which measure in Roman computation makes 315,000,000 paces. When these words were thus read in Vitruvius, book one, Iocundus recently a man initiated into religion, most learned in all antiquity, nevertheless judged it should be rendered according to modern usage, in those copies of Vitruvius which he took care to have printed, excellently and skillfully corrected in other respects. For thus it is read there: Which make 252,000 stadia, that is, 1,315,000 paces. But the eighth part of this, which seems to be held by the wind, is 3,097,500, and five hundred paces. This manner of speaking does not savor of antiquity: therefore I rather read the passage thus (from observation of the earlier printed books, although that passage is corrupted and even mutilated in them), which make 315,000,000 paces. But the eighth part of this, which seems to be held by the wind, is 39,370 thousand

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 405 millia, et quingenti passus. Hac lectione et uetusta for= mula restituitur, et numerus ad passum conuenit. Apoca= lypseos cap. 1 x. Et soluti sunt quatuor angeli qui para= ti erant in horam et diem et mensem et annum, ut occi= derent tertiam partem hominum: et numerus equestris exercitus uicies millies dena millia. No uveiæstis uveiæsop, sic Latine et prisco more uerti debuit, Bis millies centena millia. Hæc enim uerba, millies centena millia, myriadum myriada significant: ultra quem numerum Græci uocabu lum non habet. Nostrates id centu[m] milliones appellat, cu[m] millione dicamus mullenariu[m] numeru[m] in sese multiplicatu[m]. Ergo bis millies centena millia, duas myriadas myriadu[m] significant: et ter millies, tres myriadas, et deinceps usq[ue] ad decies nullies centena millia, hoc est denas myriadum myriadas, quod uno uerbo nostrates abaci studiosi Milli= artum appellant, quasi millionum millionem. Romani igi= tur per centenarios mullenariorum numerant, no[n] per mul= lenarios mullenariorum, ut Græci per chiliadas chiliadum aut myriadum, quia apud priscos Romanos nullus erat numerus maior centies mullenario, Verum apud Plinium libro eodem, ubi legitur in codicibus post Hermolai emen dationes impressis, triciesquater quinquaginta millia, et quinquagies bis quindecim millia passuum, centena uer= bum subaudiendum est, ut rectè admonuit Hermolaus: quo= modo et paulo post, Quæ mensura uniuersa ab eo mari efficit octuagiesquinquies septuaginta octo millia. Supe= rius enim centena additum est à Plinio, quod hic non legi= tur, sed subintelligendum relinquitur. Hoc autem liquere potest ex Martiano, apud quem omnia ijsdem uerbis ut apud Plinium leguntur. Nam cum apud Plinium ita lega= tur in manu scriptis et in impressis ante Hermolaum, A C 3 Gange

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 405 miles and five hundred paces. With this reading and the old formula, it is restored, and the number agrees with a pace. Apocalypse, chap. 1 x. And the four angels were loosed, who were prepared for the hour and day and month and year, to kill the third part of men: and the number of the mounted army was twenty times ten thousand. No uveiæstis uveiæsop, thus in Latin and in the old manner it ought to be rendered, Bis millies centena millia. For these words, millies centena millia, signify myriads of myriads: beyond which number the Greek language has no term. Our people call this one hundred million, since with a million we say a numerical thousandfold number multiplied in itself. Therefore bis millies centena millia signify two myriads of myriads: and ter millies, three myriads, and so on up to decies nullies centena millia, that is, ten myriads of myriads, which in one word our abacus enthusiasts call Milliartum, as though a million of millions. Thus the Romans count by hundreds of thousands, not by thousands of thousands, as the Greeks do by chiliads of chiliads or myriads, because among the ancient Romans there was no number greater than a hundred thousand. However, in Pliny, in the same book, where it is read in the manuscripts printed after Hermolaus’s emendations, triciesquater quinquaginta millia, and quinquagies bis quindecim millia of paces, the word centena must be understood, as Hermolaus rightly observed: and similarly a little later, “What measure in the whole from that sea amounts to eighty-five times seventy-eight thousand.” For above, centena has been added by Pliny, though it is not read here, but must be understood. This, however, can be made clear from Martianus, where all things are read in the same words as in Pliny. For since in Pliny it is thus read in the manuscripts and in the printed editions before Hermolaus, A C 3 Gange

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Gange amne, ostioq[ue] eius quo se in eorum oceanum effundit per Indiam Parthienenq[ue] ad Myriadrum urbem Syriæ in Issico sinu positam L I I. M. X V. passuum decem & nouem: apud Martianum eadem uerba legutur, nisi quòd numerus ita effertur, quinquagies bis quindecim nullia. Ex quo autore Hermolaus Plinium eo capite emendauit. Quapropter coiectura ex hoc loco fieri potest ad ea quæ nos ipsi in Plinio mutauimus, ut millies sestertiu[m], & quin genties, & huiusmodi alia aduerbialiter prolata, quæ confusa sunt in exemplaribus propter notarum compendia. Simile est illud quod statim sequitur apud Plinium, Latitudo autem terræ à Meridiano situ ad Septentrionem dimidio ferè minor colligitur L I I I I. mil. L X I I. Sic enim in manu scriptis & olim impressis legitur, cum Martianus dicat quinquagies quater cætena sex agintaduo nullia, quê à Plinio hæc & alia superiora transcripsisse non dubito. Centena autem uerbum in his numeris subintelligendum relinqui, planum fit ex eodem Martiano, qui de Europæ longitudine loquens, ita inquit, Europæ solius mensura octogies bis X C I I I I. Plin. lib. I I I I. Longitudine Europæ Artemidorus atque Isidorus à Tanai ad Gades L X X X I I. X I I I I. prodiderût. Sic enim in antiquis legitur, licet in impressis L X X X I I I I. millia legatur. Apud Martianum octogies bis centena nonagintaquatuor millia intelligo. Apud Plinium sic, Octogies bis centena. X I I I I. mil. passuum. & sic pleru[m]q[ue] & Plinius & Martianus locuti sunt, & ante eos Cicero. quod eò ualet quod suprà diximus de compendio loquendi per aduerbia antiquis usitato, ut centies sestertium pro centies centena millia sestertium omnino intelligi debeat: ut fortasse illi numeri lib. X X I I I. Plinij de ærario Romano rectè restituti uideant

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE AS AND The river Ganges, and its mouth by which it flows into their ocean through India and Parthia, to the city of Myriandrus in Syria, situated in the Issic Gulf, LII. M. X V. paces, nineteen: in Martianus the same words are read, except that the number is expressed thus, fifty-two times fifteen nullia. From which author Hermolaus corrected Pliny at that passage. Wherefore by conjecture from this place one may arrive at those points which we ourselves have altered in Pliny, such as million sesterces, and five hundred times, and similar expressions of this kind, which have been confused in the manuscripts because of abbreviated signs. Similar is that which immediately follows in Pliny: “Now the breadth of the earth from the southern position toward the north is found to be nearly half less,” LIIII. mil. LXII. For thus it is read in the manuscripts and in earlier printed editions, while Martianus says fifty-four times a hundred, sixty-two nullia, which I do not doubt he transcribed from Pliny, as also the above-mentioned matters. The word “hundred,” however, understood as being left implicit in these numbers, becomes clear from the same Martianus, who, speaking of the length of Europe, says thus: “The measure of Europe alone, eighty times twice X C I I I I.” Pliny, book IIII. Concerning the length of Europe, Artemidorus and Isidorus report from the Tanais to Gades L X X X I I. X I I I I. For thus it is read in the ancient copies, although in printed editions L X X X I I I I. millia is read. In Martianus I understand eighty times two hundred ninety-four thousand. In Pliny thus: “Eighty times twice a hundred. X I I I I. thousand paces.” And thus for the most part both Pliny and Martianus spoke, and before them Cicero; which has this force, that what we said above about the compendious way of speaking by adverbs, customary among the ancients, means that “centies sestertium” must altogether be understood for “centies centena millia sestertium”: so perhaps those numbers in book XXIII of Pliny about the Roman treasury seem to have been rightly restored.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Corbulone uenit. In quo colloquio Tiridates (ut inquit Tacitus lib. x v.) de nobilitate generis multum præfatus, cætera temperanter adiungit, Iturum quippe Romam, la turumq[ue] nouum Cæsari decus non aduersis Parthorum rebus supplicem Arsacidem. Tum placuit Tiridatem ponere apud effigiem Cæsaris insigne regiu[m], nec nisi manu Neronis resumere: & colloquium osculo finitu[m]. Dein pau cis interiectis diebus magna utrinq[ue]; specie inde Eques co[m] positus per turmas, & insignibus patrijs, hinc agmina legionum stetere fulgentibus aquilis. in medio tribunal sede[m] curulem, & sedis effigiem Neronis sustinebat. Ad quam progressus Tiridates, cæsis ex more uictimis, sublatum ca[m] piti diadema, imagini subiecit. Postero die spatium orauit quo tantum itineris aditurus, fratres antè matremq[ue]; uiseret. obsidem interea filiam tradit, literasq[ue]; supplices ad Neronem. Hæc causa fuit cur Tiridates Romam ueniret: cuius aduentum ut honorificentissimum sibi Nero omni= bus uotis concupierat. In huius aduentum Nero Pompeij theatr[u]m operuit auro: de quo Plinius lib. x x I I I. Ne= ro Pompeij theatrum operuit auro in unum die quo Tiridati Regi Armeniæ ostenderet. Id e[m] lib. x x x. de magiæ loquens, quam ob id inanem artem esse contèdit, quòd eâ Nero scire maximè concupiuit, nec potuit, cum nec ingeniu[m] nec facultates deessent: Magus, inquit, ad eum Tirida= tes uenerat, Armeniacum de sese triumphum afferens, & ideo prouincijs grauis, nauigare noluerat, quonia[m] expue= re in maria, alijsq[ue] mortaliu[m] necessitatibus uiolare natura[m] eâ fas no[n] putant. Magos secu[m] adduxerat. Magicis etiam cænis eum initiauerat: no[n] tame cu[m] regnu[m] ei daret, hanc ab eo accipere artem ualuit. Tranquillus alibi de eodem ita inquit, Non immeritò inter spectacula ab eo edita & Ti= ridatis

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASSE AND ET Corbulo came. In that conversation Tiridates, as Tacitus says, book XV, speaking at length about the nobility of his lineage, adds the rest moderately: that he would indeed go to Rome and bring new glory to Caesar, not as an Arsacid supplicant because of the adverse fortunes of the Parthians. Then it was agreed that Tiridates should place beside the image of Caesar the royal diadem, and take it back only from the hand of Nero; and the conversation ended with a kiss. A few days later, with great display on both sides, there stood on one side cavalry arranged in squadrons and adorned with native insignia, on the other the columns of the legions, shining with their eagles. In the middle stood a tribunal, and the likeness of Nero supported the curule seat. To this Tiridates advanced, after the customary sacrifice of victims, and, having taken the diadem from his head, he laid it beneath the image. On the following day he requested time in which, before undertaking so long a journey, he might visit his brothers and his mother. In the meantime he gave his daughter as a hostage, and letters of supplication to Nero. This was the reason why Tiridates came to Rome: Nero had desired his arrival most eagerly by every vow, as the most honorable thing for himself. For this arrival Nero covered Pompey’s theater with gold; Pliny mentions this, book XXIII: Nero covered Pompey’s theater with gold on one single day, to show it to Tiridates, king of Armenia. In the same author, book XXX, speaking of magic, which he therefore contends is a useless art because Nero most eagerly desired to know it, but could not, though neither talent nor resources were lacking: “A Magus,” he says, “had come to him, Tiridates bringing with him an Armenian triumph over himself, and therefore burdensome to the provinces, had been unwilling to sail, because they think it unlawful to spit into the sea and to violate nature by other necessities of mortals. He had brought Magi with him. He had also initiated him with magical banquets; yet although he gave him a kingdom, he was not able to receive this art from him.” Elsewhere Suetonius says of the same man thus: “Not without reason among the spectacles presented by him and Tiridates...”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 409 ridatis in urbem introitum retulerim: quem Armeniæ Re gem magnis pollicitationibus solicitatum, cum destinato per edictum die ostensurus populo propter nubilum di= stulisset, produxit quo opportunissimè potuit, dispositis circa fori templa armatis cohortibus, curuli residens apud rostra triumphantis habitu, inter signa mulitaria atq[ue] ue= xilla: et primo per deuexum pulpitum subeuntem admisit ad genua, alleuatumq[ue] dextra exosculatus est: dein pre câti, tiara deducta, diadema imposuit, uerba supplicis in= terpretata prætorio uiro multitudini pronunciant. Per= ductum inde in theatrum, ac rursus supplicantem, iuxta se latere dextro collocauit. Ergo Tiridati Nero octingêta sestertia diurna erogauit, quæ perinde æstimo ac si uice= na nullia aureorum nostrorum diceres. Diurna autem ne= scio an quandiu Romæ fuit intelligam, an ex quo intra fines Romani imperij esse coepit. Discedenti aute[m] amplius uicies quinquies centenis millibus dono dedit. <Quadringenis in puctu sesterijs aleâ lusit.> Quadringenis in punctum sestertijs aleam lusit, id est, denis aureoru[m] nostrorum nullibus in singula puncta, non in singulos ca sus aleæ. Huiusmodi ludus ab eodem Tranquillo in Augu sto describitur, Inter coenam lusimus geronticôs et heri et hodie. Talis enim iactatis, ut quisq[ue] Canem aut Senio= nem miserat, in singulos talos singulos denarios in mediu[m] conferebat, quos tollebat uniuersos qui Venerem iecerat, Hac ratione fit ut immensus ille ludus Neronianus fuerit. De domo aute[m] aurea si quis locum apud Tranquillu[m] lege rit, quicquid nostro æuo exædificatu[m] est, despicabile exi= stimabit, adeo ut Galloniense prætorium Cardinalis Am= basiani, quod iam in prouerbium uenit ob sumptum su= peruacaneum, gurgustium præ illa domo Neronis uideri possit: quam tamen ipsam Plinius à Marci Scauri theatro C 5 operis Domus aurea Neronis.

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PART IV. BOOK IIII. 409 I have related the entry into the city: the King of Armenia, enticed by great promises, when he had postponed, because of cloudy weather, the day appointed by edict for appearing before the people, was brought forth as soon as he could most suitably arrange it, with armed cohorts stationed around the temples of the Forum, while he sat in the curule chair at the rostra, in the guise of a triumphant general, among military standards and banners. At first he allowed him, as he came up the sloping platform, to approach and kneel at his feet, and then, lifting him up with his right hand, he kissed him. Then, after prayers, with the tiara removed, he placed the diadem upon him, and the praetorian officer translated the supplicant’s words and proclaimed them to the crowd. He was then led into the theatre, and, again making supplication, was seated beside him on his right side. Thus Nero spent eight hundred thousand sesterces a day on Tiridates, which I reckon just as if you were to say twenty-five thousand of our gold pieces. As to the daily allowance, I do not know whether this was so long as he was in Rome, or from the time he began to be within the bounds of the Roman Empire. On his departure Nero gave him a gift of more than twenty-five million sesterces. “ ” He played at dice for four hundred sesterces a point; that is, for ten of our gold pieces at each point, not for each individual cast of the dice. A game of this sort is described by the same Tranquillus in the life of Augustus: “At dinner we played at the game of old men, both yesterday and today.” For in such casts, as often as anyone had thrown a dog or an old man, he placed a denarius on each die in the middle, and the whole was taken by the one who had thrown Venus. In this way it is clear that that vast Neronian gaming was of enormous scale. As for the Golden House, if anyone reads the passage in Tranquillus, he will regard as contemptible whatever in our age has been built, so much so that the Galloise praetorium of Cardinal d’Ambasian, which has already become proverbial on account of its excessive expense, may seem a hovel beside that house of Nero. Yet that very house, according to Pliny, was, in comparison with the theater of Marcus Scaurus, a work of C 5

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operis magnificentia uictam fuisse contendit: ne miremur nullies sestertium absumptu in Marci Scauri uillæ incendio, uel bis nullies fortasse, quod antea explicuimus. Quanti autem domus aurea constiterit, ex eo conijsiendum relinquitur, quod idem Traquillus de Othone scripsit, Diplomatibus primisq[ue] epistolis suis Neronis cognomé adiecit. Certè & imagines statuasq[ue] eius reponi passus est: nec quicqua[m] prius pro potestate subscripsit, quàm quingenties sestertium ad peragendam auream domu[m]. Si igitur Otho quingenties sestertium, id est, duodecies centena & quinquaginta milla aureorum nostrorum attribuit ad peragendam domum auream, quanti opus ipsum antea factum æstimamus? Nam nihil defuisse operi ex eo apparet, quod idem in Nerone inquit, Eiusmodi domum cum absoluta[m] dedicaret, hactenus co[n]probauit, ut diceret quasi hominem tandem habitare coepisse. Quingenties igitur sestertium subscripsisse Othonem intelligimus ad appendicem quandam domus faciendam, uel operis expolitionem. Plinius lib. x x x i i i. Nero Pompeij theatrum operuit auro in unum diem quo Tiridati regi Armeniæ ostenderet, & quotæ pars ea apparatus fuit aureæ domus ambientis urbem? Tacitus lib. x vii. de Galba loquens, Bis & uicies nullies sestertiu[m] donationibus Nero effuderat, appellari singulos iussit, decuma parte liberalitatis apud quæq[ue] eorum relictæ. At illis uix decumæ super portiones erant. Exactioni triginta Equites Ro. præpositi. Igitur si Nero quatuordecim annis quibus in imperio fuit, bis & uicies millies sestertium donationibus effudit, id est, quingenties & quinquagies centena millia aureorum nostrorum, & auream domum extruxit, cum interim in omni parte uitæ prodigos omneis superasset: quid existimabimus de opu- lentia

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He contends that he was vanquished by the magnificence of the work: let us not therefore be astonished that no less than a hundred million sesterces were spent on the burning of Marcus Scaurus’ villa, or perhaps twice a hundred million, as we explained before. But how much the Golden House cost is left for us to infer from this, that the same Suetonius wrote of Otho, and in his first dispatches and letters he added the surname of Nero. Certainly he allowed his images and statues to be put back; nor did he subscribe anything at first in his capacity as ruler, before five hundred million sesterces were given for completing the Golden House. If, then, Otho assigned five hundred million sesterces, that is, twelve hundred and fifty thousand of our gold pieces, for completing the Golden House, how much do we judge the work itself to have been worth when first made? For that nothing was lacking to the work appears from what the same author says of Nero: when he dedicated such a house after it had been completed, he approved it so far as to say that it was as though a man had at last begun to live in it. We understand, therefore, that Otho subscribed five hundred million sesterces for making some appendage to the house, or for polishing the work. Pliny, book 33: Nero covered Pompey’s theater with gold in a single day, in order to show it to King Tiridates of Armenia; and what part of the Golden House encircling the city was that of the whole apparatus? Tacitus, book 17, speaking of Galba: Nero had poured out twenty-two hundred million sesterces in gifts, and ordered each man to be summoned, with a tenth part of his bounty left to each of them; but there scarcely remained portions amounting to a tenth. Thirty Roman knights were appointed to the exaction. Therefore, if Nero, in the fourteen years during which he was in power, poured out twenty-two hundred million sesterces in gifts, that is, five hundred and fifty million of our gold pieces, and built the Golden House, while in the meantime in every part of life he had surpassed all the spendthrifts: what shall we think of the opulence

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 411. lentia imperij? De eo Plin. lib. XII. ita inquit, Periti reru[m] astruxerunt non ferre thuris tantu[m] annuo foetu Arabiam, quatum Nero princeps nouissimo pompæ suæ die concre mauit. ubi Poppeæ legendu[m] puto: de cuius morte Tacitus lib. xvi. Post finem ludicri Poppea mortem obijt fortuita < Poppeæ cædes.> mariti iracudia, à quo grauida ictu calcis afflicta est. Cor- pus no[n] igni abolitum, ut Romanus mos, sed regum exter norum consuetudine differtum, odoribus conditur, tumu= loq[ue]; Iuliorum insertur. ductæ tamen publicæ exequiæ. De hac Poppea Plin. lib. xxxiii. ita inquit, Vasa coquina= ria ex argento Caluus orator fieri queritur, ac nos carru cas ex argento cælare inuenimus. Nostra quoque ætate < Poppeæ lux.> Poppea coiunx Neronis principis delicatioribus iumetis suis soleas ex auro quoque induere solebat. Idem lib. xi. Poppea certè Domitij Neronis coniunx asinas quingen= tas foetas per omnia secum trahens, balnearu[m] etiam solio totum corpus illo lacte macerabat, extendi quoq[ue]; cutem credens. Eusebius in chronicis, & Orosius septimo hist. < Collatio Senatus exacta à Nerone.> autores sunt Neronem Senatum Rom. coëgisse ad conferendum sibi annuum centies sestertium ad toleradas ex= pæsas imperatorias, hoc est ære nostro ducena quinquage na millia aureoru[m], id quod post morte Senecæ factu[m] fuit, cum iam deterior fieri non posset Nero, & ad summum nequitiae & improbitatis peruenisset. Post Neronem Vi= < Vitellius.> tellius princeps successit: de quo ita scribit Tranquillus: Sed uel præcipue luxuriæ sæuitiaeq[ue]; deditus, epulas trifariam < Collatio Senatus exacta à Nerone.> semper, interdum quadrifariam dispertiebat, in ien= tacula, & pradia, & coenas, comessationesq[ue]; facilè omni bus sufficiens uomitandi consuetudine. Indicebat autem aliud alij eade[m] die: nec cuiquam minus singuli apparatus quadringenis millibus constiterunt. Famosissima super cæ- teras

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PART IV. HIS BOOK IIII. 411. What of the rigor of empire? On this Pliny, book XII, says thus: “Experts in these matters have shown that Arabia does not produce so much frankincense in an annual crop as Nero the prince consumed on the very last day of his triumphal pomp.” Here I think “Poppaea” should be read; concerning whose death Tacitus, book XVI, says: “After the end of the spectacle, Poppaea died from a chance wound inflicted by her husband’s anger, from which she was struck on the head by a kick.” Her body was not consumed by fire, as was the Roman custom, but, following the practice of foreign kings, it was embalmed with perfumes and placed in the tomb of the Julii. Yet public funeral rites were performed for her. Concerning this Poppaea, Pliny, book XXXIII, says thus: “The orator Calvus complains that cooking vessels are made of silver, and we now discover chariots engraved in silver.” In our own age too, “the luxury of Poppaea.” Poppaea, wife of the prince Nero, was accustomed to wear golden sandals even on her more delicate feet. The same author, book XI, says: “Poppaea certainly, wife of Domitius Nero, taking with her everywhere five hundred she-asses that had just foaled, used to bathe her whole body in that milk in the bath, believing that it would also stretch the skin.” Eusebius in the Chronicles and Orosius, book VII of history, “The Senate’s levy exacted by Nero.” are authorities for the statement that Nero compelled the Roman Senate to contribute to him an annual hundred million sesterces for meeting imperial expenses, that is, in our money, two hundred and fifty thousand gold pieces; and this was done after the death of Seneca, when Nero could no longer become worse and had reached the height of wickedness and depravity. After Nero, Vitellius “Vitellius.” succeeded as princeps: concerning him Suetonius writes thus: “But especially devoted to luxury and cruelty, he always divided his banquets into three parts, and sometimes into four, namely breakfasts, lunches, dinners, and revels, easily satisfying everyone with a habit of vomiting. He would appoint one feast on the same day for another; and no single meal cost anyone less than four hundred thousand sesterces. Most notorious beyond the rest.”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Coena Vitelliana. teras fuit coena ei data aduentitia à fratre, in qua duo mil lia lectissimoru[m] piscium, septem auium apposita tradutur. Hanc quoq[ue] exuperauit ipse dedicatione patinæ, quæ ob immensam n[on]agnitudinem clypeum Mineruæ, id est, ægiæ poliuchi dictitabat. In hac Scarorum iocinora, Phasiano rum & pauonu[m] cerebella, linguas Phoenicopterum, Mu= rænarum lactes à Carpathia usq[ue], fretoq[ue] Hispaniæ peti= tarum comiscuit. Hactenus Tranquillus. Equide[m] nihil ma= ius dici aut excogitari in luxuria posse uideo, nisi mærga= ritarum liquefactarum haustus. Iamprimum pauones uidi= mus Varronis tepore quinquagenis denarijs uenaleis, id est, quinis aureis nostris, quoru[m] cerebellis patina illa con= stabat, ut iocinoribus Scarorum, de quibus Plin. lib. 1 x. ita inquit: Nunc Scaro datur principatus, qui solus piscium dicitur ruminare, herbisq[ue] uesci, non alijs piscibus, mari Carpathio maxime frequens. proxima est his mensa gene ris duntaxat mustellarum. & paulò post, Ex reliqua no= bilitate & gratia maxima est & copia Mullis, sicut ma= gnitudo modica. Ex his uerbis apparet Scaru[m] primæ au= toritatis fuisse apud ganeosos homines: qui quanti uendi potuerit, coijcere licet ex precio Mulli qui Claudio prin cipe septe uel octo millibus nummum emptus fuit ab Asi= nio, ut alibi dictum est. De Phoenicoptero idem Pli. lib. x. Phoenicopteri linguam præcipui saporis esse Apitius do= cuit, nepotum omnium altissimus gurges. Idem libro tri= cesimoquinto: Atq[ue] ut luxu quoq[ue] autoritas contingat fi= glinis, tripatinum, inquit Fenestella, appellabatur summa coenarum lautitia. una erat murænarum, altera luporum, tertia myxonis piscis, inclinatis iam scilicet moribus. Na[m] nos cum unam Aesopi tragædiarum histrionis in natura auium diceremus sestertijs sexcentis stetisse, non dubito indignatos Patina a[n]sopi. Plin. libr. 35. cap. 11.

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G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND Vitellian Feast. Then there was the banquet given him as a gift by his brother, at which, it is said, two thousand of the choicest fish and seven kinds of birds were served. This he surpassed even by the dedication of a dish, which, because of its immense size, he called the shield of Minerva, that is, the aegis of the city. In it he mixed the livers of scarus fish, the brains of pheasants and peacocks, the tongues of flamingos, and the milt of lampreys fetched all the way from Carpathia and the strait of Spain. So far Tranquillus. Indeed I see that nothing greater can be said or imagined in luxury, except a draught of melted pearls. Already in Varro’s time we saw peacocks sold for fifty denarii each, that is, for five of our gold pieces, whose brains made up that dish, just as did the livers of scarus fish, concerning which Pliny, book 10, says thus: “Now the scarus is given the place of honor, the only fish said to chew the cud and to feed on herbs, not on other fish, and it is most abundant in the Carpathian Sea. Next in rank to these is the table of the mere lamprey family. And a little later, ‘Of the remaining nobility and greatest favor and abundance are mullets, though their size is moderate.’” From these words it appears that the scarus held first place among gluttonous men; how much it could have been sold for may be inferred from the price of the mullet, which, in the reign of Claudius, was bought by Asinius for seven or eight thousand sesterces, as has been said elsewhere. Concerning the flamingo, the same Pliny, book 10: Apicius taught that the tongue of the flamingo is of the highest flavor, that greatest gorge of all gourmands. The same author in book 35: “And so that luxury may also extend to crockery, the very height of dinner extravagance, says Fenestella, was called tripatinum. One dish was of lampreys, another of fish called wolves, and a third of the fish myxon, when morals had already, of course, declined.” For when we said that one dish by Aesop the tragic actor had cost six hundred sesterces in the nature of birds, I do not doubt they were offended. Dish of Aesop. Pliny, book 35. chapter 11.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 413 indignatos legentes. At Hercules Vitellius in principatu suo c c. sestertijs condidit patinam, cui faciendæ fornax in campis ædificata erat, quoniam eò peruenit luxuria, ut etiam fictilia pluris co[n]stent quàm Murrina. Propter hanc Mutianus altero consulatu suo in co[n]questione exprobra= uit pontinarum paludes Vitellio, memoria no[n] illa foedio= re, cuius ueneno Apprenati reo Cassius Seuerus accusator objiciebat interijsse centum triginta conuiuas. Si hæc uer ba uerè leguntur, patina illa fictilis ducentis sestertijs, id est, non minoris quàm quinq[ue] nullibus aureorum nostroru[m] constitit, propter quod Plinius dixit pluris fictilia consta re quàm Murrina, quorum precia Plinius magna ponit lib. x x x vii. Sed quonam modo fieri potuerit, ut patina fictilis tanti constiterit, inire rationem nequeo, nec ipse Plinius hoc significare mihi uidetur, cu[m] prius dixerit Ae= sopi patinam sexce[n]tis sestertijs stetisse. Patinam enim pro ferculo posuisse notu[m] est ex loco libri decimi, qui à nobis diligenter (ut spero) explicatus est de centum auiculis hu mano sermone canoris, senis nullibus emptis. Sed rursus si Plinius de ferculo intellexit, quonam pacto Plinius non ineptus erit, qui post sexcenta sestertia, ducenta sestertia dixit? cum maius aliquid omnino et mirabilius dicere uel= let, ut planè quis ex uerbis eius intelligere potest. Cu[m] hic me scrupulus anxium olim habuisset, libros antiquos adij, in quibus decem talentis pro ducentis sestertijs legitur, quod nec ipsum placuit, utpote quod sextam tantu[m] partè ad ducenta sestertia adderet: & alioqui nunquam Plinius & antiqui de rebus Romanis per talenta locuti sunt, licet in antiquis quibusdam codicibus Plinij mendose sæpe le= gatur hoc uerbum in mentione rerum Latinarum. Quare ex uetustissimo exemplari decies sestertium lego, quod addit

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offending readers. But Hercules, in his principate, deposited a dish at the cost of 200,000 sesterces, for the making of which a furnace was built in the fields, since luxury had reached the point that even earthenware cost more than Murrhine ware. On account of this Mutianus, in his second consulship, in a complaint reproached Vitellius with the marshes of Pontine, a memory no less foul, by whose poison, as the accuser Cassius Severus charged against the defendant Apprenatus, one hundred and thirty dinner guests had died. If these words are truly read, that earthen dish cost 200 sesterces, that is, not less than five of our gold coins, for which reason Pliny said that earthenware cost more than Murrhine ware, whose prices Pliny gives at length in book xxxvii. But by what means it could have happened that an earthen dish cost so much, I am unable to work out, nor does Pliny himself seem to me to indicate this, since he had first said that Aesop's dish cost 600 sesterces. For it is known from the passage in the tenth book, which has been carefully explained by us (as I hope), that he used patina for a dish of food, bought for six gold coins, with a hundred little birds, sweetly singing in human speech. But again, if Pliny meant a banquet dish, then how can Pliny be not foolish, who after 600 sesterces said 200 sesterces? since he clearly wished to say something larger and more remarkable, as one can plainly understand from his words. Since long ago this difficulty had troubled me anxiously, I turned to the ancient books, in which I read “ten talents” in place of 200 sesterces, which did not please me either, inasmuch as it would add only a sixth part to 200 sesterces; and besides, Pliny and the ancients never spoke of Roman matters in talents, although in some ancient manuscripts of Pliny this word is often written wrongly in the mention of Latin matters. Therefore from a very old copy I read “ten times a hundred sesterces,” which adds

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Plin. locus memorabilb[us] me[m] dis expurgat[us]. addit quadringenta sestertia ad patinam Aesopi, id est, aureorum decem millia. Condidit autem pro commentus est & autor fuit, intelligo. Quod autem sequitur, sic le= go: Propter hanc Mutianus altero consulatu suo in con= cione exprobrauit patinarum paludes Vitellij memoriæ, non illa foediore, cuius ueneno Asprenati reo Cassius Se= uerus & c[ontra] hoc sensu, ut non sit foedior illa patina in qua uenenum datum est tot conuiuis. Patinarum autem palu= des figuratè dictum est allusione Pontinæ paludis, cum patina ipsa etiam fictilis esset & luteæ: de qua Plinius lib. 111.A Circeis palus Pontina est, quem locum x x 111. urbium fuisse Mutianus tert. consul prodidit. Is est autem Mutianus cuius mentio crebra est apud Tacitum, qui Ve spasianum ad capessendum imperium hortatus est: quem intelligimus ex uerbis Plinij Vitellio supplicio affecto, pro concione aliquando conuitijs incessisse tempora Vi= tellij ob luxum perditissimum: uel aliàs conquerendo ex= probrasse patinæ foeditatem, si conqvestione legatur. Ta= citus de luxu Vitellij loquens lib. xvii. Ipse abunde ra= tus si præsentibus frueretur, nec in longius consultans, nouies nullies sestertium paucissimis mensibus interuer= tisse creditur. Hanc ego summam non minorem ducenties uicies quinquies centenis millibus esse dico. Octauo aute[m] mense imperij sui exercitus ab eo desciscere coeperunt. Paucos igitur menses Tacitus octo mēses appellauit. Hic facere non potui quin maioris etiam luxuriæ exempli Vi telliana patina reminiscerer, tametsi non quærere. id erit ex Tranquillo in Nerone deterrimorum omnium princi pum facinorosissimo. quo loco enim de luxu eius epulari loquitur, Indicebat, inquit, & familiaribus coenas, quaru[m] uni mellita quadragies sestertium constiterunt. Ego mel= litorum Inauditus lu- xus, & fidem excedens.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Plin. a memorable passage thoroughly expurgated by me. adds four hundred sestertii to the Aesopian dish, that is, ten thousand gold pieces. But he founded it, or rather it is said, and I understand that he was the author. What follows, however, I read thus: For this reason Mutianus, in his second consulship, reproached in the assembly the “patinae paludes” of the memory of Vitellius, not that more loathsome one, of whose poison Cassius Severus accused Asprenas in court; and this sense is, that that dish in which poison was given to so many guests is not more loathsome. “Patinarum autem paludes” is said figuratively, by allusion to the Pontine marshes, since the dish itself was also of earthenware and clay; of which Pliny, book III, says: “At Circeii is the Pontine marsh,” which place Mutianus, in his third consulship, reported to have been one of the cities. This is the Mutianus whose frequent mention occurs in Tacitus, who urged Vespasian to seize the empire; whom we understand from the words of Pliny, after Vitellius had been punished, to have at one time assailed, in a public speech, the times of Vitellius with abuses for his utterly disgraceful luxury; or otherwise to have reproached him by complaint, if “conquestione” be read. Tacitus, speaking of the luxury of Vitellius, book XV: “He himself, thinking it enough if he enjoyed the present, and not planning for the long future, is believed to have squandered nine hundred million sesterces in a few months.” I say that this total was not less than two hundred and twenty-five times a hundred thousand. But in the eighth month of his reign his troops began to desert him. Tacitus therefore called eight months “a few months.” Here I could not refrain from recalling an example of even greater luxury, namely the Vitellian dish, although I shall not seek it; it will be from Suetonius, in Nero, the most atrocious among the worst of all princes. For where he speaks of his luxurious banquets, he says: “He gave dinners to his intimates, one of which cost forty times a hundred thousand sesterces, with honey.” I, more generous... Incredible luxury, and beyond belief.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 415 Mellita. litorum appellatione mellita dulciora sercula intelligo, quæ ultimis mensis apponuntur, ut hodie saccharati mis= sus epularum à pistore dulciario, & omnia quæ bellario= rum nomine continentur, & saccharei operis strues in adjicialibus coenis atq[ue] nuptialibus, quæ in lancibus argenteis ad ostentationem traducuntur, magis ut delibetur in= terdum, quàm ut esitentur. Hæc si centenis millibus au= reorum nostrorum æstimantur, quanti coena ipsa æstima ri poterit? Huic dicto fide arroget an deroget id quod se quitur, nescio. Seneca libro de Cōsolatione ad Albinâ ma trem suam ita inquit de Caligula loquens, C. Cæsar Augu stus, quem mihi uidetur rerum natura edidisse ut ostende= ret quid summa uitia in summa fortuna possent, cētices se= stertio coenauit uno die, & in hoc omnium adiutus inge= nio, uix tamen inuenit quo modo trium prouinciarum tributum una coena fieret. Quibus uerbis apparet centies sestertium immensam esse pecuniam, & quæ de Cleopa= træ unione diximus ex Plinio, non uanitate commenti= tia à nobis aucta, sed modicè æstimatum eius precium. id quod in omnia penè in his libris prodita ualet. Maiora sunt ista omnia nostræ ætatis captu. Sed de Vitellij hellua tione ita inquit Iosepus libro v. de bello Iudaico: Octo mèses ac dies quinq[ue]; potitus imperio, iugulatur in media urbe: quem si uiuere diutius contigisset, eius luxuriæ satis esse imperium non potuisset. Vitellio successit Vespasianus Augustus, qui omissa sub Galba uectigalia reuocauit: noua & grauia addidit: tributa etia[m] auxit, & prouincijs nonnullis duplicauit: quare eum nonnulli auarissimum esse tradideru[n]t. sunt contrà qui opinentur (inquit Tranquil= lus) ad manubias & rapinas necessitate co[m]pulsum summa ærarij fisciq[ue]; inopia, de qua testificatus sit initio statim princip Vespasian[us] tributis & uectigalib[us] grauis.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 415 Mellita. By the term mellita I understand sweeter little dishes, which are set before the guests at the end of the meal, such as today the sugared courses sent in by the confectioner, and everything included under the name of bellaria , and heaps of sugary workmanship at after-dinner suppers and wedding feasts, which are carried in silver dishes for display, more to be tasted sometimes than to be eaten. If these are valued at hundreds of thousands of our aurei, how much can the feast itself be valued at? Whether this statement should gain credit from, or lose credit because of, what follows, I do not know. Seneca, in the book De Consolatione ad Albina , his mother, says thus while speaking of Caligula: “C. Caesar Augustus, whom it seems to me nature brought forth to show what excessive vices could do in excessive fortune, dined at the cost of one hundred million sesterces in a single day; and in this, with all ingenuity assisting him, he scarcely nevertheless found a way by which the tribute of three provinces could be used up in one dinner.” From these words it appears that a hundred million sesterces was an immense sum of money, and that what we said from Pliny about Cleopatra’s pearl was not augmented by us in the vanity of invention, but was moderately estimated in its price. This holds good for nearly everything set forth in these books. These things are greater than the grasp of our age. But concerning the gluttony of Vitellius, Josephus says thus in book V of the Jewish War : “After holding power for eight months and five days, he was put to death in the midst of the city; and if it had been granted him to live longer, the empire would not have been sufficient for his extravagance.” Vitellius was succeeded by Vespasian Augustus, who restored the revenues omitted under Galba: he added new and heavy taxes: he even increased tributes, and doubled them in certain provinces; for which reason some have handed down that he was most avaricious. There are others, on the contrary, who think, as Tranquillus says, that he was driven to plunder and seizures by necessity, because of the utmost emptiness of the treasury and the fisc, of which he bore witness immediately at the beginning of his principate: “Vespasianus, burdensome in taxes and revenues.”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET principatus, professus quadringenties millies opus esse, ut Respub. stare posset. quod uerisimilius uidetur, quòdo ma lè partis optimè usus est, in omne genus hominum libera= lissimus: quippe qui expleuerit censum senatoriu[m], & Con sulares inopes quingenis sestertium millibus annuis suste[n] tauerit, ingenia & artes uel maxime souerit, primusq[ue] è fisco Latinis Græcisq[ue] rhetoricus annua centena consti tuerit. Cæteru[m] quadringeties millies maiorem summâ esse uideo, quàm ut Vespasianus sperauerit quantauis parsi= monia aut tributorum exactione colligi posse, ne inueniri quidem fortasse, si & publicæ & priuatorum pecuniæ in unum locum confrantur. quare pro quadringeties, qua= dragies legendum esse uidetur, et sic quidem maxima erit summa earum quas adhuc diximus, id est millies centena nullia aureorum coronatorum. Vltra enim hanc summam ne ludiera quidem uota hominum procedere solent, etiam si immensum quid, maiusq[ue] omni auri conceptaculo ex= optare contendant. Sed fortasse credibile hoc faciunt ea quæ in secundo scripsimus. Hæc ferè sunt ex quibus Ro= manoru[m] opes coijcere magis quàm cognoscere possimus. Reliqua enim monumenta per autores sparsa, huiusmodi sunt, ut ex ijs certum nullum argumentu[m] ad constitutione[m] huius rei colligere possemus: ut quod Plin. lib. uno & uice simo de gente quadam Pontica dicit:Gens, inquit, ea cum cerâ in tributa Romanis præstet, mel quonia[m] exitiale est, nô uendit. His dictum unum Plinij addemus, quod suprà in transcursu citauimus, ne id præterijsse uitio mihi uer= tatur. Is enim autor libro X I I. de felicitate Arabiæ lo= quens, ita inquit: Verum Arabiæ etiam nunc felicius mare est. Ex illo nanq[ue] margaritas mittit: minimaq[ue] co[n]putatio= ne millies centena millia sestertium annis omnibus Indiæ & Seres Notandæ liberalitates Vespasiani. Quadragies millies sestertium. Memorabilis locus Plinij.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE ET principatus, having professed that four hundred million was needed, so that the Republic could stand. Which seems the more likely, because he used the bad well, and was most liberal to every kind of men: for he replenished the senatorial census, and supported needy consulars with five hundred thousand sesterces annually; he especially encouraged talent and the arts, and was the first to assign from the fiscus one hundred thousand a year to Latin and Greek rhetoricians. But I see that four hundred million is greater than can be hoped by Vespasian to be collected, however great the thrift or the exaction of taxes, and perhaps not even to be found if both public and private moneys are brought together into one place. Therefore it seems that instead of quadringeties, quadragies should be read; and so indeed it will be the greatest sum of those we have so far mentioned, that is, one hundred thousand thousand aurei coronati. For beyond this sum even men’s extravagant wishes are not usually carried, although they strive to desire something immense and greater than every treasury of gold. But perhaps what we wrote in the second book makes this credible. These are nearly all the sources from which we may more easily conjecture than know the wealth of the Romans. For the remaining memorials scattered through the authors are such that from them we could collect no certain argument for establishing this matter: as what Pliny says in book twenty-one about a certain Pontic people: “That people,” he says, “since they pay their tribute to the Romans in wax, does not sell honey, because it is deadly.” To these we will add one saying of Pliny, which we cited above in passing, lest I be blamed for having omitted it. For that author, speaking in book XII of the happiness of Arabia, says thus: “Yet the sea of Arabia is even now more fortunate. For from it it sends pearls: by the smallest calculation, India and the Seres every year amount to one hundred million sesterces.” Notable liberality of Vespasian. Forty million sesterces. Memorable passage of Pliny.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 417 & Seres peninsulaq[ue] illa imperio nostro adimunt. tanti nobis deliciæ & foeminæ constant. Libro autem sexto de cursu annuo & nauigatione in Indiam loqués, ita inquit: Nec pigebit totum cursum ab Aegypto exponere, nunc primu[m] certa notitia patescente: digna res, nullo anno mi= nus hîc quingentesimis imperij nostri exhauriente India, & merces remittente quæ apud nos centuplicato ueneat. Ex horum locorum collatione dicere possemus millies se= stertium Pliniu[m] quingentesimam imperij Romani taxa= uisse, non reditus publici, sed uniuersaru[m] opum publica= rum priuatarumq[ue], quasi in Indiam quotannis quingetesi= ma pars pecuniæ trasportaretur ex ijs prouincijs quæ Ro manæ ditioni subsunt. Ego autem hunc locu[m] corruptum esse puto. nam in uetustissimo exemplari, no[n] quingentesimus, sed D L. legimus. & alioquin particula hic, omnino hoc loco absurde sita est. quære sic Pliniu[m] scripsisse puto: nul= lo anno minus H S. quingenties imperij nostri exhaurien= te Indiæ. licet libro duodecimo Plinius millies sestertium dixerit, geminata summa. Alioquin quonam modo Plinius inire rationem potuisset quingentesimæ imperij Ro. non uideo, ne si breuiarium quidem censuale omnium prouinciæ= rum uidisset. Hactenus de Romanis opibus. Redeamus ad Persicas. Diximus supra quanta essent tributa Persaru[m] au= ri argentiq[ue], Darij Histaspis tempore, præter cæteras ob= uentiones thuris & aromatum. Præfecturas autem Partho= rum (sic enim postea Persæ appellati sunt) Plinius decem et octo esse dixit, his uerbis libr. v 1. Regna Parthoru[m] duo= deuiginti sunt omnia. ita enim diuidunt prouincias circa duo (ut diximus) maria, Rubrum à meridie, Hyrcanum à septentrione. Ex ijs undecim quæ superiora dicuntur, in= cipiunt à confinio Armeniæ Caspijsq[ue] littoribus, pertinet D ad

Transcription: Translated (English)

and the Seres, and that peninsula, are taken from our dominion. Such luxuries and women cost us so much. But in the sixth book, speaking of the annual voyage and navigation to India, he says thus: Nor will it be irksome to set forth the whole course from Egypt, now for the first time certain knowledge being revealed: a matter worthy of mention, because in no year does India draw from our empire less than a five-hundredth part, and send back merchandise which among us sells for a hundred times as much. From a comparison of these places we might say that Pliny assessed the five-hundredth part of the Roman empire at a thousand sesterces, not of the public revenue, but of the total wealth, public and private, as if every year a five-hundredth part of the money from those provinces subject to Roman rule were transported to India. But I think this passage is corrupt. For in the oldest manuscript we read not “five-hundredth,” but “D L.” And otherwise the particle “here” is altogether absurdly placed in this passage. Therefore I think Pliny wrote thus: in no year does India draw from our empire less than H S. quingenties. Although in book twelve Pliny has said “a thousand sesterces,” the sum being doubled. Otherwise, how Pliny could have calculated the five-hundredth part of the Roman empire I do not see, not even if he had seen a census summary of all the provinces. Enough about Roman wealth. Let us return to Persian matters. We said above how great were the tributes of the Persians in gold and silver, in the time of Darius Hystaspes, apart from the other revenues of frankincense and spices. But the prefectures of the Parthians, as they were later called, Pliny said were eighteen in number, in these words, book V, chapter 1: “The kingdoms of the Parthians are twenty-two in all.” For thus they divide the provinces around the two seas, as we said, the Red Sea to the south, the Hyrcanian to the north. Of these, the eleven which are called upper begin from the frontier of Armenia and the Caspian shores, and extend to the

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Abulites cum donis regalis opulentiæ occurrerit. Dromades cameli inter dona erant uelocitatis eximiæ, x 1 1. elephanti à Dario ex India acciti, non iam terror (ut sperauerant) Macedonum, sed auxilium, opes uiecti ad uiectore transferente fortuna. Vt uerò urbè intrauit, incredibilem ex thesauris summam pecuniæ egessit. quinquaginta millia talentum argenti non signati forma, sed rudi pòdere. multi reges tantas opes longa ætate cumulauerant liberis posterisq[ue], quas una hora in externi regis manus intulit. In codicibus impressis millia uerbum deest, errore librarioru[m]. Hæc talenta aut Babylonia fuerunt, aut Attica. quare hæc summa minima computatione treceties centena millia aureorum nostrorum ualuit. Antea autem idem autor dixerat eodem libro: Alexandro traditur Arbela, regia supellectili Darijq[ue]; gaza repleta. quatuor millia talentum fuere. præterea preciosæ uestes, totius (ut suprà dictum est) exercitus opibus in illam sedem congestus. hac summa fit accessio quater & uicies centenum millium aureorum, præter gazam Damasci. Sua (ut autor est Stephanus) regia est Persaru[m], quam Memnon cōdidisse dicitur: quare Strabo regiam Memnoniam appellauit. ab hac, Susiana dicta est regio Persidis citerior. Ab ea urbe Alexander Darium cedentem sequens, Persepolin ueluti ad regni penetralia raptim contendit. cui præstò fuerunt quatuor Græcorum millia mutilis corporibus, quos Persæ quondam bello captos uarijs suppliciorum generibus affecerant. Quare Alexander impetum cepit urbis eius excidendæ, quæ antiqua regia erat Persaru[m], olim à Cyro condita, qui & Persarum ipse regnum condiderat. ab ea enim sede profectos aliquando Persaru[m] reges Græciæ bellum impiu[m] & Europæ intulisse. Quare Persepolos excidio parentandu[m] maio ribus esse

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Abulites came forth with gifts of royal wealth. Among the gifts were swift dromedary camels, and elephants summoned by Darius out of India, no longer, as they had hoped, a terror to the Macedonians, but an aid and a source of wealth, when fortune transferred victory to the victor. But when he entered the city, he drew an incredible sum of money from the treasures: fifty thousand talents of silver, not coined in stamped form, but in rough weight. Many kings had amassed such wealth over long years for their children and descendants, and in one hour he brought it into the hands of a foreign king. In printed copies the word “thousands” is missing, through the error of the scribes. These talents were either Babylonian or Attic. Therefore, by the smallest calculation, this sum was worth three hundred and fifty million of our gold coins. But previously the same author had said in the same book: Arbela is handed over to Alexander, with the royal furnishings of Darius and a treasure-filled treasury. There were four thousand talents; moreover, precious garments, and the wealth of the whole army, as has been said above, was gathered into that place. This sum makes an addition of four hundred and twenty thousand of our gold coins, besides the treasure of Damascus. Its royal palace, as Stephanus says, is that of the Persians, which is said to have been built by Memnon; therefore Strabo called it the Memnonian palace. From this, the region of further Persia was called Susiana. From that city Alexander, pursuing Darius in flight, hastened toward Persepolis as if toward the inner sanctuaries of the kingdom. There were at hand four thousand Greeks with mutilated bodies, whom the Persians had once captured in war and subjected to various kinds of torture. For this reason Alexander conceived the resolve to destroy that city, which was the ancient royal seat of the Persians, once founded by Cyrus, who himself had also founded the Persian kingdom. For from that seat the Persian kings had at one time set out and brought an impious war against Greece and against Europe. Therefore Persepolis had to be made to atone by destruction for their ancestors.

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ribus esse césuit, quos Persæ uarijs cladibus traiecto Hel= lessponto & pontibus etiam iuncto lacessiuerat. In ea igi= tur urbe quantas opes Alexander ceperit, uerbis ipsius Curtij, autoris tersi atq[ue] elegantis, referemus. Multas ur= bes (inquit) refertas opulentia regia, partim expugnaue= rat, partim in fidem acceperat: sed urbis huius diuitiæ ui= cere præterita. In hanc totius Persidis opes congresserant Barbari. aurum argentumq[ue] cumulatum erat. uestis ingens modus. supellex non ad usum modò, sed ad ostentationem luxus comparata. & paulò infrà: Ingens pecuniæ capti= uæ modus traditur, propè ut fidem excedat. Cæterùm aut de alijs quoq[ue] dubitamus, aut credimus in huius urbis gaza fuisse cètum & x x. millia talenta. ad quæ uehenda (nan= que ad usus belli secum portare decreuerat) iumèta & ca= melos à Susis & Babylone contrahi iussit. sic in uulga= tis libris legitur. uerùm obseruata uetusta lectione, non cen tum & uiginti millia talenta lego, refragante loquendi consuetudine doctorum, sed centum millia & uiginti ta= lenta. Hæc summa quanti æstimari nomismate nostro pos= sit, ex præcedenti apparet. Quanta autem fuerit gaza Ba bylonica, Curtius non addidit, licet Alexandrum reco= gnouisse dicat. Strabo autem libro decimoquinto Alexan drum ait angustias Persidis & Vxiorum, qui Persis con= termuni sunt, & Persicas deniq[ue] ipsas portas superasse ui bellica, penetrare festinante ad caput ipsum regni & ga= zophylacia Persarum, quæ tot seculis congesta ac recon= dita fuerant. ἀν ἀυτὰ ἔἰα ὑπλθεν ἀλήκαν οἰς ἑπιτὰ τὰς πρε σικὰς πύλας καὶ κατέ ἐλλης τὸνος οἰκιῶν τῶν χύραν, καὶ καὶ πρὸς αυτὸν αυτὸς οἰκιῶν τὸν κυριώτατα μὲνη καὶ χαριονάπια ἀν πο= σόντως χόνοις ἐξεπεπλήρωτο. Et paulo infirius de Cyro lo= quens, Omnes autem Persidis pecunias Susa exportandas D 3 curauit,

Transcription: Translated (English)

it was granted to those whom the Persians, after crossing the Hellespont and even joining the bridge, had harassed with various disasters. In that city, therefore, we shall relate, in the words of Curtius himself, a neat and elegant author, how great a store of wealth Alexander captured. “He had already taken many cities filled with royal wealth, some by storm, others into his protection; but the riches of this city surpassed all that had gone before. Into it the wealth of the whole of Persia had been gathered. Gold and silver had been heaped up. There was an immense quantity of clothing. Household goods had been provided not merely for use, but for display and luxury.” And a little below: “An immense amount of captured money is reported, almost beyond belief. Moreover, either we must doubt the other figures as well, or we must believe that there were in the treasury of this city one hundred and twenty thousand talents.” For carrying these away—for he had decided to transport them with him for the purposes of war—he ordered mules and camels to be brought together from Susa and Babylon. So it is read in the published books. But following the ancient reading, I do not read one hundred and twenty thousand talents, in opposition to the customary way of speaking among scholars, but one hundred thousand and twenty talents. How much this sum might amount to in our money is clear from what has gone before. But how great the Babylonian treasury was, Curtius did not add, though he says that Alexander inspected it. Strabo, however, in the fifteenth book, says that Alexander, by force of arms, overcame the strongholds of Persis and of the Uxii, who border on the Persians, and finally the Persian Gates themselves, hurrying to penetrate to the very head of the kingdom and to the treasure houses of the Persians, which had been accumulated and hidden away through so many ages. “ἀν ἀυτὰ ἔἰα ὑπλθεν ἀλήκαν οἰς ἑπιτὰ τὰς πρεσικὰς πύλας καὶ κατέ ἐλλης τὸνος οἰκιῶν τῶν χύραν, καὶ καὶ πρὸς αυτὸν αυτὸς οἰκιῶν τὸν κυριώτατα μὲνη καὶ χαριονάπια ἀν ποσόντως χόνοις ἐξεπεπλήρωτο.” And a little further below, speaking of Cyrus: “But he also had all the money of Persia exported from Susa.” D 3 curauit,

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET curauit, quæ thesauris ipsa & supellectili plena erant. Nec ideo tameu illic regiam animo destinabat, sed apud Babylonem, quam constituerat etiam supellectili & instrumento regio adornare. etenim illic quoq[ue] thesauri cõditi erat. πᾶντα δὲ τὰ ἐν πορθίδι χημικὰτα ἐκσκοσκάστον ἔς τὰ σκοπ, κεί ταῦτα θησοφητῶν ἐν λατασκοβήν μεσὰ ἔδι τὴν ὑπὲντο ἔασπιαν, αλλὰ πῶς ἔασυλῶνα. ἐν Σενοεὶς τὰυτῶν προσκασκοβάσην, κοινταῦθα δὲ ἔκαυτο θησοφητῶ. Faina est (inquit) præter eas pecunias quæ Babylone, & eas quæ in castris erant, quæ inde sumptæ non fuerant, ipsa per se quæ Susis & in Perside erant, quadraginta millia talentum numerata & recognita fuisse. φασὶ δὲ χωρίς τῶν ἐν ἔασυλῶνι, κεί τῶν ἐν ἔσθρατοπεδῶν τῶν πορί ταῦτα μὴ ληφθεντων, ἀυτὰ τὰ ἐν σκοσοις κεί τὰ ἐν πορθίδι τεαράς μυρίασις ταλάντων ἐκεταδυνάιν, πνίς δὲ κεί πέντε λήγσι. Hoc non conuenit cum eo quod Curtius scripsit, quia Susis & Persepoli cētum & quinquaginta nullia Curtius inuenta dixit. Plutarchus L X. nullia talentum argenti inuenta dixit in regia gaza Susis, & quinquaginta nullia taletum purpuræ hermionicæ. Sed uideamus quid ultra dicat. ἀλλι δὲ πανταχόθεν σωαχεῦνα παραδευτον ἔς ἐκβάτανα δυτωκάδινα μυρίασις ταλάντων. Alij autem uniuersas undique coactas pecunias centum & octoginta talentum millia dicunt Ecbatana comportata fuisse. hoc confirmari non potest ex Curtio, quia locus ille libro quinto mutilatus est, licet eodem libro in mentione Philotæ significet Parmenionem maximæ pecuniæ custodem in Media fuisse. Verùm ex Arriani libro tertio nouimus Alexandrum mandasse Parmenioni, ut pecuniam quæ ex Perside exportata fuerat, Ecbatonis in arcem couderet, ibiq[ue] ad custodiam sex nullia Macedonum cum amicis relinquueret. Tantum hoc refert, quod Arrianus

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET took care of those things, which were themselves full of treasures and furnishings. Nor for that reason did he nevertheless intend a royal residence there in his mind, but at Babylon, which he had also decided to adorn with royal furnishings and equipment. For there too the treasures had been deposited. But all the things in the strongroom were removed to the stores; these treasures, having been placed in the treasury chamber in the midst of those preparations, were then carried to Babylon. But how to Babylon. In Susa, however, they were kept there; and there the treasures were burned. It is said, moreover, that besides those moneys which were at Babylon, and those which were in the camp, which had not been taken from there, there were by themselves those which were at Susa and in Persia, amounting to forty thousand talents, counted and verified. This does not agree with what Curtius wrote, because Curtius says that at Susa and Persepolis one hundred and fifty thousand were found. Plutarch, book 10, says that no talent of silver was found in the royal treasury at Susa, and fifty thousand talents of Hermionean purple. But let us see what else he says. Others say that all the money collected from everywhere was brought to Ecbatana, amounting to one hundred and eighty thousand talents. This cannot be confirmed from Curtius, because that passage in the fifth book is mutilated, although in the same book, in the mention of Philotas, he indicates that Parmenion was guardian of a very great sum of money in Media. However, from Arrian’s third book we know that Alexander ordered Parmenion to place in the citadel of Ecbatana the money which had been exported from Persia, and there to leave six thousand Macedonians with their companions for its guard. This much Arrian relates.

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PARTIB. BIVS LIB. IIII. 423 Arrianus tradit Alexandrum Cyri thesauros Pasagardis, oppressis celeritate custodibus, reperisse: Strabo autem dicit Cyrum Pasagardis regiam quidem suam statuisse, sed tam[m]e pecunias Susis condi uoluisse. Curtius igitur ga= zam Persarum multis in thesauris conditam, ad centum & quinquagintaseptem millia talentum subduxit absque Babylonica pecunia. Strabo omnia complexus, centum & octoginta posuit. Hæc summa centies & octies mul= lies mille aureos nostros ualet, hoc est nullies & octe= gies centena millia. summa haud dubiè multo maier ma= xima omnium summarum quas uno tempore coactas in rebus Romanis legerimus: nisi si fidem habuerimus ijs quæ dicta sunt in secundo de ærario Romano ex uetusto exemplari, in quo iudicium meum uix interponere au= sim propter dubiam fidem exemplarium. Præter hanc summam post Persepolim direptam dirutamq[ue], cum Ale= xander iam in Hyrcaniam uenisset, uiginti (inquit Cur= tius) & sex nullia talentum proxima præda redacta e= rant, è queis xii. millia in congiarium nulitum absumpta sunt. par huic pecuniæ summa custodum fraude subtracta est. Tantis opibus Alexandri magnifica eius facta respon= dere uidentur. Cum enim in Perside ex India regressus in= tellexisset mulites suos iam ueteranos consumptis per lu= xum Orientis spolijs, insuper etiam ære alieno obstrictos esse, edixit ut omnes mulites æs alienum profiteretur. quod cum illi facere cunctarentur, tentari sese rati, quo facilius Alexa[n]der sumptuosos notaret, rex satis narus professioni æris alieni pudore non contumaciam obstare, mensas totis castris poni iussit, & decem millia talenium proferri. Tum demu[m] fide facta professio est, nec amplius ex tanta pecunia quàm centum & x x x. talenta superfuere. adeò ille exer= D 4 citus

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PARTIB. BIVS LIB. IIII. 423 Arrianus reports that Alexander found Cyrus’s treasures at Pasargadae, after the guards had been overpowered by speed; Strabo, however, says that Cyrus indeed established his royal seat at Pasargadae, but wished the money to be stored at Susa. Curtius, therefore, reckons the Persian treasure, deposited in many vaults, at one hundred and fifty-seven thousand talents, apart from the Babylonian money. Strabo, including everything, puts it at one hundred and eighty. This sum amounts to one hundred and eighty times one million of our gold coins, that is, eighty hundred thousand millions. A sum beyond doubt far greater, indeed the greatest of all sums which we have read to have been amassed at one time in Roman affairs, unless we place confidence in what is said in the second book concerning the Roman treasury from an ancient copy, in which I would scarcely dare to insert my own judgment because of the doubtful trustworthiness of the copies. Besides this sum, after Persepolis had been plundered and destroyed, when Alexander had already come into Hyrcania, twenty-six thousand talents, says Curtius, were brought in from the next spoil, of which twelve thousand were consumed in a distribution to the soldiers. A sum equal to this was taken away by the fraud of the guards. Such wealth seems to correspond to Alexander’s magnificent deeds. For when, after returning from India into Persia, he learned that his soldiers, already veterans, had been ruined by the luxuries and spoils of the East, and were besides burdened with debt, he proclaimed that all the soldiers should declare their debts. But since they hesitated to do this, thinking that they were being tested in order that Alexander might more easily note the extravagant spenders, the king, well aware that shame rather than obstinacy stood in the way of declaring debts, ordered tables to be set up throughout the camp and ten thousand talents to be brought forward. Then, only after confidence had been established, was the declaration made, and of so great a sum there remained no more than one hundred and thirty talents. So great was that army D 4

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 425 Pelopida, ἀλήκαροθή ἐ ὑ μιχαὶς ἐφασιων ἀποθεωόντες, ὑ μόνον ἐπικς ἐκδρεν ἐν ἐμικόνας, ἀλλὰ ἐν ἐπικλήδεις ἀφεὶλε τῶν ποχῶν ὑς ἀν σκηνην αἰ πόλει πανθήν, αυτί τ[ame]ν πρὸδεν μορφὴς κυμμον χημια, καὶ ἀπιμον αυαλαμβάνουν. Alexander Magnus, inquit, Hephæstione mortuo, nō equis modò suis & mulis iubas totondit, sed & murorum pinnas propugnaculaq[ue]; exemit, ut urbes lugere ipsæ uiderêtur, & pro pristina specie lugubrem habitum, honoreq[ue]; uacuum induisse. idem Diodorus. Alexander in nuptijs Statyræ Darij filiæ, quam Suis matrimonio sibi iunxit, epulum noue[m] millibus conuiuarum secisse traditur, & unicuiq[ue]; ad libamina peragenda aurea[m] phialam donasse, autore ipso Plutarcho. Arrianus lib. v 1. uel v 1 1. ut alij numerant, ait Alexandrum Suis sibi nuptias amicisq[ue] celebrasse. ipsum enim sibi maximam natu filiarum Darij accepisse, nomine Bærsinen. ut autem Aristobulus ait, cum hac Parysatin quoq[ue] minimâ naturis Ochi duxit, cum etiam antè Ro xanen uxorem duxisset Oxyærtæ Bactriani filiam: Bærsinesq[ue]; sororem Drypetin Hephæstioni dedit, ut filios Hephæstionis, sororis filios appellaret. Tum Cratero et Perdiceæ & Eumeni alijsq[ue]; primoribus Macedonum connubio iunxit filias principum Persides & Mediæ ad octoginta numero: omnibusq[ue]; dotes dedit: deinde omneis alios qui uxores Persides & Asianas duxisset, nomina dare iussit: qui supra decem millia inuenti sunt: omnibusq[ue]; ab ipso donationes propter nuptias factæ. προξαί ἐν μικτῶσαι ἐπεδωκεν αλήκαροθή, καὶ ὑσοοι δὲ ἀλλοι ἐν μικνοι ἐσται μακεδῶν τῶν ἀσπικῶν πνὰς γωνακῶν, ἀποθεραφήναι ἐκιλοβοει καὶ ποῦτων τὰ ὑνόματα: καὶ ἐγένοντο ὑπὲρ τὰς μυρίας. καὶ ποῦτοι δωρεαὶ αλήκαροθή ἐσθεωαν ὑποῖς γαμοις. In hanc autem liberalitatem largitionemq[ue]; æris alieni cuius supra D 5 memini

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 425 Pelopidas, and those among the Greeks who were being deified after their deaths, not only in their images, but also in their honors, took away from the times as if they were setting up a scene for the whole city, and assumed a changed form and appearance. Alexander the Great, he says, on the death of Hephaestion, not only cut the manes of his horses and mules, but also stripped the battlements and pinnacles from the walls, so that the cities seemed themselves to be in mourning, and to have put on, instead of their former appearance, a sorrowful aspect and one devoid of honor. The same is said by Diodorus. Alexander, at the wedding of Statyra, the daughter of Darius, whom he had united to himself in marriage, is said to have given a feast for nine thousand guests, and to have presented to each a golden cup for the offering of libations, as Plutarch himself records. Arrian, book V, chapter 1, or chapter 11, as others count it, says that Alexander celebrated his wedding with his companions. For he himself had married the eldest of the daughters of Darius, named Bærsine. But as Aristobulus says, he also took to wife Parysatis, the youngest daughter of Ochus, after he had already previously married Roxana, the daughter of the Bactrian Oxyartes; and he gave Bærsine’s sister, Drypetis, to Hephaestion, so that the sons of Hephaestion might be called nephews of the sister. Then, to Craterus and Perdiccas and Eumenes and other leading Macedonians, he joined in marriage daughters of the Persian and Median nobles, to the number of eighty; and to all he gave dowries. Afterwards he ordered all the others who had married Persian and Asian wives to give in their names; they were found to be more than ten thousand; and to all of them marriage gifts were made by him. And among the Macedonians there were many who were of the more illustrious families; their names were to be recorded, and there were more than ten thousand. And these gifts were bestowed for the marriages. But into this liberality and prodigality of money, as I have mentioned above,

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 427 diam Macedonum cum Persis facta, ut in idem imperium conspirarent. Fuisse autem conuiuarum circiter nouem nullia: & ex eodem cratere ipse libando cum suis hausit. Kai απο τὴν κατηλος Θ αυτὸς τε μὴ δι πρὸι αυτὸν δρυονδυοι ἀνον= δην τὰς αυτὰς ανονδὰς, καταδρχειων τῶντε οἰκιων μᾶντε= ων, μὴ τῶν μᾶντων. primitias libamunum facientibus fatidi= cis Græcis ac Magis. ἐν χελον ἐν τὰτε ἀλλα ἀραθὰ, μὴ δημονιάν τε μὴ καινωνιαν τὴν δρχης πῶς τε μακεδῶν μὴ ποῦσαις, εἰν ἐν τε χλώον τὰς μεταχόντας τὴν δούνς ἐνναμιχιλίας, καὶ πῶτος πῶντας μιαν τε ανονδωιοι ανείσαι, μὴ ἐπι αυτὴν παωνίσαι. eosq[ue] omnis, id est nouem nullia, uno eodem libamine libasse, & præana cecinisse. à quo statim conuiuio ueteranos & cau= sarios uoluntarios Cratero duce in patria[m], id est in Mace= doniam remisit: qui ad dece[m] nullia inuenti sunt: quibus sin gulis stipendium non modò in præteritum, sed etiam in id tempus persolutu[m] est, quod ad reditum co[n]sumpturi erant, & pro corolario talentum unicuiq[ue]. Ex quo co[n]ijci potest quanta largitio illa fuerit. ἐνθα δὴ ἐθελευταί ἐνημαλος α= πιεσαν τῶν μακεδῶν όσοι ολητηρας ἐπικα ομμων συμφορὰν απόλεμοι μοιν. καὶ ἐπι αυτῶν εγένοντο ἐς τὰς μυρίας. ποῦς ἐν τῶν τε μιδοφορὰν ἐν τὴν εγκυνωσε ἐνημα ἐδωκεν αλεθαν= δος μὸνον, αλλὰ κὴ τὴν ἐς τῶν ανονόσμον τῶν διαφήνειαν= τὸς. ἐπιδωκε ἐν μὴ παλαινθεν ἐνάσω ὑπὲρ τῶν μιδοφορὰν. Tum subdit Athenæus, δὴ ἐν πεμθειτοβ φησὶ δερανοι, ὑπὸ τῶν πρε= σοβλῶν καὶ τῶν λειπῶν, ταλάντων μοινων παντα= χιχιλιων. Coronæ autem à legatis & alijs in ea celebri= tate missæ, quindecim nullibus talentum æstimabantur. Quapropter paulò superius ita dixerat: καὶ ἐκποτε δὴ πρὸντὸν καλευμων οἰονοιοι οἰονοσκολακες, αλεθανομολακες ἐκλή= θησαν σημε τὰς τῶν δύσων ὑποδολᾶς, ἰρὸς σὲς καὶ ἐμὴν ὃ α= λήθαν δος. Proinde qui prius Dionysiocolaces uocaban= tur, iam inde Alexandrocolaces dicti sunt propter mune=

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 427 there was a banquet made by the Macedonians with the Persians, so that they might conspire in the same empire. There were, however, about nine thousand guests; and from the same bowl he himself drank a libation with his companions. Kai απο τὴν κατηλος Θ αυτὸς τε μὴ δι πρὸι αυτὸν δρυονδυοι ἀνον= δην τὰς αυτὰς ανονδὰς, καταδρχειων τῶντε οἰκιων μᾶντε= ων, μὴ τῶν μᾶντων. Primitias libamunum facientibus fatidi= cis Græcis ac Magis. ἐν χελον ἐν τὰτε ἀλλα ἀραθὰ, μὴ δημονιάν τε μὴ καινωνιαν τὴν δρχης πῶς τε μακεδῶν μὴ ποῦσαις, εἰν ἐν τε χλώον τὰς μεταχόντας τὴν δούνς ἐνναμιχιλίας, καὶ πῶτος πῶντας μιαν τε ανονδωιοι ανείσαι, μὴ ἐπι αυτὴν παωνίσαι. all of them, that is, the nine thousand, had poured a libation from one and the same bowl, and had sung a paean. From that banquet he immediately sent back to his homeland, that is, to Macedonia, the veterans and the volunteers, under the leadership of Craterus: who were found to be ten thousand; to each of whom not only the pay for the past, but also for that period which they were to spend on the return journey, was paid, and as an added gift a talent to each one. From this it can be inferred how great that largesse was. ἐνθα δὴ ἐθελευταί ἐνημαλος α= πιεσαν τῶν μακεδῶν όσοι ολητηρας ἐπικα ομμων συμφορὰν απόλεμοι μοιν. καὶ ἐπι αυτῶν εγένοντο ἐς τὰς μυρίας. ποῦς ἐν τῶν τε μιδοφορὰν ἐν τὴν εγκυνωσε ἐνημα ἐδωκεν αλεθαν= δος μὸνον, αλλὰ κὴ τὴν ἐς τῶν ανονόσμον τῶν διαφήνειαν= τὸς. ἐπιδωκε ἐν μὴ παλαινθεν ἐνάσω ὑπὲρ τῶν μιδοφορὰν. Then Athenaeus adds: δὴ ἐν πεμθειτοβ φησὶ δερανοι, ὑπὸ τῶν πρε= σοβλῶν καὶ τῶν λειπῶν, ταλάντων μοινων παντα= χιχιλιων. But the crowns sent by ambassadors and others at that celebrated festival were valued at fifteen thousand talents. Wherefore a little above he had thus said: καὶ ἐκποτε δὴ πρὸντὸν καλευμων οἰονοιοι οἰονοσκολακες, αλεθανομολακες ἐκλή= θησαν σημε τὰς τῶν δύσων ὑποδολᾶς, ἰρὸς σὲς καὶ ἐμὴν ὃ α= λήθαν δος. Therefore those who were formerly called Dionysiocolaces were from that time called Alexandrocolaces, on account of the gifts.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 419 gebant, luteis ac purpureis uestimentis exculti. Post hos mille sagittarij, partim flammeis induti uestibus, partim hysgino tinctis. non pauci etiam cæruleos amictus habe= bant. His quingenti Macedones præerant argenteis par= mis insignes, ob id argyraspides dicti. In augustali medio < Argyraspides.> aurea sella solio similis statuebatur: in qua residens Alexa[n] der de ijs rebus statuebat, quæ regiam sententiam posce= bant, aut præfectos ad imperia accipienda uocabat, cum interim stipatores undiq[ue] regi apparerent. Extrorsus ue= ro elephantorum agmen suis stratis contectum prætorio circundabatur, et simul Macedones mille Macedonico cultu conspicui. Ab his rursus Persæ numero decem nullia excubias agebant. Quibus autem purpuram ferremos e= rat, quingenti tantu[m] erant. ijs enim tantum ex supradictis Alexander purpurea[m] uestem dabat. Cumq[ue] tot essent præ= fecti comitesq[ue]; Alexandro et ministri, nulli ad eum acce= dere non accersito ius erat. Huiuscemodi, inquit ille, fuit dignitas et augusta species Alexandri in expeditione a= gentis post Darium uictum. Sed quod Phylarchus de pla= < Platanus uitisc[us] aurea.> tanis et aurea uite dixit, uidendum id quale sit. Idem igi= tur Athenæus circa principium lib. XII. de luxu et deli= cijs loquens ita inquit: ἧἀρης ἐν ἑμιτολλωσ[ou]ς ἐν τὴν πεῖμπτὴν τῶν περὶ αλιξανθρον ἰσοριῶν, ὃς ποιντὸν φυσιν ἐπικην πρυφής ὃι τῶν ποροσῶν ἔασπιλεῖς, ὃςε ἐχεῖδαι ἔν ἔασπιλικὴς κλῖνης ὑπὲρ κε= φαλής ὅικημάτι παντάκλινον. ἐν ὃχυσία πανταχιχίλια σκια παν κα ἐκδοτο τάλαυτα. καὶ πρὸς ὑδον ἐτροδον ὑικιμια πικλινον. ὃ τάλαυτα τριχίλια ἐχετο ἀγνωρία, καὶ προσηνοδυετο ἔασπιλ= κὸν ὑποποδον. ἐν ὃν ὑδὸν κειτῶνι καὶ λιθοκόλλητο ὃιμ= πελον ἀχυστῶν ὑπὲρ ἔν κλῖνης, καὶ πιτὸς ἀμπελον τῶντω ἀμυντ= τας φυσιν ἐν πῶς σαδυοῖς, καὶ ὑπερνας ἐχαν ἐκ τῶν ὑπολι= τελεσάτων ἔμφων σωπερμένας. Chares autem Mityle= νæus

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were marching, adorned with garments of yellow and purple. After them came a thousand archers, some dressed in flame-colored clothing, others dyed in hyacinth. Quite a few also had blue cloaks. These were commanded by five hundred Macedonians, distinguished by silver shields, and on that account called Argyraspides. In the midst of the Augustal procession, a golden chair like a throne was set up, on which Alexander, seated, decided the matters that required royal judgment, or summoned the prefects to receive their orders, while in the meantime guards appeared to the king on every side. Outside, the procession of elephants, covered with their own trappings, was surrounded by the praetorium, and at the same time a thousand Macedonians, conspicuous in Macedonian dress. After them again were Persians, ten thousand in number, serving as watchmen. Those, however, to whom he had assigned purple were only five hundred in number; for to these alone Alexander gave the purple garment from among those mentioned above. And since there were so many prefects, companions, and attendants around Alexander, no one had the right to approach him unless summoned. Such, he says, was the dignity and august splendor of Alexander while he was campaigning after the defeat of Darius. But what Phylarchus said about the pla- tans and the golden vine must be examined as to what sort of thing it was. So Athenaeus too, near the beginning of Book XII, speaking of luxury and indulgence, says thus: ἧἀρης ἐν ἑμιτολλωσ[ou]ς ἐν τὴν πεῖμπτὴν τῶν περὶ αλιξανθρον ἰσοριῶν, ὃς ποιντὸν φυσιν ἐπικην πρυφής ὃι τῶν ποροσῶν ἔασπιλεῖς, ὃςε ἐχεῖδαι ἔν ἔασπιλικὴς κλῖνης ὑπὲρ κε= φαλής ὅικημάτι παντάκλινον. ἐν ὃχυσία πανταχιχίλια σκια παν κα ἐκδοτο τάλαυτα. καὶ πρὸς ὑδον ἐτροδον ὑικιμια πικλινον. ὃ τάλαυτα τριχίλια ἐχετο ἀγνωρία, καὶ προσηνοδυετο ἔασπιλ= κὸν ὑποποδον. ἐν ὃν ὑδὸν κειτῶνι καὶ λιθοκόλλητο ὃιμ= πελον ἀχυστῶν ὑπὲρ ἔν κλῖνης, καὶ πιτὸς ἀμπελον τῶντω ἀμυντ= τας φυσιν ἐν πῶς σαδυοῖς, καὶ ὑπερνας ἐχαν ἐκ τῶν ὑπολι= τελεσάτων ἔμφων σωπερμένας. Chares, however, the Mitylenean

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 433 quàm paucissima in priuatis sint césibus, & plurimum au rum argentumq[ue] consletur in officinus monetalibus, ut no musma in commercijs exuberet. Nec me latet censura olim dignum apud Romanos uisum, argentum factum domi ul tra paucula pondo habuisse: sed ob aliam causam id insti= tutum, & in penuria argenti. Verumenimuero quum im perij nostri reditus componerem cum Persicas, subqua= druplam ferme proportionem habere deprehendi. Sic enim ratiocinabar, quasi largè annua quinadena talentum mul= lia Persaru[m] reges referre in accepta potuerint. Huius sum= mæ quartam partem quadragies centenis nullibus franci= corum (hoc enim uocabulo nostri in ratiocinijs principa libus utuntur) ubere ratione æstimabam. Quam summam acceptam & expensam memoria nostra aliquot annis no= uimus. Sic igitur statuebâ, si tributa quæ quotannis ex oc= cassione gerendarum rerum uariè & libero principum ar bitratu indicuntur, ad statam fixamq[ue] summam & formu lam redigerentur, posse hilari populi conditione ad quin= quies & uicies centena millia francicorum peruenire: ue= ctigalia autem (de quibus antè diximus) & patrimoniu[m] regium ac diadematicum duodecies minimum conficere. Reliqua omnia quæ uices statas non habent (qualia sunt fortuita, & aduëtitia, & omnia in fiscum cedentia) in pa= ginam liberalitatum seponebam, cum muneribus & magi stratibus & omnibus dispensationibus quæ codicillis con= seru[n]tur à rege. his enim rebus prolixè munificetiam teperare meditar[n]etur, nec primo cuiq[ue]; petedi aditu[m] occupati largi= ri. Hanc breuiarij principalis constitutione spondere au= sim & fortunis omnibus meis cauere, populu[m] Gallicum no[n] modò ferre posse si ei iniugatur, sed etia[m] benèficij loco de= E posci

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PART II. BOOK IV. 433 how very little is coined in private houses, and how much gold and silver is stamped in the mint offices, so that money may abound in commerce. Nor is it unknown to me that a tax was once thought worthy among the Romans, because they had silver made at home beyond a few pounds; but that was established for another reason, and in a shortage of silver. But in truth, when I was comparing the revenues of our empire with the Persian, I found them to be in a proportion of nearly four to one. For thus I reasoned, as though the Persian kings could bring in to their receipts a yearly amount of fifteen thousand talents in great abundance. Of this sum I estimated the fourth part by forty hundred thousand francs (for this is the term our people use in principal reckonings) with generous calculation. We have known this sum, received and expended, from our memory over the course of some years. Thus, then, I judged that if the taxes which are each year imposed, on the occasion of affairs to be conducted, in various ways and at the free discretion of princes, were reduced to a fixed and settled sum and formula, the condition of the people might happily reach twenty-five million francs; but the revenues (of which we spoke before) and the royal and crown patrimony would at the very least make up twelvefold. All the rest, whatever does not have fixed terms (such as casual and adventitious receipts, and everything accruing to the treasury) I placed in the page of liberalities, together with gifts and offices and all disbursements which are kept in the prince's codicils. For by these things he intended to temper his liberality at length, and not lavishly bestow it at the first approach of anyone who asked. I would dare to guarantee this by the constitution of the principal schedule, and by all my fortunes, and to be sure that the French people could not only bear it if it were imposed on them, but even receive it as a benefit.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET posciturum, dūtaxat ea lege, ut ab iniuria militari incolumem se fore & sartum tectum (ut dicitur) restipulari liceat, & semel quotannis ea cōditione imperatis regijs defuncturum. Adde, si placet, & sibi bona fide sponderi id intelligat: neque id quidem modò, sed etiam corollarij nomine hoc additurum, ut si de aris & focis dimicandum sit, repetitum se iri ubere aliqua indictione caueat. Semper enim ad incerta bellorum reges nostri uelut sanctius ærariu[m] in populi benignitate obsequiosa reconditu[m] habueru[n]t. Quòd si qushuius anni collatione[m] reputet anni superioris collatione[m] excipientem, atq[ue] in id tempus utra[m]q[ue] incurrente[m], quo & uis maior seu coeli intemperies calamitate[m], et uis improbior (quæ militaris est petulatia) pauperie[m] longè late que per rura fecere, nullus iam modus æstimationis erit. Nam cum aliàs ferè ea populi imperia accipientis obsequentia, & tributa præstationesq[ue] alias imperatium duritia apud nos esse soleat, quæ est uinitoris aut insciti, aut minimè indulgetis, qui pluribus palmitibus uitè quàm pro stirpium uiribus onerare non ueretur, quum nihilo secius imperatas uuas uitis frugifera reddat: tum sic actum est hoc biennio (quod nuremur plebicola principe) quasi postremùm tributa atque simul omnia iniungerentur, perinde ut conductores agere iam ferè exactis lustrorum annis assolent, qui prædio non suo mox futuro, multorum annorum fructum exprimunt improbius. Sed scilicet fatali diraq[ue] (ut ego quidem arbitror) omnium propè ordinum ignauia, incuriaq[ue] pari, insignes anni fueru[n]t, eo utiq[ue] te[m]pore, quo nemo ferè Gallus indole Gallica inuētus est. Etenim per deu[m] perq[ue] publicam cōscientiam, quo to cuiq[ue] gloriari licet sua in rem publicam officia cōstitisse? Certè nulli, ut uide

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET he will be asked for, provided always on this condition, that he may stipulate in return that he will be safe from military violence and, as they say, kept safe and sound, and that once a year he will be discharged from the royal levies on that condition. Add, if you please, and let him understand that this is promised to him in good faith: and not only that, but this too is to be added in the name of a gratuity, that if there must be a fight for hearth and home, he may beware lest he be summoned again by some heavy imposition. For our kings have always kept, as it were, a more sacred treasury for the uncertainties of war, stored up in the people’s willing good will. But if anyone reckons this year’s contribution as following upon the contribution of the previous year, and both falling at the same time in that period in which both greater force, or the inclemency of the weather, has wrought calamity, and a more unbridled force, which is military insolence, has spread poverty far and wide through the countryside, then there will be no limit to the assessment. For whereas elsewhere almost the compliance of the people receiving commands, and the payment of tributes and other exactions, is usually the severity of those who command, such as belongs to a vine-grower either ignorant or least indulgent, who does not hesitate to burden the vine with more branches than its strength can bear, though nonetheless the vine, when commanded, still yields fruitful grapes: so in this biennium matters have been conducted—as we are ruled by a plebeian prince—as though tributes were being imposed for the last time, and everything at once, just as contractors, when the years of the leases are all but run out, are accustomed to act, and, since the property will soon no longer be their own, extort the fruit of many years more wickedly. But of course by a fatal and dire, as I for one think, laziness and equal neglect of almost all orders, the years have been remarkable, especially at that time when hardly any Frenchman was found with a French spirit. Indeed, by God and by public conscience, where is there anyone who can boast that his public duties have been devoted to the commonwealth? Certainly no one, as seems

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uidetur, eoru[m] quidem certè qui à memoria aut co[n]silijs principi, & super sanctiora officia fuisse dictitantur. Ecquado autem post homunum memoriam strenuis magis nauisq[ue] ducibus & loricatis & togatis respublica indigere uisa est? At utrosque eam nunquam tatum desiderasse constat, quum populo id uociferante, omnes etiam ordines tumultuose admurmurarent. Heu dissoluta inertia, plebeij gemetis uoce no[n] commoueri? Nutrici regiæ ac publicæ, iam exuetæ atq[ue] aridæ, primores eius alumnos neutiquam condolesce re? Quòd si parum de comprimendo ore fame laboramus, dum famem longe à nostris priuatim penatibus arceamus, ne deu[m] quidem res humanas credimus despectare? E equo igitur unquam tempore maior (ut ita dicam) < Ad limen obseruant ij qui aditum aulæ interioris claudunt pro potestate, & aperium,> seges emerendæ gratiæ tum diuinæ tum humanæ fuit, si ijs qui ad limina obseruabant, publicæ charitatis guttulam paracletus ille spiritus subinstillasset, qui totum se iam profundere creditur simul ac creare potifices eisdem libitum est? Atenim rex aures ferendæ ueritati non habet, nec oppidani homines scire possumus quid cum principe in aula interiore agatur. Quot igitur eorum tandem, aut quoties ipsos uidimus (ut ita loquar) excuriatos ob id, quòd ingenuè homines dicerent eos esse prolocutos, aut uicem publicam egregiè conquestos? Hæc in pullata forsitan turba admutti excusatio potest, quæ trans tectoria uultuum introspicere præ hebeti acie non potest: inter eos no[n] potest, qui aliam opinionem habent, cum ex usu ipsam aulico, tu[m] ex ingenio principis plebicolæ & indulgetis, ex eorumq[ue] ipsorum moribus confirmatam. Ego ut credam causam populi eos agere, qui nihil no[n] sibi suisq[ue] impetrare auserreq[ue] non uerentur? aut regiæ charitatis igniculos excitare eos posse, qui beneficentiæ fines gentilitate aut cognatione circum

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It seems so, certainly for those who are said to be closer to the prince by memory or by counsel, and to hold the more sacred offices. But when in living memory was the republic seen to need more energetic commanders, both naval and armored, and also men in robes? And yet it is evident that neither of them has ever been wanted so much, even when the people cried out for it and all the orders also murmured tumultuously. Alas, dissolved in idleness, are you not moved by the voice of the common people’s groans? Can you, the nurse of the kingdom and of the state, now dried up and withered, feel no pity for your foremost children? And if we labor little to curb the mouth of hunger, while we keep hunger far from our own private households, do we think that even God does not look upon human affairs? From what time, then, was there ever a greater crop, so to speak, of merit to be gained, both divine and human, than if, for those who watched at the thresholds, that Spirit, the Comforter, had instilled but a drop of public charity into them—he who is now believed to pour himself out entirely as soon as it has pleased them to make bishops of the same men? But the king has no ears for truth to be borne, nor can we townsmen know what is being done with the prince in the inner court. How many of them, then, have we ever seen, or how often have we seen them, as I may say, stripped of office for the reason that plain-speaking men said they had spoken out, or had excellently complained on behalf of the public? This excuse perhaps may be allowed in a dark-clad crowd that cannot look through the coverings of faces because of its dull eyesight; it cannot be allowed among those who hold another opinion, since it is confirmed both from the use of the court itself, and from the prince’s own disposition toward the common people and the favored, and from their own character. Am I to believe that those are acting for the people’s cause who do not hesitate to gain nothing for anyone but themselves and their own, and are not ashamed to do so? Or that those can kindle the sparks of royal charity who set the bounds of beneficence within the limits of clan or kinship

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. geredi magistratus uel honoris sociabilia esse possint. Tu demum igitur aula Franciæ rectè constituta esse dicetur, quum ij qui summam rerum tenebunt, sui & larium suo= rum obliuisci tantisper uidebuntur. Nunc autem ita ad a= ctum rerum honunes partim irrepere, partim irrumpere uidemus & prosilire, ut quos tenues et ieiunos uiderimus pridie, distentiores recinus cernamus postridie. En queis cum in tenebris micemus, ut in utranq[ue] aurem reges secu= ri, somno sopiri possint, qui huiuscemodi uicârijs atq[ue] ad= ministratoribus habenas rerum concrediderunt. At etiam homines eximium se decus meritos esse adeptos que cense bunt, si res dudum accisæ, benignitate diuina uberiores fie ri iam coepere citra pulueris tætum, ut est in prouerbio. Quasi uerò obscurum sit ductores ipsos ordinum impa= res grauioribus curis, consertis (ut aiunt) manibus opta= bundos, fatis omnia regenda permisisse, casuumq[ue] temeri= tati: quum interim populus alienæ culpæ poenas pendens (ut assolet) insulas ac fercula propitiatoria circunferens, ueniam & pacem superum, supinis ad aras manibus expo sceret atque exoraret. Num etiam (si dijs placet) proui= dentiam suam populo imputabunt ij qui auras omnes laxa menti securitatisq[ue] priuatæ captantes, in pacem tande ge= nialem fato auspice decidunt? Equidem sacrilegij instar esse putarem, si id quod præter hominum opinionem diui= nitus fatis ita competentibus euenit, humana prudetia ac= ceptum sibi ferri uellet, aut etiam sineret. Quis autem ne= scit quàm malè parati ad occasiones eramus, quàm undi= que deprehensi & stupetes, nisi deus nullo nostro merito impetum iræ suæ repressisset? Gratias igitur ob id habere & agere clemetiæ diuinæ, no[n] nostræ gratulari prudetiae debemus. Neque uerò ex illa iactatione foederum anniuer E 3 sario

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PART IV. BOOK IIII. can the powers of office or honor be suitable companions. Then, and only then, will the court of France be rightly said to be established, when those who hold the highest authority will seem for a while to forget themselves and their households. But now we see men of this kind in affairs either creeping in or breaking in and leaping forward, so that those whom we saw lean and fasting the day before we see sated and replete the next day. Behold how, while we dwell in darkness, so that kings, secure in either ear, may be lulled to sleep, those who have entrusted the reins of affairs to such vicars and administrators. Yet these men will even think that they have won exceptional distinction for themselves, if matters long cut down begin now, by divine favor, to grow more abundant without the dust of battle, as the proverb says. As though it were not plain that the leaders of the orders themselves, unequal to weightier cares, with hands joined together, as they say, have surrendered everything to fate and to the temerity of chance; while in the meantime the people, paying the penalty for another’s fault, as is the custom, carrying around propitiatory islands and dishes, with hands uplifted to the altars, sought and begged forgiveness and peace from the powers above. Will they also, if it please the gods, attribute to the people their own providence, they who, grasping at every breeze of private ease and security, at last, fate granting the omen, fall into a genial peace? Indeed I should think it akin to sacrilege if that which, beyond human expectation, has thus come about by divine arrangement in accordance with fate, should wish to be claimed for human prudence, or even allowed to be so claimed. And who does not know how badly prepared we were for events, how everywhere taken unawares and stunned, had God not, without any merit of ours, restrained the onset of His wrath? We ought therefore to give thanks for this and render gratitude to divine clemency, not to boast of our own prudence. Nor indeed from that vaunting of treaties year after year

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G. EVD. DE ASSE ET concuteres, fulminibus ciendis intorquendisq[ue] collabefactum? ut nos odio & inuidia flagranteis, igneq[ue] deinde ardentes, toruis istis oculis inspiceres? nec ia recusares, quin in rogum nostrum flamantem uoti compos insilires? Proh superi immortales? tantum ne de summo sanctuarij uertice licuit malesuadæ noxæ, ut æstro uindictæ plusquam Atreiæ perctum per fas ageret nefas que præcipitem, ut uel corpus animumq[ue] in busto inimicorum properaret ire perditum? Non fuit iræ efferatissimæ satis, retro nos in fines fulmine perterrefactos egisse, italiæ perditè nobis adamatæ possessione cedentes cum fremutu genutú que, nisi de æris insuper ac focis dimicare, extremaq[ue] deinde exempla timere coëgisset: quum interim sub ipso lanista sanguinario totus propemodum hic orbis nobiscum pariter digladiaretur animo infestissimo. Vbi nam erat igitur ille zelus domini, quæ est ira iusta læsæ aut imminutæ uindex diuinæ maiestatis? Hoc enim demum signifero in aciem prodire sacris cohortibus fas est, siquando prodire fas est. Num tandem igitur ille ex æde Charitatis aut Fidei sacello ancilia prompterat, & signa cruciatæ? Ecquid igitur cum pudebat seruum dei se uocare, cum Franciam Christianorum decus semper, & pontificum olim religionisq[ue] asylum, bustis iste Gallicis insignire gestiret? quum sacerdos septuagenarius, Christi pacis conditoris & parentis legatus, Bel lonæ sacris operaretur: cui cum generis humani luculento dispendio litare contendebat, idq[ue] tum, quum profanu[m] uulgus ad delubra pacis & concordiæ miserabili specie supplicationes inibat? Enimuero uisendum spectaculum, patrem non modò sanctissimum, sed etiam senio & canitie spectabilem, quasi ad tumultum Gallicum è Belonæ fano suos euocatos cientem, no[n] trabea, non augustis insignibus uene Alludit ad eum locum qui olim Romæ busla Gallica dictus est ob Gallos quondam Camilli tempore aceruarim illic sepultos.

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G. EVD. OF THE ASSE AND would you shake, having been battered and dashed together by cast and hurled thunderbolts? would you, with hatred and envy blazing, gaze upon us with those grim eyes, and then would you not refuse to rush, even though your wish were fulfilled, upon our flaming pyre? O immortal gods! Was it permitted to wicked malice to go so far from the very summit of the sanctuary, that, in the frenzy of vengeance beyond the Atridae’s, sacrilege should drive everything headlong by right and wrong alike, so that body and soul alike should hasten to their destruction in the burial-place of enemies? Was it not enough for this most savage anger to have driven us backward, frightened by thunderbolts to the borders, as we yielded possession of Italy, dearly beloved though lost to us, with groans and cries, unless it had also forced us to fight for our very altars and hearths, and then to fear the worst examples: while meanwhile, under the bloodstained gladiator himself, nearly the whole world was contending with us in the most hostile spirit. Where then was that zeal for the Lord, where is the just wrath, avenger of divine majesty injured or diminished? For only then is it lawful for sacred troops to advance into battle with the standard, if ever it is lawful to advance at all. Did he then take from the temple of Charity or the shrine of Faith the shields and the signs of the crusade? Why, then, when he was ashamed to call himself a servant of God, did he long to mark France, always the glory of Christians and once the refuge of popes and of religion, with Gallic tombs? When a priest of seventy years, the legate of Christ the maker and father of peace, was officiating at the rites of Bellona, and against him he strove to sacrifice with the manifest ruin of the human race—indeed at the very time when the profane rabble, in miserable procession, was going to the shrines of peace and concord? Truly, it was a spectacle worth seeing: a father, not only most holy, but also venerable for age and white hair, as if summoning his own men, called out from the temple of Bellona to a Gallic uproar—not in the trabea, not in the august insignia of office... He alludes to that place which was once in Rome called the Gallic tomb, because in Camillus’s time the Gauls were there heaped up and buried.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 441 uenerâdum, non pòtificijs gestaminibus sacrosanctum, sed paludamento & cultu barbarico conspicuum: sed furiali (ut ita dicam) confidetia succinctum, pulmunibus illis bruitis & inanibus luridum, emunente in truci uultu cultu que spirituum atrocitate. Profectò nos uidimus paucis annis multa quæ prorsus maiora fide posteris uidebuntur. Hoc turbine, hac procella luxata ecclesiasticæ autoritatis ac disciplinæ compage, quo nam modo fides recta, nisi clauis trabalibus & æternis fixa, sacrisq[ue] monumentis semel affirmata co[n]stabilitaq[ue], stetisset? Verùm o superiboni, quàm præstò manus ipsa dei affuit, quondam ipsa ecclesiæ architectatrix? Quam autem eadem ipsa ueluti num[m]e tragicum (ut dicitur) e machina necopinatò uisa est præsentissima opitulatrix? Nam illo pontifice de medio mox sublato, < Leonis X. præconiu> hunc murificis comitijs eade[m] manus suffecit, intestini protinus externiq[ue] belli pacificatorem, qui caliginem sanctuario domini incubantem discussurus haud dubiè existimatur, coeli que liberum aspectum omnino redditurus: quum etiam eadem manus diuina Iulium ipsum ante mortem Titanici sceleris cordolio tetigisse crederetur, ut utar uerbo comuco in re prorsus tragica. Nos tam[m]e eas poenas (ut ingenuè fatear quod negare non possum) meritò pependimus, ob uictorias (ut iam dixi) luculentas semper insolentes, ne non planè Galli, priscoru[m]q[ue] simules Fraci, nunc esse uideamur. Siquidem supradictarum rerum religione obstrictis Gallicarum copiaru[m] animus. (ferre enim diu piaculi religionem uiri Christianissimu nequeunt) idem qui à nostris deus in rebus secundis no[n] agnitus fuerat, ex fauore mox in iram uersus (si tam[m]e irasci deus potest) lymphatico primùm pauore consternatos retro egit in Franciam: deinde etiam classicis circu[m]sonantibus pautanters, de aris E 5 ac

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 441 venerable, not sacred with pontifical vestments, but conspicuous with a military cloak and barbaric attire; but girded with a kind of furious confidence, with those hideous and empty lungs, livid, breathing out with a savage face and with the fierceness of spirits. Certainly we have seen in a few years many things which will seem altogether too great for posterity to believe. In this storm, in this tempest, the fabric of ecclesiastical authority and discipline having been shaken, in what manner could the true faith have stood, unless fixed by firm and lasting nails, and once confirmed and established by sacred monuments? But oh, most beneficent ones, how readily did the hand of God itself come to our aid, once the very architect of the Church? And how did the same hand, as it were like a tragic deity (as they say) appearing unexpectedly from the machine, prove itself the most ready helper? For when that pontiff had been quickly removed from the midst, <in the praise of Leo X.> the same hand supplied him by these wall-building elections, a pacifier at once of civil and foreign war, who is rightly thought to be driving away the darkness resting upon the sanctuary of the Lord, and wholly restoring the free view of heaven; while the same divine hand was also believed to have touched Julius himself before death with the grief of Titan-like crime, to use a comic word in a matter altogether tragic. Yet we have truly paid those penalties, as I candidly admit, which I cannot deny we deserved, because of victories, as I have already said, always brilliant and always overbearing, lest we should appear to be not entirely Gauls, but, like the ancient Franks, now simulacra. Indeed, the spirit of the Gallic forces was bound by the religion of the aforesaid matters; for men most Christian cannot long endure the religion of expiation. The same God, who in prosperity had not been acknowledged by our side, soon turned from favor into anger, if nevertheless God can be angry, and first struck down those terrified by a feverish fear, driving them back into France; then also, with the trumpets sounding around them, from the altars and the E 5 and

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 443 teri bello continenti necesse est, et referre dicunt nostroru[m] quorundam ærarij dispensatorum, principes à rebus bellicis nunquam esse seriatos, ne tranquillo rerum statu rationes ipsis recognoscere uacet. O beatam futurâ Galliâ, si tam ei contigisset heros habere frugi, quàm bonos habe re solet. Nam mancipia, ut quæ maximè unquam prouinicia, dicto habet audientia, etiam si suum ius seruientibus constat, æquitate domunatium. I amprimum in ea summum Liberi patris cum Cerere certamen, ut uini nobilitates no[n] < Francix bona.> possis sine nomenclatoris opera numerare. Mitto temperiem coeli & clemetiam, & quòd utriusque maris cinetu & commercio commodè comuterq[ue] habitatur. soli ubertas tata est in uniuersum etiam inter inopes frugum sterilesq[ue] prouincias, ut quasi annonæ præfecturam sub cardine nostro gerere existimemur, prorsus (absit inuidia uerbo) ut ieiunia indicere finitimis, uictum que abstemium cum libuit possimus, quum sume (ut ita dicam) Occidentis arare uideamur, si in uniuersum fiat æstimatio. Adde animorum alacritatem ad res omnes inceptandas, tum dexteritatem corporum impigram atque eximam ad uices obeundas: quibus si mulitaris disciplina constantiam addidisset, nihil esset utique quod in nobis ab exteris requireretur. nam nostris quidem satisfacere nullo modo possumus, ut antea dictum est, qui nos in ordinem nuper Barbarorum coëgissee dicuntur, nec disciplinas nobis politicas, nec prudentiam concedentes. Equidem proborum hominum esse non puto, ingenitam simplicitatem in Francis improbare, quæ in latebris mentis insidias condere non didicit. Atqui nisi Genius Francici diadematis iam inde ab incremento sceptrorum ita ferme semper tulisset, ut oculis & auribus alienis uti, decus esse regium crederetur, sicq[ue] sæpe fieret impe

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 443 to carry on war continuously, and they say that to report the accounts of some of our financial stewards, the rulers are never free from military matters, lest in a peaceful state of affairs they have leisure to examine their own accounts. O happy Gaul to come, if it had been granted her to have such a hero as she is usually accustomed to have good men. For the people, as the most province-like of all, are obedient to command; even if their own right rests with those who serve, they are ruled by the equity of their masters. First and foremost there is in it the great contest of Father Liber with Ceres, so that the nobility of the wine may not be counted without the help of a herald. I pass over the temperateness of the climate and its mildness, and the fact that by the circuit and commerce of both seas it is conveniently and comfortably inhabited. The fertility of the soil is so great throughout, even among provinces poor in grain and barren of crops, that we may seem to hold, as it were, the office of prefect of provisions beneath our own sky, indeed—let envy be absent from the word—that we can, if we wish, impose fasts on our neighbours and enjoy an abstinent way of life, since we seem to be, so to speak, ploughing the western world, if the estimate be taken as a whole. Add the cheerfulness of spirits for undertaking all things, and then the nimble dexterity of bodies, outstanding and unwearied in performing their turns: if military discipline had added steadfastness to these, there would certainly be nothing that could be required of us by outsiders. For, as has already been said, we are in no way able to satisfy our own people, who are said recently to have been compelled into line by the Barbarians, since they grant us neither political training nor prudence. Indeed, I do not think it right for good men to condemn the natural simplicity of the Franks, which has not learned to hide snares in the recesses of the mind. And yet if the Genius of the Frankish diadem had from the very rise of its sceptres almost always borne itself in such a way that to use the eyes and ears of others was thought a royal distinction, and thus it often happened that...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET imperij magni potentes, semisses, quincunces atque trien= tes, ut fortuna tulit, homines, qui imperandi uetandiq[ue]; im= potentes esse in actu rerum deprehenduntur: qua sumus rerum omnium instructi commoditate, Persici quodammo do regni nunc instar obtineremus. Cui enim tandem pro= uinciæ itidem datum est, omnia ut pacis belliq[ue]; subsidia, et sua, & (quod dicitur) in numerato haberet: Ita nobis co= piæ uostræ equestres stato perpetuoq[ue]; stipedio descriptæ, in turmasq[ue]; centenarias quinquagenarias que c[on]turiatæ, non dico præstò sunt, si ad delectum edictumq[ue]; citentur, sed etiam in procinctu, & arrectæ ad bellicum exaudien= dum: ex quibus centurias habemus cum ad præsidia regni omni in parte collocatas, tum uerò ad incerta casuum sta= tiones agenteis, in quascunque partes incubuerit tumul= tus, protinus coituras. Quòd si & alias quoque succentu riari oporteat, abunde est iuuentutis ad sacramentum pa= ratæ, imperiaq[ue]; manentis. Propter has aliasq[ue] prouinciæ præstantias, Francia ab externis inter primas prouinciæ= rum libentissimè & uisitur et habitatur: quippe uisendam eam singularis præterea hospitalitas facit: incolendam au tem, omnium rerum expetendaru[m] exteris commoditas. Sed & si nulite externo accersitoq[ue]; uti libeat, pecunia largè superest & annona, unde alere copias, & autorare peren ni stipendio possimus. quanquam per hosce annos infelici= ter id experiri statuimus, ut ferè omnia agi præposterè coe < Xenomania.> pta sunt fatali dementia. Si quidem eo errore quæ Græci Xe= nomania appellant, id est nimiu[m] & incosultum externoru[m] studium, luculenta clades illata rusticam plebem afflixit. Cernere erat & nostrum & externum nulitem plebeculæ penu saginatum, ultro etiam temulentu[m] illudere quasi ui= ctis: quum interim muselli, & egentes & sicci, alijs super alias

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND imperij magni puissants, semisses, quincunces, and trien- tes, as fortune has provided, men who are found in the actual conduct of affairs to be capable of commanding and forbidding: we are furnished with every convenience of resources, so that we might now hold, as it were, the place of the Persian kingdom. For to what province has it likewise been granted that it should have all the supports of peace and war, and its own means, and (as the saying is) keep them ready in cash? Thus our cavalry forces are set forth for us, drawn up in fixed and perpetual pay, divided into centuries, fifties, and squadrons, I do not say merely at hand if summoned for a levy or a decree, but even already under arms and alert to hear the call to battle: from these we have centuries, both when placed throughout every part for the defense of the realm, and indeed as stations against the uncertainties of events, ready to gather at once in whatever directions a disturbance may burst forth. And if other reinforcements should also be needed, there is an abundance of youth prepared for the oath, and remaining under command. Because of these and other advantages of the province, France is most willingly both visited and inhabited by foreigners among the first of the provinces: indeed, singular hospitality makes it worth seeing; but its desirability as a place to live comes from the convenience of all things desired by outsiders. But even if one does not wish to use hired foreigners, money abundantly remains, and provisions too, from which we can feed the troops and engage them on lasting pay. although in these recent years we have resolved to experience this unhappily, so that nearly everything has begun to be done in reverse by fatal madness. For by that error which the Greeks call Xe- nomania, that is, an excessive and foolish fondness for foreigners, a shining disaster was brought upon and afflicted the rustic common people. One could see both our own and foreign men of the rabble stuffed with provisions, and even drunkenly mocking them as if the victors; while meanwhile the little beggars, both needy and dry, were being abandoned one after another

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 447 sanguinis uisi sunt reliquisse, longo iam interuallo reditu rum id exemplum non timetur, præsertim quando quod olim capitale censebatur, nunc impulsis legibus atq[ue] affli= ctis, non tam criminosum ipsum, quàm contumeliosum es= se coepit. Cotumeliosum? imò uerò ingeniosum inter istos beatos & fortunatos, atque etiam palmarium, ut pote in= ter quos nihil ignominiosius egenti innocentia aut ridicu losius esse credatur. Simul enim hominum fidem atq[ue] exi= stimationem cum re & censu concidere arbitrantur. Iam uerò quu[m] hoc semper habuit Gallia, ut bona sua interdu[m] ipsa nesciret, interdu[m] scire nollet, tum uerò illa præ grauat indignitas, & optimum queq[ue] enecat (si id effari fas est, quod nequit non expectorari, ut eo uerbo utar) quòd am= plissima familiadomini beati et copiosi, atriensiu[m] paucoru[m] regitur arbitratu: qui accepti expesiq[ue] paginas luculétas habentes in potestate, in rem priuatam iuxtà atque pu= blicam uersa, publicæ rei expensare licenter impuné que uidentur, necessitudini & obsequio gratiosè ea tribuëtes, quæ uirtuti officiosæ & industriæ debebantur. unde fa= ctum est ut ad summum dedecus res nostræ paucis an= nis non semel deuenerint. Quid enim per deum rerum nostrarum olim fortunatorem, quid inquam non modò iniquius, sed etiam ad speciem maiestatis huius regni indignius ac foedius esse potest, quàm quòd inertes quidam homines, atque ab omni actu memorabili feria= ti, in Prytaneo (ut ita dicam) exuberante saginantur cum suis clientelis, tanquam de republica aut principe meriti præclarissimè? Quid perniciosius, quàm quòd ij nunc demensum unicuique pro potestate statuunt, qui meritos ab immeritis, dignos ab indignis, lectores seruos à mediastinis, non magis internoscere didicerunt, quàm litera

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 447 seem to have left a trace of blood; after so long an interval, however, the return of that example is not feared, especially when what was once thought capital has now, under the pressure of laws and of the afflicted, begun to be not so much criminal in itself as insulting. Insulting? Nay rather, among those blessed and fortunate men, even ingenious, and indeed the most creditable thing, inasmuch as among them nothing is believed to be more disgraceful than needy innocence or more laughable. For at the same time they think that men’s credit and reputation fall together with property and estate. Moreover, since Gaul has always had this defect, that sometimes it does not know its own goods, sometimes is unwilling to know them, then indeed that insolence weighs heavily on it, and destroys everything best; and if I may speak it aloud—for it cannot but burst forth, if I may use that word—that because the most ample household of a blessed and wealthy master is governed by the choice of a few porters, who, having handsome pages of receipts and expenditures in their power, with private as well as public affairs turned to their own use, are seen to balance the accounts of the commonwealth with impunity and freely, graciously bestowing on relationship and favor those things which were owed to dutiful virtue and industry. Whence it has come about that our affairs have more than once, within a few years, sunk to the utmost disgrace. For what, by God, who once prospered our affairs, what, I say, not only is more unjust, but even more unworthy and more shameful to the appearance of the majesty of this kingdom, than that certain idle men, released from all memorable action, should be fattened in the Prytaneum (so to speak) together with their clienteles, as though they had most splendidly deserved of the republic or the prince? What is more harmful, than that these men now determine each man’s ration according to their own power, who have not learned to distinguish the deserving from the undeserving, the worthy from the unworthy, the scholars from the servants, more than they have to distinguish a lette

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meros omneis implesse geredi iam summi magistratus existimatur. Fuit ingenio summo, doctrina (ut inter prudentes) præstantissima, memoria longè æqualium tenacissima, animo sibi semper instanti, uoluptatu uel nescius, uel contemptor. In illa celebritate ac strepitu aulico homunens apud sese dixisses semper esse. Reprehensus fuit à multis (ne ab omni eum culpa uidear uindicasse) quòd dicerent eum ad rem paulo auidiorem (ut seculo adhuc uerecudiore) fuisse, tum iræ præcipiti non satis temperasse, & nihilo secius omnes probum fuisse eum uirum non negant, ij quidem certè qui à uero no[n] aberrant priuata simultate perciti. E quidem ut iram in eo præcipitem expertus sum, qui cum eo sæpe negocium habui in munere publico, ita contendere ausim, omnium iracudorum maleficam ipsum minimè habuisse iracundiam. Fuit enim huiusmodi, ut mira animi æquitate uerba propemodum iurgiosa redirascé tium ferret, duntaxat liberaliora, etiam si in repræsenti ægrè ferre admodum uideretur. Videlicet uir ingenui & Catoniani spiritus, nemini fraudi esse uoluit generosè libertatem in quenquam usurpasse, eorum quidem certè, quos malè sibi conscios non esse intelligebat. alioquin uerò quis negat nemini unquam homini mores undique absolutos fuisse? Atque haud scio an laudi id uerti debeat, uirum natura biliosum, & iræ intemperantem, nunquam tamen iræ ad uindictam usque obsecutum fuisse. Eidem quum comitas in seueritate tristioris naturæ culpa defuit, omnium tamen quos quisquam bodie meminit, gratiosus & suffragator ueracissimè fuit. Neque enim, ut bodierri homines, aut fumos uenditare solebat, aut sæpius appellari de pollicitatione aut promisso serebat. Nec ut ueteratores aulici & flexiloqui solent, ancipites postulato- res &

Transcription: Translated (English)

He is now considered to have filled all the offices of the highest magistracy. He was of the greatest ability, of most outstanding learning, as learned men say, of memory far more tenacious than his peers, and of a mind ever intent upon itself, either ignorant of pleasures or despising them. In all that courtly bustle and noise one would have said he was always at home with himself. He was criticized by many, though I do not wish to appear to have absolved him of every fault, because they said that, being somewhat too eager for gain (as was fitting in a still more modest age), he had not sufficiently restrained his hasty temper; and yet, for all that, all admit that he was an honest man, especially those who, not misled by personal resentment, were not at odds with the truth. Indeed, as one who often had dealings with him in public office, I have myself experienced the rashness of his anger; yet I would dare to contend that of all the irascible men he had in no way the most pernicious anger. For he was such a man that, with remarkable fairness of mind, he would bear almost abusive words from those growing angry in return, and only answer more freely, even if in the moment he seemed to take it very hard. He was plainly a man of generous and Cato-like spirit, and he did not wish any man to suffer harm through his having freely claimed liberty of speech against anyone, at least against those whom he understood to be not conscious of wrongdoing toward him. Otherwise, who denies that no man has ever been entirely flawless in character? And I do not know whether it ought to be counted to his credit that a man by nature bilious and unrestrained in anger never nevertheless followed anger all the way to revenge. Though he lacked that courtesy which, in a severer nature, may be a fault, he was nevertheless, of all whom anyone now remembers, most truly gracious and supportive. For, unlike men of our own day, he was not accustomed to make a display of mere smoke and wind, nor did he often brook being called upon concerning a pledge or promise. Nor, like the wily men of court and the smooth talkers, did he keep petitioners in suspense and...

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res & susp[er]sos ambitu lustrali tenebat & enecabat. Se= mel suffragium suum aut spondebat aut negabat, fronte ut tristi, ita nimiè aulica & fallaci. Opitulator non mo= dò benignus tempore imperiosissimo, sed etiam strenuus & peruicax: tanta animu acrimonia & solertia, ut nullum serè moribus commendatum, tuendum susceperit, quem non & pertulerit ad finem destinatum. Hic (ut ita dicam) Corculus in summa talis fuit, ut quum omneis flexus auli= cos occasionesq[ue] memoria teneret, nimiè tamen aulicus esse uoluerit & uersipellus: eorum dissimilimus, quos ho= die hoc nomine uersari decimo quoque uerbo atque obso= lescere in ore uulgi non pudet, homines perfictæ frontis, imò planos improbissimos, quos imposturam factitare ore iuuat renidenti, eosq[ue] petitores frustrari & ludere, quos aulicæ uersutiæ rudimentum non posuisse sentiunt. Alios ex Chrestologorum natione nouimus mellito & medica= to sermone afficientes animos flagitantium, ut gaudio perfusos ab eis discedere sæpe uideas, & spe bona lacta= tos & gesti[n]teis, sed post intellectam tandem ludificationem, diras ijsdem imprecanteis, quibus quidam obaudien= tes (ò improbum sermonem) fortunari sese dictitant. En artes & disciplinas quas aulica philosophia profitetur: quibus præditi iam nonnulli domesticis pridem institutis clarissimi, nunc aduerso rumore inter aulicos agunt, etia[m] si se suos'que secundis numinibus aulicis euasisse gratu= lantur. Qui autem eius academiae decretis iam perimbu= ti fuerunt, eos ad frugem aliquam bonam ciuilis & æ= quabilis uitæ redire per quàm rarum est. Huiuscemodi au= tem apud nos aulicastri degentes in oppidis uocitantur à populo, quo uerbo tam Aristippeos quàm Ephecti= eos ueluti philosophos Scepticos que significant: illos F 2 salutige

Transcription: Translated (English)

He kept them in suspense and under his lustral round, and wore them out. He would either promise or deny his vote, with a brow as sad as it was excessively courtly and deceitful. He was not only a kindly helper in the most imperious of times, but also energetic and persistent: so great was his sharpness of mind and resourcefulness, that he scarcely undertook to protect anyone recommended by conduct, whom he did not also carry through to the end he had set himself. This man, if I may so speak, was in the highest degree such a Corculus, that although he kept in memory all the turns and opportunities of the court, he nevertheless wished to be too courtly and versatile; utterly unlike those whom today, under this name, it is not shameful to keep using every tenth word and to let become obsolete on the lips of the common people—men of perfectly false front, indeed the most worthless smooth-talkers, who delight in practicing deception with a smiling face, and in tricking and playing with petitioners, whom they sense have not yet even made a beginning in courtly cunning. We also know others, of the tribe of the Chrestologi, who affect the minds of applicants with honeyed and medicated speech, so that you often see them leave in delight, and buoyed up and rejoicing in good hope; but after they finally understand the trick, they pour out curses on the same men, though some, obeying them (oh wicked speech!), declare that they have made themselves fortunate. Behold the arts and disciplines which courtly philosophy professes: equipped with these, certain people already long eminent in household training now operate among courtiers under an unfavorable reputation, even if they congratulate themselves and their own on having escaped by the favor of courtly gods. But those who have already been thoroughly imbued with the decrees of that academy, it is very rare indeed for them to return to any good crop of civil and equitable life. People of this sort, however, dwelling among us in the towns, are called by the populace courtlings, a word which signifies both Aristippeans and Ephectians, as it were philosophers and Sceptics. The salutige

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET salutigeros, & uerborum comitate morigeros, hos cunctatores & hæsitatores appellicantes, nulli uel amicitiæ ipsos uel causæ ita unquam addictos, quin statim cum fortuna transire parati sint. Sic enim homines Aeolidæ, uersatiles ad omnem aulicam auram animos aiunt sapietum esse debere. Quo fit ut municipes inuicem admonentes, uulgo eos in cornu foenum ferre dictitent, ut inquit Poëtæ lepidissimus. At Guido ne in Ironum quidem conuëtu dissimulator fuisse dictus est (quod quidem ipsi uerti à quoquam uitio possit) alioquin ingenij & doctrinæ & seueritatis maiestate maiores æqualesq[ue] loqissimè summones, ut tum opinio fuit constans. Cuius utinam sublimitas non etiam luminibus posteritatis obstruxisse uideatur. Eam enim formam summi honoris inchoauerat, cuius præscriptis qui succederet, propius'ue accederet, nemo adhuc repertus est: ut Veneris quondam Coæ tabulam ijsdem lineamentis qui absolveret, Apellis successor nusquam potuit inueniri. Etenim qui ei proximus fuit, sextus aut septimus magis quàm secundus ei fuit. Mortuus autem est uirtutis commendatione sera cognitus, quum tristitia & seueritate popularis esse coepisset. Quare illi ex aduerso ac successori co[n]tigit. neq[ue] enim ipse ut Fhidiæ signum (quod aiunt) statim aspectus & probatus est, sed primore aduen tu nec plausibilis nec gratiosus, decendens tandem omnibus non iniquis desiderium sui non modicum reliquit: ma iusq[ue] olim fortasse in dies id futurum est. Alter contrà magna hominum expectatione exceptus, præsumpta'que ex præterito opinione gratus, incundo etiam magistratu uibrans ac coruscans extitit, sed illico à sese desciscens, euanido splendore etiam cessit in prioris gloriam. Quippe ut inclusa in funda annuli bratteola fulgêtem suapte ui carbunculu[m]

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET those who are tardy and hesitant in greeting, and compliant through courtesy of speech, calling such men delay-makers and doubters, as if they were bound to neither friendship nor cause in such a way that they were not ready at once to pass over with fortune. For thus men of Aeolis, with minds turned every way to every courtly breeze, are said by the wise to be obliged to behave. Hence it comes about that their fellow citizens, warning one another, commonly say that they carry hay on a horn, as the most charming of poets says. But Guido, it is said, was not even dissembling in the company of the Ironi, which indeed could scarcely be turned to his own blame by anyone; otherwise, by his genius, learning, and the majesty of his severity, he very greatly surpassed his contemporaries and equals, as was then the constant opinion. Would that his loftiness had not also seemed to block the sight of posterity. For he had begun that form of highest honor, to whose standards no one has yet been found who either succeeded or came nearer: just as, in the case of the famous Coan tablet of Venus, no successor to Apelles could be found who could finish it with the same outlines. Indeed, whoever was nearest to him was to him sixth or seventh rather than second. But he died having been recognized only late by the praise of virtue, when he had begun to be popular through sadness and severity. Therefore the reverse befell that other man and his successor. For he himself was not, as they say of a statue of Phidias, at once admired and approved on sight; rather, at his first arrival he was neither applauded nor favored, but in the end, descending from everyone not ill-disposed, he left behind no small desire for himself: and perhaps that will grow greater day by day in time. The other, on the contrary, received with great expectation from men, and made pleasing by a reputation borrowed from the past, appeared in his still recent magistracy shining and flashing brightly; but immediately falling away from himself, he too yielded with fading splendor even into the glory of the former. Just as a little leaf of gold enclosed in the setting of a ring, by its own force, the gleaming carbuncle

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET uerò reipublicæ paululum tam salubris enim sideris occasu, sæua mox orta tempestas, turbinibus rapidis res Gallicas in omneis coeli plagas diuentilare coepit: qui duorum hominum spiritibus immodicis excitati, quum eoru[m] quoq[ue] obitu consopiti esse uiderentur, ingenti stupore homunum extiterunt inauditæ calamitates: quibus quum par nemo iam in aula superesset, Gallia tum primum animos despondere uisa est, retuso etiam illo mucerone incudi strenuè certam nis, gēti peculiari, id est primore Martis impetu, quo maximè ualere nostri existimantur. Simul rei summæ gubernacula, laurea partim excussa, partim emarcescente, omnium ordinum ore redijsse ad triarios dictitabantur. Verùm ille à Rupe forti faustum cognomen sortitus, eum semper animum circa honestatis studiosos, modestiæq[ue] tenaces præstitit (etiam si remittere frontem atque supercilium ne ijs quidem ipsis uideretur) ut eius obitus diem atru[m] & funestum semper habere debeant. Qui autem eius institutis insistere noluerunt, iam inde eo uiuo uirtuti eius insensi, huiusmodi fuerunt, partim ut priuatis studijs summi rerum actus fastigium inclinasse, magistratumq[ue] censuram (ut ita dicam) delumbasse uideantur: partim ut ex suo contubernio literatos & doctos exegisse iudicari debeant, eorumq[ue] affines, ambitionis ass[er]tationisq[ue] nescios. & sic quoque uiri improbi delectu eius cemodi hominum delectari sese dicere consueuerunt, ut omnia ferme uiri aulici diuersissima actionibus suis animiq[ue] sententiæ proloquuntur, impudetia quorundam tam putida, ut aures desecatæ, harumq[ue] rerum insolentes, haurire hæc mendaciæ sine nausea quadam stomachosæ indignationis nequeant. Nihil autem est indignius, quàm quòd sic quoque fallere sperant ipsi nos, intra pomæria & natos & institutos. Ostultim

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASSE ET indeed, to the republic for a little while, for as the setting of so salutary a star brought on a savage storm, so at once the weather began, with rapid whirlwinds, to scatter the affairs of France in every quarter of the sky: men who, stirred up by the overstrained spirits of two men, seemed also to have been lulled to sleep by their deaths, brought forth, to general astonishment, unheard-of disasters; and since no equal remained in the court to replace them, France then seemed for the first time to lose heart, even that blade struck back upon the anvil, striving bravely, by a peculiar force of its kind, that is, by the first onset of Mars, by which our people are thought to excel most. At the same time, men were saying aloud that the reins of supreme affairs, with the laurel partly shaken off and partly withering, had gone back to the triarii. But that man, surnamed from the strong Rock, always showed a disposition favorable to lovers of honesty and steadfastness in moderation, even if he did not seem to relax his brow and his severity even to them themselves, so that they must always regard the day of his death as dark and mournful. Those, however, who were unwilling to follow his ways, having long before, while he was alive, been hostile to his virtue, were such that some are judged to have made private interests bring the highest conduct of affairs down from its peak and, so to speak, to have weakened magistracy and censorship; others, that he drove from his company men of letters and learning, and their associates, ignorant of ambition and of assertion. And thus even wicked men used to say that he delighted in choosing such kinds of men, while almost all the actions of an official man are wholly contrary and declare their own feelings and opinions: the shamelessness of some is so vile that ears cut off and unaccustomed to such things cannot endure to take in these lies without a certain nauseating indignation. But nothing is more disgraceful than that they should still hope to deceive us as well, us who were born and brought up within the walls. Ostultim

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 455 O'stultam & ridiculam opinionem, si quidem ita putant: impudentem & capitalem sermonem, si non putant. Sed il ludere proteruè atque improbè eorum gaudent conniuentiæ, quibus cum collo quuntur, quum interim ne tantulum quidem ipsi còmouere se in illo regni theatre extra nume ros possint aut probitatis aut honestatis, quin aut risu statim acrium spectatorum, aut aduerso murmure excipiantur omnium cuneoru[m] usqueadeo qui suspici se supra alios uolunt, uel agentes ipsi uel loquentes latere nos nequeu[n]t. Non'ne quæ in adytis aulæ, quasiq[ue] intra scenam ac post uelum aguntur, quæ illi[us] numina, quibus que sacris uictimusq[ue] colantur, solenne est nobis anniuersarijs ludis uelut ex proscenio audire? satyricisq[ue] actibus ita in rem præsentem perduci, ac si reducto uelo opertanea sacra introspicere permutteremur? Quî igitur fieri id posse dicamus? Nempe quòd Aius ille (ut ita dicam) Locutius arcanum nihil esse sinit eorum quæ in aula geruntur, aguntur, aut summussim dicuntur. Quod enim ad uniuersos pertinet, id palam quoq[ue] uult & facit omnibus ordinibus esse. Sed beatu[m] illud diuersoru[m], illi tatum qui intus sunt, rimis perlucere nesciunt. Proh superi immortales num quisquam sodali & contubernali uel etiam familiæ notior esse potest, quàm omnes eorum mores & habitus, omnes status, flexus, affectiones, motus corporis animiq[ue], omnes uultuu[m] species & aspectuum, omnibus nobis notæ sunt istorum, qui sese & nos & omnes pulchrè latere putant? Quanta[m] igitur cautio[n]e, quàm circu[m]spectè, quàm religiosè in suo se actu gerere, uel alieno inferre debet, q[ui] acribus oculis theatri amplissimu[m] sese circu[m]spici sentiu[n]t? Sed quis eos hoc sentire credat, q[ui]bus in re sibi gerèda satagetibus omnibusq[ue] sensibus occupatis, còsulere famæ no[n] uacat? Atq[ue] si oculus cuneoru[m] F 4

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 455 Oh foolish and ridiculous opinion, if indeed they think so; an impudent and outrageous statement, if they do not think so. But it is the very mark of insolence and wrongdoing that they rejoice in the connivance of those with whom they speak, while meanwhile not even a little can they themselves move about in that theater of power beyond the bounds of propriety or decency, without being met either by the immediate laughter of sharp spectators, or by the hostile murmur of all the benches; so that those who wish to be regarded as above others, whether acting or speaking, cannot hide from us. Do we not, indeed, hear by the annual games, as it were from the stage, what is done in the inner chambers of the court, as though within the scene and behind the curtain; what divinities are there, and with what rites and victims they are worshiped? Are we not, through satirical performances, brought so directly into the matter at hand, as if, the curtain drawn back, we were allowed to look into hidden sacred rites? How then can we say that this is possible? Surely because that Aius, so to speak, Locutius, allows nothing to be secret of those things which are done, acted, or spoken in low tones at court. For what concerns all, he also wishes and makes public to all orders. But that blessed secrecy, the privilege of the few who are within, knows not how to shine through the cracks. O immortal gods, can anyone be more known to a companion and table-fellow, or even to a member of the household, than all their manner and bearing, all their postures, bends, emotions, movements of body and mind, all aspects and expressions of the face, are known to us in those who think they hide themselves and us and everyone else beautifully? With what great caution, then, how circumspectly, how reverently must he conduct himself in what he does, or in what he brings upon others, who feels himself to be watched by the keen eyes of the vastest theater? But who would believe that they feel this, those who, busied with the business at hand and occupied with all their senses, have no time to attend to reputation? And if the eye of the benches F 4

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cuncorum inseruire non uacabat, aut si non magnopere id referre existimabat, uel ordinum ipsi oculis uel orche- stræ certè inseruire debebant. Hoc enim memunisse oportebat, qui existimationi olim suæ consulere neglexerunt, de ijs aliquando publicè grauiter esse consultum. Verùm hæc iam terricula infantium aut nouitiorum esse creduntur. Periti autem rerum, & quos ueteratores uocant au- licos, arcem sibi impunitatis nuper præstruxisse existimantur, cum immanium opum propugnaculis tutam, tum ue- ro ualidis præsidijs contractaru[m] affinitatum necessitudi- numq[ue] firmatam, quâ expugnare nulla uis iudicioru[m], nulla constituendæ reipublicæ formula ualeat. Pessimè uerò de se mereri iam putantur, qui uel famæ detrimento comodis suis non co[n]sulunt interim d[omi]ni disp[er]esant. Inane enim & ie- iunum nunc aucupiu[m] famæ esse creditur, fortunis suis au- gendis quoquo modo parcere, ut integritatis opinionem honestatisq[ue] tueantur. Proinde no[n] ita pridem qui rerum po- tiebantur, scenicoru[m] figuras uerecundis auribus transmit- tere aut deuorare uidebantur: hanc loquendi libertatem moribus atq[ue] usu confirmatâ tolli no[n] posse Fracis iure no[n] violato intelligentes. Nunc uerò aures istoru[m] sensim cauillis ita occalluisse atq[ue] insueuisse uidemus, ut inter theatri- cas personas prodire optabile ia[m] esse coeperit quorundam opinione, qui non nisi beatoru[m] & copiosorum nomina in argumentis Satyricis frequentari dictitat: quadò illi acto- res auriti capitij licentia atque impunitate, summum ferè quodq[ue] caput salibus suis perficant. Vnde eò rem tandem uidemus euasisse, ut quæ olim uitia figuratè maximoq[ue] cu[m] lepore allegoriaru[m] carpebantur in summis magistratibus, quum uel Satyri cauillabundi inducerentur, uel uitia ipsa personata prosopopoeias in scenam prodirent, in ijs quas uulgo

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It was not possible to serve all kinds of people, or if he thought it did not matter greatly, then he had to serve at least the eyes of the ranks, or certainly the orchestra. For one had to remember this: those who once neglected to care for their reputation must at some point be dealt with publicly and severely. But now these things are believed to be only scarecrows for children or novices. The experienced, however, and those whom they call old hands at court, are thought to have recently built for themselves a citadel of impunity, both protected by the fortifications of vast wealth and indeed strengthened by powerful garrisons of contracted alliances and bonds of kinship, which no force of judgments, no formula for establishing a commonwealth, can overcome. Indeed, they are now thought to be acting most wickedly toward themselves, who do not even look to their own advantage while their lord is in danger, if they do not at the same time consult for their own benefit at the expense of reputation. For now it is believed that the pursuit of fame is empty and barren, and that to spare one’s fortunes in any way whatever in order to increase them is done only so that the appearance of integrity and honesty may be preserved. Accordingly, not so long ago those who held power seemed either to pass on the figures of the stage to modest ears or to swallow them; now they understand that this freedom of speech, confirmed by custom and usage, cannot be taken away without violating the rights of France. But now we see those ears gradually so hardened and accustomed by witticisms that, in some people’s opinion, it has begun to seem desirable to appear among the characters of the theatre; for he who keeps insisting that only the names of the blessed and the wealthy should be frequent in satirical writings grants to those actors with pierced ears the license and impunity to make sport of nearly every high head with their jests. Hence we see the matter has finally come to this, that what once, by means of figures and with the greatest charm of allegories, was censured as vice in the highest magistrates, when either satiric jesters were brought on or the vices themselves, personified in prosopopoeias, came upon the stage, in those which commonly

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sesquiplo excreuerint, tanta animorum æquitate, ut uicem principis plebem etiam dolentè uideres, audiresq[ue], qui tot in curas ipse rebus gerendis distingeretur: no[n] aliter ac si ab eadem samenti altera & tertia seges demeteretur in Francia, aut si ex noualibus spicilegium instar iustæ mes= sis existeret, uindemiamq[ue] racematio excipiens, noua atq[ue] integra foetura denuo exuberaret. Verùm Rex ille Ludo= uicus prato suo amplissimo florentiæq[ue] idètidem gloriaba= tur, ex quo eodem anno foenisecium iterum & sæpius co= geret, quantumq[ue] placuisset. < Oues chryso-mallæ.> Erit olim fortasse Rex alter breui, qui chrysomallas oues aureo uellere opimas uisen= dasq[ue]; habere se dictitabit, non illas quidem apud Colchos aut Iberos, ut in fabulis leguntur quondam fuisse, sed cle= mente coeli tractu luculentis inerrantes latifundijs, toties attonsiles, quot res extiterint gerendæ, uellere succresce= te perenniter, ac mira foecunditate. Illud uerò singulare, ac nulli æquè prouinciæ datu[m], ut bellis continuis intestinis uel externis exhausta Francia, & uiris uiribusq[ue]; ad sum= mam inopiam usq[ue]; defecta, unius statim aut alterius anni pace & commercio recreetur. < Antæus.> Et ut Antæum illum gigan tem ab Hercule sublatum poëtæ fabulantur, quantuuis lu Etta fatigatum, ac certamne confectum, simul atq[ue] terram matrem contigisset, integras illico uires solitum recupe= rare: ita Franciæ uires opesq[ue] quantulibet accisæ, cu[m] pri= mùm per pacem aut inducias tellure aratro mouere licet, quasi terræ tactu instaurari uide[n]tur ac restitui incredibili celeritate: absit modò calamitas, nec uitium obuenisse su= pernè experiamur. O raram prouinciæ felicitatem, O re= ges undiq[ue] beatos, si tantu[m] personam suam ipsi satis nosse potuisset, & in actu summo reru[m] grauissimum quodq[ue] ne gocium ductu suo transigi, non auspicijs tantum suis ipsi concupi

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G. BVD. OF ASSE AND had increased a sesquiplex amount, with such evenness of spirit that you would see, and hear, the people grieving in the king’s place, while he himself was distracted by so many cares in carrying on affairs: no otherwise than if in France a second and third harvest were reaped from the same sowing, or if from fallow fields a gleaning arose in the manner of a lawful crop, and after the vintage the gathering of the grapes were followed by new and fresh produce, overflowing again with wonderful fruitfulness. But that King Louis boasted in like manner of his very broad and flourishing meadow, from which in the same year he could gather hay again and often as often as he pleased. Perhaps there will one day soon be another king, who will say that he has golden-fleeced sheep, rich and worth seeing for their golden wool—not those indeed among the Colchians or Iberians, as one reads in the fables that they once were, but in the mild region of the sky, on bright, wandering broad lands, shorn as often as there are affairs to be undertaken, with wool growing back continually and with marvelous fertility. But this is truly singular, and granted to no province equally, that France, exhausted by continual wars, internal or external, and worn down in men and strength to the utmost poverty, is restored by the peace and commerce of one year, or of two. And just as poets tell of that giant Antaeus, lifted up by Hercules, who, however fatigued and worn out by the fight, as soon as he touched his mother earth was accustomed at once to recover his full strength: so the strength and resources of France, however much they may be battered, when at last in peace or truce it is allowed to stir the earth with the plough, seem as though restored and renewed by the touch of the soil with incredible speed: only let calamity be absent, and may we not have to experience some evil sent from above. O rare happiness of a province, O kings blessed in every way, if only he could have known his own person sufficiently, and in the highest exercise of power have allowed the most weighty business to be carried through by his own direction, not merely by his auspices alone he himself desir-

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 459 concupiuissent, aut certè no sine sua conscientia hoc deus ad cetera Galliæ addidisset, numeris omnibus cumulata felicitatis esset. Nam cum elementiam in regibus, tum libertatem in ciuibus rarissimè desiderauit, quatum utiq[ue] ferre monarchia potest liberaliter imperiosa. Illud enimuero, illud inqua[m] acreis homines, rerumq[ue] no[n] nescios urit, angit, enecat, quòd pusillus homunculus necesse est persæpe subseruire, quos ut actores et uicarios principis aulica comitia ceruicibus iniungunt succollantis populi, ac succiduæ plebis: illos quidem aut fortunæ suffragio, aut fauoris incôsulti redempti ue, aut aliàs perperam renunciatos. Huiusmodi autem homines cu[m] fata Gallica pro potestate regat, quu[m] liberalitates principis munificentiamq[ue] arbitrentur, quum cuiuscunq[ue] nostrarium externorumq[ue] merita ancipiti trutina arbitrij sui perpendant, et uoluntatis suæ modulus uiros magnos pusillosq[ue] metiatur, sursum deorsumq[ue] (ut aiunt) permuscent omnia in Francia, facilè quidem illa principe alioquin omnium prouinciarum. Quid enim per deum immortalem rectè atq[ue] ordine administrare semisses actores possunt, qui nullu[m] ius ciuilitatis atq[ue] isonomiæ no uerunt, quæ est æquabilis honorum bonorumq[ue] distributio, pro dignitate ac merito ciuium temperanda, qualis esse in monarchia potest? Nam quod ius à peritis appellatur distributiuum, id ab Aristotele iuris ciuilis eximio co[n]ditore dictum est, quod est secundum dignationem et promerita cuiusq[ue] ciuium statuendum. At huiuscemodi uelut interreges iamdiu pertulimus, fcrementibus nequicquam frendentibusq[ue] omnibus ordinibus, suppressa quodammodo procerum autoritate. Hic mihi manum inijcit reputatio fortunæ temeritatis, resisteré que paulisper me cogit, ac sui meminisse. Siquidem quum in omni mundi

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if they had desired it, or certainly not without their own awareness, God would have added this to the rest of Gaul; it would have been endowed with every sort of felicity in full measure. For it has very rarely desired gentleness in kings and liberty in citizens, as much as indeed a monarchy, imperiously liberal, can bear. That, truly, that it is which burns, distresses, and wears out ardent men and those not ignorant of affairs: that a little nobody must so often be forced to serve those whom court assemblies, on the shoulders of the clamoring people and the sinking multitude, impose as the prince’s actors and deputies; these men, indeed, either chosen by the vote of fortune, or bought by ill-considered favor, or else declared by some other blunder. But when men of this sort govern the Gallic destiny according to their power, when they think the prince’s liberality and munificence to be theirs to dispense, when they weigh the merits of all our own men and foreigners alike in the two-sided balance of their judgment, and the standard of their own will measures great men and small, they stir everything up and down, as the saying is, throughout France, even though it is otherwise an easy thing for that prince among all the provinces. For, by the immortal God, what actors can properly and in due order administer half-shares, who have never known the civil right of citizenship and isonomia, that is, the equal distribution of honors and goods, to be adjusted according to the dignity and merit of citizens, such as can exist in a monarchy? For what experts call distributive justice, Aristotle, that distinguished founder of civil law, said is the thing that must be established according to the rank and deserts of each citizen. Yet men of this kind, as though they were interreges, we have already endured for a long time, while all orders gnashing vainly and grinding their teeth, and the authority of the nobles in some measure suppressed. Here the reflection of fortune’s rashness lays hold of my hand and compels me to pause a little and to remember myself. For when in all the world...

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mundi parte fortuna plurimum pollere, & rerum esse do nuna dispensatrixq[ue], oculus ipsa capta, existimatur, tum ue ro super omnia ipsam esse in Francia cæcam atque hallucinatricem iudico. Haud ita pridem homines duos uidi= mus tanta subnixos potentia, ut ad reip. officia uix deci= mus quisq[ue] no[n] ex eorum clientelis quasi è seminario quo= dam magistratum prodire uideretur, quum etia[m] ipsi in= cremèta sua fortunæ ac temeritati bona ex parte deberet. Horum cum alter tempore paulùm prior, & fastigio mul tùm amplior, eo prorsus esset ingenio, ut qui se submittere maximè eius potentiæ uellent, hosce ille maximè cæteris præficere uellet, prolixè que augere: alter eos præcipuè promoueri co[n]cupiebat, ornamentisq[ue] immodicis crescere & eminere, quos sibi usui fore sperabat ad potentiam uel augendam uel tuendam: aut ijs moribus præditos, ut sibi morigeri esse omni genere obsequij ministerijq[ue] sustine= rent. Nam & ipse impigrè morigerando probatus, in se= cundas gerendarum reru[m] à maiore adoptatus fuerat: quin & asseclam comutemq[ue] illius potentiæ, non socium postea semper egit, haud grauatè primos summosq[ue] fasceis sub= mittens atq[ue] etiam subijciens illius fortunæ, cuius tum nu= tu omnia uertebantur: & meninerat quas in leges quum summum magistratum iniret, surdo sacramento ipse ada= ctus esset: Quo ad illo de medio sublato, quum nutanti iam fortunæ uideretur imminere, alius ex eodem prodijt comi= tatu uir eximius, apud ordines aulicos egregie gratiosus, cuius matura iam & adulta autoritate solertiaq[ue] effectum est, ne ille primariæ autoritatis aut hæres aut prædo, impo tetiæ animi omnino indulgeret. Cui si spiritus omneis suos profundere liberè licuisset, ne curia quide[m] summa quan= tumus obnixa substitisset. Quum hoc reru[m] statu for= tunaq[ue]

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The very same fortune is thought to have great influence over all things in the world, and to be the dispenser of affairs; and, though herself blinded, she is believed to be all-seeing. But then, above all else, I judge that in France she herself is blind and hallucinated. Not so long ago we saw two men so supported by power that scarcely any could be found for the duties of the commonwealth who did not seem to emerge from their clienteles, as if from some seedbed of magistracies; and yet each of them owed much of his advancement to fortune and audacity. Of these, the one, being somewhat earlier in time and much greater in rank, was by nature such that, in order to favor most those who most wished to submit themselves to that power, he especially desired to place these men above the rest and to increase them abundantly. The other chiefly desired those to be promoted and to grow and shine with excessive honors, whom he hoped would be useful to him either for increasing or for sustaining his power; or those endowed with such character that they would endure being obedient to him in every kind of service and attendance. For he himself, having been approved by diligent compliance, had been adopted by the greater man for the next stage of affairs; and indeed he had long acted not as a partner but as a follower and companion of that power, readily submitting and even subjecting the foremost and highest men to the trappings of that fortune, at whose nod all things then were turned; and he remembered by what terms, when he entered upon the highest magistracy, he himself had been bound by a silent oath. After that man had been removed from the scene, when fortune now seemed to be wavering, another very distinguished man came forward from the same company, one highly favored among the court ranks, and by his mature and already fully developed authority and skill it was brought about that that man, whether as heir or usurper of supreme authority, did not wholly indulge the lawlessness of his temper. Had he been allowed to pour forth all his spirit freely, not even the highest court would have stood firm against him, however strongly it opposed him. Since the fortune and state of affairs were thus...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 461 tunaq[ue] specimen facere potentiæ suæ uideretur, contigit (id quod necesse erat) ut quos casus temerarius in aula in= sinuauisset (aula autem tum erat ferè comitatus ipsorum) quum unum aut alterum stipendium ijs supparascando se cissent, statim uel magistratu uel antislitio locuplete do= nati, quasi militiæ præmio, macti esse uirtute obsequij atq[ue] obseruantiæ iuberentur. Quod quum murificis exemplis apud omneis innotuisset, eoq[ue] mores incubuisse uulgò di= ctitarentur, ut nulla iam uia certius ad magistratus, ad ho nores, ad uirtutis decora & diuitias ferret, quàm ambitio & assentatio, & (ut planè loquar) corporis animiq[ue] foeda uenditatio: cõtraq[ue] quum honestarum artium studiosi, aut ueritatis tenaces, omnesq[ue] qui sese eximere fortis fortunæ ditione cupiebant, uel quos extra præscriptum decori & honesti pudebat prosilire, seseq[ue] ueditare, male de se suisq[ue] mereri uiderentur, qui uel studio literarum nuseri intabe= scerent, uel inania & obsoleta iam nomina honestatis & uirtutis tantopere amplecterentur, uel deniq[ue] in ijs rebus fouendis consenescerent, quæ nihil ad id tempus pertinere cernerentur: Quum ea inquam ferè esset conditio tempo= ris, certatim eò aduolanteis, atque etiam migranteis uide= bamus, ubi cõtubernium esse fortunæ uidebatur, largitio= nisq[ue] eius promptuariu[m]: quum interim paucis illis qui con stantia & pudore ducebantur, domi agere striatos ab o= mni actu publico necesse esset, qui quidem adiunctu[m] compè dium cu[m] honore haberet. Sic paucis annis factum, ut inuer sis ordinibus patricij ad plebem, & plebeij ad patricios plausibiliter traduceretur, quum uelut somno beatos re= deunteis uideremus, quarto uel quinto, atq[ue] item decimo iam equite n[on]nullos comitatiores factos, imaginibus nouis insignes, quæ gentilitijs & Troiugenarum stemmatibus nunc

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 461 And when it seemed that an example of his power should also be given, it happened (as was necessary) that those whom chance had brought together at court (for the court then was almost the company of those men themselves), after they had saved up for themselves by one or two stipends, were at once, either with a magistracy or with a rich command, as though with a soldier’s reward, bidden to glory in the virtue of compliance and obedience. And when this had become known among all by striking examples, and it was commonly said that the manners of the time had so taken hold that there was now no surer path to offices, to honors, to the ornaments of virtue, and to riches than ambition and flattery, and, to speak plainly, a shameful traffic in body and soul; and when, on the contrary, students of honorable arts, or those faithful to truth, and all who wished to withdraw themselves from the dominion of uncertain fortune, or whom it shamed to leap beyond the bounds of propriety and decency and to make merchandise of themselves, seemed to do ill by themselves and their own, whether they pined away with devotion to letters, or embraced so eagerly those empty and now obsolete names of honor and virtue, or at last grew old in fostering those things which appeared to have nothing to do with the present time: when, I say, the condition of the age was almost such, we saw men rushing there in rivalry, and even migrating there, where there seemed to be companionship with fortune and a storehouse of its bounty; while in the meantime for those few who were guided by constancy and modesty, it was necessary to live at home, restrained from every public act, though indeed that restraint, if joined with honor, was a gain. Thus within a few years it came about that, by a reversal of rank, patricians were passed down to the plebs, and plebeians to the patricians, with general applause, while we saw some, as though returning blessed from sleep, already in the fourth or fifth, and likewise in the tenth degree, becoming more numerous in their retinues, distinguished by new images, which now from among the genealogical and Trojan-born lineages...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 463 quo unquam seculo dominus in nostros, uel in suos potius atque peculiares, rapidiorem iræ suæ terrorem, micantio= remq[ue] distrinxisse uisus est? Distrinxisse dico? imo etiam uibrasse, & contorsisse: tametsi contremefactas delicias suas Francos persequi pepercerit. Hoc quum heri & nudistertius factum sit, quis iam satis menunisse dicetur, si quidem mens publica ex habitu & fiducia singulorum æstimetur? Siccine fomento uno (præcalido fortasse) è re nata apposito, doloris statim & discriminis Franci obliui scuntur, ut uulnere percurato? Proh suprema & æterna dei prouidentia, usque adeo'ne densa seculo nostro erroris impij offusa est caligo, ut ne fulmunante quidem deo sur= sum aspicere possimus? Qui si coelum suspicere obliuisci= mur, quin igitur omnia intentè circunspectamus, ut sensu saltem humano Gallia niteretur? Nûc uerò nec dextror= sum ipsi nec sinistrorum intuemur, nec retrorsum respe= ctamus, ac ne id quidè quod porrò est, uidere co[n]tendimus. Id demum quod oculis admotu[m] est, aut etiam ad quod idè= tidem offensamus, animaduersione dignum esse censemus. Vt mirari nunc subeat eorum uel inertiam, uel amètiam, quorum oculus princeps pro conspicilijs solet uti: qui quu[m] coëmundis possessionibus, exædificandis penatibus, gen= tilitijs nominibus suis prodendis longissimè prospectare, & ad pronepotum usq[ue] atnepotes porròq[ue] etiam uidean tur, existimationi tamen populari non seruiant ad poste= ros manaturæ, etiam si perpetuo ipsi tenore felicitatis (quod rarissimè euenit) uitam transegerint longiorem. Quanqua[m] quid felicitatem istorum uoco, quoru[m] nulli securum sui possessorem esse licet, ex quo ciuilis & municipa= lus uitæ tranquillitatem aulicæ potentiæ semel emancipa= runt? Na qui acquiescere intra natalium modum, exigui esse

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 463 In what age ever did the lord seem to have brandished against our people, or rather against his own and special favorites, a more rapid terror of his wrath, flashing more fiercely? Brandished, I say? Nay, even shook and hurled it; although he has spared his trembling darlings from pursuing the French. When this was done yesterday and the day before yesterday, who will now be said to remember it sufficiently, if public memory is judged by the condition and confidence of individuals? Is it thus that, after one remedy has been applied, perhaps a very warm one, arising from the situation itself, the French instantly forget pain and danger, as though the wound had been cured? O supreme and eternal providence of God, is so dense a cloud of impious error now spread over our age that, even while God thunders, we cannot look upward? If we forget to gaze at heaven, why then do we not attentively survey everything, so that at least Gaul may stand firm in human understanding? But now we look neither to the right nor to the left, nor do we look back, and we strive not even to see what lies ahead. Only that which is placed directly before our eyes, or even that against which we repeatedly stumble, do we judge worthy of attention. How one may now marvel at either the slowness or the indifference of those whose chief eye is accustomed to serve as spectacles: men who, when it comes to buying property, building homes, and preserving their family names, seem to look very far ahead, and even to see on to great-grandchildren and their descendants, yet do not serve the common opinion that is to flow down to posterity, even if they themselves should live out a longer life in a continuous course of prosperity throughout. Although why do I call that the prosperity of such men, when none of them may be sure of possessing himself securely, since once they have abandoned the peace of civic and municipal life to the power of the court, they cannot

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cidæ specioso sæpe fallunt legentes putamine. Rursus idem Sirach cap. tertio & tricesimo, Pabulu[m], inquit, & uirga & sarcinæ asello, panis & institutio & opus mancipio. Quorsum, inquis, hæc philosophi dicta? Nempe ut intel= ligatur uirum sapientem priore loco eorum socordia[m] figu ratè compellasse, qui sibi ac propinquis impigri & diser= ti (ut claris innotuit exemplis) in causa tamen populari inuenti sunt infantes ac remussi, idq[ue] eo tempore, quum eos nauos esse & facundos, rerum summæ interesset. Quibus aliquando ipsis, corumq[ue] collegis aut successoribus cam mentem dari uelim, ut uel pulpito facessant (ut dicitur) uel dicenda inculcandaq[ue] in tempore proloquantur. Alterum illud symbolum ad regum eruditionem proditum esse cen seo, ut crassis ac pigris ingenijs sordida ipsi munera reip. & uelut clitellas publicas iniungerent, exigua quoq[ue] sala ria geometrica proportione statuentes, ut Aristoteles do= cuit ratione pulcherrima de iure distributiuo loquens. exi mios autem uiros, quorum industria solertiaq[ue] rebus in ar= duis uti possent, primario ut pane alitos, ad ingenua mu= nia transcriberent, ingenuis ipsos artibus institutos: nec eos uitam agere sincerent ignobiles & abditos, qui orna= mento reipub. & usui esse possent. Ecquod est enim per su peros immortales aut utilius regni administrandi aut splen didius instrum[en]tum ad finitimas etiam & longinquas na tiones resulgens, quàm doctorum hominum multitudo, partim in comitatu regis agens, partim per uaria reipub. munia distributa? Huiuscemodi enim scrinia (ut dicitur) pectoralia, optimos & potetissimos principes circunfer= re necesse est, quibus in ipsis ius, fas, & æquitate[m], omneq[ue] genus ciuilis humaniorisq[ue] doctrinæ, c[on]dita ad usum quo tidianum habeant. At nunc is est reip. nostræ status, ut clitellæ

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Things with a beautiful shell often deceive readers. Again, Sirach, chapter thirty-three, says: “Food, a rod, and burdens for the ass; bread, instruction, and work for the servant.” Why, you ask, are these the sayings of philosophers? Certainly so that it may be understood that the wise man, in the first place, figuratively rebuked the slothfulness of those who, though for themselves and their kin they are diligent and eloquent, as clear examples have shown, are nevertheless found in a popular cause to be childish and sluggish, and that at the very time when it was most important that they be active and fluent in speech. I would wish that to such men, and to their associates or successors, there might at some time be given this mind: either let them leave the pulpit, as the saying goes, or let them speak the things that must be said and impressed upon others in season. The other symbol, I judge, was handed down for the instruction of kings, namely that they should impose on dull and sluggish minds the dirty tasks of the commonwealth, as if public pack-saddles, assigning even small salaries in geometrical proportion, as Aristotle taught in the most beautiful way when speaking of distributive justice. But outstanding men, whose industry and skill could be used in difficult matters, they should first maintain on bread, and then transfer to noble duties, having them educated in liberal arts; nor should they allow those who could be an ornament to the commonwealth and of service to it to spend their lives ignoble and hidden. For what, by the immortal gods, is a more useful or a more splendid instrument for governing a kingdom, even in relation to neighboring and distant nations, than a multitude of learned men, some serving in the king’s entourage, others distributed through the various offices of the commonwealth? Such chests, as it were, held over the heart, must necessarily be carried about by the best and most powerful princes, in which they may have stored for daily use law, right, equity, and every kind of civil and humane learning. But now the condition of our commonwealth is such that the packsaddles…

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 471 in disquisitionem conuentuum aliquando principe præ side uocarentur, nonnulli sæpe qui nasutos sese uideri uo= lunt, haud dubiè (quod aiunt) apprimè simi, atque ea par= te de formes ab omnibus cernerentur. Proinde qui illorum sunt adhuc superstites, ij maximopere laborare debent, ut præteriti temporis damna sarcientes, publici etiam dede= coris discutiant suggillata, ut quidem discuti possunt. Sic enim fiet ut uulgatæ opinionis et per omnes ordines per= uagatæ sententia inducêda, à qua uix prouocare quisqua[m] potest, publicæ etiam ipsi famæ tympana sonitu hilariore ac festiuiore pulsent. Ad hoc autem ideo alacriore animo, ac spe meliore comparare se possunt, quòd rebus gestis genialis huius anni ansam ipsis deus retinendi guber= nacula dedit, etiam cum laude non uulgari. qua occasione utinam & probè & solerter ipsi tantisper dum licet & uacat utantur, ut nobis aliquando argumetum palinodiæ detur. Multa alia restabant eôdem pertinentia: sed me medios hæc actus intercinere memini. Et hactenus Hercu= les & Liber pater, ut est in prouerbio: ulterius etiam for= tasse libertati Franciæ aqua fluere non uideretur. Proinde uelut animo iam recreato & instaurato regesta indigni= tate, ipse reuertar ad uiam institutam, quæ adhuc ma= gna restat. Romanarum Persicarumq[ue] opum commentatione[m] ex= cipiet Iudæorum mentio, quorum Reges David & Solo= mon immanes diuitias possedisse legutur: quas eo magis le uiter excutie[n]das esse duxi, ne præuærationis arguerer, quàm quòd explicandi de ijs aliquid & statuendi fiduciâ conceperim. Iuuabat & alioquin in eas res inquirere, quæ (ut uulgi est opinio) sola sacrorum scriptorum auto= ritate subnixæ esse creduntur. Iamprimùm igitur prioris G 4 Paralip. C[on]uentus Gal liæ sunt quos uulgò tres sta- tus uocant. Significat con iugium regiu[m]. De Iudæorum opulentia.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 471 when they were sometimes called to an examination of assemblies under the presidency of a prince, some, who often wish to seem sharp-sighted, were indeed, as they say, most manifestly blind in that respect, and by that part were seen by all to be deformed. Therefore those who are still surviving ought to labor most diligently, so that, making good the losses of former time, they may also wash away the stains of public disgrace, insofar as they can be washed away. For thus it will come about that the judgment of the commonly received opinion, and of the sentiment spread through all orders, from which scarcely anyone can appeal, will even cause the drums of public reputation itself to be beaten with a more cheerful and festive sound. To this end they can the more readily prepare themselves, and with better hope, because by the deeds of this year of festivity God has given them the occasion to retain the reins of government, even with no small praise. On this occasion I pray that they may use it both well and skillfully, while it is permitted and there is leisure, so that at some time an argument for recantation may be given to us. Many other things remained pertaining to the same subject: but I remember that I interrupted these in the midst of the action. And so far Hercules and Father Liber, as the proverb has it: perhaps no further water would flow for the liberty of France. Therefore, as my mind has now been refreshed and restored from the indignity recorded, I myself shall return to the path I have set out upon, which still remains a great one. The discussion of the riches of the Romans and the Persians will be followed by mention of the Jews, whose kings David and Solomon are read to have possessed immense wealth: and I judged that these should be examined all the more lightly, both lest I be accused of overreaching, and because I have conceived confidence to say and determine something about them. It was also pleasing, for that matter, to inquire into those things which, as is the common opinion, are believed to rest solely on the authority of the sacred writers. Therefore, first of all, of the former ... G 4 Paralip. The assemblies of Gaul are those which are commonly called the three estates. It signifies a royal marriage. On the wealth of the Jews.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Paralip. cap. secundo & uicesimo Dauid ita loquens ad Solomonem inducitur: Confortare, & uiriliter age: ne ti= meas, neq; paueas: ecce ego in paupertatula mea præpara ui impensas domus domini, auri talenta centum nullia, & argenti mille millia talentum. Et secundi Regum v 1 1 1. Et percussit Dauid Adadezer Regem Soba, quando pro= fectus est ut dominaretur super flumen Euphratem. Venit quoq; Syria Damasci ut præsidium ferret Adadezer. Et percussit Dauid de Syria x x 1 1. millia Syrorum. facta est Syria Dauid seruiens sub tributo, & tulit Dauid arma aurea quæ habebant serui Adadezer, & detulit ea in Hie= rusalem. Libro autem tertio Regum cap. x. Non erat ar= gentum, nec alicuius pretij putabatur in diebus Solomo= nis, quia classis Regis per mare cum classe Hiram semel per tres annos ibat in Tharseis, deferens inde aurum & argentum. Et paulo inferius, Fecitq; ut tanta esset abunda[m] tia auri & argenti in Hierusalem, quanta & lapidu[m]. Hac hyperbole immensa auri argentiq; uis fuisse significatur in thesauris Solomonis. Vidimus supra summas Persarum opes centum & octoginta millia talentum fuisse post Da= rium uictum, quibus oportet septem millia addere quæ Darius Ecbatanis fugiens secum in tumultu rapuit, ut au= tor est Arrianus, & ijs rursus coniectura addere sumptum eius belli. Historia autem Regum dicit Dauid habuisse ar genti mille millia talentum, id est decies centena millia, & auri centum millia, quæ minima computatione mille millia talentum argenti ualent. Ita fit, ut decies maiores fuerint Dauid opes quàm Darij. Existimo autem & Per= sicum talentum & Hebraicum idem cu[m] Babylonio fuisse talento: qua ratione, summa, sexta parte augetur. Qua= re fidem res illa habitura non uidetur homunum quidem sensu

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET In Paralip. cap. secundo & uicesimo David is introduced speaking thus to Solomon: Be strong, and act manfully; fear not, neither be afraid: behold, in my low estate I have prepared for the house of the Lord expenses, a hundred thousand talents of gold, and a thousand thousand talents of silver. And in the second book of Kings, v. 1 1 1. And David struck Adadezer, king of Zoba, when he had gone forth to rule over the river Euphrates. Syria of Damascus also came to help Adadezer. And David struck of Syria twenty-two thousand Syrians. Syria became subject to David, serving under tribute; and David took the golden arms which the servants of Adadezer had, and brought them to Jerusalem. But in the third book of Kings, chapter x. There was no silver, nor was it accounted of any value in the days of Solomon, because the king's fleet by sea with the fleet of Hiram went once every three years to Tharsis, bringing back gold and silver from there. And a little below: And he caused such an abundance of gold and silver to be in Jerusalem as there was of stones. By this hyperbole an immense quantity of gold and silver is signified to have been in the treasures of Solomon. We saw above that the total wealth of the Persians was one hundred and eighty thousand talents after Darius was defeated, to which there must be added seven thousand which Darius, fleeing from Ecbatana, snatched up with him in the confusion, as Arrian is author, and to these again by conjecture must be added the expense of that war. But the History of the Kings says that David had a thousand thousand talents of silver, that is, ten hundred thousand, and a hundred thousand of gold, which at the lowest calculation amount to a thousand thousand talents of silver. Thus it comes about that David's wealth was ten times greater than Darius's. I am also of the opinion that the Persian talent and the Hebrew talent were the same as the Babylonian talent: by which ratio the total is increased by a sixth part. Wherefore that matter does not seem likely to gain belief even from human judgment.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 473 sensu, etiam si autoritati sacrosanctæ id creditur. Quanquam etiam magis illud hyperbolicum uidetur quod Ctesias de Sardanapalo scripsit, qui ducentis circiter annis Solomonis ætate[m] secutus, morte sua regnum Assyriorum finiuit. Ait enim cum regem ab Arbace Medo obsessum, fractis iam aduersa pugna uiribus, et victoriæ spe abscissa, pyram in regia struxisse altitudine pedum quadringe[m] torum, in qua cubilia centum et quinquaginta posuit aurea, totidemq[ue] ex auro mensas. In medio autem pyræ con tabulationem extruxit pedum quoquouersus centenum: in quo lecticas consternandas cum curauisset, superiorem contabulationis partem trabali materia contextit, & latera crebris ualidisq[ue] tignis cinxit, ita ut exitus non pateret. Quo facto ipse & uxor & pallacæ uarijs in lecticis iacuerunt in eo ædificio conclusi. In quod etiam ipsum auri centies centena millia, argenti uerò decies tan tundem congessit, id est, millies centena millia talentum, quod ipse myriade[m] myriadum appellat, id est, decies millena in sese multiplicata, ut antea dictum est: cum præteream summâ liberis, quos ad Nini Regem belli initio miserat, auri talenta numero tria millia dedisset. Super his operibus cum instrumento regio multiplici, ac copiosa uarietate distincto, quu[m] ipse ita cum uxore & pellicibus eius recubuisset, pyram illi ædificio circumdatam accendi per eunuchos, id est amicoru[m] iuratissimos iussit. Eos enim solos conscios consilioru[m] extremorum fecerat. Quo facto ipse cu[m] illis opibus diebus quindecim co[n]flagrauit, stupentibus alijs præter conscios. Fumus enim in sublime conuolutus, ingentis cuiusda[m] sacrificij opinione[m] faciebat, apud eos quidem qui extra regia[m] erant. ἐπείχασε ἡ ὑπικημα ὑδα κοις μεχάλως τε κοι μπαχειως, ἐπετα ἐν κύκλω πορίεθηκε G 5 πολλὰ

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sense, even if it is credited to sacred authority. Although even more hyperbolical seems that which Ctesias wrote about Sardanapalus, who, about two hundred years after Solomon’s age, brought the Assyrian kingdom to an end by his death. For he says that, when the king was besieged by Arbaces the Mede, with his strength already broken in adverse battle and all hope of victory cut off, he built a pyre in the royal palace, four hundred feet high, on which he placed one hundred and fifty golden couches, and as many tables of gold. In the middle of the pyre he erected a floor one hundred feet in every direction; on this, having had couches laid out, he covered the upper part of the flooring with timber, and surrounded the sides with thick, strong beams, so that no exit was open. When this was done, he himself, his wife, and his concubines lay down on different couches, enclosed within that structure. Into this too he had gathered a hundred times a hundred thousand of gold, and ten times as much of silver, that is, a thousand times a hundred thousand talents, which he himself calls a myriad of myriads, that is, ten thousands multiplied by themselves, as has been said before; and I pass over the fact that, besides the gifts to his children, whom he had sent at the beginning of the war to King Ninus, he had given three thousand talents of gold. Over these works, together with the royal furnishings, distinguished by manifold and abundant variety, when he had thus lain down with his wife and his concubines, he ordered the pyre surrounding that building to be set on fire by the eunuchs, that is, by the most sworn friends. For these alone he had made privy to his final plans. When this was done, he together with them burned for fifteen days in those riches, while the others, except those who knew the secret, stood amazed. For the smoke, rising aloft, gave the impression of some enormous sacrifice to those who were outside the palace. ἐπείχασε ἡ ὑπικημα ὑδα κοις μεχάλως τε κοι μπαχειως, ἐπετα ἐν κύκλω πορίεθηκε G 5 πολλὰ

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET plo, columnis & uasis templi fuit consumptum, quadra- gies sexies centena nullia fuisse: argenti uerò ad clauos & alia instrum[en]ta, nulle ducenta trigintaduo talenta: æris uerò in columnis, fernicibus, ac cæteris, talenta decem & octo millia: remusisseq[ue] omnes in regiones suas Phoenices simul & Aegyptios. decem auri talenta singulis data. Ta lentum autem dico, inquit, quod siclum appellant. Et Ae- gyptiorum quidem Regi oleum et mel magna quantitate musisse: Suroni aute[m] columnam auream quæ Tyri in tem- plo Iouis conspicitur. Hæc interpretatio potest rem face- re credibilem. Sed quod dicitur quadragies sexies centena millia, non adiecto sicloru[m] uel talentum, nescio an librario rum sit uitium. Græcum enim exemplar non uidi. Siclus (inquit Hieronymus Ezechielis III.) stater est, hoc est, drachmæ quatuor. Exod. x x x. cap. ita legitur, Siclus ui- ginti obolos habet, media pars sicii offeretur domino. Quod declarans Iosepus lib. III. Antiquitatum, Siclus, in quit, Hebræoru[m] nomusma quatuor drachmas Atticas ha- bet. Hac ratione si singulis operarijs, qui centu[m] & sexa- ginta nullia erant, deni sicii dati sunt, hoc est, quadragenæ drachmæ, fiu[n]t quater & sexagies c[on]etena millia drachma- rum. Ex quibus quatuor & sexaginta millia pondo fiunt, eo numero per centenarium diuiso. Fiunt hæc nulle sexa- gintasex talenta, & quadraginta auri pondo, quæ æstima- tione nostra (in singulas enim libras centenos & duode- nos aureos solatos & semissem numeramus) bis & septua gies centena nullia solatoru[m] ualent: cu[m] fuerit illud aurum nullo alio metallo concretu[m]. Quæ summa si in opificu[m] mer cedem impensa est præter sumptus cibarioru[m], quò euasu- ram æstimationem operis cum instrumento sacrificiali & ornamentis templi putamus? Nempe ad infinitum uisum iri ne

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G. BVD. OF THE SHEKEL AND THE was consumed for the wood, columns, and vessels of the temple: forty-six times one hundred thousand, it is said; of silver, however, for nails and other implements, two hundred and thirty-two talents; and of bronze, in the columns, capitals, and the rest, eighteen thousand talents; and that all the Phoenicians and Egyptians were sent back to their own regions together. Ten talents of gold were given to each. “A talent,” he says, “I mean that which they call a shekel.” And indeed to the king of the Egyptians he sent oil and honey in great quantity; but to Suron he sent a golden column which is seen at Tyre in the temple of Jupiter. This interpretation can make the matter credible. But the statement “forty-six times one hundred thousand,” without adding shekels or talents, I do not know whether it is the fault of the scribes. For I have not seen the Greek exemplar. A shekel, says Jerome in Ezekiel III, is a stater, that is, four drachmas. In Exodus xxx it is thus read: “A shekel has twenty obols; half a shekel shall be offered to the Lord.” Josephus, explaining this in book III of the Antiquities, says: “The shekel, the coin of the Hebrews, contains four Attic drachmas.” On this basis, if ten shekels were given to each worker, and there were one hundred and sixty thousand workers, that is, forty drachmas, there come to be four hundred and sixty times one hundred thousand drachmas. From these, sixty-four thousand pounds are made, if this number be divided by a hundred. Thus there result sixty-six thousand talents and forty pounds of gold, which by our estimate—for we count one hundred and twelve and a half gold pieces to each pound—are worth two hundred and seventy-six times one hundred thousand solidi; since that gold was united with no other metal. If this sum was spent on the wages of the craftsmen, apart from the cost of provisions, how do we think the value of the work itself, with the sacrificial equipment and the ornaments of the temple, will turn out? Surely it would seem to go on to infinity, no?

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Et[a]. In tertio autem Regum cap. decimo ita legitur: Fecit quoque Rex Solomon ducenta scuta de auro purissimo. sexcentos auri siclos dedit in laminam scuti unius, & tre centas peltas ex auro probato, trecetæq[ue] minæ auri unam peltam uestiebât: posuitq[ue] eas Rex in domo saltus Libani. Per hoc intelligimus in ornatum templi scuta aurea non cessisse, & accedere ad quantitate[m] auri ab Eupolemo po- sitam. < Pelta.> Peltam autem scutum esse breue nemo est qui igno- ret, Vergilio dicente, Ducit Amazonidum lunatis agmina peltis. Aut hic locus igitur mendo se legitur, aut Iosepus & Hie- ronymus no[n] rectè sielu interpretati sunt. Deinde trecetæ minæ Atticæ, paulò plus ducentis uigintiquinq[ue] libris no stris zygostaticis ualent. tantum aute[m] pondus uix gygas sinistra manu uersaret. Plinius inter miracula roboris re- sert Fusium Saluium duo pondera centenaria pedibus, to tidem manibus & ducenaria duobus humeris cõtra scalas tulisse. At libra nostra quadrante maior est Romana. Ho- die iustum pondus baiularium centu[m] & sexaginta pondo esse dicunt. Postremò nec scuta nec peltæ solido auro con stabant, sed intus ligno, quod laminæ aureæ conuestiebât. Apud Iosepum lib. VIII. no[n] trecetæ minæ, sed tres legun tur. Editio etiam Græca sic habet, π[er]us μναί χνοιε ἰπύς ἰπι ὑπολογιν. Tres minæ auri inerant singulis scutis. Capite aute[m] modò dicto tertij Regum ita legitur, Egre- diebatur autem quadriga ex Aegypto sexcentis sielus ar- genti, & equuscentum quinquaginta. Atq[ue] in hunc modu[m] cuncti Reges Syriæ equos uenundabant. centenos quin- quagenos siclos in singulos equos preciu[m] statuit, seu sex- cenas drachmas, id est, nummo nostro sexagenos aureos coronatos. quo fit ut quadrigæ, id est, quaterni equi iuga- les, quæ

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G. THE WEIGHT OF THIS MATTER. And[a]. In the third book of Kings, chapter ten, it is read thus: King Solomon also made two hundred shields of the purest gold. He gave six hundred shekels of gold for the plating of one shield, and three hundred pelts of proven gold; and three minas of gold would cover one pelt: and the king put them in the House of the Forest of Lebanon. By this we understand that gold shields did not come into the adornment of the temple, and that there is an addition to the quantity of gold set down by Eupolemus. <Pelta.> A pelt, however, is a kind of small shield, as no one is ignorant, Virgil saying, He leads the battalions of the Amazons with crescent-shaped pelts. Either, therefore, this passage is read with an error, or Josephus and Jerome did not interpret sielu correctly. Next, three Attic minas are worth a little more than two hundred and twenty-five of our zygostatic pounds. Such a weight a giant would scarcely wield with his left hand. Pliny, among the marvels of strength, records that Fusius Salvius carried two hundred-pound weights with his feet, the same with his hands, and two hundred-pound weights on both shoulders up the stairs. But our pound is a quarter greater than the Roman. Today they say the proper load for porters is one hundred and sixty pounds. Finally, neither the shields nor the pelts consisted of solid gold, but inside they were wood, which the gold plates covered. In Josephus, book VIII, it is not read as three hundred minas, but as three. The Greek edition also has it thus, π[er]us μναί χνοιε ἰπύς ἰπι ὑπολογιν. Three minas of gold were in each shield. But in the chapter of the third book of Kings just mentioned it is read thus: And there came out of Egypt a chariot for six hundred shekels of silver, and a horse for one hundred and fifty. And in this way all the kings of Syria sold horses. He fixed the price at one hundred and fifty shekels for each horse, that is, six hundred drachmas, that is, in our money sixty gold crowns. From this it follows that chariots, that is, teams of four harnessed horses, which

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les, quatuor & uiginti libris c[on]stiterint, quæ ducentis & quadraginta coronatis æstimari possunt. Ex precio hodierno intelligimus pobabile id precium fuisse, ut negotia tores Solomonis equos in Aegypto & in Syria sexage- nis coronatis emerint. Sæpe enim (ut testatus sum) per att ticipationem loquor, quasi iam tunc aurei nostri fuerint, ut expeditius desungar eo qvod institui. Græca lectio n[on] conuenit, in qua legitur, ἀρμα στὸς ἀρμην ἀγρυρία, καὶ πι= ων στι πεντύνωνα ἀγρυρία. Currus centum argenti, & equus quinquaginta argenti. qui modus loquedi antiquus fuisse uidetur. Liuius lib.1. Ita pedestri exercitu ornato, di stributo q[ui] , equitu[m] ex primoribus ciuitatis duodecim scripsit centurias, ad equos emendos dena nullia æris ex pu= blico data, & quibus equos alerent uiduæ attributæ, quæ bina nullia æris in annos singulos penderet. Hoc dictu[m] ita accipio, ac si centenos illic coronatos dixisset, & hic ui= cenos. Existimo autem unumquenq[ue]; equitem equos habuisse. Dixit enim Liuius ad equos emendos dena nullia, quibus uerbis significat unumquenq[ue]; equitem equos habuisse n[on] equu[m] tantummodo. Ita precium equi quinquaginta aurei coronati fueru[n]t prisco illo seculo, & sumptus an nuus decem aureis æstimatus. Syriam autem equis abudasse ex Strabone intelligimus lib. decimosexto. Tradit enim Pellam urbem Syriæ fuisse à successoribus Alexandri appellatam de nomine Pellæ, quæ patria fuit Alexandri. postea autem Apamia dicta est. Iuxta eam locum esse campestrè quem Orontes fluuius cum lacu quodam Cherronesum efficit. Ibi locum fuisse recensendo exercitui, & Hippotrophium < Hippotrophium memorabile.> pulcherrimum, hoc est, locum equitio alendo destinatum. In eo fuisse equas regias numero supra x x x. nullia, ad= missarios autem equos trecetos, ibidem & equisones fuisse, seu

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les, the four and twenty livres were valued at two hundred and forty crowns. From the price of today we understand that this price was probably such, that the merchants of Solomon bought horses in Egypt and in Syria for sixty crowns. For often, as I have testified, I speak by anticipation, as though even then our gold pieces had already existed, so that I may more conveniently finish what I have undertaken. The Greek reading does not agree, in which it is read, ἀρμα στὸς ἀρμην ἀγρυρία, καὶ πι= ων στι πεντύνωνα ἀγρυρία. A chariot one hundred silver, and a horse fifty silver, which seems to have been an ancient manner of speaking. Livy, book 1: Thus the infantry having been equipped, di vided, he enrolled from the chief men of the state twelve centuries of horsemen; for buying horses, ten nummi of bronze were given from the public fund, and widows were assigned to whom they might keep horses, who each year should pay two nummi of bronze. I take this statement in this way, as if he had said there one hundred crowns, and here twenty. But I think that each horseman had horses. For Livy said for buying horses, ten nummi, by which words he indicates that each horseman had horses, not merely one horse. Thus the price of a horse was fifty gold crowns in that ancient age, and the yearly expense was estimated at ten gold crowns. That Syria, however, abounded in horses we learn from Strabo, book sixteen. For he relates that the city of Pella in Syria was named by the successors of Alexander from Pella, which was the native place of Alexander. Afterwards it was called Apamia. Near it there is a plain place, which the river Orontes with a certain lake forms into a Chersonesus. There, for reviewing the army, and an Hippotrophium <remarkable Hippotrophium> most beautiful, that is, a place destined for the rearing of horses, was located. In it there were royal mares in a number above thirty thousand, but stallions three hundred; there also were horse-handlers, or

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET seu domitores equorum, & Ianistas, & bellici ludi magistros, & quicunq[ue] ad arma tyrones instituunt, stipendia merentes. quod mihi memorable uisum est. ἐν ταῦθα δὲ (inquit Strabo) μὴ ἔλευημὸν ἔσφαπωλην, μὴ ἡποτροφιον, θύλδα μὴ ἡποι ἔασπικὴ πλεῖς τῶν πισμηριων ὑχῖα ἐπιτων. τὴνταῦθα ἐν τευπολοδάμναι τεῦ ὑπολομάχαι, τεῦ ὑσοι παθοβαί ἐμιδοθτῶντο. < Talentum unu[m] tâtu[m] apud Hebræos.> Enimuero taleti significationem non unam fuisse apud Hebræos puto, quo modo & apud alias gêtes nônullas. Pollux lib. ix. Siculum talentu[m] duplex fuisse tra didit, uetus, & nouum: uetus quatuor & uiginti nummos significasse, nouum duodecim. apud Suidam non nummos uigintiquatuor ualuisse dicitur, sed mnas, quod corruptu[m] esse puto ex Polluce qui ait, Νῦνα) ἐν τεῦ μιος πιὰ ἀμιωβολια. < Auri & argenti no[n] αqualia fuerunt taleta.> Valet autem nummus sesquiobolum. Licet apud Pollucem ὑμόλια pro ἀμιωβολια legatur. Quod sic coniectura assequor: nummus sestertius quartam partem drachmæ ualebat, drachma autem sex obolos. quare tria hemiobolia, id est, sesquiobolum nummus sestertius ualuit. Talētum igitur apud Siculos uetus quidem senas drachmas ualuit, no uum autem ternas. Propterea Pollux, ὑμῦντι σπειχον τύλαγτον ἐλάχισον ἐγνε. Siculu[m], inquit, talentum minimu[m] quid ualebat. Eôdem pertinet quod idem alibi eode[m] lib. dicit, ἰδύνατο ἐν τῷ ἀχνοία ὑπολαυθον τῶς ἀχνοῦς αἰσινοῦς. ἐν τῷ ἀργυρία, ἐγκύνθα μνᾶς αἰσιικὰς. Valebat aute[m] auri talentum tres aureos Atticos, argenti uerò sexaginta minas Atticas. Homerus Iliad. lib. xxi. describens agona funebre quê Achilles ad tumulu[m] Patrocli fecit, talentu[m] pro summa non magna posuit. Primum enim præmium curuli certamini proposuit foemina[m] captiuà cum tripode, secundum, equam prægnantem mula: tertio autem loco uincenti, lebetem: quarto, duo auri talenta: ultimo, phialam æream

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G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND and trainers of horses, and lanistae, and masters of the martial game, and whoever instruct novices in arms, earning pay. This seemed memorable to me. “ἐν ταῦθα δὲ (inquit Strabo) μὴ ἔλευημὸν ἔσφαπωλην, μὴ ἡποτροφιον, θύλδα μὴ ἡποι ἔασπικὴ πλεῖς τῶν πισμηριων ὑχῖα ἐπιτων. τὴνταῦθα ἐν τευπολοδάμναι τεῦ ὑπολομάχαι, τεῦ ὑσοι παθοβαί ἐμιδοθτῶντο. < Talentum unu[m] tâtu[m] apud Hebræos.>” Indeed I think that the meaning of talent was not one among the Hebrews, just as also among several other peoples. Pollux in book ix reports that the Sicilian talent was twofold, old and new: the old, he says, signified twenty-four coins, the new twelve. In Suidas it is said to have been worth not twenty-four coins but minas, which I think is corrupted from Pollux, who says, “Νῦνα) ἐν τεῦ μιος πιὰ ἀμιωβολια.” < Auri & argenti no[n] αqualia fuerunt taleta.> A coin is worth a sesquiobolum. Although in Pollux ὑμόλια is read for ἀμιωβολια. I infer this by conjecture as follows: the sestertius coin was worth a quarter of a drachma, and a drachma six obols; therefore three hemiobols, that is, a sesquiobolum, was the value of the sestertius. Thus the talent among the Sicilians, in its old form, was worth six drachmas, but in the new form three. For this reason Pollux says, ὑμῦντι σπειχον τύλαγτον ἐλάχισον ἐγνε. “The Sicilian talent,” he says, “what was its smallest value?” To this also belongs what the same author says elsewhere in the same book: “ἰδύνατο ἐν τῷ ἀχνοία ὑπολαυθον τῶς ἀχνοῦς αἰσινοῦς. ἐν τῷ ἀργυρία, ἐγκύνθα μνᾶς αἰσιικὰς.” The talent of gold was worth three Attic gold pieces, and the talent of silver sixty Attic minas. Homer, Iliad book xxi., describing the funeral contest which Achilles held at the tomb of Patroclus, set the talent as the prize for a not very large sum. For first prize in the chariot race he offered a captive woman with a tripod; second, a pregnant mare with a mule colt; third to the winner, a cauldron; fourth, two talents of gold; and last, a bronze bowl.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET talenta auri, & aromata multa nimis, & gemmas precio= sas. Et rursus, Erat autem pondus auri quod offerebatur Solomoni per annos singulos, sexcentorum sexagintasex talentorum auri, excepto eo quod offerebant uiri qui su= per uectigalia erant, & negociatores, uniuersiq[ue] scutæ uendentes, & omnes Reges Arabiæ, ducesq[ue] terræ. Et ca pite superiore, Misitq[ue]; Hiram in classe illa seruos suos ui= ros nauticos & nares maris cum seruis Solomonis, qui cum uenissent in Ophir, sumptum inde aurum quadrin= gentorum uiginti talentorum detulerunt ad Regem Solo monem. In omnibus his locis ego talentum magnum intel= ligo, quomodo etiam cum de ære & ferro loquitur histo= ria. Primi autem Paralipomenon uicesimonono ita indu= citur Dauid pro concione loquens inter primores tri= buum, De peculio meo & aurum & argentum do in tem plum dei mei, exceptis ijs quæ præparaui in ædem san= ctam, tria millia talenta auri de auro Ophir, & septem mil lia talentorum argenti probatissimi ad deaurandos parie tes templi: & ubicunque opus est aurum, de auro: & ubi= cunque opus est argentum, de argento. Et inferius, Polli= citi sunt itaq[ue] principes familiarum & proceres tribuum Israhel, Tribuni quoq[ue] & Centuriones, dederuntq[ue] in o= pera domus Domini auri talenta quinq[ue] millia, & solidos decem millia, argenti talenta decem nullia, & æris talenta decem & octo nullia, ferri quoq[ue] centum millia talentoru[m]. De hoc loquens Iosepus ita inquit, Sed & tunc oblatio= nis primitias faciens, alia tria millia talentum auri purissi= mise præbiturum esse pronunciauit ad adytum & cur= rum dei faciendum. Cumq[ue] tacuisset Dauid, à principibus & sacerdotibus atque leuitis certatim offerentibus collata sunt auri quidem talenta quinque millia, & stateres de= cem,

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G. BY THE WEIGHT OF THE SHEKEL AND THE talents of gold, and very much aromatics, and precious gems. And again, the weight of the gold that was offered to Solomon each year was six hundred and sixty-six talents of gold, besides what the men brought who were over the revenues, and the merchants, and all those who sold shields, and all the kings of Arabia, and the dukes of the land. And in the above chapter, Hiram also sent in that fleet his servants, men skilled in navigation, together with the servants of Solomon, who, when they had come to Ophir, brought from there a supply of four hundred and twenty talents of gold to King Solomon. In all these places I understand a great talent, just as history also speaks when it mentions bronze and iron. But in the First Book of Chronicles, chapter twenty-nine, David is introduced as speaking before the assembly among the chiefs of the tribes: “From my own property I give to the temple of my God gold and silver, besides those things which I have prepared for the holy house: three thousand talents of gold from the gold of Ophir, and seven thousand talents of the finest silver, for gilding the walls of the temple; and wherever gold is needed, of gold; and wherever silver is needed, of silver.” And below: “Therefore the chiefs of the families and the nobles of the tribes of Israel, and also the captains and centurions, promised and gave for the work of the house of the Lord five thousand talents of gold, and ten thousand staters, ten thousand talents of silver, and eighteen thousand talents of bronze, and one hundred thousand talents of iron.” Speaking of this, Josephus says: “And then, making the first offering, he proclaimed that he would contribute three thousand more talents of the purest gold for the making of the shrine and the chariot of God.” And when David had fallen silent, the princes and priests and Levites, each vying with the others in making their offerings, contributed five thousand talents of gold and ten staters,

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 483 cem, argenti uerò talenta decem millia, ferri talenta millia multa. Hic etiam magna talenta intelligo. Sed adnotandum quòd quos historia sacra solidos, Iosepus stateres dixit. < Solidus. Stater.> Stater apud Græcos aureum nummum significat, quo no= mine & Persæ & Macedones utebantur:unde Philippei stateres & Darici & Alexandrei dicti. Stater etiam pon dus est drachmarum quatuor, ut antè diximus, quod He= bræi siclum dicebant. stateres igitur hic pro aureis num= mis, id est siclis intelligo. Sed de statere & solido inferius loquemur, si memoria non exciderit. Summa disputationis nostræ hæc est, æstimationem opulentiæ Hebraicæ fie= ri non posse ob talenti uærietatem, cum nec ipse Iosepus extricare hanc ambiguitatem potuerit. < Talenti significatio.> Nunc enim pro pondere, nunc pro numero, nunc pro nummo ponitur: ut apud Eupolemum in loco supradicto:quanquam & Græ ci eadem penè de uærietate significatum talenti tradide= runt. Quantum tamen coniectura haud æriolatrice con= sequi possumus, quod Eupolemus dixit quadragies sexties, centena millia in templum & eius instrumentum absum= pta fuisse, de siclis, id est stateribus intelligendum. Cuius summæ æstimatio à nobis posita est exactè, ut arbitror, nisi error calculi inciderit. Itidemq[ue] censendum dixerim de talentis illis Sardanapali, ut fidem historiæ obiter ar= rogemus. In qua hoc mihi animaduertendum summopere uisum est, ad eorum quæ diximus confirmationem, quod Ctesias ita scripsit, ut diceret, ιτταυδα περίθεντω μὲν χεν= είς μεγάστες χιλίας, Illic circundedit auri myriadas mille: non adiecto talentûm, ut in argento fecit, itidem scilicet ut Eupolemus in loco superius citato. Quæ duo exempla indicant antiquum loquendi morem, qua= lis est etiam hodie apud nos, cum dicimus, mille nul= liæ H 2

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... silver indeed ten thousand talents, and of iron many thousands of talents. Here I also understand great talents. But it must be noted that those whom sacred history calls solidi , Josephus called staters . <Solidus. Stater.> Among the Greeks, a stater signifies a gold coin, a name used both by the Persians and by the Macedonians: whence they were called Philippic staters, Darics, and Alexandrians. A stater is also a weight of four drachmas, as we said before, which the Hebrews called a shekel . Therefore I understand the staters here as gold coins, that is, shekels. But we shall speak below of the stater and the solidus, if memory does not fail. The sum of our discussion is this: the estimate of Hebrew wealth cannot be made because of the variety of the talent, since even Josephus himself could not disentangle this ambiguity. <Meaning of talent.> For now it is put for weight, now for number, now for coin: as in Eupolemus in the place cited above; although the Greeks too have handed down nearly the same variety in the meaning of talent. Yet as far as we can gather by conjecture, without rash guesswork, what Eupolemus said—that forty-six times a hundred thousand were expended on the temple and its equipment—must be understood of shekels, that is, staters. The estimate of that sum has been set down by us exactly, as I think, unless some error in calculation has intervened. Likewise, I would say, it should be judged concerning those talents of Sardanapalus, so that we may at least credit the history. In that passage this seemed to me especially worthy of notice, in confirmation of what we have said: that Ctesias wrote in such a way as to say, ιτταυδα περίθεντω μὲν χενείς μεγάστες χιλίας, “There he surrounded it with a million myriads of gold,” without adding “talents,” as he did in the case of silver, just as Eupolemus did in the passage cited above. These two examples indicate an ancient manner of speaking, such as is also still current among us when we say, “a thousand” for nothing.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Nabonidam successorem habuit, qui Babyloniæ muros secundum annem latere ac bitumine extruxit: quem Cy= rus aliquanto post Babylone capta cepit. Alpheum au= tem de Assyrijs & Nabuchodonosore hoc modo scripsis se dicit, Nabuchodonosorem Hercule robustiorem fuisse, uniuersamq[ue] Libyam Asiamq[ue] usq[ue] ad Armenios subegisse. Quem Chaldæi dicunt cum in regnum redijsset, furore diuinitus captum magna uoce exclamasse, O Babylonij, futuram uobis calamitatem prænuncio, quam nec Belus ipse nec uis ulla deorum auertet. Veniet Perses semiasinus, id est, mulus, qui uobis affèret seruitutem. quibus dictis repentè è medio excessit. Hæc est summa historiæ Alexandræ de Nabuchodonosore, quam Eusebius pluribus uerbis refert. Quarti Regum x x i i i i. legimus Nabuchodonosorem Babyloniorum Regem direptis Hierosolymis Regem ipsum loachim & famuliam regiam cum thesauris & apparatu instrumentoq[ue] templi aureo à Solomone comparato & fabrefacto, secum in Babylonem abstulisse. Aslipulatur & Iosepus in libro decimo Antiquitatu. Videamus nunc de Cyro, & audiamus præconium Talthybij summi Regis, id est Esaiæ uatis, quo nullum potest esse maius testimonium: Hæc dicit Dominus christo meo Cyro, cuius apprehendi dexteram, ut subijciam ante faciem eius gentes, & dorsa Regum uertam, & aperiam coram eo Ianuas, & portæ non claudentur. Ego ante te ibo, & gloriosos terræ humiliabo: & dabo tibi thesauros absco[n] ditos, & arcana secretoru[m], ut scias quia ego Dominus accinxi te, & no[n] cognouisti me, & reliqua. Hoc Esaias cap. x lv. Quòd autè de Babylone intellexerit, cap. x lvii. planum facit: Sed tace, & intra in tenebras filia Chaldæorum, quia non uocaberis ultrà filia regnorum. Iratus sum super

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G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND Nabonidus had as his successor, who built the walls of Babylon of brick and bitumen: Cyrus captured him somewhat later, after Babylon had been taken. Alpheus, however, says this about the Assyrians and Nebuchadnezzar: that Nebuchadnezzar was stronger than Hercules, and subdued all Libya and Asia as far as the Armenians. The Chaldeans say that, when he had returned to his kingdom, seized by madness sent by divinity, he cried out in a loud voice: O Babylonians, I foretell for you a coming calamity, which neither Belus himself nor any power of the gods will avert. A Persian half-ass, that is, a mule, will come and bring you servitude. Having spoken these words, he suddenly departed from the midst. This is the gist of Alexander’s history concerning Nebuchadnezzar, which Eusebius relates at greater length. In 2 Kings xxiiii we read that Nebuchadnezzar, king of the Babylonians, after plundering Jerusalem, took away with him into Babylon the king himself Jehoiakim and the royal household, together with the treasures and the furniture and golden apparatus of the temple, prepared and fashioned by Solomon. Josephus also agrees in the tenth book of the Antiquities. Let us now look at Cyrus, and hear the proclamation of Talthybius the supreme king, that is, of the prophet Isaiah, than which no greater testimony can exist: Thus says the Lord to my anointed Cyrus, whose right hand I have grasped, to subdue nations before his face, and I will turn back the backs of kings, and I will open doors before him, and gates shall not be shut. I will go before you, and I will humble the glorious ones of the earth; and I will give you hidden treasures and the secrets of concealed things, so that you may know that I am the Lord who girded you, though you did not know me, and the rest. This is from Isaiah, chapter xlv. That he was speaking of Babylon, he makes plain in chapter xlvii: But be silent, and enter into darkness, daughter of the Chaldeans, for you shall no longer be called the daughter of kingdoms. I was angry against

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. super populum meum, contaminaui hæreditatè meam, & dedi eos in manu tua. Non posuisti eis nusericordias: dixisti, In sempiternu[m] ero domina. & reliqua ad eundem sensum effata à fatidico illo uiro & entheo, id est spiritu diuino perfuso. Herodotus libro primo expeditiones Cyri scribes, Nitoerin reginam aggerè circa Euphrate duxisse dicit, & crepidinem superstruxisse, timentè ne aliquando urbs à Medis caperetur, quos imperio Asiæ imminere intelligebat. Cyrus autè (inquit) contra filium eius nomine Labyrinthu[m] expeditione suscepit, qui matri in regnu[m] Assyriorum successerat, ὑδι ἔυ ἀνηρ & ἀπιταυτus ἔγιωμανος ἀνη παῦστα ἐρατολητο, ἐχοντια τε τὴ πατρὸς τὴ ἰαυτὴν τὴ δωσμαε λαε ἐυνίτη, καὶ πλῶ ἀιωριων ὅρχηρ. Hunc autem Cyrum Herodotus Regem magnum appellat, à quo Reges Persarum Megalos basileas, id est Reges magnos appellari se uolue runt, ut murum non sit magnu[m] eum Regem esse factu[m], cuius dominus dextera[m] recturum se prædixerat. Verùm & Assyriæ & Mediæ regna in Persas esse victoria Cyri trasslata, nemo ignorare potest qui Herodotum aut Iustini bre uiarium legerit. Hæc testimoniu[m] perhibent dicto Pliniano lib. XXXIII. Equide[m] (inquit) muror populum Romanum uictis gentibus in tributo semper argentum imperasse, no[n] aurum, sicut Carthagini cum Annibale uictæ. Nec potest uideri penuria mundi id euenisse. nam Midas & Croesus infinitum possederant. Iam Cyrus deuicta Asia pondo XXXIII. nullia inuenerat, præter uasa aurea, aurumq[ue] factum, & in eo folia, ac platanum, uitemq[ue]. Qua uictoria argenti quingenta nullia talentorum reportauit, & craterem Semuranudis, cuius pondus x v. talenta colligebat. Talentum autem Aegyptium pondo octoginta capere Varro tradit. Iam regnauerat in Colchis Galauces & Esu H s

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. over my people, I polluted my inheritance, & gave them into your hand. You did not show them mercy: you said, I shall be mistress forever. And the rest to the same sense, spoken by that prophetic man and one inspired, that is, filled with divine spirit. Herodotus, in the first book of the expeditions of Cyrus, writes that queen Nitocris led an embankment around the Euphrates and built up the bank, fearing lest at some time the city should be taken by the Medes, whom she understood to be threatening the empire of Asia. Cyrus, however, (says he) undertook an expedition against her son by name Labyrinthus, who had succeeded his mother in the kingdom of the Assyrians, ὑδι ἔυ ἀνηρ & ἀπιταυτus ἔγιωμανος ἀνη παῦστα ἐρατολητο, ἐχοντια τε τὴ πατρὸς τὴ ἰαυτὴν τὴ δωσμαε λαε ἐυνίτη, καὶ πλῶ ἀιωριων ὅρχηρ. But Herodotus calls this Cyrus the Great King, from whom the Kings of the Persians wished to be called Megalos basileas, that is, great kings, so that it is no wonder that he was deemed a great king, whose lord had foretold that he would direct his right hand. But both the kingdoms of Assyria and Media were transferred by Cyrus’s victory to the Persians, no one can be ignorant who has read Herodotus or Justin’s brief account. These testimonies bear out the Plinian statement book XXXIII. Indeed, he says, the Roman people in tribute from conquered nations always exacted silver, not gold, as did Carthage when defeated with Hannibal. Nor can it seem that this happened from scarcity in the world. For Midas and Croesus had possessed limitless wealth. Cyrus, after conquering Asia, found 33,000 pounds, except for golden vessels and wrought gold, and in it leaves, and a plane tree, and a vine. By that victory he brought back five hundred thousand talents of silver, and the crater of Semuranudis, whose weight amounted to 15 talents. But Varro relates that an Egyptian talent holds eighty pounds. He had already reigned in Colchis & Esu H s

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET & Esubopes, qui terram uirginem nactus, plurimum ar= genti auriq[ue]; eruisse dicitur in Suauorum gente, & alio= quin uelleribus aureis inclyto regno, sed & illius aureæ cameræ & argenteæ trabes narrantur, & columnæ atq[ue] parastaticæ, uicto Sesostri Rege tam superbo, ut prodatur annis quibusq[ue]; sorte Reges singulos è subiectis iungere ad currum solitus, sicq[ue] triumphare. His uerbis apparet Cy= rum maiores multo opes reliquisse, quàm quæ legantur inuentæ ab Alexandro. Nec mirum, cum & Lydiorum opes & Iudæorum habuerit, quas Chaldæi è templo ab= stulerant. Quod de Nabuchodonosore diximus, ex Alexa[n]d dro Polyhistore confirmat Iosepus lib. primo c[æ]tra Apio nem, his uerbis, peri t[er]tio n[on] [con]sum[m]or[um] φιλορατος ἐν τῶς ιερών, μεμημέν & τήν ουλιορχίας, και μεραδέννι ἐν τήι τετάρτη τῶν ἰδικῶν. οἰ ἐυς ἀποφάινδει πειρᾶται καὶ προδημένον κασπία καὶ καταρχεῖα ἡαρ[ι]κὴν αυτόν φιοι και λιβύντι πῶν ουλλιῶν και ἰβηριαν. His igitur astipulatur Philostratus in historijs, quo in loco Tyri obsidionis meminit, & Megasthenes in quarto uolumine Indicar[u]r rerum, ubi ostendere contendit prædictum Babyloniu[m] Regem & fortitudine Hercule & magnitudine præstitisse: quippe qui Libyæ bonam parté subegerit, & Iberiam. Reliqua autem omnia penè eadem ijsdemq[ue]; nominibus relata, quæ apud Alexandrum. Strabo Nabocodrosor[us]. libro decimoquinto circa principium Nabocodrosorum uocat eum Regem. Huic dicto (inquit) Megasthenes c[æ]n= sentit, dicens antiquis Indorum historijs fidem nullam ha bendam. Nec enim ab Indis unquam emissam expeditione[m] nec in Indiam quenquam aliunde cum exercitu penetras= se uictorem, præter Herculem, Liberu[m] patrem, & nuper Macedonas. Nam Sesostrim Aegyptium & Thearchone[m] Aethiopem

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND Esubopes, who, having found virgin land, is said to have drawn out a very great amount of silver and gold among the people of the Suaui, and likewise in that kingdom famed for golden fleeces; and moreover its golden chamber and silver beams are said to have been there, and columns and parastatices. He conquered King Sesostris, so proud that it is reported that he used to yoke individual kings, taken by lot from among those subject to him, to his chariot each year, and so to triumph. From these words it appears that Cyrus left his descendants much greater wealth than that which is said to have been found by Alexander. Nor is this surprising, since he possessed both the wealth of the Lydians and that of the Jews, which the Chaldeans had taken from the temple. What we have said about Nabuchodonosor is confirmed from Alexander Polyhistor by Josephus, book one against Apion, in these words: ... His words are also supported by Philostratus in the Histories, where he mentions the siege of Tyre, and by Megasthenes in the fourth book of the Indian affairs, where he tries to show that the aforesaid Babylonian king excelled both in courage and in size of body, since he subdued a good part of Libya and Iberia. All the rest is related almost identically and with the same names as in Alexander. Strabo, in book fifteen near the beginning, calls him Nabocodrosorus. “Megasthenes,” he says, “agrees with this statement, saying that no trust at all is to be placed in the ancient histories of the Indians. For no expedition was ever sent out by the Indians, nor has anyone from elsewhere ever penetrated into India with an army and returned victorious, except Hercules, Father Liber, and recently the Macedonians. For Sesostris the Egyptian and Thearchon the Ethiopian...”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 491 Aethiopem usque in Europam pregressos ait. Nabocodrosorum autem qui à Chaldæis supra Herculem commedatur, usq[ue] ad columnas exercitum admouisse. Nabocodros < Opes David & Solomonis, & eorum imperium.> Sic ἀν παρὰ ἀλλάδοις σίδηξι μύσοντα ἐραλλίνις μαλλον, παίως σηλῶν ἐλάσμα. Tantas igitur opes David & Solomon cumulasse dicuntur, quantas alius nullus Regum. Legimus aute[m] cap. VIII. & X. secundi libri Regum, David Syros omnes subegisse usq[ue] ad fluuium Euphrate[m], & arma aurea spoliaq[ue] opima eis ablata, Hierosolyma co[m]portasse, tributaq[ue] Syris iniunxisse. Magnitudini autem Iudaici imperij consentanea est rei militaris constitutio in duodecim phalangas uel cohortes mestrucas distributa, quæ singulæ cohortes uicenaquaterna millia militum habebant: quaru[m] descriptio legitur libro altero Paralipo. cap. XXVII. < Syria terraru[m] maxima.> Quanta autem fuerit Syria, Plinius his uerbis docet libro quinto de Arabia loques, luxt à Syria littus occupat, quondam terrarum maxima, & pluribus distincta nominibus. nanq[ue] Palæstina uocatur quâ contingit Arabas, & Iudæa, & Coele, dein Phoenice: et quâ recedit intus, Damascena: ac magis etiamnum meridiana, Babylonia: & eadem Mesopotamia inter Euphratem & Tigriu[m] quaq[ue] transit Taurum, Sophene: citra uerò etiam Comagene: & ultra Armeniam Adiabene, Assyria ante dicta: & ubi Cilicium attingit, Antiochia. Qui subtilius diuidunt, circum Euphrate Syria[m] Phoenicen uolut: et esse oram maritimam Syriæ, cuius pars sit Idumæa et Iudæa: deinde Phoenice[m]: deinde Syria[m]: id quod præiacet, mare totum Phoeniciu[m] appellatur. Ipsa gens Phoenicum in gloria magna literarum inuentionis & siderum, naualiumq[ue] ac bellicaru[m] artium. Sic in ex explaribus legitur, luculeto uno errore, cuius à uetusto lib. admonitus sum. Quî enim fieri potest,

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. HIS LIB. IIII. 491 He says that the Ethiopians advanced as far as Europe. But Nabocodrosorus, who is said by the Chaldeans to be above Hercules, brought his army as far as the Pillars of Hercules. Nabocodros <The wealth of David and Solomon, and their empire.> So the line in Greek reads: ἀν παρὰ ἀλλάδοις σίδηξι μύσοντα ἐραλλίνις μαλλον, παίως σηλῶν ἐλάσμα. Thus David and Solomon are said to have amassed such great riches as no other kings did. We read in chapters VIII and X of the second book of Kings that David subdued all the Syrians as far as the river Euphrates, and brought the golden arms and rich spoils taken from them to Jerusalem, and imposed tribute on the Syrians. The military organization, divided into twelve phalanxes or cohorts, each cohort containing twenty-four thousand soldiers, is consistent with the greatness of the Jewish empire; the account of these is read in the second book of Paralipomena, chapter XXVII. <Syria, the greatest of lands.> How great Syria was, Pliny shows in these words in the fifth book, when speaking of Arabia: the coast along the sea, formerly the greatest of lands, and distinguished by many names, is occupied by Syria. For where it borders the Arabs, it is called Palestine and Judaea and Coele, then Phoenice; and where it stretches inland, Damascene; and farther south, Babylonia; and the same Mesopotamia between the Euphrates and Tigris; and where it passes Mount Taurus, Sophene; on this side too Commagene; and beyond Armenia, Adiabene and Assyria, formerly so called; and where it reaches Cilicia, Antiochia. Those who divide more subtly make Syria Phoenice extend around the Euphrates; and the maritime coast of Syria, part of which is Idumaea and Judaea; then Phoenice; then Syria; what lies before it is called the whole Phoenician sea. The Phoenician people themselves have great renown for the invention of letters, and of astronomy, and of naval and military arts. Thus in the printed editions it is read, with one clear error, of which I have been warned by an old book. For how can it be possible,

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 493 sparsi: una aute[m] urbs munita, ambitu ferme quinquaginta stadiorum, quam incolunt hominu[m] circiter centum & ui= ginti millia, Hierosolyma uocat. < Hierosolyma.> ἐγάτ ἰδράιων τὰ μὲν ὑπολι= λὰ ὑχυρῶματα ἀγὰτὰ πῶν ὑχυρὰν ἀγῶμα, μια δὲ πόλις ὑχυρὰ πεντώντα μᾶλισα ἀγαίων πῶν περίμετρον, ὑπον οἰνωστὴν αυτημὸν πων περίδωντα μυειάδες, μελυσι δὲ αυτημὸν ἰδροσολυμα. Ver= ba sunt non Iosepi, sed Hecataei, ut nescias an idem Iose= pus senserit. Strabo lib. decimosexto Mosen refert ex Ae= gypto multitudine secum hominum numerosam eduxisse, cum eis persuasisset Aegyptios sacerdotes nô rectè de di= uinitate sentire, & colendu[m] esse Deum unum sub nulla effi gie, & reliqua eôdem pertinêtia. Deinde ita insert, ποιαντα λητων ἐπισκη σηνωμονας ἀναφας ἐν ὑλίνας, και ἀπήχαν ἐπι τὸν τῶν τῶν ὑπα νῦν ἔσι ἐν τοῖς ἰδροσολύμοις πτισμα. πατριχε δὲ γαθίων ἐν ἐπίθονον ἀχωριον, ὑδὲ ὑπις ὃ ἐπικα= σκημινως μαχισαυλ. ἐγα δὲ περῶδες, ἐννοσφον, πῶν δὲ κύπων χώραν ἐχων λυπαν και ἀννοσφον, πῶν δὲ ἐν χεῖνητα ἀκ= σίων και ἐπίθοντον. Hæc autem (inquit) cum diceret, ho= mines bona mente non sanè paucos facilè in suam senten= tiam adduxit, ut se in cum locum sequerêtur, ubi nunc co= dita sunt Hierosolyma. Quippe locum facilè obtinuit, quem inuidere ei nemo iure deberet, nec cuius gratia cer= tamen magnopere excitari posset: utpote qui petrosus sit, & aquis scatens, cum omnis in circuitu regio ieiuna sit, & siticulosa: intus ad sexaginta ferme stadia lapidosa. Et rursus inferius, Primus pro sacerdote Regem se fecit Ale= xander: cuius filios Hyrcanum & Aristobulum Pompeius sustulit, atq[ue] eorum munitiones subuertit, ipsaq[ue] in primis Hierosolyma ui capta sunt. Ea munitio petrosa erat, ac be ne septa, interius aquis abundans, exterius prorsus arida, fossam habebat in saxo excisam sexagenum pedu[m] altitu= dine, la

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 493 scattered: a single fortified city, with a circuit of about fifty stadia, inhabited by about one hundred and twenty thousand people, he calls Hierosolyma . <Hierosolyma.> ἐγάτ ἰδράιων τὰ μὲν ὑπολι=λὰ ὑχυρῶματα ἀγὰτὰ πῶν ὑχυρὰν ἀγῶμα, μια δὲ πόλις ὑχυρὰ πεντώντα μᾶλισα ἀγαίων πῶν περίμετρον, ὑπον οἰνωστὴν αυτημὸν πῶν περίδωντα μυειάδες, μελυσι δὲ αυτημὸν ἰδροσολυμα. These are not the words of Josephus, but of Hecataeus, so that you do not know whether Josephus himself meant the same thing. Strabo, in the sixteenth book, says that Moses led out of Egypt a large multitude of people with him, after persuading them that the Egyptian priests did not think rightly about divinity, and that one God should be worshiped without any image, and other things pertaining to the same subject. Then he inserts thus: ποιαντα λητων ἐπισκη σηνωμονας ἀναφας ἐν ὑλίνας, και ἀπήχαν ἐπι τὸν τῶν τῶν ὑπα νῦν ἔσι ἐν τοῖς ἰδροσολύμοις πτισμα. πατριχε δὲ γαθίων ἐν ἐπίθονον ἀχωριον, ὑδὲ ὑπις ὃ ἐπικα=σκημινως μαχισαυλ. ἐγα δὲ περῶδες, ἐννοσφον, πῶν δὲ κύπων χώραν ἐχων λυπαν και ἀννοσφον, πῶν δὲ ἐν χεῖνητα ἀκ=σίων και ἐπίθοντον. “When he said these things,” he says, “he easily drew many men, not a few of them of good mind, to his opinion, so that they followed him to the place where Hierosolyma now stands. Indeed, he easily secured a place that no one should rightly envy him, nor for whose sake any great contest could be stirred up: namely, a place that is rocky and full of springs, while all the surrounding region is barren and thirsty; within, for about sixty stadia, it is stony.” And again further on: “The first among the priests, Alexander, made himself king; Pompey took away his sons Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, and overthrew their fortifications, and Hierosolyma itself was taken by force. That stronghold was rocky and well enclosed, abundant with water within, completely dry without, and had a ditch cut out of the rock to a depth of sixty feet, la

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET dine, latitudine ducenûm & quinquagenûm. Poëcius ur bem cepit obseruato ieiunij die, cu[m] Iudæi omni opere feriati essent. Cōpleta enim fossa scalas muris admouit, . Iudæi & eoru[m] opes Græcis et Latinis incogniti fuerunt. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ~~.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON THE ASSE AND dine, with a width of two hundred and fifty. Poëcius ur took the city, observing the day of fasting, since the Jews were idle in every work. For when the ditch was completed, he brought ladders up to the walls, . The Jews and their wealth were unknown to the Greeks and Latins. .

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET urbes nostræ longè à mari reductæ: regionem autem bonam incolentes, eius cultu acquiescimus. ἐμῶς ποῦνω ὑμτὸς χώραν δικῶμιν παράλιον, ὑμτὲ ἀμωρείας χαρομεν, ὑδὲ τῶς πρὸς άλλος συμποῦνια πιμηθίας. ὑλλι ἐσιν μὲν ἐμῶν αἰ πολες μακρὰν ἀπὸ δαλαίων ἀπωκισμών. χώραν δὲ ἀγαθῶν νεμομηδοι, τὰυτῶν ἐκδοξωμεν. Phoenices autem & Aegyptios propterea cognitos à Græcis ait, quòd ab Aegyptijs multa exportarentur ad alias gentes. Phoenicum autem ij qui maritimam oram accolunt, quæstui studêtes, negociationes exercebant. à quo uitæ genere cum Iudæi abhorrerèt, peculiaribus institutis, ac cultu diuinitatis gaudentes, factum est ut serò fama eorum ad Græcos peruenerit. προσονομης ποῦνω ποῖς ἐμημενοις καὶ ἔν ποῦτι ἐν ἐντὸς παραστῶς χρόνοις τὸν ὑδιομὲν πρὸς τὰς ἐλληνικὰς ἐμιν ἐπιμηθιαν, ἀνδερὸν ἀιγνητιοις μὲν, τὰ παρὰν ἀυτῶν ἐμαρμηνα, ποῖς δὲ πιτω παράλιον ἔν φοινικης ἀγαθικησιν ἐν περὶ τὰς ἀγαθικιας απεθικὴν ὑμικὴν ἀν φιλεχρηματεῖν. Hoc idem (inquit) & ijs contigit qui in Europa habitat. de Romanis enim, qui in tantam potétiam iam inde olim crescere sensim coeperût, nec Herodotus nec Thucydides quoquo modo meminerunt, nec omnino alius eorum æqualis scriptor, sed serò eorum nomen in Græcia auditum. Galloru[m] autem & Hispanorum res usqueadeo ignotæ ijs fuerût qui exactissimi & accuratissimi scriptores fuisse uidentur, ut unus eorum Ephorus Hispanos, qui Iberi ab eo dicûtur, unam esse ciuitatem existimauerit, cum tam latè fines eorum pateant. In uniuersum autem ritus eorum qui nec fuerunt, nec fuis se unquam dicti sunt, scribere tanquam ita illis uterentur, no[n] dubitarût. πρὶ μὲν ἀ γαλατῶν τε μὲν ἐμύρων ὑμτῶς ἐμνόμενον δι ὑδηκῶντες ἀμερίδεια συγγαρεῖς, ὑμὲν ἐσιν ἐφορθεῖν, ὑδε ποῦτιν διεμιαν ἐντὸς ἐληρας, τὰς ποῦνον μὲν & ἐνδρία τὴς κατομύντας, <Galli & Hispani priscis historicis ignotissimi.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET our cities, being far removed from the sea: but inhabiting a good region, we are content with its cultivation. ἐμῶς ποῦνω ὑμτὸς χώραν δικῶμιν παράλιον, ὑμτὲ ἀμωρείας χαρομεν, ὑδὲ τῶς πρὸς άλλος συμποῦνια πιμηθίας. ὑλλι ἐσιν μὲν ἐμῶν αἰ πολες μακρὰν ἀπὸ δαλαίων ἀπωκισμών. χώραν δὲ ἀγαθῶν νεμομηδοι, τὰυτῶν ἐκδοξωμεν. Phoenicians, however, and Egyptians, he says, were known by the Greeks for this reason, because many things were exported from the Egyptians to other peoples. But the Phoenicians, those who dwell along the seacoast, being intent on gain, carried on trade. Since the Jews abhorred this way of life, rejoicing in their own customs and in the worship of divinity, it happened that their fame reached the Greeks only late. προσονομης ποῦνω ποῖς ἐμημενοις καὶ ἔν ποῦτι ἐν ἐντὸς παραστῶς χρόνοις τὸν ὑδιομὲν πρὸς τὰς ἐλληνικὰς ἐμιν ἐπιμηθιαν, ἀνδερὸν ἀιγνητιοις μὲν, τὰ παρὰν ἀυτῶν ἐμαρμηνα, ποῖς δὲ πιτω παράλιον ἔν φοινικης ἀγαθικησιν ἐν περὶ τὰς ἀγαθικιας απεθικὴν ὑμικὴν ἀν φιλεχρηματεῖν. “This same thing,” he says, also happened to those who live in Europe. For of the Romans, who had already long before begun gradually to grow to such power, neither Herodotus nor Thucydides, nor in any way any other writer of their time, made mention; but their name was heard in Greece only late. The affairs of the Gauls and Spaniards were so unknown to those who seem to have been the most exact and accurate writers, that one of them, Ephorus, supposed the Spaniards, whom he calls Iberians, to be one city, although their boundaries extend so widely. In general, he did not hesitate to write of the customs of those peoples who had not existed, or were never said to have existed, as though they used them in that way. πρὶ μὲν ἀ γαλατῶν τε μὲν ἐμύρων ὑμτῶς ἐμνόμενον δι ὑδηκῶντες ἀμερίδεια συγγαρεῖς, ὑμὲν ἐσιν ἐφορθεῖν, ὑδε ποῦτιν διεμιαν ἐντὸς ἐληρας, τὰς ποῦνον μὲν & ἐνδρία τὴς κατομύντας, <Galli & Hispani priscis historicis ignotissimi.>

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET genuè fatentes, nec inde egressum bona fide cõmemorantes. Causas autè multas Aegyptij odij & inuidiæ habue runt, queis in nostra gentem extimulati sunt. I amprimu[m], quòd nostri olim rerum in patria eoru[m] potiti sunt: deinde quòd illinc digressi, in propria patria secunda omnia nacti sunt: postremò rituum dissensio, ingens eis odiu[m] in nos accendit, tantum religione nostra, & recto diuinoru[m] cultu, ab ea qua[m] ipsi uerâ pietate[m] putant, differente, quantum diuina natura brutis animalibus præstat. 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[n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o

Transcription: Translated (English)

truly confessing, and not declaring that they had departed thence in good faith. The Egyptians had many causes of hatred and envy, by which they were stirred up against our people. First, because our people of old once held power in their country; next, because, after departing from there, they found all things prosperous in their own homeland; and lastly, the difference in rites kindled in them a great hatred against us, since our religion and the right worship of the divine differs from that which they themselves think true piety, just as divine nature excels brute animals. [That] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB EIVS LIB. IIII. < Libri duo refutatorij de antiquitate Iudæorum.> autoritate[m] c[on]firmauit in duobus illis libris qui περιαρχαμ= όπητον ἀντιρρησκὰ ἀποκιων ἑπιμμανη, inscri= pti sunt, id est De antiquitate Iudæorum refutatorij c[on]tra Apione[m] gràmaticu[m], quos Latinè ita uersos legimus, ut præ stabilius fuerit n[ost]rua[m] fuisse editos. adeò & corrupti sunt librarioru[m] uitio, & interpretis ignoratia. Inter Chaldæos magnu[m] honore[m] habuit Berossus, qui Græco sermone histo riâ c[on]scripsit: cuius loca quæda[m] in eo opere citat sacræ hi storiæ c[on]sentanea. Ex T yrioru[m] aute[m] annalibus citat tesli= monia de centu[m] & uiginti ta[n]lètis auri ab Iromo Solomo= ni datis ad ornatu[m] tèpli, redonatu[m]q[ue]; e[ss]u à Solomone terra Zabulô in Galilæa docet. Amicitiæ aute[m] inter eos causam fuisse c[om]mune sapietiæ studiu[m]. Inuicè enim problemata dis soluêda missitare solitos, in quibus ferè Solomon præuale= bat. Huius rei, inquit, teste[m] Dione[m] citabo autorè in Phæni cum historia probatissimu[m], cuius hæc sunt uerba, Ababylo moriête filius eius Iromus regnauit. Hic partes urbis Orie[m] tales aggere cinxit, & pomæria protulit, ascendensq[ue]; in Libanum materiè incidit ad fanoru[m] extractione[m]. Regem autem Hierosolymorum Solomonem ad e[ss]u[m] aiunt ænigma ta[m] misisse, & ab eo alia repoposcisse, ea lege, ut qui dis= soluere non posset, dissoluenti, mulctæ nomine pecunias penderet. Quam conditionem cum Iromus accepisset, nec resoluere ambages potuisset, mulctam ingentem pe= cuniariam pendisse. Post Tyrium quendam hominem nomine Abdenonum extitisse, qui problemata ambigua solueret, alia que inuicem proponeret: quæ cum Solo= mon non resoluisset, pecunias multas insuper rependisse. ἐπα δὲ αβδύμονον πνα τύριον ἀνδρὰ πὰ προθήντα λύσαι, καὶ κιντην ἀπλλα προθαλην, ἀ μὴ λύσαιντα ἡν σολομῶνα, πολλὰ ἐν ἐυ= ρύμων προθεστισαι χηματα. Id e[st] Iosephus Menandrû[m] Ephe= sium 1 2

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART OF HIS WORK, BOOK IV. <The two refutatory books on the antiquity of the Jews.> He confirmed his authority in those two books which are entitled περιαρχαμ= όπητον ἀντιρρησκὰ ἀποκιων ἑπιμμανη, that is, Refutatory books on the antiquity of the Jews against Apion the grammarian, which we read translated into Latin in such a way that it would rather have been published in our own language. So corrupt are they, through the fault of the copyists and the ignorance of the translator. Among the Chaldeans Berossus held great honor, who wrote history in the Greek language; he cites certain passages from that work in agreement with sacred history. From the Tyrian annals also he cites testimonies about 120 talents of gold given by Hiram to Solomon for the adornment of the temple, and says that in return Solomon gave him the land of Zebulun in Galilee. He says that the cause of friendship between them was their common pursuit of wisdom. For they were accustomed to send one another problems to be solved, in which Solomon usually prevailed. Of this matter, he says, I shall cite Dione as a witness, a most trustworthy author in Phoenician history, whose words are these: After Abibalus died, his son Hiram reigned. He surrounded parts of the city with a rampart and extended the suburbs, and going up to Lebanon he cut timber for the construction of shrines. But they say that King Solomon of Jerusalem sent him riddles to solve, and requested others from him in turn, on the condition that whoever could not solve them would pay money as a fine to the solver. When Hiram accepted this condition and could not unravel the riddles, he paid a huge fine in money. Afterward there appeared a Tyrian man named Abdemon, who solved ambiguous problems and in turn proposed others; and when Solomon could not solve them, he paid many talents in return. ἐπα δὲ αβδύμονον πνα τύριον ἀνδρὰ πὰ προθήντα λύσαι, καὶ κιντην ἀπλλα προθαλην, ἀ μὴ λύσαιντα ἡν σολομῶνα, πολλὰ ἐν ἐυ= ρύμων προθεστισαι χηματα. That is Josephus [citing] Menander of Ephesus. 1 2

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 501 riaru libro aduersus Iudæos, Inacho, inquit, regnate apud Argiuos, et Amaside apud Aegyptios, Iudæi duce Mose ab Aegyptijs defecerut. autor Eusebius. Iesepus tame[n] Te= chmosin Regem appellat Pharaonem, no[n] Amasin, ex Ma[n] nethone historiographo Aegyptio qui Græcè scripsit. Porphyrij autem computatione Moses etiam Semiramidis æqualis recipitur. Iustinus martyr in Parænetico, in [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s 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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET rasse uidetur, qui Eusebio & Augustino in eo inficiando aduersatur in præfatione Geneseos. Quo'nam modo igitur Moses multis millibus annoru[m] post Zoroastrem fuit, qui tot testimonijs proximus seculo æqualiu[m] Zoroastris fuit? < Prisci Græci & Latini in magna ignorâ tia uersati.> Sed uidelicet illa est ignorantia priscorum, qui mundum æternum esse crediderut: à qua opinione profecta est illa uanitas Genethliacorum, qui quadringenta & septuæ ginta annorum millia monumentis comprehensa continere sese ingenti fiducia mentiebantur, ut autor est Cicero in primo de Diuinatione. Strabo Mosen non magu[m] fuisse dixit, sed oraculis deditum, quales fuisse Amphiaraus & Orpheus & Musæus leguntur. Iustinus historicus, Ioseph in Aegypto magicas artes edoctum, citò insinuatu[m] apud Regem fuisse dicit: cuius autoris epitomè tricesimam sexta[m] qui legerit, & Cornelij Taciti libr[u]m unum & uicesimu[m], facilimè intelliget semina quædam ueritatis per totum orbem disseminata fuisse, sed præimbuta medacijs Aegyptiorum: < Malevolentia quorudam historicoru[m] in Iudæos & Christianos.> quo factum est ut historici Græci & Latini uanissimi interdum à nobis fuisse deprehendantur, qui sacra[m] historiam & incorruptam habemus. In quo profecto eorum uicem dolere deberemus, nisi in plerisq[ue] eorum improbam mentem cerneremus, bladiente semper ipsis in Iudæos maledicentia ob junius dei cultum. Sed inuidia uæcors aduersus Christianum nome[m] Tacito, Suetonio & Plinio Iuniori fuit. < Tranquil. de Christianis.> quanquam cum fuerint illi æquales, maledicta eoru[m] sacrilega ac nefaria etiam inuicem colliduntur. Tranquilus in Nerone, Afflicti supplicijs Christiani, genus hominum superstitionis nouæ ac malesicæ. Tacitus x v. de incendio urbis loquens per Nerone excitato, Ergo abolenndo rumori Nero subdidit reos, et exquisitissimus poenis affecit, quos propter flagitia inuisos uulgus Christianos appellat

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET seems to side with those who oppose Eusebius and Augustine in denying it in the preface to Genesis. How then was Moses many thousands of years after Zoroaster, who, according to so many testimonies, was nearly contemporary with Zoroaster? The ancient Greeks and Latins were in great ignorance. But, plainly, that is the ignorance of the ancients, who believed the world to be eternal; from which opinion arose that vanity of the genethliacs, who boasted with great confidence that they contained in their monuments four hundred and seventy thousand years, as Cicero relates in the first book On Divination. Strabo said that Moses was not a wizard, but devoted to oracles, such as Amphiarus, Orpheus, and Musaeus are read to have been. The historian Justin says that Joseph was taught magical arts in Egypt and was quickly admitted into the king’s favor; whoever reads the epitome of that author’s thirty-sixth book, and one book of Cornelius Tacitus, the twenty-first, will easily understand that certain seeds of truth were scattered throughout the whole world, but were pre-imbued with the falsehoods of the Egyptians. The malevolence of certain historians against the Jews and Christians. This caused the Greek and Latin historians to be found at times by us to be most empty, while we possess sacred history and an uncorrupted one. Indeed, we ought to grieve for their fate, were it not that in most of them we perceived a wicked mind, always with their slanderous malice against the Jews because of the worship of the one God. But furious envy against the Christian name was found in Tacitus, Suetonius, and Pliny the Younger. On Christians in Tranquillus. Although they were contemporaries, their sacrilegious and impious insults also strike one another. Tranquillus, in Nero: “The Christians, a class of men given to a new and harmful superstition, were afflicted with punishments.” Tacitus, in book 15, speaking of the fire of the city set by Nero: “Therefore, to suppress the rumor, Nero falsely charged the guilt and inflicted the most exquisite punishments on those whom the common people called Christians, hated for their abominations.”

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Sceleratissimus scriptor Tacitus. tetur in principio statim libri decimiseptimi, quod nomen ille princeps sceleratissimus sæuitiæ pugione conficere nixus erat irrito proposito, id iste sceleratiore historiæ stylo, toxico medacij oblito, repetere institit, uæcordium omnium scriptorum perditissimus, si rectè uerba eius æstimentur. < Tranquillus.> Nam Tranquillo quum idem esset obsequendi teperi propositum, quàm potuit tamen ipse breuissimè defunctus est, Christianumq[ue] nomen uno uerbo respuit, ne Plin. Iunior. amplecti uideretur. Plinius in fine epistolæ ex animi sui sententia locutus, cum principem consuleret, & mendacio locus non esset, in principio ita uera falsis temperauit, ut acta sua principi seuero & perspicaci approbauerit. < Veritatis uis.> In quo precium est operæ uim ueritatis animaduertere, quæ nonnunquam inuitis erumpit, ita fallens inter mendacia, ut ab audientibus demum agnoscatur, cum interim loquêtes adhuc habere se in potestate eam putent. Supplicium, inquit, minatus, perseverantes duci iussi: neque enim dubitabam, qualecunq[ue] id esset quod faterentur, pertinaciam certè & inflexibilem obstinationem debere puniri. O mi serum te Plini, & improbè principali gratiæ inseruiente[m], qui ueritate oppugnanda diligentiam tuam principi approbare uoluisti. < Traianus.> Hoc acri uir ingenio Traianus intelligens, ne damnare imprudentiæ præsidem uideretur alioquin sibi gratum, & nomini tunc inuiso patrociniu[m] præbere edicto suo non ausus, Conquirendi, inquit, non sunt Christiani: si deferantur & arguantur, puniendi sunt. < Improbum silentium de rebus Christianis apud autores.> Alioquin aute[m] in omnibus scriptoribus mirum silentium uel improbum potius de rebus Christianis agnoscas, ueluti coiuratis, atq[ue] ex compacto scribentibus, ijs etiam tempo ribus, cum res insignes ac memorabiles auspicijs Christi gestæ sunt. Id adeò ex re unica quam in medium afferam, iudicare

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND The most wicked writer Tacitus. is immediately declared at the beginning of the seventeenth book, that the name which that most wicked prince had striven in vain to obliterate by the dagger of cruelty, he undertook to repeat with a more wicked pen of history, with the poison of falsehood forgotten, most depraved of all writers, if his words are rightly weighed. <Tranquillus.> For Tranquillus, although he had the same purpose of compliance, nevertheless, as far as he could, he made an end as briefly as possible, and with one word rejected the Christian name, so as not to seem to embrace it. Plin. the Younger. Pliny, at the end of the letter, speaking from the judgment of his own mind, when he was consulting the prince, and there was no place for falsehood, at the beginning so tempered truths with falsehoods that he approved his own actions to a stern and discerning prince. <The force of truth.> In this it is worth the trouble to observe the power of truth, which sometimes breaks out against one’s will, so deceiving amid falsehoods that it is only at last recognized by the hearers, while meanwhile those speaking still think they have it in their power. “Punishment,” he says, “threatened, I ordered those who persisted to be led away: for I did not doubt that, whatever it was they confessed, their stubbornness and inflexible obstinacy at least ought to be punished.” O miserable Pliny, and wickedly serving princely favor, who wished to prove your diligence to the prince by attacking the truth. < Trajan.> Trajan, a man of keen intellect, understanding this, lest he seem to condemn the leader of imprudence, otherwise agreeable to himself, and not daring to give protection by his edict to a name then hateful, said: “Christians are not to be sought out; if they are reported and proved, they are to be punished.” <Wicked silence concerning Christian matters among authors.> Otherwise, however, in all writers you will notice a remarkable silence, or rather a wicked one, about Christian affairs, as though they had conspired together and written by agreement, even in those times when remarkable and memorable things were accomplished under the auspices of Christ. From this, indeed, I shall infer from a single example which I will bring forward into the middle,

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 505 iudicare quicuis poterit. Macrobius lib. 11. Saturn. de iocis Augusti Cæsaris loquens, Cum audisset, inquit, inter pue ros quos in Syria Herodes Rex Iudæoru[m] intra bimatum iussit interfici, filiu[m] quoq[ue] eius occisum, ait, Melius est He rodis porcu[m] esse quàm filiu[m]. Ecquis unqua[m] hoc memoriæ tradidit duntaxat Ethnicoru[m], quod Macrobius in trâsitu tanqua[m] rem notam perstrinxit? Mirari igitur desinamus cur nulla apud Plin. et alios rerum miracula relata, scri= ptorum sacroru[m] temporibus co[m]petant, et cum orthodoxa[m] rerum co[n]scriptione congruant: ac malignitati scribentiu[m], aut metui potius tribuamus opinioni principu[m] et populi bladientiu[m]. Tertul. in Apologetico ad Ro. loqu[es] de mor te Christi, Nam spiritum, inquit, cu[m] uerbo sponte dimisit, præuento carnificis officio. eodem momento dies medium orbem signante sole subducta est. Deliquium utiq[ue] putaue runt qui id quoq[ue] super Christo prædictum no[n] scierunt, et tamen cum mundi casum relatu[m] in archiuis uestris habetis. Et paulò inferius, Ea omnia super Christo Pilatus et ipse iam pro sua conscientia Christianus, Cæsari tunc Tyberio nunciduit. Eusebius in Chronicis de anno decimo= octauo principatus Tyberij loquens, Solis facta defectio, et tenebræ super uniuersam terram. Bithynia terræ mo= tu concussa, et in urbe Nicena ædes plurimæ corrueru[n]t. Quæ omnia ijs congruunt quæ in passione domini acci= derunt. tum ad hoc probandum Phlegonta citat auto= rem exactum Olympiadum adnotatorem, cuius ut histo= rici et Olympiadum scriptoris meminit Suidas, Trallia= numq[ue] fuisse dicit, Adriani libertum, uel Augusti, ut alij putauerunt. Is igitur huius rei locupletissimus esse testis potest in Asia genitus, ubi is terræ motus accidit. De eo motu Plinium locutum esse non dubito, cum inquit libro 1 5 secun

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Any one can judge. Macrobius, in book 2 of the Saturnalia, speaking of the jests of Augustus Caesar, says: “When he heard that among the boys whom Herod, king of the Jews, had ordered to be killed in Syria within the age of two years, his own son had also been slain, he said, ‘It is better to be Herod’s pig than his son.’” Who has ever handed down this to memory, at least among the heathen, except Macrobius, who in passing touched on it as a familiar thing? Let us therefore cease to wonder why no miracles of things are related by Pliny and others as matching the times of the sacred writers and agreeing with the orthodox account of events; and let us rather attribute to the malice of writers, or more truly to fear, the opinions of princes and the flatteries of the people. Tertullian, in the Apologeticus addressed to the Romans, speaking of the death of Christ, says: “For He gave up His spirit of His own will, together with the word, before the executioner’s service was carried out; at the same moment the day was withdrawn while the sun marked the middle of the world. Surely they thought it an eclipse who did not know that this too had been foretold concerning Christ, and yet you have the world’s catastrophe recorded in your archives.” And a little below: “Pilate himself, already a Christian in his own conscience, reported all these things concerning Christ to Tiberius Caesar then.” Eusebius, in the Chronicles, speaking of the eighteenth year of Tiberius’ reign, says: “A failing of the sun occurred, and darkness over the whole earth. Bithynia was shaken by an earthquake, and in the city of Nicaea many buildings fell down. All these things agree with those which happened at the Passion of the Lord.” Then, to prove this, he cites Phlegon, the most exact recorder of the Olympiads, of whom Suidas makes mention as an historian and writer on the Olympiads, and says that he was a man of Tralles, a freedman of Hadrian, or of Augustus, as others thought. Therefore he can be the most trustworthy witness of this matter, being born in Asia, where that earthquake occurred. I do not doubt that Pliny was speaking of that earthquake when he says in book 15, second…

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET secundo, Maximus terræ memoria mortalium extitit motus Tyberij Cæsaris principatu, x 1 1. urbibus Asiæ una nocte prostratis. Solis autem deliquium Plinius ignorare non potuit, si in archiuis Romanis perscriptum fuit, ut qui acta Romana diligenter percensuisse intelligatur: sed Plinius id dicere noluit, quod occultum principes esse uo- lebant. Parum enim plausibile dogma Christi apud homines superbos & uoluptarios esse oportuit, quod elatos animos, & corpora sibi indulgentia maximè execratur. Tametsi charitas illa iustitiæ parens, & diuitiarum contemptus & abdicatio, magis ab humanis placitis abhorrebant, utpote quæ ne hodie quidem satis festa fronte excipiantur ab ijs etiam quos sequaces Christi maximè esse conueniebat. Eôdem pertinet quod idem Plinius libro tri tesimo dicit de arte Magica loquens, Hæc, inquit, umbræ rum inferorumq[ue] colloquia promittit, quæ omnia ætate nostra princeps Nero uana falsaq[ue] comperit: quippe non citharæ tragici que cantus libido illi maior fuit, fortunæ rerum humanarum summa gestiente in profundis animi uitijs: primumq[ue] imperare dijs concupiuit, nec quicquam generosius uoluit. Nemo unquam ulli artium ualidius fauit. Hoc dictum Plinij fidem facit ijs quæ à Terulliano, Eusebio & Suida scripta sunt de Simone Mago Samaritano, qui apud Neronem gratia ualuisse dicitur, & cum diuo Petro coràm commissus esse. Satis autem no bis esse debet quòd compertum habemus locupletissimis testimonijs, ueritatem in utroq[ue] religionis nostræ instrumento plenissimè comprehensam, in potestate semper cul torum ueri dei fuisse: manasse tamen ad alios interdum ueritatem, non germanam illam quidem & incorruptam, sed in Aegypti primum officinis adulteratam, Athenis autem Veritas apud Iudæos sedem habuit ante ad uentu[m] domini.

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G. BVD. OF ASSE AND secondly, the greatest earthquake in the memory of mortals occurred in the reign of Tiberius Caesar, with eleven cities of Asia overthrown in one night. But Pliny could not have been ignorant of the eclipse of the sun, if it had been set down in the Roman archives, as one who is understood to have carefully examined the Roman records; but Pliny was unwilling to say this, because the emperors wanted it to be hidden. For the doctrine of Christ ought to have seemed too little plausible among proud and pleasure-loving men, because it most especially condemns haughty spirits and bodies indulging themselves. Moreover, that charity, the parent of justice, and the contempt and renunciation of riches, were more contrary to human opinions, since even today they are scarcely received with a cheerful face even by those who ought most to be followers of Christ. To the same point belongs what the same Pliny says in the thirteenth book, speaking of the art of Magic: “This, he says, promises the converse of shades and of the infernal regions,” all of which in our age the emperor Nero found to be vain and false; for he had a greater desire not for the tragic song of the cithara, but for the sum of human affairs and fortune, while his soul was driven into its depths by vices: and he first coveted to rule over the gods, and desired nothing more noble. No one ever favored any arts more strongly than he. This statement of Pliny gives credibility to those things which were written by Tertullian, Eusebius, and Suidas about Simon Magus the Samaritan, who is said to have enjoyed favor with Nero, and to have been confronted face to face with Saint Peter. Yet it should be enough for us that we have learned from the most abundant testimonies that the truth, most fully contained in both instruments of our religion, has always been in the power of the worshippers of the true God; nevertheless truth did at times flow to others, not that genuine and incorrupt one, but first adulterated in the workshops of Egypt, and then in Athens Truth had its seat among the Jews before the coming of the Lord.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 507 Philosophi ob ambulatores, sunt Peripatetici. autem postea in porticu, Academia & Lyceo, nunc sedentaria, nunc obambulatrice philosophia uariè interpolatam: nec antè sibi redditam, quam dominus noster in Iudæa, id est, in ueritatis ipsius incunabulis, ad manum etia[m] uisendam hominibus porrexit: deinde & Græcis hominibus & Latinis barbarisq[ue] intelligendam, nussis quoquo gentium interpretibus, dedit. Cæteru[m] admirari subit temporum nostrorum felicitatem, qui mundo iam uergente nati, tamen longissimè prorsum retrorsumq[ue] cernimus (ut Maronianus ille Proteus) quæ sint, quæ fuerint, quæ mox uentura trahantur, cum prisci illi Græci Latiniq[ue] autores sese in eo admirarentur, quasi in historiæ campo expatiantes omnia oculis subijcerent quæ à condito æuo gesta sunt, quos ne admota quidem & proxima uidisse deprehendimus. Sed utinam tam consentis manibus compertam comprehensamq[ue] ueritatem semel retinere possemus, quàm protinus agnitam festiuis oculis hilares exosculamur. Hæc enim ueluti fastidiosa est uel hospita, uel amicæ: cui cum secularium rerum amorem quasi æmulum quendam superinduximus, sensim ipsa à fluxis abhorrens, ex mente nostra quasi ex contubernio facessit, animumq[ue] nostrum suas res habere sibi iubet, clam remisso nuncio, cum interim æternitatis securi alias res agamus. Verum ut ad rem redeamus, nos hoc tenere conuenit quod capite nono libri secundi Paralipomenon dicitur, Solomonem Regem imperitasse ab Euphrate ad Palæstinen & usque ad limites Aegypti, gloriá que & diuitijs circumfluentibus omnes Reges non modo æquales, sed cuiuscunque etiam ætatis haud dubiè superasse. Quod Græcos Latinos que historicos tacuisse non magis mirum est, quàm sophiam cuius, id est, germanam sapientiam apud philosophos ui= ros Solomonis philosophia.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 507 Philosophers because they walk about are called Peripatetics. But afterwards, in the portico, Academy, and Lyceum, now sedentary, now strolling philosophy was variously interspersed: nor was it restored to itself before our Lord in Judea, that is, in the very cradle of truth, stretched it out to men, both to be seen and handled; then also to be understood by Greek men and Latin and barbarian alike, with interpreters from no nation whatsoever, he gave it. Moreover, I am moved to admire the happiness of our times, who, born when the world was already declining, nevertheless behold most distantly, forward and backward, as that Maronian Proteus does, what things are, what have been, what are soon to be drawn on, whereas those ancient Greek and Latin authors marveled at themselves, as though wandering over a field of history they laid before their eyes everything that had been done from the founding of the age, things which we discover they did not see even when close at hand and immediately before them. But would that we could retain once and for all the truth, found and grasped by such consenting hands, just as, once recognized, we joyfully kiss it with eager eyes. For this is either disdainful, or a guest, or a friend: and when we have imposed upon it, as it were, a certain rival love of worldly things, it gradually, itself shrinking from what is fleeting, departs from our mind as from a dwelling shared in common, and bids our soul have its own affairs, with the messenger quietly dismissed, while in the meantime, secure in eternity, we attend to other things. But to return to the matter, this we ought to hold: that what is said in chapter nine of the second book of Paralipomenon, that King Solomon reigned from the Euphrates to Palestina and all the way to the borders of Egypt, and that with glory and overflowing riches he undoubtedly surpassed all kings, not only his equals, but even those of whatever age. That Greek and Latin historians kept silent about this is no more surprising than that sophia, that is, true wisdom among philosophers, men of Solomon's wisdom.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ros, id est, sophiæ indagatores inauditam fuisse, cum eam tandiu tantaq[ue] indagine, sed irrita inuestigarint. Id quod in dubium uenire utiq[ue] non potest, cum eius bodie monu= menta in manibus uersemus. Quæ si satis animo compre= hensa haberemus, omnem antiquam philosophiam (quod ad mores attinet, & institutionem animi) nugas meras esse iudicaremus. Hactenus de rebus Hebræorum dictum sit: in quibus talenti & sici appellatio promiscuè posita, impedim[en]to fuit, ne inire rationem crassa saltem æstima= tione tantarum opum possemus: ubi tamen talentum auri propriè accipi probabile est, qualia erant sexcenta & sexagintasex quæ ei quotannis à prouincijs finitimis offe[n]e rebantur, ut decimo capite tertij Regum dicitur, & octa= uo libro Iosepi, & ea talenta quæ Regina Sabarum ob= tulit, & Rex Hiram. Ibi ego talentum (ut minimum) se= ptuagenarium intelligi debere censeo. Qua ratione ut au rum ad argentum undecuplex tantum fuerit, talentum se= ptem millibus & septingentis aureis nostris coronatis ualuit. Ex quo supputari summa quotannis poterit, si quis animi causa id facere, & reditum eius colligere uoluerit. Eorum autem quæ suprà diximus, eundem ipsum Solo= monem postremo loco autorè citabimus. Sic enim inquit capite altero sui Ecclesiastæ, σωπικον μοι καὶ γε αρ= γυριον καὶ γε χυσοῦν, καὶ ποδισιασμινις ἔασπιλῶν καὶ τῶν χωρῶν. Congessi mihi tum argentum, tum aurum & fa= cultates regum ac prouinciarum. Sed ijs quæ de siclo di= ximus, refragari uidetur id quod apud Pliniu[m] legitur lib. XVIII. ubi de pondere tritici loquens, ita inquit, Nunc ex ijs generibus quæ Romam inuehuntur, leuissimum est Gallicum, atq[ue] è Cherroneso aduectum. Quippe nô exce= dunt in modium uicenas libras, si quis granu[m] ipsum pon= deret

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G. BVD. OF THE ASE AND ros, that is, seekers of wisdom, to have been unheard of, since they have sought it for so long and with such great diligence, yet in vain. Which indeed cannot be called into doubt, since today we have its monuments in our hands. If we had these sufficiently comprehended in mind, we would judge all ancient philosophy (so far as morals and the formation of the mind are concerned) to be nothing but sheer trifles. Thus far let what has been said about the affairs of the Hebrews stand: in which the appellation of talent and sicl being used indiscriminately was an obstacle to our being able to establish even a rough estimate of so great riches; yet where it is probable that a talent of gold is properly understood, such as were the six hundred and sixty-six that were offered to him yearly from neighboring provinces, as is said in the tenth chapter of the Third Book of Kings, and in the eighth book of Josephus, and those talents which the Queen of Sheba offered, and King Hiram. There I judge that a talent should be understood as at least seventy minae. By this reckoning, since gold was only eleven times the value of silver, a talent was worth seven thousand seven hundred of our gold crowns. From this the total may be computed year by year, if anyone should wish to do so for the sake of curiosity and to collect its income. But among the things we have said above, we shall cite Solomon himself last as author. For thus he says in the second chapter of his Ecclesiastes, σωπικον μοι καὶ γε αρ= γυριον καὶ γε χυσοῦν, καὶ ποδισιασμινις ἔασπιλῶν καὶ τῶν χωρῶν. I gathered to myself both silver and gold, and the wealth of kings and provinces. But what we said about the sicl seems to be contradicted by what is read in Pliny, book XVIII, where, speaking of the weight of wheat, he says: “Now, of the kinds brought into Rome, the lightest is Gallic, and that brought from the Chersonese. For they do not exceed twenty pounds to the modius, if one weighed the grain itself.”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET dicitur, imperitantium, ad hæc tributorum magnitudinem, & copiaru[m] militarium ad decies centum millia hominum, in [mercurius] tuis [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] 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[antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [ant

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET it is said, of rulers, in addition to the magnitude of these taxes, and of military forces up to ten hundred thousand men, in [mercurius] your [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] 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lo negotio aut incruento certamine cepisset, apud hos iti= dem ut apud illos qui strenuitatis specimen ediderant, cip pos quoq[ue] statuebat, atq[ue] eo amplius muliebria genitalia asculpebat, significare uolés eos ignauos esse. Idem Hero dotus autor, sub Amaside Rege (cuius tempore Mosen ex < Amasis q Pharao dicitur.> Aegypto egressum esse diximus) Aegyptum beatissimam et à flumine Nilo, et à regionis solo fuisse, urbesq[ue] habi= tatas tunc numero uiginti millia fuisse. Huius < Memorabilis constitutio.> est autem memorabilis sanctio, ut singuli quotannis apud Nomarchen, id est cuiusq[ue] præfecturæ præsidem, profite= rentur unde uiuerent: qui autem hoc nô faceret, aut genus uitæ approbare Præsidi non posset, huic poena extremum supplicium esset. Qua lege postea Athenienses tralatitia usi sunt, prorsus inculpabili. Sed uerba ipsa Herodoti po neda sunt ad uerbum. N[ost]ro n[ost]ro αιγνητιοιοι τον Με αμασις ἰσι ἐκαστησιστος, αποδημητικὴ ἐκαστὴν ὑμάρχη πῶντος πνὰ αιγνητιων θερεν βιῶντα. μὴ ἐγιωτικὴ παῦτα, μὴ ἐγιων φαίνοντα οἰκαίω ἐδυνεαὶ θαυάτε, συλων ἐν ὑδλωαῖos λαθῶν ἐξ αιγνητια πῶνον τον νόμον, αδλωαίοιοι θερετο, ἐνκινοι ἐς μὴ χριστον, ἐντὸν αμώμω νόμω. Hic est autem Amasis qui lege hanc tulit, demonstrare unumquenq[ue] apud Præside[m] cuiusq[ue] loci, unde uiuat, quod qui non fecerit, aut demon= strare uitæ suæ rationem iustam non potuerit, hunc morte multandum. Solon autem Atheniensis sumptam hanc legem ex Aegypto, Atheniensibus promulgauit, qua illi semper usi sunt, lege sanè inculpata. Hac lege iurisdic= tionem exercuisse Areopagitas testis est Athenæus li= bro quarto, his uerbis, ὑπὸ ἐν τοις ασώτων, καὶ τοις μὴ ἐκ πολλοιασίας ἐκάλην, πολλαίον ἐκάλην τε οι ἀρεοτομητια καὶ ἐκκλασιον, ἰσοριστον φαυνόδων ἔν οιοι τε ωρείας. Quod

Transcription: Translated (English)

if he had seized the business or won it in bloodless combat, among these, just as among those who had given a proof of bravery, he also set up a prize, and furthermore he cut open the female genitalia, meaning to signify that they were cowardly. The same Herodotus, author under King Amasis (in whose time we said Moses had departed from Egypt), says that Egypt was most blessed both by the Nile River and by the soil of the region, and that the cities inhabited then numbered twenty thousand. Of this there is also that memorable ordinance: that each year each man should declare before the Nomarch, that is, the president of each district, from what he lived; but whoever did not do this, or could not approve to the magistrate the kind of life he led, for him the punishment would be the supreme penalty. By this law the Athenians later made use of a transfer taken over, entirely blameless. But the very words of Herodotus are to be set down word for word. In our text: ... This is the Amasis who enacted this law, namely that each man should show before the president of each place from what he lived; and that whoever did not do so, or could not demonstrate a just account of his way of life, should be punished with death. But Solon the Athenian, having taken this law from Egypt, promulgated it to the Athenians, and they always used it, a law certainly free from reproach. That the Areopagites exercised jurisdiction under this law is testified by Athenaeus in book four, in these words: ... What

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Liber IIII. Quòd autem patrimonioru[m] profligatores, eosq[ue] qui nul= lis facultatibus uictitarent, Areopagitæ in iudicium uocarent, pœnisq[ue] & supplicijs afficerent, memoriæ mandarunt Phaenodemus & Philochorus, plures q[ui] alij. Deinde idem autor Athenæus huiusmodi exemplum eius rei sub= didit ad dictum confirmandu[m]. Siquidem Menedemus, in= quit, & Asclepiades erant iuuenes, ambo philosophiæ quidem studiosi, sed egestate præditi. Hos Areopagus pro potestate accitos interrogare institit, quonam pacto fie= ret, ut cum dies ipsi toto philosophis operam darent, ni= hil in censu habetes, bona nihilominus habitudine corporis uiderentur. Ad hæc illi respondentes, cu[m] pistoré quendam accersiri postulassent, & ille accersitus uenisset, eum interrogandu[m] dixerunt: qui cum rogitantibus Areopagitis dixisset unaquaq[ue] nocte illos in pistrinum descendere solitos, ibiq[ue] frumentum molentes, pro nocturnis operis drachmas utrunq[ue] singulas ferre, admiratus Senatus, du= cetas eis drachmas ob uirtute decreuit. sed ipsa uerba sub ijciam, ne comminisci uidear. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. 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Transcription: Translated (English)

Book Four. But that those who squandered their patrimony, and those who lived without any resources, were summoned by the Areopagites into court and subjected to penalties and punishments, Phaenodemus and Philochorus recorded, along with several others. Then the same author, Athenaeus, added an example of this kind to confirm the statement. For Menedemus, he says, and Asclepiades were young men, both indeed devoted to philosophy, but possessed of poverty. The Areopagus, of its own authority, had them brought in and undertook to question them as to how it came about that, though they spent the whole day devoted to philosophers, having nothing in their census, they nevertheless seemed to be in good bodily condition. To this they replied, and after requesting that a certain baker be summoned, and after he had been summoned, they said he should be questioned; and when, in reply to the Areopagites who were asking, he had said that every night they were accustomed to descend into the bakery and there, grinding grain, to carry off one drachma each as pay for their nightly labor, the Senate, astonished, decreed two hundred drachmas for them on account of their virtue. But I shall insert the very words, lest I seem to be inventing the story.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET num incerto autore leguntur. Nam non esse Prisciani argumentum est, quòd in antiquis uoluminibus Prisciani no[n] inueniuntur. In his autem carminibus intelligedis quoties quamq[ue] luculentis erroribus Politianus lapsus sit, ex sequentibus apparebit, ut nisi Politiani stylum agnoscere, Politiani epistolam esse omnino negaturus fuerim. Eiusdem flagitij est quòd talentum Atticum maius tribus & octoginta nimis esse dixit, nec ullum pondus Attico taléto maius esse. Carmina autem illa sic ferè leguntur, Pes longo spatio latoq[ue]; notetur in anglo, Angulus ut par sit, quem claudit linea triplex, Quattuor ex quadris medium cingatur inane. Amphora fit cubus, quam ne uiolare liceret, Sacrauere Ioui Tarpeio in monte Quirites. Huius dimidium fert urna, ut & ipsa medimni Amphora, terq[ue] capit modium. sextarius istum Sexdecies haurit, quot soluitur in digitos pes. Dico his uersibus significari Amphoram ex area excitari quoquouersus pedali, quaternis quadris pedalibus inanita te amphoræ cingetibus, ita ut quaterni undiq[ue] anguli tesserales, tribus lineis cocludatur singuli, q[ui]bus ipsis tres dim[en]siones tesseræ significatur, qui cubus Græce dicitur, id est schema sex in situs sessile. Hoc enim uerba illa significant. Angulus ut par sit, quem claudit linea triplex. Tres enim dimensiones notantur, longitudo, latitudo, altitudo. Huius dicti testem interim citabimus Isidoru[m] Hispalensem, in hac re interdum non refellendu[m], licet in multis alijs lapsus sit. Amphora (inquit ille) recipit uini uel aquæ pedem quadratu[m]. Quòd si hunc testem refutare placet, prodeat Festus testis locupletior, qui his uerbis testabitur: Quadratul antiqui uocabant Amphoram, quod uas pedis

Transcription: Translated (English)

The BVD. of the Coin and these verses are read by an uncertain author. For that it is not Priscian’s is shown by the fact that they are not found in Priscian’s ancient volumes. And in these poems one may understand, from the following passage, how often Politian slipped into very clear errors; unless I recognized Politian’s style, I should altogether have denied that the letter was Politian’s. It is of the same fault that he said that the Attic talent is greater by more than eighty-three, and that no weight is greater than the Attic talent. But those verses are read roughly as follows: Let the foot be marked in a long and broad space in the corner, So that the angle may be equal, which a triple line encloses, Let the middle void be surrounded by four squares. The amphora becomes a cube, which, lest it be violated, The Quirites consecrated to Jupiter Tarpeius on the Capitoline hill. Its half a urn bears, and also itself a medimnus’s Amphora, and three times it holds a modius. The sextarius drinks this up Sixteen times, as many digits as the foot is divided into. I say that by these verses it is meant that an amphora is constructed from a surface in every direction by a foot, with four square feet of empty space surrounding the amphora, so that on every side four cubical corners are enclosed by three lines each, by which the three dimensions of the cube itself are signified, which in Greek is called a cube, that is, a figure seated in six positions. For these words mean this: Angle, so that it may be equal, which a triple line encloses. For the three dimensions are marked: length, breadth, height. As a witness to this statement we shall meanwhile cite Isidore of Seville, who in this matter is not to be refuted at times, though in many other things he has erred. “An amphora” (he says) “receives a square foot of wine or water.” But if one wishes to refute this witness, let Festus come forward as a more authoritative witness, who will testify in these words: The ancients called the quadrantal an amphora, because the vessel of a foot

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 515 pedis quadrati, octo & quadraginta sextarios capit. Poli= tianus duplicem amphorâ modium esse tradidit, & (quod uix intelligere possum) triplicê amphoram sextariu[m] effi= cere. Ego autem amphoram unam ternos modios capere dico, & duodequinquaginta sextarios: nec medimnum & modium eunde esse modum, sed medimnum modios senos capere. Suidas, μισλυνθ μητρον ἰσι ἐμμων, οἰον πυρων ἐυ χρι= θων. μισλυνον ὑμω μοδιων ἐν. Medimnus (inquit) mensura Medimnus. est aridorum, ut tritici uel or dei. medimnu[m] igitur mensura est sex modiûm. Hactenus ille. Sed audiamus teslem unum qui uice sit omniu[m]. Is erit Cicero, qui in Frum[m]etaria ita in= quit ad Verre, Accipis sestertios quindecim pro medimno tanti enim est illo tempore medimnum. retines sestertios duodecim, tanti enim est frumentum Siciliense ex lege æsti matum. Est eiusmodi æstimatio legis, ut cæteris tempori= bus tolerabilis Siculis, te Prætore etiam grata esse debue= rit. Est enim modius lege sestertijs tribus, ut æstimatus fuit ante te Prætore: ut tu in epistolis ad amicos tuos gloria= ris, sestertijs duobus. sed fuerit tribus sestertijs, quonia[m] tu tantum à ciuitatibus in modios singulos exegisti, tu non modò omnes accipere (quod oportebat) noluisti, sed etia[m] dare quod non debebant coëgisti. Idem alibi, Precium au= tem Senatus consulto constitutu[m] decumano in modios sin= gulos sestertij terni. Et iterum, Duobus precijs unum & idem frumentum uendidisti: semel ciuitatibus sestertijs quindecim in medinnum: iterum populo Romano, à quo festert. x x. in medimna pro eodem illo frumento ab= stulist. Et alibi, Hoc reprehendo, quòd cum in Sicilia sestertijs binis tritici modius esset, ut istius epistola ad te declarat, summùm sestertijs trinis, tum iste pro tri= tici modijs singulis ternos ab aratoribus denarios exegit. K 2 His lo

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 515 a square foot contains forty-eight sextarii. Politianus has said that the amphora is a double modius, and, what I can scarcely understand, that a triple amphora makes a sextarius. But I say that one amphora holds three modii, and fifty-eight sextarii; and that the medimnus and the modius are not the same measure, but that the medimnus holds six modii. Suidas: μισλυνθ μητρον ἰσι ἐμμων, οἰον πυρων ἐυ χρι=θων. μισλυνον ὑμω μοδιων ἐν. Medimnus (he says) is a measure of dry things, such as wheat or barley. Therefore the medimnus is a measure of six modii. So far he. But let us hear one witness who may stand for all. This will be Cicero, who in the Frumentaria says to Verres: “You receive fifteen sesterces for a medimnus, for so much is a medimnus worth at that time. You retain twelve sesterces, for so much is Sicilian grain valued by law. Such is the legal valuation, that in other times it ought to have been tolerable to the Sicilians, and even agreeable to you as praetor. For by law a modius is three sesterces, as it was valued before you were praetor; as you boast in your letters to your friends, two sesterces. But let it have been three sesterces, since you exacted so much from the communities for each modius; you not only were unwilling to receive all that was due (which was proper), but also compelled them to give what they ought not.” Again elsewhere: “The price, however, fixed by a decree of the Senate for the tithe, for each modius, was three sesterces.” And again: “You sold the same grain at two prices: once to the communities for fifteen sesterces a medimnus; again to the Roman people, from whom you took twenty sesterces per medimnus for that same grain.” And elsewhere: “This I object to: that when in Sicily a modius of wheat was worth two sesterces, as your letter to you shows, at most three sesterces, then this man exacted three denarii from the farmers for each modius of wheat.” K 2 His lo

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET His locis et alijs eiusde orationis liquet medimn[u] quinquies modium capere: quod de Sicula mensura intelligendum. < Medimnum.> nam Romanum medimnum ut Atticum senos modios cepisse, eodem autore eademq[ue]; oratione probabimus postea. < Amphora.> Nunc quod instat de amphora uideamus, quonam modo intelligi possit quod Politianus dixit. Sit igitur area quo quouersus pedum quatuor. si ex ea corpus quadrâ tale et tesserarium facere uelis, necesse est addenda dimensione tertia, id est altitudine, tertiam quoq[ue]; multiplicationem arealis numeri excitari. Quomodo enim bis binæ bis, primam tesseram numeralem faciunt octo angulis co[n]stantem, et ter trina ter secundam, qui numerus est uicenarius septenarius: eodem modo quater quaterna quater, tertiam tesseram faciunt, unitatibus quatuor et sexaginta concretam. Sit igitur planities uel interuallum quadratum, quaternum quo quouersus pedum huic si altitudinem bipedale imponâ, fient quatuor pedes quadrati, qui duos et triginta pedes ualet, hoc est bis quater quaternos. hos pedes si ex quadratis cubicos, id est tesserarios reddere uelim, eum numerum ut duplicem necesse est, hoc modo, quater quatuor quaternos. sic fiunt bis duo et triginta, id est quatuor et sexaginta. Vt enim quadrata forma ex numero quocunq[ue]; fit in sese ducto: sic ex quadrata iterum exurgit cubica. Quaternio enim radix est numeri quem nunc quærimus. Is in sese multiplicatus, sedecim efficit, et iam formam quadratam capit. At is numerus quadratus iterum quater multiplicatus, in tesseram assurgit, et fiunt sexagintaquatuor. Quare aut Politianus existimauit amphoram tot pedes habere in conceptaculi inanitate, aut tesseræ naturam ignorauit. Vtrumlibet autem dixeris, luculenter hallucinatus comperietur. At alterutr[u]uix de eo homine

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET From these passages and others in the same speech it is clear that a medimnus takes five modii: which is to be understood of the Sicilian measure. <Medimnum.> For the Roman medimnum, as the Attic, took six modii, we shall prove later from the same author and the same speech. <Amphora.> Now let us look at what concerns the amphora, and see in what way what Politian said can be understood. Let there then be a square area of four feet on every side. If from this you wish to make a body that is square and cubical, it is necessary, by adding a third dimension, that is, height, to raise also a third multiplication of the areal number. For in what way two times two, twice, make the first numerical cube, consisting of eight angles, and three times three three times the second, which number is twenty-seven: in the same way four times four times four, make the third cube, formed of sixty-four units. Let there then be a plane or square space of four feet on every side; if to this you impose a height of two feet, there will be four square feet, which amount to thirty-two feet, that is, twice four fours. If I wish to convert these feet from square into cubic, that is, cubical feet, it is necessary that number to be doubled, thus: four times four fours. Thus there are twice thirty-two, that is sixty-four. For just as a square figure is made from whatever number by its being multiplied by itself: so from the square the cube again arises. For four is the root of the number which we now seek. Multiplied by itself, it makes sixteen, and already takes a square form. But that square number, again multiplied by four, rises into a cube, and there result sixty-four. Therefore either Politian thought that the amphora had so many feet in the capacity of its vessel, or he was ignorant of the nature of the cube. Whichever you say, it will be found that he plainly erred. But on the other hand, scarcely anything about that man

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. homine credere fas est, qui Panepistemona librum condidit, quo omnium rerum artiumq[ue] scientiam profiteri uide tur, summatimq[ue] tradere. Vitruuius de tessera lib. quinto ita inquit, Cubus est corpus ex sex lateribus, æquali latitudine planitierum per quadratum. Is cum est iactus, quâ in partem incubuit, dum est intactus, immotam habet stabilitatem, ut sunt etiam tesseræ quas in alueu[m] ludentes iaciunt. Amphoræ autem capacitatem cum ego nosse cuperem, quadrantal, id est uas cubicum ex tabellis quatuor co[m]pingendum locaui, ita ut intus pedale quo quouersus esset, factumq[ue]; ad rudiculâ exegi, quæ intus quide[m] erecta, æquilibris esset ad summa uasis labra:iacens uerò & porrecta in imo atq[ue] summo, latera bina stringeret. Semipedem accipimus id spatium quod digiti utriusq[ue]; manus suppressis pollicibus occupant. Etenim palmus (ut inquit Vitruuius) à quaternis manuum digitis inuentus est, & à palmo pes factus sedecim digitorum. Nostri pedem duodecim pollicibus partiuntur, quas uncias antiqui uocauerunt, ut autor est Boëthius, id quod ostendit Plinius lib. decimoquinto de Siliquis loquens, quum ita inquit, Digitorum hominis longitudo illis, & interim falcata, pollicari latitudine. Pollicarem dixit pro unciali, ut differentiam adnotare facile sit inter digitale & pollicare. Frontinus, Aquarum (inquit) moduli aut ad digitorum aut ad unciarum mensuram instituti sunt. Digiti in Campania & in plerisque Italiæ locis, unciae in Apulia obseruantur. Est autem digitus (ut conuenit) sextadecima pars pedis, uncia duodecima. Idem alibi, Vnciæ ergo modulus habet diametri digitum unum, & trientem digiti. Hactenus ille. Vulgò pedem metiuntur opifices manibus in pugnos contractis, & porrectis pollicibus, altrinsecusq[ue] obuersis. Nos hu- iusmodi K 3

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. It may be believed of the man who composed the book Panepistemona, in which he seems to profess and briefly hand down the knowledge of all things and arts. Vitruvius, in the fifth book, says thus about a die: “A cube is a body with six faces, of equal breadth of plane surfaces, in the form of a square. When it is thrown, on whatever side it falls, while it remains untouched it has immovable stability, as also do the dice which players cast into the tray.” But when I wished to know the capacity of amphorae, I had a quadrantal made, that is, a cubic vessel to be put together from four boards, so that inside it was one foot in every direction, and having been made, I made use of a rod, which, standing upright inside, would be level with the upper rim of the vessel; but lying and extending at the bottom and top, it would draw together two opposite sides. A half-foot is that space which the fingers of both hands occupy with the thumbs pressed down. For the palm, as Vitruvius says, was found from four fingers of the hand, and from the palm a foot was made of sixteen fingers. Our people divide the foot into twelve inches, which the ancients called unciae, as Boethius is author of it; this is shown by Pliny in the fifteenth book, when speaking of siliquea, where he says: “The length of a human finger among them, and meanwhile curved, is of thumb-breadth.” He said “thumb-breadth” in place of “inch,” so that the difference between finger-measure and thumb-measure may be easily noted. Frontinus says, “The measures of aqueducts are established according to either the measure of fingers or of inches. Fingers are observed in Campania and in most places of Italy; inches in Apulia. But a finger, as is agreed, is the sixteenth part of a foot; an inch, the twelfth.” He elsewhere says, “Therefore the measure of the inch has in diameter one finger and a third of a finger.” So far he. Commonly craftsmen measure a foot with the hands clenched into fists, and with the thumbs extended and turned toward each other. We

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tione septingenta & quinquaginta millia Siculorum, nongenta millia Romanorum & Atticorum ualent: quæ ad medimnos Atticos relata, centum & quinquaginta nul lia fiunt. His adde centum & quinquaginta nullia modiûm Siculorum, quæ centum & octoginta nullia Romanorum uulent: fiunt decies centena & octoginta nullia. Hæc e= nim summa sesquiquinta est nongentorum nullium, quæ ad sextarios Parisinos reducta, nonaginta nullia fiunt: & duodenario diuisa, septem millia & quingenta modia Parisina. Sic ex duabus decimis Romani quindecim mil= lia modiûm nostrorum transportabant ex Sicilia, præter id quod ciuitatibus quaternis sestertijs imperabatur. Sed septem millia & quingenti modij nostri ea ratione quam Cicero statuit, id est tribus sestertijs in modium Siculum, ære nostro sexagintaseptem millia & quingentos aureos nostros ualent, quæ Romano more uicies septies sester= tium dicuntur. Quare summa omnino non congruit: pro= pter quod locum Ciceronis corruptum esse dixi. nec mo= dò corruptum esse puto, sed etiam mutilatum, inter uer= bum fuisset, & uerbum tritici. D C C C. enim millia non est alterarum decumarum numerus, sed frumenti impera= ti, ut ex alijs locis orationis colligitur. Numerus autem alterarum decumarum deesse mihi uidetur. Sed & ma= ior summa esse debet in triennio quàm centies & tricies, cum quotannis nonagies in alteras decumas daretur: id quod ex alio loco orationis ostenditur. nam Cicero eius summæ quinquagesimasbinas ad sestertium tredecies ta= xauit: qua ratione trecenties & uiciesquinquies esse o= portuit. Cæterùm non duodetricies imperato frumento Ciceronem statuisse puto, sed bis & tricies, cum quater= nis sestertijs in modiu[m] æstimaretur. summa enim ad num= K 5 num

Transcription: Translated (English)

...one hundred and fifty thousand Sicilian modii, nine hundred thousand Roman and Attic ones are worth: reduced to Attic medimni, these come to one hundred and fifty thousand. Add to these one hundred and fifty thousand modii Sicilian, which are worth one hundred and eighty thousand Roman ones: the total comes to one hundred and eighty million. For this total is, in fact, one and a half times nine hundred thousand, which, reduced to Paris sextarii, makes ninety thousand; and divided by twelve, seven thousand and five hundred Parisian modii. Thus from the two tithes the Romans were transporting fifteen thousand modii of our measure from Sicily, besides what was exacted from the cities at four sesterces each. But our seven thousand and five hundred modii, on the calculation which Cicero lays down, that is, at three sesterces per Sicilian modius, are worth in our currency sixty-seven thousand and five hundred of our gold pieces, which in the Roman manner are called twenty-seven times a sesterce. Wherefore the total does not agree at all: for which reason I said that the passage of Cicero is corrupt. Nor do I think it merely corrupt, but also mutilated; between the word would have stood, and the word wheat. The 800,000, indeed, is not the number of the second tithes, but of the grain exacted, as may be gathered from other places in the speech. But the number of the second tithes seems to me to be missing. And the total ought also to be greater over a three-year period than 130 million, since each year 90 million was given for the second tithes; this is shown from another passage of the speech. For Cicero valued fifty parts in a hundred of that sum at thirteen sesterces: by which reckoning it ought to have been 325 million. Moreover, I do not think that Cicero laid down twenty-two million of grain exacted, but twenty-two times two million, since it was reckoned at four sesterces per modius. For the total, in number...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET num quadrat. Sextarius nosler triticarius ferè est quâtum iumentum uiatorium ferre potest. hos in modio duodenos, Parisienses habent. Idem Cicero in eade[m] oratione, Iugera professi sunt aratores imperio atq[ue] instituto tuo: non opinor quenquam esse minus professum, quàm quantum arasset, cum tot cruces, tot iudicia, tot ex cohorte recuperatores proponerentur. In iugere Leontini agri medimnum ferè tritici seritur perpetua atq[ue] æquabili satione. Ager efficit cum octauo bene ut agatur: uerùm ut omnes dij adiuent, cum decimo. quod siquando accidit, tum fit ut tantum decumæ sit, quantum seueris. hoc est, ut quot iugera sunt sata, totidem medimna decumæ debeantur. Hoc cum ita esset, primum illud dico, pluribus medimnûm millibus uenisse decumas agri Leontini, quàm quot millia iugerûm sata erant in agro Leontino. Et rursus, Agri Leontini decumæ anno tertio uenierunt medimnis x x x v 1. millibus, hoc est tritici modijs ducentis sedecim millibus. His uerbis planum fit medimnum senos modios capere, cum prior numerus senario multiplicatus posteriorè efficiat. Idem, Ostendam neminem aratorem minus tribus decumis dedisse: atque hoc in beneficij loco petitum ab Aponio, ut in iugera singula ternis medimnis decidere liceret. Deinde inferius ita subdit, Professio est agri Leontini ad iugera x x x. nullia. Hæc sunt ad tritici medimna nonaginta, id est tritici modia quingenta quadraginta nullia, tres quinquagesimas, id est tritici modiùm x x x 1 1. nullia quadringentos. Ab omnibus enim ternæ præterea quinquagesimæ exhibebantur. Hæc exempla Ciceronis corruptissimè hodie leguntur, sed partim ex locorum collatione, partim calculo emendantur. quæ ideo citanda du= xi, ut probarem medimnum senos modios Romano more capere. Medimnus.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. On the as and the square number. Our sextarius of wheat is about as much as a pack-animal traveling can carry. Twelve of these are found in a modius among the Parisians. Cicero says the same in the same oration: “The farmers have declared the iugera by your command and institution; I do not think anyone declared less than he had ploughed, when so many crosses, so many trials, so many recuperatores from the cohort were being set forth.” In one iugerum of the Leontine field, nearly a medimnus of wheat is sown by continuous and equal sowing. The field yields, if managed well, with the eighth; but, if all the gods help, with the tenth. If this ever happens, then the tithe is as much as you sowed. That is, as many iugera as are sown, so many medimni are owed as tithe. Since this was so, I say first that the tithes of the Leontine field were sold for more thousands of medimni than there were thousands of iugera sown in the Leontine field. And again, the tithes of the Leontine field in the third year were sold for 35,000 medimni, that is, 216,000 modii of wheat. From these words it is clear that a medimnus holds six modii, since the former number, multiplied by six, produces the latter. Likewise, “I shall show that no farmer gave less than three tithes”; and this was asked of Aponius as a favor, that on each iugerum it might be permitted to deduct three medimni. Then later he adds: “The registration of the Leontine field amounts to 30,000 iugera.” These come to ninety thousand medimni of wheat, that is, 540,000 modii of wheat, and three-fiftieths, that is, 30,400 modii of wheat. For in addition, three-fiftieths were exacted from everyone. These examples of Cicero are read very corruptly today, but are emended partly from the comparison of the passages, partly by calculation. I have therefore cited them in order to prove that a medimnus holds six modii by Roman reckoning. Medimnus.

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CAPERE. Si enim quingenta quadraginta millia senario par= tiaris, fient sexies nonaginta millia. Cum tot tantisq[ue] au= toritatibus pugnat autoritas Polybij in 1 1. historiarum, his uerbis scribètis de Italiæ fertilitate, frumètiq[ue] uilitate, στο τε γὰρ ποσοῦτω αρθονίαν ὑπὲρχειν συμβαίνε κατὰ τὰς τόπας, ός τ' ἐν τῶς καθ' ἐμαίς καυροίς, ὑπολάκις τετίαρων ἐθολῶν ἐἰν' τῶν πυρῶν τὸν σκονλικὸν μεθλιων, τῶν ἐν κρι= θῶν σκοιν. Si enim Polybij ætate, qui Scipionis Africani præceptor fuit, medinnus frumenti Siculus quaternis ob= olis fuit, id est besse denarij: quo modo sestertijs binis ter= nis que Ciceronis tempore modius fuit, qui aut quinta aut sexta pars medimini erat? Ex quo fit ut censeam μεθλιων à Polybio pro eo dictum quod Latini modium dicunt. Inire autem rationem non possum quonam modo credibile fieri possit, quod idem autor eodem loco pro= didit, testificari uolens Italiæ ubertatem. Admiratur au= tem quòd in Italia hospites mercenarij peregrinos ad= mitterent in diuersoria, nihil prius paciscentes de singu= lis rebus ab ipsis cauponibus præbendis: sed tantum di= uertentes percunctareutur, quanti reciperent hospites. Itaque, inquit, plerunque eos admittunt semisse, ita ut ni= hil ipsi admussi desiderent eorum quæ usui necessaria sunt. ως μὲν ἐν ἐπιθωλι παρίασται τὰς καταλύτας ὑι πανδοχεῖς, ως ἐνανὰ πᾶντ' ἐκδην τὰ πρὸς πλῶ χείαν, ἐμικασαρία. τῶτο δὲ ἐν τίθερεν μὲν ὑθολῶν. ἀπονιως ἐν τῶν ὑποθαίναιον. Hoc dictum Polybij hyperbolicum mihi uisum est, ut qui= dem in exemplaribus peruagatis legitur: nec de eo habeo quod statuere possim. Verùm superioribus exemplis Ci= ceronis autoritatem habemus, agri Leoutini, qui ferti= litate commendabilis erat, iugera singula singulis medi= mnis, id est senis modijs seri: & plerunq[ue] cum octauo, rarò cum

Transcription: Translated (English)

CAPERE. For if you divide 540,000 by six, there will be 90,000 sixes. In this matter the authority of Polybius in the 11th book of the Histories conflicts with such great authorities. In these words he writes about the fertility of Italy and the cheapness of grain: for so great a plenty of grain occurs there in those places that, in my own day, four Italian modii of wheat were worth one coin, and of barley three. For if in the time of Polybius, who was the teacher of Scipio Africanus, a Sicilian medimnus of grain was worth four obols, that is, two-thirds of a denarius, how could a modius in Cicero’s time be worth two or three sesterces, when it was either a fifth or a sixth part of a medimnus? From this I conclude that Polybius used medimnus in the sense in which the Latins say modius. But I cannot work out by what reasoning it could be believed what the same author reported in the same place, wishing to testify to Italy’s abundance. He marvels that in Italy innkeepers admitted travelers to lodgings without first making any bargain with them about each item to be supplied by the innkeepers, but only asked the departing guests how much they received as lodging charges. Therefore, he says, they are usually admitted for half a coin, so that they themselves need none of the things necessary for use. This statement of Polybius seemed to me hyperbolic, as indeed it is read in the copies that have circulated; and on this point I have nothing by which I can determine the matter. Yet from the preceding examples we have the authority of Cicero, that in the territory of Leontini, which was renowned for its fertility, each acre was sown with one medimnus, that is, six modii, and usually with the eighth part, rarely with...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET cum decimo foenore satum frumentum redire. Primùm igitur statuamus quanta sit iugeri mensura. Columel. lib. vi. Duo, inquit, actus iugerum efficiunt longitudine pedum ducentorum quadraginta, latitudine pedum centum uiginti. quæ utræq[ue] summæ in sese ductæ, quadratorum pedum faciunt millia uigintiocto & octingentos. Iam autore Columella, & calculo confirmatore, nouimus ducentos & quadraginta pedes (quæ longitudo est iugeri) centies & uicies multiplicatos (qui numerus est latitudinis) octo & uiginti millia quadratorum pedum & octingentos efficere. Hic numerus octingentas, ut ita loquar, hexapedas efficit, quæ mensura nostri mensores & fabri sic utuntur, ut antiqui Romani decempeda. Est enim hexapus siue hexapeda, mensura sex pedum: quæ quadrata, sex & triginta pedes habet. Porrò centum hexapedæ quadratæ, tria millia & sexcentos pedes efficiunt. Quadringentæ hac ratione quatuordecim millia & quadringentos explet, quæ mensura est semijugeri Romani ex Columella. Ita iugerum octingentas hexapodas nostras habebat. Quare quod apud Varronem & ipsum Columellam legitur, actum quadratum undique finiri pedibus centum uiginti, cumq[ue] duplicatum iugerum facere, id de iugero quadrato intelligendum est, non absolutè de iugero, quod parum apud utrunq[ue] declaratum est. sed cum uterque dicat scrupulum denûm esse pedum quadratorum, & in iugero esse scrupula ducenta & octogintaocto, planum fit calculo, de iugero quadrato non intelligi, cum dicitur iugerum pedum esse uigintiocto millium & octingentorum. Si enim in singula scrupula centenos pedes numeres, quot ex denis pedibus quadratis exurgunt, patet uel in digitos deducenti, duceties octogies octies centenos pedes fieri, id est uigin= tiocto

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. On the Asse and with the sowing of the grain returned at a tenth increase. First, then, let us establish what the measure of the iugerum is. Columella, book vi, says: two actus make up a iugerum, with a length of 240 feet and a breadth of 120 feet. These sums, when multiplied by one another, produce 28,800 square feet. Now, by the authority of Columella, and with calculation as confirmation, we know that 240 feet, which is the length of the iugerum, multiplied one hundred and twenty times, which is the number of the breadth, produce 28,800 square feet. This number makes, so to speak, 800 hexapodes, which measure our surveyors and builders use as the ancient Romans used the decempeda. For the hexapus, or hexapeda, is a measure of six feet; squared, it contains thirty-six feet. Moreover, one hundred square hexapodes produce 3,600 feet. Four hundred of these, in this way, make up 14,400, which, according to Columella, is the measure of half a Roman iugerum. Thus the iugerum contained 800 of our hexapodes. Therefore, what is read in Varro and in Columella himself, that an actus square is bounded on every side by 120 feet, and when doubled makes a iugerum, must be understood of a square iugerum, not absolutely of the iugerum, which is not clearly explained by either writer. But since each says that a scruple is ten square feet, and that there are 288 scruples in a iugerum, it is clear from the calculation that a square iugerum is not meant, when the iugerum is said to be 28,800 feet. For if you count a hundred feet for each scruple, as arise from ten square feet, it is plain, even if reduced to digits, that 228 times 80 times 8 hundred feet are produced, that is, twenty-eight

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET < Franciæ sum[m]e. > appellatur, ex eo (ut arbitror) quòd sit sum[m]en (ut dicitur) Franciæ, in quo agro triticum mutilus spicis nascitur, non ut ferè in Italia, aristatis. In eo nos prædium Marlianum habemus. Neq[ue] nunc de summa ubertate aut soli aut tem= poris loquimur, sed de ea quæ plerunq[ue] uisitur. Notum est in eo agro arpenna duodeuicena in annos singulos sin gulis modijs nostris oblocari tritici lectissimi. Quanquam ea ferè locationum formula est, ut colonus eo rectè præ= bendo tritico defungi possit, quod summæ bonitati uno so lido cedat, & interdum eo quod semisse tantum solidi. Mo dium autem nostrum (ut iam dixi) duodenos sextarios con tinet, & sextarius binos medimnos. Hac ratione singula iugera quotannis bessem sextarij nostri, id est octonos mo= dios pensitare inueniuntur, cum tamen in eo tractu nullum agrum restibilem esse sciam. Sic enim fert agricolatio, ut triticarius ager à messe triticea altero anno semestre ali= quod genus frugis capiat, ut ordeum uel auenam, uel quid aliud leuioris foetus: tertio autem anno nouali agitato cesset, < Aruum. Veruactum. > quod & aruum & ueruactum appellatur ab antiquis. Itaque planum sit agrum nostrum bonitate Siculo non ce= dere, quem Cicero cum octauo & cum decimo acceptum reddere semen dixit. quanquam id postea uiderimus. nunc id tantum argumenta nostra adiuet, quibus asserere con= tendimus medimni Romani & minæ nostræ paritatem. Nostri aiunt agricolæ arpennu[m] quale diximus, sesquime= dinuum ferè poscere, ut bene seratur aruum. Columella de satione loquens lib. x 1 1. pinguis agri iugerum, si solu= tus & siccus sit, quaternos tantum modios tritici poscere < Ratio sem[m]etis. > tradidit: si cretosus, aut uliginosus, quinos. Hoc cum à no stratibus anxiè inquirerem, uix constare opiniones depre hendi: id quod ex uarietate soli & mensurarum contingit: quantum

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET < the sum of France. > is so called, as I suppose, because it is the “summit,” as they say, of France, where wheat grows with shortened ears, not with awns, as it does almost everywhere in Italy. In that district we have the estate of Marlianum. Nor are we now speaking of any extraordinary fertility either of soil or of season, but of that which is commonly seen. It is well known that in that district an arpenna of eighteen is leased year by year for a single one of our measures of the choicest wheat. Although the usual form of lease is such that the tenant may properly discharge the rent by furnishing wheat of that quality which may go for one solidus of the highest sort, and sometimes even for that which is worth only half a solidus. But our measure, as I have already said, contains twelve sextarii, and a sextarius two medimni. By this reckoning each iugerum is found annually to yield eight-tenths of our sextarius, that is, eight modii, though I nevertheless know that in that region there is no land that is kept under cultivation year after year. For such is the nature of farming, that a wheat field after the wheat harvest in the following year takes some lesser kind of crop, such as barley or oats, or some other lighter produce; but in the third year, the fallow having been stirred up, it lies idle, < Arvum. Veruactum. > which among the ancients is called both arvum and veruactum. So let it be clear that our field does not yield to Sicilian soil in goodness, of which Cicero said that with the eighth and even the tenth grain the seed is returned. Although we shall examine that later. For now let this much aid our arguments, by which we strive to maintain the equality of the Roman medimnus and our mina. Our farmers say that an arpenna of the sort we mentioned requires about a medimnus and a half, if the field is to be well sown. Columella, speaking of sowing in book X I 1, has handed down that a iugerum of rich land, if it is loose and dry, requires only four modii of wheat < Ratio sem[m]etis. > if it is chalky or damp, five. When I anxiously inquired about this from our countrymen, I found that opinions scarcely agreed: this happens because of differences in the soil and in measures: how much

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 527 quantum tamen colligere potui, plena, id est mediocris pinguis agri mēsura, solo denso dodrantem minimum poscit, interdum etiam dextantè, id est decem modios Romanos: soluto & minimè uliginoso solo, nunc septenos, nunc octonos. nunimus modus agri reliquis etiam co[m]petentibus, senos modios, id est medimnu[m] poscit. His conuenit dictum Columellæ lib. 11. Iugerum, inquit, agri pinguis plerunq[ue]; modios tritici quatuor, mediocris quinq[ue]; postulat, adorei modios nouem, si est lætum solum: si mediocre, decem desiderat. nam quanuus de mensura minus autoribus conuenit, hanc tamen uideri commodissimam docuit noster usus. Et paulò inferius, Nobis ne istam quidem quam prædiximus mēsuram semper placet seruari, quòd eam uariat aut loci aut temporis aut cæli co[n]ditio. Proinde quam proportionem iugerum Romanum, id est duodetriginta millia & octingenti pedes, ad Parisinum arpennum habet, id est ad duodequinquaginta & quadringentos, eandè ferè habent quaterni quiniq[ue]; modij ad septenos & nouenos. Leontinum iugerum non admodu[m] disparile nostro minimo fuisse oportet, quod tantundè frumenti posceret, id est medimnu[m] in singula iugera, si tamen Cicero ueritati inseruiuit potius quàm exaggerationi criminis. Arpenni aute[m] uocabulo < Arpennum.> non licenter uti uideor, cum id apud Columellam legatur. Aristoteles in 11. Politicôn autor est Solonem Atheniensem quatuor césus Athenis instituisse: quorum primus fuit eorum qui Pentacosiomedimni dicti sunt, id est quingentis medimnis censi. Secundus eorum fuit qui Zeugitæ dicebantur ab equis, bobus iugalibus. Tertius Hippas ab equis. Quartus Theticus dicitur, qui eorum erat qui The tes, id est opifices erant, hoc est operas suas locantes. Primu[m], secundu[m] & tertiu[m] ad magistratus & honores admitti uoluit:

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART IB. HIS BOOK V. 527 so far, however, as I have been able to gather, a full measure, that is, a medium fertile field, on dense soil requires at least three-quarters of a foot, sometimes even a tenth, that is, ten Roman modii; on loose and not at all marshy soil, now seven, now eight. Our measure of land with all the other requirements also, asks for six modii, that is, a medimnus. With this agrees the statement of Columella, book 1: “An iugerum,” he says, “of fertile land usually requires four modii of wheat, of medium land five; of barley it demands nine modii if the soil is rich; if it is average, it wants ten. For although the authorities do not agree on the measure, our own experience has nevertheless taught that this seems the most suitable.” And a little further on: “We do not even wish that measure, which we have just mentioned, to be kept always, because the condition of the place, or of the season, or of the climate alters it. Therefore the proportion which an Roman iugerum, that is, thirty-two thousand and eight hundred feet, has to the Parisian arpent, that is, to fifty-two hundred and forty, is nearly the same as that which four and five modii bear to seven and nine. The Leontine iugerum must not have been very different from our smallest one, since it required just as much grain, namely a medimnus for each iugerum, if indeed Cicero served truth rather than the exaggeration of the charge. As for using the word “arpennum” I do not seem to be acting without warrant, since it is found in Columella. Aristotle in book 11 of the Politics states that Solon the Athenian established four classes at Athens: of which the first was that of those called Pentacosiomedimni, that is, those assessed at five hundred medimni. The second consisted of those who were called Zeugitæ, from yoked horses and oxen. The third, Hippas, from horses. The fourth is called Theticus, which was the class of those who were Thetes, that is, craftsmen, men who let out their labor. The first, second, and third he wished to admit to magistracies and honors:

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET uoluit: eosq[ue] diuitum nobiliumq[ue] appellatione censeri. τὰς δὲ δρχὰς ἐκ τῶν γνωριων κὴ τῶν συπόρων κατεσκόεν πᾶς, ἐκ τῶν πεντακεσπομεσίων και ὑδυτῶν και πίτα τέλας τὴς καλωμένης ἀπόδ[ι]ν. Plutarchus in Solone, Cum magistratus, inquit, omnes locupletibus relinquere uellet, reliquam autem Reipublicæ gubernandæ partem promiscuam facere, ad quam antea plebs adspirare non poterat, ad census ciuium se contulit: & qui in siccis atque humidis censi erât, in primo ordine locauit, & pentacosiomedimnos uocitauit. In secundo autem eos qui equos alere possent, aut trecentis censi forent: & hos hippada soluentes ab equis nuncupauit. Zeugitæ uerò tertij census homines uocati sunt, qui ducentorum medimnûm censum explorêt. Quò hæc melius intelligantur, Pollux libro octauo de hoc loquens ita inquit, πιμματα δὲ ἐγν[.] τέτιδα, πεντακεσπομεσίων, πιπέων, ὑδυτῶν, θητικῶν. οι μὲν ἐκ τὴν πεντακεσπομεσίων μὲτρα ὑγρὰ και ἐγκρὰ συμμεν καλευτοβ, αυτισκον δὲ ἔγν[.] δημιόσιον, παλαιον. οι ἐγ[.] πιν[.] ἰππαστικὰ τελευτοβ, ἐκ μὲν τὴν δυναδα πρέφειν ἐπικα, κεκλησα σκικον, ἐποίν ἐγ[.] μὲτρα πιακόστα, αυτισκον ἐγ[.] ημιταλαιον. οι δὲ δὲ ὑδυτιστον τελευτοβ, ἀπὸ δακεσίων μὲτρων κατελευτον, αυτισκον ἐγ[.] μνῶς δὲκα. οι ἐγ[.] ποθικον, ὑδιμιαν δρχιω μὴνχον, ὑδει αυτισκον ὑδεν. Quorum uerborum huiusmodi est sententia, Quatuor census Athenis fuisse, Petaco siomedimnos, Hippis, Zeugitas, Theticos. Petacosiomedimnos autem, id est quingenimedimnos, ideo appellatos, quòd quingenûm medimnûm numerum uel mensuram siccis & humidis facere possent, hosq[ue] in publicum sumptus facere ad talentum. Hippis autem, id est equites ex eo dictos uideri, quòd equos alere possent: eosq[ue] mensuras trecentas facere, & publicè semitalentum impedere. At uerò qui

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND wished: and that they should be called by the name of the rich and noble. Plutarch, in Solon, says: When he wished to leave all magistracies to the wealthy, but to make the remaining part of the government of the commonwealth shared by all, to which the common people had not been able to aspire before, he looked to the census of the citizens: and those who were reckoned among the dry and the wet, he placed in the first order, and called them pentacosiomedimni. In the second order he placed those who could keep horses, or who were assessed at three hundred: and these, because they paid the horse-tax, he called from horses hippada. The zeugitae were, in truth, the men of the third census, who were found to have a census of two hundred medimni. In order that these things may be better understood, Pollux, speaking of this in the eighth book, says thus: ... The meaning of these words is this: there were four censuses at Athens, pentacosiomedimni, hippis, zeugitai, thetics. The pentacosiomedimni, that is, the five-hundred-medimni men, were so called because they could make up a number or measure of five hundred medimni in dry and wet produce, and these were to contribute to public expenses up to a talent. The hippis, that is, the horsemen, seem to have been so called because they could keep horses; and they made up three hundred measures, and publicly spent half a talent. But those who...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 529 qui iugationem penderent, à ducentis mensuris conscribi solitos esse, & publicè decem nunas consumere. Postremæ notæ eos esse qui theticum pederent, id est opificiariu[m] uel mercenarium: eosq[ue] nec magistratum gerere, nec publicè quicquam sumptus facere. Licebatq[ue] ex uno ordine ad a= lium transire, ut idem Pollux autor est. Ex hoc autem insti tuto prodierunt (ut arbitror) munera personalia, quoru[m] mentio fit in lege ult. de muneribus & honoribus, in Pan dectis. Seruius etiam Tullius hoc exemplo classes quinque ciuium Romanorum descripsisse uidetur. < Census Roma ni, & classes.> Prima classis in octoginta centurias distributa, ex his qui centum nullium æris aut maiorem censum haberent, quæ summa à nobis mille aureis nostris æstimata est. Octoginta autem centuriæ in quadragenas seniorum ac iunioru[m] diuisæ: ita ut senio= res ad urbis custodiam præstò essent, iuniores ut foris bel= la gererent, quibus arma imperata, galea, clypeus, ocreæ, lorica, tela in hostem, hastaq[ue] & gladius. Secunda classis intra centum usque ad quinq[ue] & septuaginta nullium cen sum instituta. Tertiæ classis quinquaginta nullia cæsus fuit. Quartæ quinque & uiginti nullia. Quinta & ultima un= decim millibus censebatur, id est centum ac decè aureis no stris. Reliqua autem multitudo, cuius esset inferior cæsus, immunis militia facta. Equitum etiam ex primoribus ciui= tatis duodecim centurias scripsit, quibus ad equos emen= dos dena nullia æris ex publico data, & quibus equos alerent uiduæ attributæ, quæ bina nullia æris in annos singulos penderent. Dena nullia æris ego centenos au= reos intelligo ad binos equos emendos, & uicenos ad alendos, id est bina nullia. Hæc omnia (inquit Liuius) in dites à pauperibus inclinata onera. Ex his intelligimus in infantia Vrbis Romæ primarias opes fuisse nulle aureos. L Prop

Transcription: Translated (English)

those who paid the tax by poll were usually enrolled at two hundred measures, and publicly consumed ten nuns. The last class consisted of those who paid the theticum , that is, artisans or laborers; and they could hold no magistracy, nor spend anything publicly. And it was allowed to pass from one order to another, as Pollux is likewise the author. From this institution, I think, came the personal services mentioned in the last law de muneribus et honoribus in the Digest. Servius Tullius also seems to have outlined the five classes of Roman citizens on this model. <Roman census and classes.> The first class was divided into eighty centuries, made up of those who had a census of one hundred thousand asses or more, a sum which has been reckoned by us at one thousand of our gold coins. These eighty centuries were divided into forty of seniors and forty of juniors, so that the seniors might be ready for the guarding of the city, the juniors for waging war abroad; and to these were assigned arms: helmet, shield, greaves, cuirass, weapons against the enemy, spear, and sword. The second class was established from one hundred thousand down to seventy-five thousand asses. The third class had a census of fifty thousand asses. The fourth, twenty-five thousand. The fifth and last was assessed at eleven thousand, that is, one hundred and ten of our gold coins. The remaining multitude, whose census was lower, was exempted from military service. He also enrolled twelve centuries of horsemen from the leading men of the city, for whom ten thousand asses from the public treasury were given to buy horses, and widows were assigned to keep the horses, each of whom paid two thousand asses per year. By ten thousand asses I understand one hundred gold coins for buying two horses, and twenty for supporting them, that is, two thousand asses. Livy says that all these burdens were shifted from the rich onto the poor. From this we understand that in the infancy of the city of Rome the principal fortunes were five hundred gold coins. L Prop

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Plinij locus. Propterea Plinius lib. X X X I I I. Non erat, inquit, apud antiquos numerus ultra cētum millia. itaque hic et hodie multiplicatur, ut decies cētena millia, aut sæpius dicantur. Foenus hoc fecit, nummusq[ue] percussus. Quem locum ex ue tusto sic lego. Itaq[ue] est hodie, multiplicat[ur] hæc, ut decies centena millia aut sæpius dicantur. hoc sensu, Vt olim non erat numerus ultra centum millia, sic nec hodie, quia cum ad centum millia peruentum est, per multiplicationem fit progressus, dicendo decies centena millia, aut uicies, aut cē ties, quæ summæ antiquis ignotæ, foenore excreuerunt. Idè, Seruius Rex primus signauit æs. antea rudi usos Ro- mæ Rhemeus tradit. Signatum est nota pecudum, unde et pecunia appellata. Maximus census centum millia assium illo Rege fuit, et ideo hæc prima classis. Vt igitur Romæ prima classis cētenariorum fuit, sic Athenis quingenario- rum, qui quotannis pendere possent medimna uini et olei et frumenti quingena. sic enim ex Polluce intelligendum puto. Quingenta autem medimna in Attica, quæ plurimo importato frumento utebatur, ducentis quinquaginta au- reis æstimare possumus: et quingenta uini medimna, id est mille amphoras totidem penè Francicis, pro quibus quin- gētos aureos ponemus: quibus si addamus totidè olei am- phoras, nescio quid æstimare debeam. Apud Demosthenê πρὸς φορμύνα Chrysippus quidâ negociator ita ad iudices loquitur, ὑπερμήθι προτερον, ἐπενετο ἐκκαί- δικὰς ἔκκιμῶν, ἐπικατρώντες πλῖνα ἐ μυρίας μεθίμωνας πι- ρῶν, Πεμετρησωμὸν ἐμῶν ἡ καθεσμηίας πιμίς, πεύντε ἐκκιμῶν τὸν μεθιμων. Cum autem frumenti auctum esset preciu[m], et ad sedecim drachmas excreuisset, importato frumento ultra decem millia medimnûm, iusto et legitimo precio uobis admensi sumus quinis drachmis in medimnum. Hæc Dem

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G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND Pliny’s passage. Therefore Pliny, book XXXIII, says: “Among the ancients there was no number beyond one hundred thousand.” Thus here, even today, things are multiplied, so that ten times one hundred thousand, or even more often, are spoken of. This was caused by interest, and by coined money. I read this passage from an old copy as follows: “And so even today this is multiplied, so that ten times one hundred thousand, or more often, are spoken of.” In this sense: just as once there was no number beyond one hundred thousand, so there is none today either, because when one has come to one hundred thousand, by multiplication progress is made, by speaking of ten times one hundred thousand, or twenty times, or a hundred times, sums unknown to the ancients, having grown through interest. Likewise, Servius Rex was the first to stamp bronze money. Before that, as Rhemeus relates, the Romans used rough bronze. It was stamped with the mark of cattle, whence it was also called pecunia. The greatest census under that king was one hundred thousand asses, and therefore this was the first class. Thus, as in Rome the first class was that of the hundred-thousand men, so at Athens it was that of the five-hundred men, who could each year pay five hundred medimni of wine, oil, and grain. So, indeed, I think one must understand from Pollux. But five hundred medimni in Attica, which used much imported grain, we may estimate at two hundred and fifty gold pieces; and five hundred medimni of wine, that is, a thousand amphorae, nearly equal to so many French measures, for which we shall set five hundred gold pieces; if we add to these the same number of amphorae of oil, I do not know what I ought to estimate it at. In Demosthenes, πρὸς φορμύνα , a certain merchant Chrysippus speaks thus to the judges: ὑπερμήθι προτερον, ἐπενετο ἐκκαίδικὰς ἔκκιμῶν, ἐπικατρώντες πλῖνα ἐ μυρίας μεθίμωνας πιρῶν, Πεμετρησωμὸν ἐμῶν ἡ καθεσμηίας πιμίς, πεύντε ἐκκιμῶν τὸν μεθιμων. But when the price of grain had risen, and had grown to sixteen drachmas, after imported grain had been brought in beyond ten thousand medimni, we measured out to you, at the just and lawful price, five drachmas per medimnus. These are Dem

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET præterea signati argenti in arce sex talentorum nullia: fuisse autem aliquando plurimùm nouem nullia septingenta, ex quibus in arcem & publicas alias extractiones erogatum fuisse quod nunc illi summæ desit. Παγωνα τὴν φορα κατὴνιανην ἀπο τὴν ἐν μμαχων τὴν πολλ, ἀνολ ἐν ἀλλης προσοδρ. ὑποδρχόντων ἐν τὴν οἰκοσορολει ἐπιτότε δρυντια ἐπισημα ἐκακιχιλιων παλάντων. Παγρ ἀρρ ἀπερα πιακσίων ἀωοδεοντα μυρια εγενετο. Sex nullia talentûm triciessexies centenis nullibus aureorum nostrorum æstimare solemus. Suidas < Prytanea.> autor est reditus publicos Athenis Prytanea appellari, & eo nomine metallorum uectigalia, & fori, id est rerum uenditarum, & portoriorum intelligi, & quicquid à socijs uel subditis pensitaretur, & quicquid ex manubijs uel rebus publicatis redigeretur. Quorum, inquit, nomunum cumulus bina nullia talentum propemodum conficit. < Demetrij profusio.> Athenæus autem libro duodecimo scribit Duridem in historijs prodidisse, Demetrium Phalereum, cuius multa est mentio apud Ciceronem, Quintilianum, Pliniu[m], & alios, cum Athenis Reipub. administrandæ præesset, mille ac ducenta talenta in potestate habuisse quotannis. Ex quibus cu[m] minimam partem in stipendia militum, & reliquas reipublicæ partes tuendas consumeret, reliqua per ingenitam morum incontinentiam luxuriosè dilapidabat, epulis quotidianis lautis & opiparis quamplurimos co[m]uius accipiens, & ea parte magnificentiæ Macedonicas coenas superans. Alioquin nitore & lautitia uitæ Cyprios & Phoenicas prouocans, cum co[n]nationum pauimenta singulari artificio uermiculata, etiam unguentis perfunderentur, ἰμμύπιθον ἐν ὑφαλησίς χιλιων καὶ διακοσίων κατ' ἐνιαν

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G. BVD. OF THE ASEE AND furthermore, of coined silver in the citadel, six talents: nothing; but there seems once to have been as much as nine thousand seven hundred, from which for the citadel and other public disbursements it was spent, and for that reason that sum is now lacking. The tax, the annual contribution from the allies, the many other revenues, and the assessments in the treasury—at that time marked by the sign of twenty thousand talents. From another source it amounted to one hundred and forty million. We are accustomed to estimate six thousand talents at thirty-six times one hundred thousand of our gold pieces. Suidas, under <Prytanea>, says that the public revenues at Athens were called Prytanea, and that under this name were understood the mining dues, the market dues, that is, dues on things sold, and the customs duties, and whatever was exacted from allies or subjects, and whatever was brought in from spoils or confiscated property. The total of these, he says, makes up almost two thousand talents. <Demetrius’ profusion.> Athenaeus, however, in the twelfth book writes that Duris reported in his histories that Demetrius of Phalerum, of whom Cicero, Quintilian, Pliny, and others make much mention, when he was in charge of the administration of the commonwealth at Athens, had twelve hundred talents yearly at his disposal. Of these, while he spent the smallest part on the pay of soldiers and on preserving the other parts of the state, he lavishly wasted the rest through innate intemperance of character, receiving very many companions at daily banquets that were sumptuous and splendid, and even surpassing Macedonian dinners in that respect of magnificence. Otherwise, by the elegance and luxury of his life he outdid the Cyprians and Phoenicians, since even the floors of the dining rooms were inlaid with singular artistry like a worm-spotted pattern, and were also drenched with perfumes, 1200 each year.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 333 copiæ bellicæ propulsando tanto bello possent. Itaque ex ditioribus urbis centum decurias duodenum hominum de= scribendas censuit, quas Symmorias appellat. Hic ordo Trierarchæ appellantur, id est triremum præfecti, quæ= si nauarchi. Quanquam symmorias tantum uiginti fa= cit sexagenum hominum, quas rursus in quinas partes duodenum hominum distribuit. Sic enim inquit, ex ποί= νω τοῦτω οἰκια δὲν ὑπισκοι συμμορία ἔπιστοι ἐκάσων. τοῦτω ἐτῶν συμ= μοιῶν ἐκάσων σελεῖν κελωλω πέντε μερη κατὰ ἐφίκαια ἀν= δρας, αυτοκαπληρηντας αἰ πρὸς ἀν σωρώτατον τὸς ἀυτοκω= πᾶτων. Ex his nulle & ducentis existimo classes uiginti fa= ciendas eo modo quo nunc factæ sunt, sexagena corpora unamquanque habentem: earumq[ue] singulas diuidendas in quinas decurias censeo duodenum hominum, ita ut ditis= simo cuique egentissimu in decurijs ordinandis coniungan tur. Ita autem constitutis classibus, id est symmorijs, & di= uisis decurijs, trecentas naues triremes faciendas esse cen= set, et rursus eas in uiginti partes tribuit singulas denu[m] quinum nauium: ita ut ex primo, secundo & tertio cente= nario, cuilibet classi hominum quinæ distribuantur trire= mes, & sic unaquæq[ue] classis singulis decurijs ternas rur= sus tribuat. Hac constitutione classium triremum trierar= chorumq[ue] facta, Quoniam uerò, inquit, census eorum sex milliu[m] est talentoru[m], oportet et facultates quoq[ue] certo ordi ne ac formula co[n]stitui, et in singulas decurias sexagena ta lenta tribui, quæ sunt sexagies centena, ut singulæ classes quinquies sexagena talenta sortiâtur. Id quod his uerbis ab eo dicitur, ὑτα πέντε ἐπικλησιοντεία ἔις ἐκάσων τῶν με= χαλων τῶν ἐπιστοι συμμοιῶν ἐπικλησιον. πῶ ἐν συμμοριαν ἐκάσων τῶν μερῶν μιαν ἐπικλησιαν ἀυσοδύνα. HOC au= tem

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 333 would be able to repel the warlike forces of so great a war. Accordingly he decreed that from the wealthier men of the city there should be enrolled one hundred decuriae of twelve men each, which he calls symmoriae. This order they call trierarchae, that is, commanders of triremes, as it were nauarchs. Although he makes only twenty symmoriae of sixty men, he divides them again into five parts of twelve men each. For thus, he says: “From this one body there are not among them symmoriae, but from each of these five parts.” From these, with the six hundred, I think twenty classes are to be made in the way they are now made, each containing sixty bodies; and I judge that each of these is to be divided into five decuriae of twelve men, so that the richest man may be joined with the poorest in arranging the decuriae. When the classes, that is, the symmoriae, have thus been established, and the decuriae divided, he thinks that three hundred triremes are to be built, and again that these are to be divided into twenty parts, fifteen ships in each: so that from the first, second, and third hundred, five triremes are assigned to each class of men, and thus each class in turn assigns three to each decuria. This constitution of the classes of triremes and trierarchs having been made, since, he says, their census is six thousand talents, it is necessary also to arrange their property in a fixed order and formula, and to assign sixty talents to each decuria, which makes six hundred sixties, so that each class may receive five times sixty talents. This is what he says in these words: ὑτα πέντε ἐπικλησιοντεία ἔις ἐκάσων τῶν μεγάλων τῶν ἐπιστοι συμμοιῶν ἐπικλησιον. πῶ ἐν συμμοριαν ἐκάσων τῶν μερῶν μιαν ἐπικλησιαν ἀυσοδύνα. HOC autem

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tem ideo statuit, ut si leuius bellu[m] instet, centu[m] nauibus tantum res geratur, et sexagenis in singulas decurias taletis impensa suppeditetur, et duodeni trierarchi sint. sin grauiore bello ducentis nauibus opus sit, tricena in singulas decurias taleta impesam co[n]ferat, et sena sint corpora trierarchiæ munus obeutia. q[ui] si grauissimo bello premantur, singulæ decuriæ ad uicena taleta et quaterna corpora contrahatur. ὑπως ἔὰν μὴ ὑμὴν ἐκατόν δὲν πιήρεων, πῶς μὴ διαπίνω ἐκηκνητα παλαιντα σωτελῶν, πιήρεξαι δὲ ὑπι δωδεκα. ἐὰν ἐν διδασκοσίων, πιάκντα μὴ ἔν παλαιντα τὰς πῶς διαπίνω σωτελῶντα, ἐν ἐν σωματα πιηρεχεντα. Hoc facto armamenta nauium æstimanda primùm censet, quæ qualiaq[ue] nauibus commoda aut necessaria sint, eadem ratione in classes ac decurias tribuenda, omniaq[ue] sortitò expediri, ut cum rei gerendæ tempus uenerit, quam quisq[ue] nauem sortitus sit, eam instructam in tempore rectè præstet. Verùm Demosthenes uniuersam huius constitutionis (quam ipse syntaxin uocat) rationem, in tres summarias partes diuidit. In trierarchos enim et eorum facultates, et in triremes primam partem statuit. Secundam in facultates omniu[m] diuitum et pauperum ciuitatem habitantium, à quibus sumptus suppeditari oportet. Tertiam partem delegat classario muliti, et loco, id est armametario et nauali. Prima pars explicata est, tertiam hoc modo prosequitur: Decè tribus erant Athenis, unicuiq[ue] igitur tribui tricenas naues assignat. decies enim tricenæ fiunt in summa trecetæ. Has rursus tricenas trifaria diuidit, id est in terdenas. Tribus enim apud Athenienses in treis partes diuidu[n]tur, quæ Trityes ab ipsis appellantur, quasi tertiæ tribuu[m] partes. nos quia uerbum. Latinum no[n] habemus, trientes nuc dicemus. Vnicuique igitur trienti denas naues implendas tribuit, cum belli

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET he therefore decreed that, if a less serious war should arise, the business should be conducted with only one hundred ships, and for each decuria expenses should be provided at sixty talanta, and twelve trierarchs should be appointed. But if a more serious war should require two hundred ships, thirty talanta for each decuria should contribute the expense, and there should be six bodies performing the office of trierarchy. If they are pressed by the most serious war, the individual decuriae should be reduced to twenty talanta and four bodies. ὑπως ἔὰν μὴ ὑμὴν ἐκατόν δὲν πιήρεων, πῶς μὴ διαπίνω ἐκηκνητα παλαιντα σωτελῶν, πιήρεξαι δὲ ὑπι δωδεκα. ἐὰν ἐν διδασκοσίων, πιάκντα μὴ ἔν παλαιντα τὰς πῶς διαπίνω σωτελῶντα, ἐν ἐν σωματα πιηρεχεντα. After this has been done, he first thinks the equipment of the ships must be estimated, whatever goods or necessities are useful or required for the ships, and that these also should be distributed by the same method into classes and decuriae, and everything should be settled by lot, so that when the time for action comes, each man may duly present in time the ship he has obtained by lot, properly fitted out. But Demosthenes divides the whole plan of this constitution, which he himself calls the syntaxin, into three principal parts. For he assigns the first part to the trierarchs and their resources, and to the triremes. He assigns the second to the resources of all the wealthy and poor citizens living in the city, from whom the expenses ought to be supplied. He assigns the third part to the naval multitude and to the place, that is, the shipyard and the navy. The first part has been explained; he proceeds with the third in this way: there were ten tribes at Athens, therefore he assigns thirty ships to each tribe. For ten times thirty make three hundred in all. He again divides these thirty into three parts, that is, into thirteens. For the tribes among the Athenians are divided into three parts, which are called trityes by them, as if the third parts of the tribes. Since we do not have a Latin word, we shall now call them trientes. Therefore to each trient he assigns ten ships to be filled, when the war

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET opus esse, maiore que facultatum parte, quàm ut tunc populus nondum aduentu hostis perterritus, ferre posset, si à se statueretur, nec minorem dicere uellet, id est ea quæ populo tolerabilis esse tunc potuisset, tandem seipsum oratoriè interrogans, & uicissim respondens, ita inquit, πις ὑπο ὑπο ομορον τοῦτο εγω φράσω. ὑφαίτε πῶν πότε αἰνηματι χαρόμοιον τοῦτο εγω φράσω. ὑφαίτε πῶν πόλιν ὑποδες αἰνηματι χαρόμοιον τοῦτο εγω φράσω. ὑφαίτε πῶν πόλιν ὑποδες αἰνηματι χαρόμοιον πασαν ταυτηνί; ἐν ταυτη χηματα ἐγιν ὑλίγη δεω πρὸς απίστας πις άλλας ἐπιν ἔπιδες ταυτα δὲ οἰ κεντημένοι ποιντον ἐχαστι ἐν νῦν, ὃς τὸ ἐπιπάντες δὲ ἐνταωθοὶ λεγοντες φοβοιεν, ὃς ἐγδεασπολίς, ὃς παρεσίν, ὃς ἐν χοιόντε ταυτὴ ἀλλως ἐχαρνουμετα μετὰ τῶν λεγοντων ἐσσοι ἀριθμοθέτοις χημαμοδιεν, ὃς μονον ὃς ἐν ἐσενετικιεν, αλλ ὃς δὲ ἐν δειχαεν, ὃς δὲ ἐν δμολεγυσαιεν κεντηδαί. ἐν μεντοι τῶν νῦν διὰτῶν λόγων φοβοδα, ἐγω πατρόμων αἰδοιντο, ὃς οἰς ούτως ἐπίθιος ἐγιν, ὃς πις ἐν χιησοντον διδηκνουμεν πρῶτοι χεινευται. Quodnam igitur est hoc uectigalsid quod nunc quidem n[ost]ro est, tunc autem futurum est. Equidem simile quid ænigmati dicere hic non dubite. Ecquid hanc ciuitatem omnem ô uiri Athenienses cernitis? In hac ego ipsa paru[m] abest quin dicam tantum pecuniarum esse, quantum in alijs omnibus ciuitatibus. At qui eas possident, huiusmodi mentem habent, ut si oratores omnes terrere eos uolentes, Regem uenturu[m] dicant, atque etiam iam aduentantem, quodq[ue] hæc aliter habere se nequeant, ad hæc si cum ipsis orationem habent tibus futurum ita prædicant totidem fatidici, ne sic quidem pecunias ostensuros esse putem, aut professuros eas, nedum ad collationem daturos. Quòd si ea quæ nunc uerbôtenus terrifica iactantur, reapse geri senserint, nullus utique usqueadeo stultus est, quin & prolixè dare, & in primis conferre uelit. Ecquem enim esse credimus, qui bonasua

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET opus esse, and with the greater part of his means, than that, when the enemy had not yet arrived and the people were still unfrightened, if it were proposed by him, he would not want to say less, that is, what could then have been tolerable to the people; at last, questioning himself in oratorical fashion, and answering himself in turn, he says as follows: [Greek text] What then is this revenue, which now indeed is ours, but will be in the future? I do not doubt that here I may say something like a riddle. Do you not see, O men of Athens, this whole city? In this city itself I say there is almost as much money as in all the other cities put together. But those who possess it have such a mind that, if all the orators, wishing to terrify them, should say that the King is coming, and even is already at hand, and that things cannot be otherwise, and if, when speaking with them about these matters, they should predict the same thing, like so many prophets, I do not think they would show their money, or declare it, much less contribute it to the common fund. But if they should realize that what is now being thrown about in words as terrifying is in fact taking place, surely no one is so foolish as not to wish both to give generously and especially to contribute. For whom, indeed, do we think there would be anyone who would offer his own goods...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nas quinas minas, quingenas ipsi drachmas conferrent, quantum scilicet constrebat Timotheus Cononis, & ij qui maximos tunc census possidebant. His uerbis orator huiusmodi facere enthymema uidetur, Cum nomine meo tutores ipsi mei in classes diuitum relati sint, & tantum conferre professi sint, quantum qui plurimum, planum fit me quoque diuitem ab eis æstimatum. Deinde recitatis te= stimoniijs, ita subdit, πινω ποῦω καί εκ τοῦτω ἔσι πιπτοθ τ[ame]ς υσίας. πεντεκαίδεκα ταλάντων γὰρ, πια παρατα πι= μμα, ταυτω ηξινω μεθερητω πια μεθοραν. Manifesta est igi= tur per ea quæ audistis, relictarum mihi fortunarum co= pia, siquidem quindecim talentorum censum tria talen= ta, collationem pro me profitendam censuerunt. Ex duo= bus his locis collatis intelligendum relinquitur, quod De= mosthenes de sex millibus talentum dixit, de nulle ac du= centis dixisse: & quod illi quinis talentis censi in capita dicuntur, ex æquatis tenuiorum cum copiosiorum fortu= nis, ita intelligendum, ut quinta tantum parte bonorum censi essent, ut Demosthenes facultates suas quindecimæ talentum suisse ex eo argumentatur, quòd tutorum pro= fessione pupillari nomine facta, tribus talentis census sit: quaratione & ditissimi cuiusque substantia censebatur, ea lege, ut hactenus co[n]ferre teneretur, si ratio ita posceret belli administrandi. Hoc est enim quod dixit in uicenas= quinas minas, quingenas drachmas conferre. hoc est quin= tum quenque denarium, ut more nostro loquar. Viginti= quinque enim minæ, duo nullia & quingentas drachmas ualent. sic sit ut sex nullia talentum ad triginta nullia cre= scant: ne temerarium sit quod Demosthenes dixit de pe= cuniarum copia quæ Athenis erant, & intelligimus int= munem plebem esse inopem. Hoc confirmari & certius consti

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND if they were to contribute five minas, themselves five hundred drachmas, that is, as much as Timotheus, son of Conon, paid, and those who then possessed the greatest fortunes. By these words the orator seems to form this kind of enthymeme: Since my own guardians have been entered among the classes of the wealthy under my name, and have professed to contribute as much as those who contribute the most, it is clear that I too was judged rich by them. Then, after the testimonies have been read, he adds: πινω ποῦω καί εκ τοῦτω ἔσι πιπτοθ τ[ame]ς υσίας. πεντεκαίδεκα ταλάντων γὰρ, πια παρατα πι= μμα, ταυτω ηξινω μεθερητω πια μεθοραν. It is therefore manifest from the things you have heard, that my remaining fortunes were abundant; for, since I was assessed at fifteen talents, they judged that a census of three talents should be declared on my behalf. From a comparison of these two passages it remains to be understood that De- mosthenes, when he said six thousand talents, meant two hundred and sixty; and that when those assessed at five talents are said to be numbered among the citizens, from the equalizing of the fortunes of the less wealthy with those of the more prosperous, it is to be understood in such a way that they were assessed at only one-fifth of their property, so that Demosthenes argues from this that his means were fifteen talents, because, through the guardians’ declaration made in the name of the ward, he was assessed at three talents; by which method the substance of each very rich man was also assessed, under this law, that he was bound to contribute as far as the reckoning then required, if the business of war should so demand. For this is what he said: in twenty- five minas, five hundred drachmas are to be contributed. That is, one fifth of five hundred drachmas, if I speak in our manner. For twenty- five minas are worth two thousand and five hundred drachmas. Thus six thousand talents would rise to thirty thousand; so what Demosthenes said about the abundance of money that was at Athens would not be rash, and we understand that the common people were poor. This is confirmed and made more certain

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. constitui ex oratione eius pro Ctesiphonte potest, in qua serem trierarchicam lege lata præclarè constituisse gloriatur: cuius legis hæc uerba sunt, tòs πιηράχνς αιρετιδας ἐὰν [μὴ] πλησων [ν]οῦσια αποτεπιμμένη [ν]οῦνια αυα λευσμον, ἐως πιῶν πλοιων και ὑπητηκὴ [ν]οῦνια ἐσω. κατὰ πλιω αυτλιω [μὴ] αναλητιαν ἐσω και σι ἐλάτων [ν]οῦνια ἐσί τῶν δεκαταλάντων, ἀς σωτέλαν σωαρμενοις ἀς τὰ δεκα παντα. Trierarchos eligi in singulas triremes pro modo census, qui scilicet denis talentis censi essent. Quòd si pluris in censu factitando æstimatæ eorum essent facultates, pro portione quoq[ue] collationis, & muneris obeundi necessitatem esse, usque ad nauigia terna in singulos, & eorum remigium: eadem etiam ratione obseruanda in ijs quorum census munor esset classico, id est denûm talentûm, ita ut plures in idem munus contributi legitimum & classicum censum æquarent, & singulas triremes expedirent. Ea autem lege promulgata factum esse Demosthenes gloriatur, ut qui prius senideni trierarchiæ munus obibant, ij singuli binas trierarchias obirent: quod mirum est. και συντελευτικὴ πιηράχνς, δὲ μιὰς ἔκτὸν και δεκατὸν ὑποπροφον σωτελιν. Et ea lege ita subleuatos inopes esse ait, ut diuites ad iustum collationis modu[m] adacti sint. quod ipse ἐγινομον appellat: idq[ue] reipsa & euentu patuisse, utpote cum imperatis triremibus nemo eorum qui ad munera redacti erat, aut munus detrectarit oblato supplice libello magistratibus, aut in uincula ductus sit: aut nauis ulla instrume[n]t to defecta in portu relicta sit. Ante hanc trierarchiæ constitutionem sæpe uariata est ratio eius muneris: ut autor est interpres Demosthenis in orationem κατὰ μεθία his uerbis, πολλάι πορί τὰς πιηράχιας ἐγινομενο μετα= Colæl

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. It can be established from his speech for Ctesiphon, in which he boasts that he set up the trierarchic system by law in splendid fashion: the words of that law are these: [tòs πιηράχνς αιρετιδας ...] Trierarchs are to be chosen for each trireme according to the amount of property, that is, those who were assessed at ten talents. But if, on account of a higher census valuation, their means were estimated to be greater, then in proportion also there is need of contribution and of undertaking the duty, up to three ships for each man, and their crews: the same rule is also to be observed in the case of those whose property was less than the full amount, that is, ten talents, so that several persons contributing to the same duty might make up the legal and full civic assessment, and equip single triremes. But after that law was promulgated, Demosthenes boasts that it came about that those who previously performed the duty of half a trierarch, each performed two trierarchies: which is remarkable. και συντελευτικὴ πιηράχνς, δὲ μιὰς ἔκτὸν και δεκατὸν ὑποπροφον σωτελιν. And he says that by that law the poor were so relieved that the rich were brought down to the proper measure of contribution, which he himself calls ἐγινομον; and this, in fact and in outcome, is shown to have been so, since when triremes were demanded, none of those who had been assigned to the duties either refused the duty by presenting a supplicatory petition to the magistrates, or was dragged off in chains; nor was any ship left in the harbor for lack of equipment. Before this constitution of the trierarchy, the arrangement of that duty was often varied, as the interpreter of Demosthenes on the speech κατὰ μεθία states in these words: πολλάι πορί τὰς πιηράχιας ἐγινομενο μετα= Colæl

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Colai δια νερεθο το ουαλώματο, και οτε μην συνδο μεν, οτε [n]o[n] συντρες, και οτε [n]o[n] εκκιδεκα πιήραν χοι, οτε [n]o[n] χίλιοι, μ[en]i [n]o[n] μην [n]o[n] πολις πλω κατασκοσμιων μ[en]i τὰς ναυτας παρει χερ, και μόνον ματι λων ναυν άπινραρ χερν. οτε [n]o[n] συμπαντα σκικθεν οι πιήραν χοι παρει χον. Multæ aute circa trierarchias mutationes extite runt, propter magnitudine[m] sumptus eius muneris: et nunc bini trierarchi, nunc terni in singulas naues fierent: in= terdum senideni: fuit etiam cum mille essent trierarchi: & rursus fuit tempus cum ciuitas publicè trierarchis nautas & armamenta præbebat, & trierarchi nauem tantu[m] præ= bebant: fuit etiam aliàs cum & nauem & armamenta & nautas trierarchi præberent. Demosthenes uerò nouissi= mè binas etiam naues uni trierarcho attribuit, [n]o[n] γαν δη= μοδεννς υσερον ωνοιν πιήρων ένα πιήραρχον ἐδοίναι. Hoc ide[m] ex ipso Demosthene confirmari potest in ea oratione, κατὸ μην κατ' εκείνας τὰς χρόνας άπινραρ χερν συδων ἐκ παθλων εξελων, οτε συν δυο [n]o[n] μην [n]o[n] οι πιήραν χοι. μ[en]i τὰ ουαλώματα πιήντας εκ των οἰκων [n]o[n]ικων, μ[en]i πὰς ναùs ἐπιληρευμη άυτοι. id est, Atque ego quidem, inquit, illo tempore trierarchus esse coepi sta= tim atque è pueris excessi, tumq[ue] bini eramus trierarchi. omnem sumptum ex priuatis familijs suppeditabamus, ita ut & nauium apparatum supplementumq[ue]; ipsi præbere= mus. Et paulo inferius, θνικαῦτα [n]o[n] το πράγματο ἐπιφαί [n]o[n] τε πρῶτον μην δακοσίνις πεποιηκατε συντελφς μελς. πιτο [n]o[n] μιστρατον [n]o[n]ιων τάλωτον, ταλάντα μιδων τὰς πιήραρχιας. Tum demum autem Midias trierarchiam attigit, cum pri mùm mille ac ducentos collatores constituistis. à quibus isti talentum exigentes, talento trierarchias obeundas lo= cant. ἔτα τὰ πιηρώματα [n]o[n] πολις παρεχει, και σκολιν διδων. Tum supplemēta & armamēta respublica præbet. Verba sunt oratoris eleuare cõtendētis munus trierarchiæ, quod Mid

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET That there were various changes concerning trierarchy, because of the magnitude of the expense of that office: at one time two trierarchs, at another three, in some cases as many as sixteen, and sometimes a thousand trierarchs; and again there was a time when the city publicly supplied the sailors and the equipment for the trierarchs, and the trierarchs supplied only the ship; there was also another time when the trierarchs supplied both the ship and the equipment and the sailors. Demosthenes, however, most recently assigned even two ships to one trierarch. This same point can be confirmed from Demosthenes himself in that speech, wherein he says that in those times, when he came forward after leaving childhood, he was trierarch together with another, and the costs were supplied from private households, so that we ourselves also provided the outfitting and the crews of the ships. And a little further on, Midias then at last took up the trierarchy, when first you established one thousand two hundred contributors, from whom, by demanding a talent from these men, they assigned the trierarchies to be undertaken for a talent. Then the city provides the crews and the equipment. These are the words of the orator, who is striving to make the office of trierarchy appear lighter, which Midias...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 545. Midias & diuites nonnulli graue esse sibi iactabant tan= quam uniuersi muneris redemptoribus præbitoribusq[ue], eo se nomine populo Atheniēsi imputa[n]tes. Ex quibus uerbis intelligimus, illos nulle ac ducetos talenta singula pensita= re solitos, id quod suprà dictu[m] est. < Locus Demosthenis explicatus.> Hic obiter unum locum apponam eiusdem autoris quem à paucissimus nostræ me= moriæ satis intellectum esse puto. In eius enim oratio= nis epilogo iudicum misericordiam captans ita inquit, , eis , , , , . Nuncq[ue] cum res meas recuperare co[n]tenderem, in maximum discrimen adductus sum: ut pote qui centum nunis co[n]tinuò multandus sim, si (quod abomi nor) iste ab intentione mea absolutus euadat. < Loc[us] animaduertendus.> Quibus uer bis hoc significat orator, actionem tutelæ quæ infamiâ tu tori ob dolu[m], id est , damnato irrogabat, ut apud Romanos, sic apud Athenienses non temere aduersus tu= tores intendi solitam. Maior enim factus, id est , hac actione agens nisi reum perageret, & secundu[m] se iu= dicium obtineret, sexta parte census sui multabatur, quæ in reu[m] absolutum cedebat. Demosthenes centu[m] munas epo= beliæ nomine sibi taxauit, si in eo iudicio aduersos calcu= los ferret. Ex quo intelligimus sex centis eum nunis c[ess]um fuisse, hoc est decem talentis. In ea aute[m] oratione Aphobus tutor ei obiecit quòd decem talenta in censu haberet, cum ipse spoliatum se à tutoribus & ad inopiam redactum co[n] quereretur. < Epobelia.> Epobelia uerbum est satis frequ[enti]es apud ora= tores. ex hoc dictum, quòd in quamlibet drachma[m] caluniæ reus obolo multaretur, cum seni essent oboli in drachma. Sed Suidas intellexit sextam partem æstimationis litis. Har= pocration sextam partem c[ess]us intellexisse uidetur: id quod M Demosth

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 545. Some wealthy men used to boast that it was a burden to them, as though they were the contractors and providers of the whole public service, thereby laying claim to the favor of the Athenian people. From these words we understand that they were accustomed to pay not a single talent each, as has been stated above. Here, by the way, I shall set down one passage of the same author, which I think has been sufficiently misunderstood by very few in our memory. For at the close of his speech, appealing to the jurors’ pity, he says thus: ... Now, since I was striving to recover my property, I have been brought into the greatest danger: namely, because I am to be fined immediately one hundred minae if (which I pray may not happen) that man is acquitted in the suit against me. By these words the orator means that the action of tutela, which, on account of fraud, was brought against a guardian convicted of dishonesty, as among the Romans so also among the Athenians, was not lightly brought against guardians. For when a minor came of age, that is, when he brought this action and failed to convict the defendant and obtain a verdict in his own favor, he was fined one-sixth of his estate, which passed to the acquitted defendant. Demosthenes assessed for himself a penalty of one hundred minae by way of epobelia, if he should lose the vote in that trial. From this we understand that he was liable for six hundred minae, that is, ten talents. In that speech, too, his guardian Aphobus objected that he had ten talents in his estate, whereas he himself complained that he had been stripped by his guardians and reduced to poverty. Epobelia is a term used fairly frequently by the orators. It is so called because, for every drachma, the defendant in a slander case was fined one obol, since there are six obols in a drachma. But Suidas understood it as the sixth part of the value of the suit. Harpocration appears to have understood it as the sixth part of the estate: that is what M Demosth

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Demosthenis locus significare mihi primore sensu uisus est: sed cum tertiam orationem in eundem legerem, intellexi Aphobum unum ex tutoribus decem talentis damnatum tutelæ iudicio, quanti scilicet orator litem illam in intentione libellari æstimarat. Sic enim inquit, ὑπι ἀποκούσαυτες ὅς ὑμις ἐφικε, τωτὰ καὶ τοῖς τοῦτο φίλεις καὶ ἐπιστημητὴν περί ὑποῦν ἐγνωθῶν, καὶ ἔκαταλάτων ἐπιμησαν. Iudices autem ad quos ipse ab arbitris prouocarat, cum hæc audissent, eade[m] ipsi quoq[ue] cum arbitro atq[ue] eius amicis ut compromissarijs censuerunt: ei[us]; litem decem talentis æstimauerunt. < Locus Demosthenis emaculatus.> Hæc uerba Demosthenis circa finem eius orationis quæ πρὸς ἀφολον ἑαθοδυαρτων ἐνscribitur, leguntur corruptissimè in libris quidem impressis: sed ea nos sic emendanda affirmamus. Quoniam igitur litem talentis decem, id est nunis sexcentis æstimarat: ἐν ὑπι ἀγνηματ ὑποῦν, id est in libello intētæ actionis, ideo centum se minis, id est mille aureis nostris periclitari cum infamæ nota dixit, quæ sexta pars est æstimationis litis. Cæterùm Plutarchus diuitem patrem Demosthenis fuisse dicit, εν in copia bonorum septem annos natum filium Demosthenem reliquisse. ἀπολογεῖς δὲ ὑπο τὴν πατρὸς ἐπισαίτης ἐν συνορία, μικρὸν ἡαραπελιπερὴν ἐν συμπατα πιμνσις ἐπτής ἔν ὑσίας περιεκαίδενα ταλάντων, ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων ἐπικύβη. Relictus autem à patre Demosthenes septennis in abundanti patrimonio (ut quod omnibus supputatis paulo minus quindecim talentis æstimaretur) à tutoribus per iniuria[m] fortunis euersus est, cum parte[m] bonorum eius in re suam uerterent, parte[m] per incuria[m] perderent, ita ut ne præceptoribus quidem eius mercede[m] docendi soluerent. Quindecim talenta, nouem nullia aureorum nostroru[m] ualent. Ita quæ summa Romæ post spoliatu[m] orbè à Romanis, Aesopi, patinam

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET A passage of Demosthenes seemed to me at first sight to mean this: but when I read the third speech against the same man, I understood that Aphobus, one of the guardians, had been condemned in a guardianship suit to ten talents, namely the amount at which the orator had valued that dispute in the bill of claim. For thus he says: ὑπι ἀποκούσαυτες ὅς ὑμις ἐφικε, τωτὰ καὶ τοῖς τοῦτο φίλεις καὶ ἐπιστημητὴν περί ὑποῦν ἐγνωθῶν, καὶ ἔκαταλάτων ἐπιμησαν. But the judges to whom he himself had appealed from the arbiters, when they had heard these things, likewise decided that he and the arbiters and their friends were acting as arbitrators by agreement; they assessed the case at ten talents. < Passage of Demosthenes corrected.> These words of Demosthenes, near the end of the speech inscribed πρὸς ἀφολον ἑαθοδυαρτων, are read in a very corrupt form in the printed books; but we declare that they should be emended thus. Since, therefore, he had valued the suit at ten talents, that is, six hundred minae, in the bill of intended action, he said that he would be liable for a hundred minae, that is, one thousand of our gold pieces, with a note of infamy attached, which is the sixth part of the valuation of the suit. Moreover, Plutarch says that Demosthenes had a wealthy father, and that, in the midst of abundant possessions, he left the seven-year-old Demosthenes behind. ἀπολογεῖς δὲ ὑπο τὴν πατρὸς ἐπισαίτης ἐν συνορία, μικρὸν ἡαραπελιπερὴν ἐν συμπατα πιμνσις ἐπτής ἔν ὑσίας περιεκαίδενα ταλάντων, ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων ἐπικύβη. But when Demosthenes was left by his father at the age of seven, with an ample inheritance, as it was valued, after all deductions, at a little less than fifteen talents, he was ruined by the guardians through injustice: part of his property they turned to their own use, part they lost through negligence, so that they did not even pay his teachers for their instruction. Fifteen talents are worth nine thousand of our gold coins. So this sum at Rome after the plundering of the world by the Romans, Aesop's dish

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET lib. X V I I. t[er]tio d[icitu]r πετύλιο παλιναδή παίνιμιναν. Sextarius inde dictus, quòd sexta pars sit congij. A sextario enim ut à principio ordiri oportet. huius enim mensuram si tenue rimus, omnia prona deinceps erunt. Cato. cap. LVII. Vi= num familiæ, ubi uindemia facta erit, loram bibat menses tres: mense IIIII. heminas singulas. In mense congios ter= nos. mense V. VI. VII. VIII. in dies sextarios singulos: in mense c[on]gios quinos, nono, decimo, undecimo in dies he= minas ternas, in mense unam amphoram. Cato mese quar= to heminas singulas in dies singulos epotas congios ter= nos facere dicit, id est sextarios denos octonos, & sexta= rios singulis diebus epotos sequentibus m[anu]sibus quatuor, in mense quinos dicit esse congios, hoc est tricenos sexta= rios. & rursus alijs mensibus in dies heminas ternas, in m[anu] ses singulas amphoras esse docet, id est quadragenos octo= nos sextarios, uel nonagenas senas heminas: qua ratione tamen quaternæ ue senæ heminæ deesse uidentur, si tricenos dies in mensem statuamus. Sed aliter Cato ratione col <Amphora.> ligere tam comodè non potuit, nisi amphoram pro nona= genis heminis diceret, etiam si amphora eo amplius sex he minas capit, cum aliud uerbum mensuræ non haberet. & alioquin habuisse uidetur ratione intertrimenti liquoris, id est eius quantitatis quæ deperit & intercidit cum uinu[m] uel lora heminatim bibitur. Simule est quòd heminas singu lis diebus potas, in menses congios ternos facere dicit. hæc enim ratione mensis sex & triginta dies habet: qui si ex a [con]tè taxare uoluisset, duos c[on]gios & semissem dixisset. Sed noluit tam angustè ratione præscribere. satis tamen appa= ret ex eo loco in congio duodecim esse hemunas, quæ sex sextarios continent. Sed & illud iam tenemus, quod maxi= mè ad rem pertinet, sextarium sextamdecimâ partem esse modij

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE ET lib. XVII. thirdly it is called πετύλιο παλιναδή παίνιμιναν. A sextarius is so called because it is the sixth part of a congus. For from the sextarius, as from the beginning, we must proceed. For if we measure this too narrowly, all things thereafter will be sloping downward. Cato, chapter LVII. The family’s wine, when the vintage has been made, shall drink lora for three months: in the fourth month, one hemina each day. In the month, three congius. In months V, VI, VII, VIII, one sextarius each day: in the month, five congius; in the ninth, tenth, and eleventh, three heminae each day; in the month, one amphora. Cato says that in the fourth month, by drinking one hemina each day, three congius are made, that is, eighteen sextarii, and by drinking one sextarius each day in the following four months, he says that there are five congius in a month, that is, thirty sextarii. And again in the other months, by drinking three heminae each day, he shows that there are one amphora in each month, that is, forty-eight sextarii, or ninety-six heminae: by what reckoning, however, four or six heminae seem to be lacking, if we reckon thirty days to a month. But Cato could not otherwise so conveniently compute by a reasoning unless he called the amphora ninety heminae, even though an amphora holds six heminae more than that, since he had no other word for the measure. And besides, he seems to have had regard for the loss of liquid, that is, that amount which is lost and wasted when wine or lora is drunk by heminae. Likewise, because he says that by drinking one hemina each day, three congius are made in a month. For on this reckoning a month has thirty-six days: if he had wished to reckon by a strict account, he would have said two congius and a half. But he did not wish to prescribe the reckoning too narrowly. Yet it is sufficiently clear from that passage that there are twelve heminae in a congius, which contain six sextarii. But this also we now understand, which is especially relevant to the matter: that the sextarius is the sixteenth part of a modius.

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modij, quæ tertia pars est amphoræ. quippe cu[m] in amphora Cato sex & nonaginta heminas ponat, & sextarius citra controuersiam binas heminas capiat, si amphora ter modium capit (ut prædictum est ex carmunibus supradietis) modius sextarios sedecim co[n]tinebit, id est duas & tri= ginta hemunas, quæ tertia pars est amphoræ. Sed de modio citanda sunt ex[em]pla. Cato, Vbi semente paraueris; gladem parari legi[us]; conuenit, & in aqua conijci. Inde semodios singulis bubus dare oportet, si laborab[us]t. Columel. de bubus aratorijs loqu[es]s lib. VII. Bubus pro temporibus anni pabula dispensantur. Ianuario mense fresi & aqua macerati erui quaternos sextarios mixtos paleis dare co[n]uenit, uel lupini macerati modios, uel cicerculæ maceratæ semodios. Idem si grano abstinemus, & regionis copia permit tat, cum fronde laurea & ilignea glans adijcitur, quæ nisi ad satietatem detur, scabiem parit. Potest etiam si prouentus uilitatem facit, semodius fabæ fresæ præberi Nouembri mense ac Decembri. per sementem quantum appetit bos, tantum præbendum est: plerunq[ue] tamen sufficiunt singulis modij glandis, & paleæ ad satietatem datæ, uel lupini macerati modij, uel erui aqua co[n]spersi sextarij septeni permixti paleis, uel cicerculæ simuliter maceratæ sextarij duodeni, uel singuli modij uinaceoru[m]. His exemplis co[n]ijcere possumus modium Romanum non disparè fuisse ei mensuræ quam Bocotium nostrates uocant, cu[m] sit diurnus cibus bouis aratoris modius aut semodius pro uarietate pabuli. Apud nos equis uiatorijs per diuersoria cibus status est in dies cistellæ ternæ auenæ, ut in Italia ordei. Sic enim semper tuit stabulariorum formula. Sed strigosis equis, cum longis itineribus fathiscunt, auctarium noctu dari so let, id est quarta cistella. Hæ quaternæ mensuræ Bocotium nostrum M 3

Transcription: Translated (English)

Modius, which is the third part of an amphora. For since Cato places sixty-nine heminae in an amphora, and a sextarius without dispute holds two heminae, if an amphora contains three modii (as has been said above from the same passages), a modius will contain sixteen sextarii, that is, thirty-two heminae, which is the third part of an amphora. But examples concerning the modius must be cited. Cato: “When you have made ready for sowing; let the “gladem” be prepared,” I have read; “it is fitting also that it be thrown into water. Then you ought to give half a modius to each ox, if they are working.” Columella, speaking of draft oxen, lib. VII: “For oxen, fodder is distributed according to the seasons of the year. In the month of January it is fitting to give four sextarii of vetches, crushed and soaked in water, mixed with chaff; or modii of soaked lupines; or half-modii of soaked cicercula. Likewise, if we refrain from grain, and the abundance of the region allows it, laurel leaves and holm-oak acorns are added, which, unless given to satiety, produce mange. It is also possible, if the yield makes it cheap, to offer half a modius of crushed beans in the month of November and December. At sowing time, as much as the ox desires should be given; yet usually a modius of acorns suffices for each, and chaff given to satiety; or a modius of soaked lupines; or seven sextarii of vetches sprinkled with water, mixed with chaff; or twelve sextarii of cicercula soaked in the same way; or, for each, a modius of grape-pressings.” From these examples we can infer that the Roman modius was not different from that measure which our people call a Bocotium, since the daily food of an ox at plowing is a modius or half-modius, according to the variety of the fodder. Among us, for journey horses at inns, the fixed ration per day is three cistellae of oats, as in Italy of barley. For thus the stable-keepers’ rule has always stood. But for lean horses, when they are worn out by long journeys, an additional allowance is usually given at night, that is, a fourth cistella. These four measures are our Bocotium.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nostrum triticarium implent, qui modus pabuli est omni- bus iam sarcinarijs equis per stabula uiatoria statutus. Di ximus amphoram binas urnas capere, quæ singulæ uice= nos quaternos sextarios continent. Hoc ex eodem autore lib. XIII. comprobabitur his uerbis, Ex hac compositio= ne quantum in sextarios musti quadragenos octonos adij ciendum sit, incertum est: quoniam pro natura uini æsti= mare oportet quid satis sit: caue dumq[ue] ne conditus sapor intelligatur. ego tamen, si humida fuerit uindemua, trientem si sicca, quadrantem medicamunis in binas amphoras mi= scere solitus sum, ita ut quatuor urnarum esset musti mo= dus. Vrna aute[m] quatuor & uiginti sextariorum. Plin. lib. XIIII. de nimio potu uini loquens, Famam apud Græ= cos Alcibiades meruit, apud nos cognomen etiam Nouel lus Tricongius Mediolanensis ad Proconsulatum usq[ue] è Prætura honoribus functus, tribus congiijs (unde & no= men illi fuit) epotis uno impetu, spectante muraculi gratia Tyberio principe in senecta iam seuero, atq[ue] etiam aliàs sæuo: sed ipsa iuuenta ad merum pronior fuerat. In anti= quis tamen non Nouellus Tricongius, sed Nouellus Tor= quatus legitur, & rectè: alioquin frustra Plinius adiecis= cet, unde & nomen illi. Quis enim non intellexisset etiam Plinio tacente? Neq[ue] ipsa iuuenta lego, sed ipsi, id est Ty= berio, ut iuuenta sit rectus casus. Et paulò post, Tricongij rara gloria in omnibus antiquis legitur, Torquato rara gloria. Idem paulo inferius, Tergilla Cicerone Marci filiu[m] Ciceronis filius temuletia inclytus. binos co[n]gios simul haurire solitum ipsi obijcit, Marcoq[ue] Agrippæ à marcido ac temulento scyphum impactum. Plinium autorem habemus dece & octo sextarios uini, id est tres congios, uno haustu epotos à Torquato, & duo= decim à Ciceronis filio. Quare non uideo quonam modo intelligi

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET our triticaria fill up, which measure of fodder is now assigned to all pack horses in the hostel stables. We said that an amphora holds two urnae, each of which contains four sextarii. This will be confirmed from the same author, book XIII, by these words: “From this mixture it is uncertain how much is to be added, in sextarii, of forty-eight must, since according to the nature of the wine it ought to be estimated what is enough; and beware that the flavor of the seasoning may not be perceived. I myself, however, if the vintage has been moist, am accustomed to mix a third part; if dry, a quarter part of the medicament into two amphorae, so that the quantity of must would be four urnae.” But an urna is twenty-four sextarii. Pliny, book XIV, speaking of excessive drinking of wine, says: “Alcibiades earned fame among the Greeks; among us too the surname Novellus Tricongius of Milan, who held honors from the praetorship up to the proconsulate, drank three congii at one draught, whence he also got his name, in the presence of the prince Tiberius, in his old age already severe, and also otherwise harsh; but in youth itself he had been more inclined to neat wine.” In the ancient texts, however, I find not Novellus Tricongius, but Novellus Torquatus, and rightly so; otherwise Pliny would have added in vain “whence he also got his name.” For who would not have understood it even if Pliny had been silent? Nor do I read “in youth itself,” but “to himself,” that is, to Tiberius, so that “youth” is in the nominative case. And a little later, “The rare glory of the Tricongius is read in all the ancients,” but “the rare glory of Torquatus.” The same author a little further down says: “Tergilla, Cicero’s son, Marcus, the son of Cicero, famous for drunkenness.” He accuses him of being accustomed to swallow two congii at once, and says that a cup was dashed by Marcus Agrippa at a drunken and tipsy man. We have Pliny as authority for eighteen sextarii of wine, that is, three congii, drunk in one draught by Torquatus, and twelve by the son of Cicero. Therefore I do not see in what way it can be understood

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 553 homine uini amphorâ. Ex hoc æstimare licet tres modios annulorum Carthaginem missorum ab Hannibale post Cannesem cladem, uel unum modium secundum alios an= nales. Ecce autem rursus de integro controuersia ab eode[m] autore, quicun toto penè hoc opere certandu[m] nobis fuit, & disceptatrice tamen plerunque exemplarium uetustate secundu[m] nos (ut spero) iudicatu[m] est, id quod hic sperare no[n] datur. Quippè in omnibus exeplaribus ita legitur apud Pliniu[m] unu[m] nobis ipsum uitiligatore (ut eius ipsius uerbo utar) in hoc opere oppositu[m]. Sic igitur apud Pliniu[m] libro X X I. legitur: Drachma Attica (serè enim Attica obser= uatione medici utuntur) denarij argentei habet pondus, eademque sex obolos pondere efficit, obolus decem cal= chos. Cyathus pèdet per se drachmas decem. Cum acetæ= buli mensura dicitur, significat hemunæ quartam partem, id est drachmas quindecim. Mna, quam nostri minam uo= cant, pendet drachmas Atticas centum. Huius loci auto= ritate cæmen illud emanasse puto apud Priscianum de Cyatho, Bis quinq[ue]; hunc faciunt drachmæ, si appendere tentes: Oxybaphus fiet, si quinq[ue]; addantur ad illas. Primum igitur ad hoc respondere possum, non magis hoc dictum contra me pugnare, quàm contra Plinium ipsum, si ei litem retorquere tabulis (ut dicitur) ab eo obsignatis uelimus. Si enim denarius Atticæ drachmæ pondus habet, quonâ modo iustum fuit ex libris argenti octogenos qua= ternos signari, id quod ipse lib. X X X I I I. dixit? Id etia[m] contrarium est ei dicto quod apud Priscianu[m] legitur, tres denarios Romanos, quatuor drachmarum instar esse. Præ terea quonam modo conuenit id quod lib. X I I. de thure loquens inquit, inueniri guttas thuris quæ tertiam par= M 5 tem

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 553 a man’s amphora of wine. From this it may be estimated that three modii of rings were sent to Carthage by Hannibal after the defeat at Cannae, or one modius, according to other annals. But now once again there is a fresh controversy from the same author, with whom throughout almost this whole work we have had to contend, and yet by the disputing antiquity of the manuscripts it has for the most part been judged in our favor, a judgment which here is not given us to hope for. For in all the manuscripts it is so read in Pliny himself, whom we have as our very witness against us in this work (to use his own word). Thus in Pliny, Book XXI, it is read: The Attic drachma—for doctors use the Attic standard—has the weight of a silver denarius; and the same is equal in weight to six obols, an obol being ten chalkoi. A cyathus itself weighs ten drachmas. When mention is made of the measure of an acetabulum, it signifies the fourth part of a hemina, that is, fifteen drachmas. A mna, which our people call a mina, weighs one hundred Attic drachmas. From the authority of this passage I think that the little verse in Priscian about the cyathus has come forth: Twice five drachmas make it, if you try to weigh it; It will become an oxybaphus, if five be added to them. First, then, I can answer this: that this statement does not fight against me any more than against Pliny himself, if we wish to turn back the charge upon the documents, as the saying is, sealed by him. For if a denarius has the weight of an Attic drachma, in what way was it right that eighty-four from pounds of silver should be stamped, as he himself said in Book XXXIII? This is also contrary to the statement read in Priscian, that three Roman denarii are equal to four drachmas. Besides, how does it agree with what he says in Book XII, speaking of frankincense, that drops of frankincense are found which are a third par-

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tem minæ, id est undequadraginta denariorum pondus æquent: uel ut in antiquis, duodetriginta, & in quibusdam undetriginta? Quid quòd libro X I I I I. de Nectarite loqués, quadraginta denariorum pondus pro quinq[ue] uncijs posuit? ut ex Discoride ad uerbum probabimus. Hæc ut uniuersa colliduntur, sic singillatim alterum alteri adstipulatur. Vt enim illud duodecimi cum dicto tricesimiterij co[m]uenit (siquidem ter duodetriginta, octogintaquatuor fiunt) sic cum uicesimiprimi loco pugnat, ubi denarius & drachma æquantur. Rursus quòd quadraginta denariorum pondus pro quinq[ue] uncijs ponitur, hoc argume[n]tum est quòd Plinius in libra sex & nonaginta denarios esse uoluit, & totidem drachmis æquauit. Quid igitur hic faciam? hærem? suscepto id operi omnino non congruit. Opus enim perfectum rectè præbiturum me approbaturumq[ue] spopondi, uel eorum arbitratu quos iudices elegi. hanc legem locâdo opere memini dictam esse. Periclitere? Vereor ne audaciæ id plenum sit: sed quandò flectere no[n] datur, potius adeundum periculum esse censeo, quàm tot dierum dispèdio coeptum iter abrumpèdum. Tanto igitur piaculo me obstringam, ut Plinij autoritatem uel argume[n]tis ualidissimis superiorem esse aut negem aut dubitem? Quidni id faciam? cum multis in rebus no[n] modò cum iuratissimis autoribus uetustatis pugnatem cum osi[n]derim, sed etiam ipsum secum: quod plerisq[ue] in locis emendatoru[m] culpa co[n]tigit, ex quo fit ut lectio Plinij obseruatissimum quenq[ue] lectorem maximiè nunc torqueat. Qua in re adnotanda Hermolaus Barbarus, cuius nunquam sine laudis præsatione meminisse debeo, paulo religiosior fuisse mihi uidetur, præsertim assumpto castigatoris titulo seuerissimo, debuit certè altera præsertim c[er]esura denuo stylo exa- cuto

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G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND for the mine, that is, let them equal the weight of forty-nine denarii; or as in the ancient copies, thirty-two, and in some thirty-nine? What of the fact that, when speaking in book XIII I of Nectarites, he set down the weight of forty denarii as equal to five ounces? as we shall prove word for word from Dioscorides. As these things are all at variance, so each in detail supports the other. For as that statement of the twelfth agrees with the saying of the thirtieth chapter (for thrice thirty-two makes eighty-four), so it conflicts with the passage of the twenty-first, where the denarius and the drachma are made equal. Again, that the weight of forty denarii is set down as five ounces is proof that Pliny wished a pound to contain sixty-six denarii, and made them equal to the same number of drachmas. What then am I to do here? hesitate? That is by no means fitting for the work I have undertaken. For I have promised to approve and present a work completed correctly, either by my own judgment or by that of those whom I have chosen as judges. I remember the law laid down for a commissioned work. Shall I risk it? I fear that would be full of audacity: but since it is not given to turn back, I think it better to face the danger than to break off an undertaking begun after so many days’ loss. Shall I therefore bind myself to such a crime that I either deny or doubt that the authority of Pliny is superior even to the strongest arguments? Why should I not do this? since in many matters I have found him not only at odds with the sworn authors of antiquity, but even with himself: which has happened in most places through the fault of the emendators, so that the reading of Pliny now torments every most attentive reader exceedingly. On this point, Hermolaus Barbarus—whom I must never recall without a preface of praise—seems to me to have been a little too scrupulous; especially since, having taken upon himself the stern title of corrector, he surely ought to have cut again with the sharpened stylus, especially in the other c[er]esura

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cuto uel ad uiuum expungere, ne rebellarent, tot ulcera, quorum multa sanasse se non immeritò gloriatus est. Ego ut ingenio pusillo, tantu[m] nome sustinere nequeam, ut sub= castigatorem Plinij profiteri me nisi uerecundè audeam: sic ea quæ occurrunt uitia, et commentantem morantur, si sanare ingenij ui no[n] possim, commonefaciendis studio= sis ueluti scalpro circunscribam, ne latius error serpat. At qui sic existimo, præuæricationis notâ effugere eum me= dicu[m] non posse, quicquæ restituere sanitati nequit, uelut no[n] animaduersa, silentio transmutit. Quanquam uir ille ma= gnus, ac non modò stylo graui doctrinamq[ue] eximiam re= dolenti commendabilis, sed etiam sentetijs seuerus, in qui= bus mores probi elucescere uidentur (quæ duo pariter in paucis æqualibus memoriæ eius agnosco) in altera editio= ne ita gloriatur, quasi monstra quædam errorum uelut la titantia mancipia reprehenderit, quæ in prioris editionis tumultu oculos eius effugerant, à quibus ipse poenas sum pserit flagitij prioris et fugæ, ut ipsius uerbis utar. In quo mihi profectò longè falsus fuisse acer homo uisus est. neque enim aliter eum dixisse atq[ue] existimasse puto. Quip= pe ut plurima errata emendauerit, plura tamen eum fugis= se aut certe flagitiosiora non dubito, quæ ut acriorem sa= gacioremq[ue] fugitiuarium no[n] maneant (quandoquidem un= decunq[ue] doctissimus fuisse ut ætate illa uidetur) certè ocio= siorem poscunt, huicq[ue] uni rei aliquandiu feriatum. Her= molao autem uenia forcasse dada est, qui Aristoteli et The= mistio uertendus intentus, tumultuarias nimiru[m] castigatio nes Plinij uelut animi causa aggressus est. At ego secundi meriti id esse existimo, errorem uel librariorum, uel emen datorum, uel autoris denique ipsius, si res ita strat, lecto= res admonere, etiam si meliora inuenire nequeas. Existet enim

Transcription: Translated (English)

to cut, or to probe down to the living flesh, lest they rebel: so many ulcers, many of which he deservedly boasted that he had cured. I, with my small talent, cannot bear so great a name, nor could I venture to profess myself a corrector of Pliny except with some modesty. Thus, the faults that come before me, and delay my commentary, if I cannot heal them by the force of my wit, I shall at least mark out for the sake of instructing readers, as with a scalpel, lest error spread further. Yet if I think in this way, I do not see how I can escape the charge of prevarication: that the physician cannot restore what he is unable to set right, but passes over in silence what has not been noticed. And although that great man was not only commendable for his grave style and his extraordinary learning, but also severe in his judgments, in which honorable character seems to shine forth—two qualities that I recognize together in few of his peers—I notice that in his second edition he boasts as though he had caught certain monsters of error, lurking like hidden slaves, which had escaped his eyes amid the tumult of the first edition, and for which he himself had paid the penalty for his former offense and flight, to use his own words. In this matter, indeed, the stern man seemed to me to have been greatly mistaken. For I do not think he said or judged otherwise. Certainly I have no doubt that, while he corrected very many errors, many more nevertheless escaped him, or at least even more disgraceful ones. Since these must not remain hidden from a sharper and more discerning reviewer—seeing that he was undoubtedly most learned, as he appears from that age—at least they require someone more idle, and someone who for a time is free for this one task alone. Perhaps indulgence was granted to Hermolaus, who, being intent on translating Aristotle and Themistius, turned to these hasty corrections of Pliny, as it were for the sake of amusement. But I consider it a lesser merit to warn readers of an error, whether it be that of copyists, or of editors, or finally of the author himself, if the matter stands thus, even if you cannot discover better readings. For there will be one who...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tem minæ, id est undequadraginta denariorum pondus æquent: uel ut in antiquis, duodetriginta, & in quibusdam undetrigintæ. Quid quòd libro x i i i i. de Nectarite loqués, quadraginta denariorum pondus pro quinq[ue] uncijs posuit? ut ex Discoride ad uerbum probabimus. Hæc ut uniuersa colliduntur, sic singillatim alterum alteri adstipulatur. Vt enim illud duodecimi cum dicto tricesimiter tertij co[m]uenit (siquidem ter duodetriginta, octogintaquatuor fiunt) sic cum uicesimiprimi loco pugnat, ubi denarius & drachma æquantur. Rursus quòd quadraginta denariorum pondus pro quinq[ue] uncijs ponitur, hoc argumé tum est quòd Plinius in libra sex & nonaginta denarios esse uoluit, & totidem drachmis æquauit. Quid igitur hic faciam? hæream? suscepto id operi omnino non congruit. Opus enim perfectum rectè præbiturum me approbaturumq[ue] spopondi, uel eorum arbitratu quos iudices elegi. hanc legem locâdo opere memini dictam esse. Periclitere? Vereor ne audaciæ id plenum sit: sed quandò flectere no[n] datur, potius adeundum periculum esse censeo, quàm tot dierum dispedio coeptum iter abrumpedum. Tanto igitur piaculo me obstringam, ut Plinij autoritatem uel argumé tis ualidissimis superiorem esse aut negem aut dubitem? Quidni id faciam? cum multis in rebus no[n] modò cum iuratissimis autoribus uetustatis pugnâtem cum osi[n]ederim, < Plinius unde secum nonunquam pugnet.> sed etiam ipsum secum: quod plerisq[ue] in locis emendatoru[m] culpa co[n]tigit, ex quo fit ut lectio Plinij obseruatissimum quenq[ue] lectorem maximè nûc torqueat. Qua in re adnotanda <Hermolaus Barbarus.> Hermolaus Barbarus, cuius nunquam sine laudis præfatione meminisse debeo, paulo religiosior fuisse mihi uidetur, præsertim assumpto castigatoris titulo seuerissimo, debuit certè altera præsertim c[er]esura denuo stylo exa= cuto

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND the semina, that is, should amount to forty-nine denarii in weight; or, in the ancient copies, to thirty-eight, and in some to thirty-nine. What of the fact that, in book xiiii, speaking of Nectarite, he set the weight of forty denarii for five ounces? as we shall prove word for word from Dioscorides. As these things clash altogether, so each in turn supports the other in detail. For as that statement of the twelfth book agrees with the passage of the thirty-third, (since three times thirty-eight makes eighty-four) so it conflicts with the twenty-first place, where denarius and drachma are made equal. Again, that the weight of forty denarii is set for five ounces is proof that Pliny wanted ninety-six denarii in the pound, and made them equal to the same number of drachmas. What then am I to do here? Shall I hesitate? It would in no way suit the task I have undertaken. For I promised that the work would be completed correctly and that I would approve it, either by my own judgment or by that of those I chose as judges. I remember that this law was stated when the work was let out. Shall I run the risk? I fear that would be full of boldness: but since it is not given to me to turn aside, I judge that it is better to face the danger than, after so many days’ delay, to break off the journey once begun. Therefore I shall bind myself by so great a solemn obligation: shall I deny or even doubt that Pliny’s authority is superior to the strongest arguments? Why should I not do so? when in many matters I have found myself in conflict not only with the most sworn authorities of antiquity, <Plinius unde secum nonunquam pugnet.> but even with Pliny himself: which has happened in many places through the fault of the editors, from which it comes about that the reading of Pliny now most greatly troubles every most careful reader. In noting this, <Hermolaus Barbarus.> Hermolaus Barbarus, whom I must never mention without a preface of praise, seems to me to have been somewhat too scrupulous, especially having taken on the severe title of corrector; certainly, with the other and especially the deeply sharpened pen, he should have

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cuto uel ad uiuum expungere, ne rebellarent, tot ulcera, quorum multa sanasse se non immeritò gloriatus est. Ego ut ingenio pusillo, tantu nome sustinere nequeam, ut sub= castigatorem Plinij profiteri me nisi uerecundè audeam: sic ea quæ occurrunt uitia, et commentantem morantur, si sanare ingenij ui no possim, commonefaciendis studio= sis ueluti scalpro circunscribam, ne latius error serpat. Atqui sic existimo, præuaricationis notâ effugere eu me= dicu non posse, quicquæ restituere sanitati nequit, uelut no animaduersa, silentio transmutit. Quanquam uir ille ma= gnus, ac non modò stylo graui doctrinamq; eximiam re= dolenti commendabilis, sed etiam sentetijs seuerus, in qui= bus mores probi elucescere uidentur (quæ duo pariter in paucis æqualibus memoriæ eius agnosco) in altera editio= ne ita gloriatur, quasi monstra quædam errorum uelut la titantia mancipia reprehenderit, quæ in prioris editionis tumultu oculos eius effugerant, à quibus ipse poenas sum pserit flagitij prioris et fugæ, ut ipsius uerbis utar. In quo mihi profectò longè falsus fuisse acer homo uisus est. neque enim aliter eu dixisse atq; existimasse puto. Quip= pe ut plurima errata emendauerit, plura tamen eum fugis= se aut certe flagitiosiora non dubito, quæ ut acriorem sa= gacioremq; fugitiuarium no maneant (quandoquidem un= decunq; doctissimus fuisse ut ætate illa uidetur) certè ocio= siorem poscunt, huicq; uni rei aliquandiu seriatum. Her= molao aute uenia fortasse dada est, qui Aristoteli et The= mistio uertendus intentus, tumultuarias nimiru castigatio nes Plinij uelut animi causa aggressus est. At ego secundi meriti id esse existimo, errorem uel librariorum, uel emen datorum, uel autoris denique ipsius, si res ita ferat, lecto= res admonere, etiam si meliora inuenire nequeas. Existet enim

Transcription: Translated (English)

to cut it out, or to probe it to the quick, so that they should not rebel, so many sores, many of which he rightly boasted that he had healed. I, with my slight ability, cannot bear so great a name, as to dare to profess myself a critic of Pliny except with due modesty: thus the faults that come to light and hinder the work as I comment on it, if I cannot heal them by force of talent, I shall at least mark them out with the care of a stylus, by pointing them out to the studious, lest the error spread further. And yet I think that I cannot escape the charge of presumption, if I pass over in silence anything that cannot be restored to soundness, as though I had not noticed it. Although that great man, commendable not only for a style weighty and redolent of remarkable learning, but also severe in his judgments, in which sound morals seem to shine forth (two qualities which, among his contemporaries, I recognize together in very few), boasts in his second edition as though he had detected certain monsters of error, lurking as it were like hidden slaves, which had escaped his notice in the bustle of the first edition, and from which he himself had suffered the punishment of the first offense and the flight, to use his own words. In this matter, certainly, the harsh man seemed to me to have been greatly mistaken. For I do not think he said or meant otherwise. Indeed, although he corrected very many errors, I do not doubt that many more escaped him, or at least more shameful ones, which, so that they may not remain as fugitive as he was sharper and more discerning (since he seems to have been most learned in every respect, in that age at any rate), certainly require someone more leisurely, and for this one task devoted for some time. But perhaps pardon has been granted to Hermolaus, who, being intent on translating Aristotle and Themistius, took up Pliny’s hurried corrections, so to speak, merely for diversion. But I consider it a lesser merit to warn readers of an error, whether of copyists, or of editors, or finally of the author himself, if the case so requires, even if you are unable to find anything better. For there will arise

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bus quæ Romam inuehuntur, leuissimum est Gallicum, atque è Cherroneso aduectum. quippe non excedunt in modium uicenas libras, si quis granum ipsum ponderet. adijcit Sardium sex libras, Alexandrinum & trientes. hoc & Siculi pondus, Bæoticu[m] totam libra[m] addit, Aphricum & dodrantes. His uerbis Plinius docet quod deterrimum sit triticu[m], id pendere in modios uicenas libras: quod autem longè optimum, ut Aphricum, septem & uiginti li bras & dodrantem. < Podus tritici.> Hoc cum ego probare uellem, tritici sex semisextariolos nostros, id est sesquipintam pro captu bilancis admensus, in altera lance depleui, & ponderibus identidem examinatis ad parem tandem libram perueni. Hoc cum in lectissimo tritico fecissem, pondera[m]q[ue] adnotassem, ad aliud triticum transij. Erat enim mihi puluini duo Franciani tritici suleatim (ut assolet) in horreo dispositi, ut eodem ex agro, sic non eadem segete. cum igitur ex eo simuliter eandem mensuram pensitarè, hoc discriminis adnotaui, ut quod in eis puluinis eximu[m] esset, & exactè excussum uentilatumq[ue], eius mensura iam dicta leuiter agitata, & radiolo stricta, dipondium nostrum & quadrantem penderet, lance etiam pessum eunte. quod autem negligentius uentilatum, & nonnulla ex parte lolio & melanthio mixtum, aut alia seminum inanitate, id duas libras & quadrante[m] siciliquo nunus in æquilibrio teneret. Hæc mensura, id est sex semisextarioli (quos sextarios duos Romanos iudicatu[m] iri, omnibus fortunis meis cauere no[n] dubitarim) si quis diligenter animaduertere uelit, & ueritatem modulis ac ponderibus explorare, seni inquam semisextarioli octauam partem modij efficiunt, quoru[m] pondus triti ceum si octonario multiplicetur, sient in summa duo de uiginti libræ nostræ, lectissimi quidem tritici: deterioris au- tem,

Transcription: Translated (English)

That which is brought into Rome in ships, the lightest is Gallic, and that imported from the Chersonese. For they do not exceed twenty pounds to the modius, if one weigh the grain itself. He adds Sardoan six pounds, Alexandrian and trientes. This measure also for Sicilian; Boeotian adds a whole pound; African, too, a dodrans. By these words Pliny teaches that the worst kind of wheat weighs twenty pounds to the modius; but the very best, such as African, twenty-seven pounds and a dodrans. <Weight of wheat.> When I wished to test this, I measured out six and a half of our semisextarii of wheat, that is, a sesquipinta according to the capacity of a balance, and emptied it into the other scale, and after repeatedly checking the weights I finally came to an equal pound. When I had done this with the choicest wheat, and noted down the weights, I went on to another kind of wheat. For I had two heaps of French wheat arranged in the granary in furrows, as usual, so that from the same field, though not from the same crop. When therefore I similarly weighed out the same measure from it, I noted this difference: that what was finest in those heaps, and thoroughly threshed and winnowed, when that measure was gently shaken as just said and pressed down with a rod, weighed our two-pound weight and a quarter, the scale even sinking under it. But that which had been more carelessly winnowed, and in some part mixed with darnel and black seed, or with some other empty seed, held only two pounds and a quarter of a sicilicus in balance. If anyone wishes to consider this measure carefully—that is, six and a half semisextarii, which I would not hesitate, for all my possessions, to judge as equal to two Roman sextarii—and to test the truth by measures and weights, let him know that six semisextarii make the eighth part of a modius, whose weight, if multiplied by eight, makes in all twenty-two of our pounds in the case of the very best wheat; but of inferior wheat,

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tem, id est quisquilijs seminum mixti, duabus uncijs minus, id est siciliqus octo. Porro cu[m] libra nostra (ut sæpe dixi) zygostatica, quæ merces appensiles negociatores adme= tiuntur, quadrante maior sit libra Romana, fit ut duode= uiginti libræ nostræ, quatuor & uiginti Romanas libras æquent. Ita fit ut triticum nostrum in agro qui Franciæ dicitur natum, duabus libris Siculo leuius sit: cuius tamen supremam notam existimo semissem aut quadratem uigin tiquatuor libris addere posse. Hoc genus experime[n]ti cum cuiuis obuium sit & expositum, no[n] est cur alia Plinij au toritate uel uera uel mendosa impugnare ueritate[m] quispiâ[m] citra pertinaciæ reprehæsionem possit. Hic si quis selibras legat, ut quædam habent exemplaria antiqua, ut sit, adij= cit Sardium selibras: hoc etiam amplius id quod agimus confirmabit: cum Plinius dicat grauissimum frumentum libras unam & uiginti & dodrantem pendere, & nos ex perimento didicerimus, quod optimu[m] apud nos sit frume[m] tum, id in modios Romanos quaternas & uicenas libras pendere. Quare nisi Plinius in pondere deceptus est, aut nisi negligentius rem explorauit, uel nostru[m] triticum etia[m] Africæ præstantius est, uel libra Romana maior aliquanto fuit quàm nos eam esse statuerimus. tamen periculum nul= lum est (ut arbitror) ne minorem fecerimus libram, cum mensuras auxisse uideamur, quæ pondere deprehendun= tur. In hanc enim tantùm partem errare potuimus, ut po= te cum Plinius sextarium centum & uiginti drachmarum faciat, quem nos bilibrè fuisse contendimus, id est drachma rum centum & non agintaduarum. qua ratione hemina libralis fuit, quam Plinius sexaginta drachmarum fuisse di cit, id est tertia parte minorem, atque eo amplius. Car= mina autem quæ apud Priscianum legutur, sextarium ui= ginti

Transcription: Translated (English)

them, that is, mixed with chaff of seed, two ounces less, that is, eight sicilici. Moreover, since our libra (as I have often said) zygostatica, by which merchants weigh out wares for trade, is a quarter larger than the Roman libra, it follows that twelve of our libræ equal twenty-four Roman libræ. Thus it comes about that our wheat, born in the field called France, is two libræ lighter than the Sicilian; of which, however, I think the highest grade can be made to add a half or a quarter to twenty four libræ. Since this kind of experiment is open and available to anyone, there is no reason why anyone should, from the authority of Pliny, whether true or false, attack the truth with any charge of obstinacy. If here someone should read selibras, as some ancient copies have it, so let it be, he adds Sardian selibras: this will also further confirm what we are doing; for Pliny says that the heaviest grain weighs one libra and twenty-one and a quarter, and we by experience have learned that the best grain among us weighs twenty-four Roman modii libras. Therefore, unless Pliny was deceived in the weight, or unless he examined the matter carelessly, either our wheat is even better than that of Africa, or the Roman libra was somewhat larger than we have determined it to be. Yet there is no danger at all (as I judge) that we have made the libra smaller, since we seem to have increased the measures, which are discovered by weight. For in this only direction could we have erred: thus, where Pliny makes the sextarius of 120 drachms, which we contend was two libræ, that is, 192 drachms. By that reasoning the hemina was libral, which Pliny says was of 60 drachms, that is, smaller by a third, and more besides. But the verses that are read in Priscian have the sextarius twenty

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ginti unciaru[m] esse statuunt: quo sit ut uoster, id est is qui à nobis positus est, superquintus sit eius, id est quinta parte superans. De hoc quid statuam, non habeo, nisi Plinium omnino puto selibras, id est dimidiatas libras scripsisse, sed non satis pondus compertum habuisse. Quod rursus ne credas, facit id quod ipse alibi dicit eodem libro, Siligineæ farinæ modius Gallicæ x x i i. libras, Italicæ duabus tribus'ue amplius. < Plin. locus.> Hæc uerba significant Plinium diligen ter hæc inquisiuisse. & præterea duas & tres libras addit Italicæ siligini, non tantum selibras. Itaq[ue] si uerum est Plinium hæc exactè inquisiuisse, & liber eo in loco non corruptus est, necessariò dicemus triticum non Gallicum tantum, sed & Francicum, pòderosius esse illis quæ à Plinio enumerata sunt. Fortasse etiam Plinius libras illas uice nas, centenarias libras intellexit, hoc est minales, quales libras argentarias fuisse ostedimus, hoc est plenas libras. quæ existimatione paulo plus dextante ad supradictum pòdus accedit, hoc est octoginta drachmæ, & aliquid amplius. Hoc quoque si admuserimus, non ideo tolletur scrupulus, quia adhuc nostrum paulo amplius libra una superabit. Vt tamen cum ijs libris sentiam qui selibras habent, facit contextus uerborum sensim ad libram & dodratem perducentium rationem. Et præterea Plinius non sex libras sed senas dixisset, quia uicenas dixerat. quod ualidius argumentum est. In hoc obice aqua hæreat necesse est. Sed si Plinius alteri cuipia[m] uel libero uel seruo ponderis examinationem tædiosam credidit, uel calculo deceptus est, non magnopere muru[m] est, cum Cicero in Catone Laërtem stercorantem agrum apud Homeru[m] faciat, alicuius fide deceptus. Nec enim in primo lib. nec in x v i. nec in ultimo id legitur Odyssæ, in quibus tantu[m] Laërtis memunit Home= rus: Ciceronis erratu[m] in Catone.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET they state that there are twenty-one ounces: so that what is ours, that is, the one which has been set down by us, is superquintus of it, that is, exceeding by a fifth part. What I am to make of this, I do not know, except that I think Pliny altogether wrote selibras, that is, half-pounds, but did not have the weight sufficiently ascertained. But that you should not believe this again, what he himself says elsewhere in the same book does the trick: “A modius of siligineous flour weighs 22 pounds in the Gallic form, in the Italian two or three pounds more.” < Plin. locus.> These words show that Pliny investigated these things carefully. And besides, he adds two or three pounds to the Italian siligineum, not merely half-pounds. Therefore, if it is true that Pliny investigated these matters exactly, and the book in that place is not corrupt, we must necessarily say that wheat is not only Gallic, but also Frankish, more weighty than those things enumerated by Pliny. Perhaps also Pliny understood those pounds as vicinal, centenary pounds, that is, minales, such as we have shown silver pounds to have been, that is, full pounds, which by estimation come a little more than a denarius to the aforesaid weight, that is, eighty drachmas and a little more. If we grant this too, the difficulty will not therefore be removed, because still ours will exceed by a little more than one pound. Nevertheless, so that I may agree with those pounds which have half-pounds, the context of the words helps, gradually leading the reasoning on to a pound and a dodrans. And besides, Pliny would have said not six pounds but sixty, since he had said twenty; which is the stronger argument. In this obstacle the water must necessarily stand still. But if Pliny entrusted the tedious weighing to someone else, whether free or slave, or if he was deceived by calculation, it is no great wonder, since Cicero in the Cato makes Laertes fertilizing the field in Homer, deceived by someone’s testimony. For in neither the first book, nor the sixteenth, nor the last of the Odyssey is that read, in which Homer mentions only Laertes: Cicero’s error in the Cato.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET dicendum est. Quanquam Columella lib. 1 1. de hordeo lo quens ita dicit, Alterum quoq[ue] genus hordei est, quod illi distichum, Galaticum nonnulli uocant, ponderis & candoris eximij, adeò ut tritico mixtum, egregia cibaria familiæ præbeat. Seritur circa Martium mensem. Distichum hordeum uocat, & Galaticum, hoc est Gallicum, quod cul mum habet binis uersibus aristatum, cuiusmodi est nostru[m]. Hoc Columella reliquo ponderosius esse dicit. Quare con turbari nos Pliniano hoc uerbo no[n] oportet, quasi ijs quæ diximus ex eodem ipso Plinio, refragante. Extat in actis Decurionum huius urbis, medimnum lectissimi tritici appensum iussu Decurionum fuisse, inuentumq[ue] esse pondus centum & sedecim librarum. quæ ratio efficit in modium undeuicenas libras nostras & trientes. Proxima nota in modios undeuicenas libras & sextantes non excessit. Sed propterea ego minus pondus inueni, quòd modium Roma num secutus sum, non Parisinum. At inter amphoram Romanam & nostrum quadrantem tantum interesse testatus sum, quantum inter mensura[m] rasam & cumulatam. Quòd autem libræ Romanæ modum deprehensum habeamus, ex ijs quæ de re nummaria diximus, satis intelligitur. Potest tamen id & alijs adminiculis probationum confirmari. Columella lib. v 1 1. de cibarijs aratorum boum loquens, Martio & Aprili debet ad foeni pondus adijci, quia terra proscinditur. sat erit autem pondo quadragena singulis dari. Quadraginta pondo Romana, nostra sunt triginta. Foeni autem fasces apud nos, si iusti sint ponderis, duode[n]nas libras pendent, & interdum ternasdenas. At huiusce-modi binos in dies cum auenæ cistellis tribus equi singuli sarcinarij aut iugales poscunt, qui quidem sint mediocri magnitudine. Hi duas et triginta libras Romanas pendet. Trecenas

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET it must be said. Although Columella, in book 11, when speaking of barley, says thus: “There is also another kind of barley, which some call distichum, others Galaticum, of excellent weight and whiteness, so that mixed with wheat it provides excellent food for a household. It is sown around the month of March.” He calls it distichum, and Galaticum, that is, Gallicum, because it has a stalk armed with two rows of awns, such as ours is. Columella says that this is heavier than the rest. Therefore we ought not to be disturbed by this word of Pliny, as if the things we have said were contradicted by Pliny himself. In the records of the Decurions of this city it is found that a medimnus of the finest wheat was weighed by order of the Decurions, and that the weight was found to be 116 pounds. This calculation gives, for a modius, nineteen and one-third of our pounds. The next note did not exceed nineteen modii and six sextantes in pounds. But for that reason I found a somewhat lesser weight, because I followed the Roman modius, not the Parisian one. Yet I have stated that there is only as much difference between the Roman amphora and our quarter-measure as there is between a level measure and a heaped one. And that we have determined the size of the Roman pound is sufficiently understood from the things we said about money. It can nevertheless be confirmed by other aids of proof. Columella, in book 11, speaking of the food of ploughing oxen, says that in March and April an addition should be made to the weight of hay, because the ground is being broken up. It will be enough, however, to give forty pounds to each. Forty Roman pounds are thirty of ours. Hay bundles among us, if of proper weight, weigh twelve pounds, and sometimes thirteen. But of this sort of load, horses, whether pack or yoked, require two such bundles in two days together with three baskets of oats, when they are of moderate size. These weigh thirty-two Roman pounds. Thirty-three...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 563 Trecenas autem libras bubus singulis sufficere Ianuario & Februario Columella affirmat: Martio autem & Aprili quum labor intenditur, quadragenas, aut quum grani est pe nuria. Ita hac parte libræ Romanæ ad nostrâ relatæ ana= logia congruit. Sextarius igitur Romanus eam mensuram < Sextarius Romanus.> capit, ut diximus, quam ternos sextariolos lingua nostra appellat. Sed absurda eadem lingua appellatione utitur cum sextarium uocat sextam ac tricesimâ partem modij no= < Semisextario-lus.> striuinarij, qui octies amphoram capit, præsertim cum se= misextarium appellemus paruulam mensuram, & omniu[m] quæ ueneant minimam, id est secundâ & tricesimam sex= tarij nostri, quam ego sextariolum uoco. Id tamen uocabu lum, id est semisextarium, in usum linguæ nostræ uernaculæ ex eo uenisse puto, quòd Græci cotulam, id est heminam, hemixestum appellant, ut autor est enarrator Aristo < Hemixestos.> phanis, & Suidas. ad quam uocem Græcâ alludere uidebi= tur hic uernaculus sermo, non ad dinidium sextarium, si= quis attentè considerarit. Verumenimuero sextarius Ro= manus in duo decim cyathos distribuitur. Ad cuius rei ple= niorem intelligentiam præfari illud habeo, quòd penè o= < Mos sympo-liacus antiquorum.> mnibus notum est, antiquos cum hilariori co[m]uiuio sese ad potus solutiores inuitabant, tot cyathos haustibus singulis ebibere solitos, quot erant literæ nominum amicaru[m]: à quo more illud epigramma Martialis emanauit in 1. libro, Næuia sex cyathis, septem Iustiua bibatur, Quinque Lycas, Lyde quattuor, Ida tribus. Omnis ab infuso numeretur amica falerno. Inde autem inuenta sunt uocabula triens, quadrans, quin= cunx, septunx, & reliqua, quæ non magis pocula quàm mensuras significant: id quod apertè ex eodem poëta libro octauo Epigrammatu[m] nobis datur intelligendum, N 2 Det

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 563 Now Columella affirms that for each ox twenty-three pounds are sufficient in January and February; but in March and April, when labor is increased, forty pounds, or when there is a shortage of grain. Thus, in this part the Roman pound agrees in analogy with ours. So the Roman sextarius contains that measure, as we said, which our language calls three sextarioli. < Sextarius Romanus.> But the same language makes an absurd use of the name when it calls a sextarius the thirty-sixth part of a native modius, which holds eight amphorae, especially since we call a semisextarius a very small measure, and the smallest of all things that are sold, that is, the thirty-second part of our sextarius, which I call a sextariolus. < Semisextario-lus.> I think, however, that this word, that is, semisextarius, came into use in our vernacular language from the fact that the Greeks call a cotyla, that is, a hemina, a hemixestos, as the commentator on Aristophanes and Suidas testify. < Hemixestos.> Our vernacular speech seems to allude to this Greek word, not to a half-sextarius, if one considers carefully. But in truth the Roman sextarius is divided into twelve cyathi. For a fuller understanding of this matter, I must first say that it is well known to almost everyone that the ancients, when inviting one another to a more cheerful banquet and freer drinking, used to drink at each draught as many cyathi as there were letters in the names of their mistresses: from which custom Martial’s epigram in the first book arose: Nævia, let it be drunk in six cyathi; Justina in seven, Lycas in five, Lyde in four, Ida in three. Let every beloved girl be reckoned by the poured Falernian. From this there came into being the terms triens, quadrans, quincunx, septunx, and the rest, which signify not so much cups as measures; and this is clearly made known to us from the same poet in the eighth book of the Epigrams, N 2 Det

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Det numerum cyathis, Instantis littera Ruffi: Autor enim tanti muncris ille mihi. Si Telethusa uenit promissá que gaudia portat, Seruabor dominæ Ruffè triente tuo. Si dubia est, septunce trahar: si fallit amantem, Vt iugulem curas, nomen utrunque bibam. Septuncem pro haustu septem cyathorum dixit, tot enim sunt elementa in recto Instantis: & trientem pro phiala & haustu quatuor cyathorum. Et rursus in undecimo quincuncem pro quinque cyathis, & bessem pro octo, Quincunces & sex cyathos bessemq; bibamus, Caius & fiat Iulius & Proculus. Et libro duodecimo, Poto ego sextantes, tu potas Cinna deunces: Et quereris quòd non Cinna bibamus idem. Deunces, undenos cyathos intelligit, ut sextantes binos. Hinc factum est ut nomina illa poculorum apud autores celebrentur, ut libro primo diximus. Nunc autem sic colligo: cum sextarius Romanus in duodecim cyathos diuide= retur: ea uerò eius uasis quam pintam dicimus, sit mēsura, ut qui tantum uini etiam primarij quotidiano prandio bibat, uinosior dici iure non possit: qui autem dodranté eius nō excedat, id est ternos sextariolos, parcus uini fortasse, aut certè sobrius dici mereatur: non potuisse sextariu[m] Ro= manum in tot cyathos commodè diuidi, si minor is ea mensura fuisset, quam dodrantem appellaui. Cum enim trien= tem quadrantemq; poculorum uocabula apud Iuuena= lem & Persium & Celsum legimus, ego legitimam mensuram intelligo, quæ uno haustu biberetur. Reliqua nomina infra supraq; mēsuras magis quàm potoria uasa fuisse puto. Nam & apud Celsum quadrans pro modico potu ponitur

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND He counts the number by cups, the letter of Instantis by “Ruffus”: for that man is the author of so great a gift to me. If Telethusa comes and brings the promised joys, Ruffus, I shall be saved for my mistress by your third. If she is doubtful, I shall be dragged by a seventh; if she deceives a lover, so that I may cut off cares, I shall drink both names. He said “septunce” for a draught of seven cups, for so many are the elements in the correct Instantis; and “trient” for a phial and a draught of four cups. And again in the eleventh he says “quincunx” for five cups, and “bess” for eight; let us drink quincunces and six cups and a bess, and let Caius become Julius and Proculus. And in book twelve: I drink sextantes, you drink, Cinna, deunces: and you complain that Cinna and I do not drink the same. By “deunces” he means eleven cups, just as by “sextantes” he means two. From this it came about that those names of drinks are celebrated among the authors, as we said in the first book. But now I conclude thus: since the Roman sextarius was divided into twelve cups, and that vessel of ours which we call a pint was a measure, so that one who drinks each day at dinner only so much of wine, even of the finest, could not rightly be called a “wine-bibber”; but one who does not exceed a dodrant of it, that is, three sextarioli, perhaps deserves to be called sparing in wine, or certainly sober: the Roman sextarius could not have been conveniently divided into so many cups if it had been a smaller measure than what I have called a dodrans. For since we read the names trients and quadrants of cups in Juvenal, Persius, and Celsus, I understand a lawful measure, to be drunk in a single draught. I think the remaining names, below and above the measures, were rather drinking vessels than measures. For even in Celsus a quadrant is used to denote a small drink

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diacis statuit, nisi uastioris sint corporis, & uini meraci. De quibus Plinius loquens libro x x i i i. Cardiacorum, inquit, morbo unicam spem in uino esse certum est. Dæri utique non nisi in cibo debet, nec à semno, nec præcedete alio potu, id est non nisi sitienti, nec nisi in desperatione Iuuenalis. summa. Hoc Iuuenalis significat cum inquit, Cardiaco nunquam cyathum missurus amuco. Tres heminæ sesquisextarium explent. Ex quo apparet iustam propemodum potus mensura homini cardiaco statutam esse. Nam cum homini sano iusta mensura sit sextarius in singulos epulatus, cardiaco nouenos cyathos statuit, uel senos, id est binos quadrates, si ter epulantes cardiacos intelligamus. Et de coeliacis, Obseruadum, inquit, nequis aut cibus aut humor uniuersus detur, sed paulatim. Ergo per interualla temporis sat est cyathos binos ternos ue sumere, & cibum proportione huius. Et inferius, Potui uerò aqua pluuialis decocta, sed quæ per binos ternos ue cyathos bibatur. Cyathis aute[m] antiquos potus sui mensuram metiri solitos etiam inter epulas, ex eo coijcio, quòd serui quidam ad cyathos stare uel esse dicebantur, Ad cyathum. ut serui ad limina, & ad pedes. Traquillus in Cæsare, Sed stare. C. Memmius etiam ad cyathum & uinum Nicomedi stetisse obiecit. Iuuenalis Sat yra decimatertia, Nec puer Iliacus, formosa nec Herculis uxor Ad cyathos. Hoc Græci xvætis d[icitu]r dicu[n]t, quo uerbo Plautus in Menæhusus est, N[ost]o scis quis ego sim? qui tibi sæpissime cyathisso, apud nos quando potas. Cyathi Græcè nomina. Cyathus à Græcis ob id etiam αντλητης, & αγνητης, & αγνασκος, & αγιταινα dicitur, & à quibusdam δινοχομ: quæ omnia uocabula ab hauriendo uel fundendo uino dicta sunt. Stare igitur à cyathis à Latinis dicti

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He prescribes it for cardiac patients, unless they are of a very robust constitution and use strong wine. Of these Pliny, speaking in Book XXIII of the Cardiacus, says: “It is certain that in this disease the only hope lies in wine.” It should certainly be given only with food, and neither after sleep nor before any other drink; that is, only to one who is thirsty, and only in extreme necessity, as Juvenal says. This Juvenal indicates when he says: “He will never send a cup to a cardiac patient, amigo.” Three heminae make a sesquixestarium. From this it appears that a proper measure of drink was established for a cardiac patient. For whereas for a healthy man the proper measure is a sextarius for each meal, for a cardiac patient he prescribes nine cyathi, or six, that is, two quadrants each, if we understand cardiac patients as eating three times a day. And concerning coeliacs, it should be observed, he says, that neither food nor drink is to be given all at once, but gradually. Therefore, at intervals of time, it is enough to take two or three cyathi, and food in proportion to this. And lower down: “For drink, moreover, rain water boiled, but to be drunk by two or three cyathi.” From this I gather that the ancients were accustomed to measure their drink by cyathi even during meals, because certain slaves were said to “stand by the cyathi,” just as others stood at the threshold and at the feet. Suetonius in Caesar says, “standing by the cyathi.” C. Memmius also reproached Nicomedes with having stood by the cyathi and wine. Juvenal, Satire XIII: “Neither the Trojan boy, nor the wife of handsome Hercules, by the cyathi.” This the Greeks call xvaetis, as Plautus uses the word in the Menæchmi: “Do you know who I am? I, who so often serve you drink, when you are drinking with us.” Greek names for cyathi. The cyathus is also called by the Greeks αντλητης, and αγνητης, and αγνασκος, and αγιταινα, and by some δινοχομ: all of which terms are derived from drawing up or pouring out wine. Thus those who stood by the cyathi were so called by the Latins.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. dicti sunt, quo's Græci dionoχo[n]s appellant. Apulcius pocillatores uocauit. Pincerna non ausim affirmare probu[m] esse uocabulum, etiam si Asconius in prætura urbana usus est, si uera sunt eo in loco exemplaria, Pincerna à Græco deducitur, cui conuiuæ dicunt identidem, πινεν κιγνα, pinincirna, id est misce uinum, uel tempera uinum, ut bibam. Honestum id olim munus fuisse docet Athenæus lib. x. qui apud Græcos morem fuisse tradit, ut nobilissimi iuices in conuiuijs sacris publicis id munus obiret: nec minus apud Romanos. ημι παρὰ ὑμαίοις δὲ οι οἰ χερενεσαιοι τῶν παίδων πῶν λητηριαν τῶντω ἐκτελωσιν ἐν τῶς δημοτελεῖν τῶν δυστῶν. < Cyathissat quid sit.> Est autem cyathissare, ut ex eodem Athæneo nouimus, πνάθω δινοχῶν, id est cyatho uinum bibendum admetiri. < Cyathi amicitiæ & amoris.> Quare Athenienses in conuiuijs solutioribus inuicem propinantes, cyathes amicitiæ, & cyathos amoris, & cyathum Demetrij nominatim poscebant, singulis potionibus, ut quaternos anacitiæ, & ternos amoris propinantes, & cyathu[m] præterea Demetrij uel Antigoni, qui duo extenu ab assentatione inoleuerunt, exolescente priscæ Atheniensium libertate & generositate, ut ide[m] autor prodidit libro sexto de adulatoribus loquens. < Cyathus Demetrij, Antigo ni.> Sed tremor inter uina subit, calidumq[ue] trientem Excutit è manibus. Plinius pro mēsura posuit, Syluestrium quidem prunoru[m] baccæ uel è radice cortex in uino austero si decoquantur, ita ut triens ex hemina supersit, aluum et tormina sistunt, id est ut quatuor cyathi ex sex supersint. Tranquillus in Augusto, Vini quoque natura parcissimus erat. non amplius ter bibere cum solitum super coenam in castris apud Mutinam, Cornelius Nepos tradit. Postea quoties largissimè se inuitaret, senos sextantes non excessit: aut si N 4 excess

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PARTIB. BOOK V. These are called by the Greeks dionoχo[n]s. Apuleius called them pocillatores. I would not dare to affirm that pincerna is a good word, even though Asconius used it in the urban praetorship, if the manuscripts in that place are correct. Pincerna is derived from Greek, where banquet guests repeatedly say, πινεν κιγνα, pinincirna, that is, “mix the wine,” or “temper the wine, so that I may drink.” Athenaeus, book X, shows that this was once an honorable office, who relates that among the Greeks it was the custom for the most noble young men to perform this duty at sacred public banquets: and no less among the Romans. ημι παρὰ ὑμαίοις δὲ οι οἰ χερενεσαιοι τῶν παίδων πῶν λητηριαν τῶντω ἐκτελωσιν ἐν τῶς δημοτελεῖν τῶν δυστῶν. <What cyathissare means.> Now cyathissare , as we learn from the same Athenaeus, is πνάθω δινοχῶν, that is, to measure out wine to be drunk with a cyathus. <Cyathi of friendship and love.> Therefore the Athenians, in freer banquets, when drinking to one another, would call for cyathes of friendship, cyathos of love, and specifically a cyathus of Demetrius; with each draught, so that they drank four of friendship and three of love, and besides a cyathus of Demetrius or of Antigonus, which two terms came into use from flattery, as the ancient liberty and nobility of the Athenians declined, as the same author reveals in book six, when speaking of flatterers. <Cyathus of Demetrius, Antigonus.> But a trembling comes over one among the wine, and it knocks the warm third part from the hands. Pliny used it for a measure; indeed, if the berries of wild plums or the bark from the root are boiled in austere wine, so that a third part remains from a hemina, they stop diarrhea and colic, that is, so that four cyathi remain out of six. Suetonius, in Augustus, says: “He was very sparing by nature in wine as well. He was accustomed to drink no more than three times over supper in the camp near Mutina,” Cornelius Nepos relates. Later, whenever he invited himself to a lavish drinking bout, he did not go beyond six sextantes: or if N 4 excess

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET excessisset, reijciebat. Senos sextantes pro sextario dixit, sed significare uoluit, senis haustibus sextarium tantum bi Beroaldus. bere eum solitum. Philippus Beroaldus diliges enarrator, ac multæ lectionis, sextantes senos sex pocula intellexit binas uini uncias continentia: sicut & apud Martialem trientes & quincunces deuncesq[ue]. Antonius Sabellicus eo in loco, senos sextantes, inquit, ad mensuram, an ad podus referas, in dubium uenire potest. sed melius ad mensuram, ut sit sextans mensuræ genus, ut quincunx apud Martialem. Beroaldi opinio nec Pliniano dicto nec nostro conuenit, si tamen ita Plinius scriptum reliquit, ut cyathus pendeat per se drachmas decem, & hemina sexaginta. quippe Pliniana ratione sextarius centum & uiginti drachmas trahit: at Beroaldus duodecim unciarum senos sextantes esse dixit, id est sex & nonaginta drachmarum, quos planum fecimus ex Martiale duodenos cyathos significare. Quare insignis hæc fuit hallucinatio, & penè par illi de Calderinus. sestertio. Calderinus uir ingeniosus, & grauis enarrator, nouo genere hallucinatus est apud Iuuenalem Satyræ v 1. illo in loco, -De quo sextarius alter Ducitur ante cibum. Sextarius alter, inquit, id est duo sextantes, uidelicet arbitratius sextarium à sextante dictum, non à sexta congij parte, cum sextarius sexies sextantem capiat, sextans non magis duas uncias, quàm sextam cuiusque rei partem significat. Sed horum uerborum significatio à nullo, quod sciam, rectè ac planè adhuc enarrata est. Romani autem sextarium quasi legitimam ac quotidianam uirilis potus mensuram statuentes, ab eo quasi ab asse incipientes, reliqua uocabula partes eius fecerunt, quomodo & nos pintam

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G. BVD. OF THE AS AND excessisset, he rejected it. He said that six sextantes made a sextarius, but he wanted to signify that with six draughts he usually drank only a Beroaldus. little. Philip Beroaldus, a diligent commentator and a man of wide reading, understood “six sextantes” as six cups containing two ounces of wine each: as also in Martial trientes and quincunxes and deunces. Antonius Sabellicus in that place says, “six sextantes,” whether you refer it to measure or to weight, it may be doubted. But it is better to refer it to measure, so that sextans is a kind of measure, as quincunx in Martial. Beroaldus’s opinion agrees neither with Pliny’s statement nor with ours, if indeed Pliny left it written thus, that a cyathus should weigh ten drachmas by itself, and a hemina sixty. For according to Pliny’s reckoning a sextarius carries one hundred and twenty drachmas; but Beroaldus said that six sextantes of twelve ounces make ninety-six drachmas, which we have clearly shown from Martial to signify twelve cyathi. Wherefore this was a notable hallucination, and almost equal to that of Calderinus. sestertius. Calderinus, a man of talent and a serious commentator, erred in a new way in Juvenal, Satire v 1. in that place, -From which another sextarius is drawn before food. “Another sextarius,” he says, that is, two sextantes, namely because he arbitrarily derives sextarius from sextans, not from the sixth part of a congus, since a sextarius holds six sextantes, and a sextans signifies not more two ounces than the sixth part of any thing. But the meaning of these words, so far as I know, has not yet been rightly and clearly explained by anyone. The Romans, however, establishing the sextarius as the legitimate and everyday measure of a man’s drink, beginning from it as from an as, made the remaining terms into its parts, just as we also do with the pint

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 569 < Potus nostri ratio.> pintam uirilem mensuram ponentes, semissem eius parcis uini destinamus, dodrantem autem continetibus, quadrantem ægrotis, sesquipintam bibacibus, in quotidiano quidem conuiuio. Augustus igitur uini parcissimus dictus est à Tranquillo, qui super coenam plerunq[ue] ita sibi temperabat, ut ternos sextantes, id est, dimidiatam aliorum mensuram biberet, & cum licentius bibere statuerat, sextarium non excederet, ac ne excedere quidem posset citra reiectionem: quippe uir infirma ualetudine, ac graues & periculosas ualetudines per omnem uitam expertus, ut autor est idem Traquillus. ob id etiam cibi minimi, adeo ut ante initium uel post dimissum conuiuium solus coenitaret, cum pleno conuiuio nihil tangeret, quò certiorem rationem cibi potusq[ue] teneret. Hoc mihi conuenire uidetur cum eo quod diximus, ut qui uini modicè sit appetens, dodrantem nostrum, id est ternos sextariolos quotidiano conuiuio bi bat: qui si etiam quadrantem huic addat, ut plenam mensuram nostram bibat, quam pintam dicimus, ne sic quidem uinosus dici debeat, & tamen hæc mensura sedecim cyathos implet. Hoc cum exactè considerarem, dodrantem iam dictum, quem sextarium Romanu[m] esse dico, in treis trientes diuisi totidem calicibus sumptis, & rursus in quatuor calices quadrantales æquis distributionibus: quo facto eum esse captum mensuræ cognoui, ut qui firmo stomacho sit, & interdicto medicorum non prohibeatur quo minus ducere possit ex ænophoro quantum sitis appetat, is haustum primo coenæ quadrantem siccare debeat, addita etiam aquæ tertia aut quarta parte, si tam[m]e sitim expectauerit. qui autem bibacior paulo fuerit, etiam trientem, de sobrijs loquor, sed de ijs sobrijs, qui iustum haustum diluendis cibis ducere soliti sunt, quales pleriq[ue] sunt nostratium N 5 homi

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 569 < The measure of our drinking.> Taking the pint as the standard man’s measure, we assign half of it to the sparing drinker, three-quarters to ordinary drinkers, a quarter to the sick, and a pint and a half to hard drinkers, in daily company. Augustus, then, was called very sparing in wine by Tranquillus, who at supper usually restrained himself so that he drank three sextarii, that is, half the measure of other men; and when he had decided to drink more freely, he did not exceed a sextarius, nor indeed could he have exceeded it without expelling it. For he was a man of weak health, and throughout his life had experienced serious and dangerous illnesses, as the same Tranquillus says. For that reason he also ate very little, so much so that, before the beginning of the meal or after the company had been dismissed, he would dine alone, since at a full banquet he touched nothing, in order to keep a more exact reckoning of food and drink. This seems to me to agree with what we have said, namely that anyone who is moderately inclined to wine should, at an ordinary meal, drink our dodrans, that is, three sextarii; and if he adds even a quarter to this, so as to drink our full measure, which we call a pint, he ought not even then to be called a wine-bibber, and yet this measure fills sixteen cyathi. When I considered this carefully, I divided the dodrans just mentioned, which I say is the Roman sextarius, into three triens units, taking three cupfuls; and again into four quarter-cups in equal distribution. By this I came to know that it is a measure adapted to the stomach: for a man with a strong stomach, and not forbidden by a doctor’s order from drawing from the wine-jar as much as his thirst desires, ought to dry off a quarter of the first cup before supper, adding also a third or fourth part of water, if he has long delayed his thirst. But one who is a little more of a drinker—by which I mean even a sober man, but one of those sober men who are accustomed to take a proper draught to dilute their food, as most of our countrymen are—

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 371 < Germanorum militum bibacitas.> Tranquillum potorem amphorarium legerint: quibus hodie si pares in Gallia inuenirentur, monstri instar haberetur, apud quos Germanorum militum bibacitas hoc biennio inter miracula celebrata est. quotidianis enim co[n]uiuijs singuli quaternos quartarios absumere dicebantur, qua ratione nouem conuiuiæ binas amphoras exorbebât. Hanc bibendi palmam æquare nostrorum hominum profligatissimi uini potores numero triginta non possent, duntaxat ut alternis diebus id facerent quod illi singulis factitabant. Quid quòd ipsa carmina quæ apud Priscianum leguntur, & secum, & cum Plinio pugnant? Cum enim de cyatho dicant, Bis quinq[ue]; hunc faciunt drachmæ, si appendere tentes, Oxybaphus fiet, si quinq[ue]; addantur ad istas: alio loco ita legitur, Nam libræ, ut memorant, bessem sextarius addet, Seu puros pendas latices, seu dona Lyæi. Addunt semissem libræ labentis oliui: Selibramq[ue] ferunt mellis superesse bilibri. Hæc tamen assensu facili sunt creditæ nobis: Nanq[ue] nec errantes undis labentibus amnes, Nec mersi puteis latices, aut fonte perenni Manantes, par pondus habent. - Quonam igitur tandem modo conuenit ut hemina quæ dimidiatum sextarium efficit, sexagenas drachmas pendeat, & sextarius librâ & bessem, hoc est centu[m] & sexaginta? Si enim de centu[m] & nonagintaduabus drachmis, seu duabus libris Romanis trientè, id est, duas & triginta abstuleris, reliquæ erunt centum & sexaginta. Nos cum hoc probaremus, aqua puteali utebamur, nec scrupulose differentiam aquarum exquisiuiimus, nec in alio liquore rem experium

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PART II. BOOK V. 371 < The drunkenness of the German soldiers.> A quiet drinker of amphoras they would have chosen; if such men were found today in Gaul on equal terms, they would be regarded as a monstrosity, among whom the drunkenness of the German soldiers has for these two years been celebrated among the wonders. For at their daily banquets they were said each to consume four quartarii, by which reckoning nine banquets swallowed down two amphoras. Not even thirty of our most ruined wine-bibbers could equal this prize in drinking, only on condition that they did every other day what those men used to do every day. What of the fact that the verses themselves which are read in Priscian conflict both with themselves and with Pliny? For when they speak of the cyathus, they say: Twice five drachmas make this, if you try to weigh it, An oxybaphus will be made, if five are added to these. In another place it is read thus: For, as they say, a sextarius will add a bess to a pound, Whether you weigh pure waters or gifts of Lyæus. They add half a pound of slipping oil: And they say that half a pound remains over in the two-pound measure of honey. Yet these things have been readily believed by us with approval: For neither do rivers, flowing in wandering waves, have equal weight, Nor waters sunk in wells, or springing from an ever-flowing fountain, Have the same mass. How then, after all, does it agree that a hemina, which makes half a sextarius, should weigh sixty drachmas, and a sextarius a pound and a bess, that is, one hundred and sixty? For if from one hundred and ninety-two drachmas, or two Roman pounds with a third part, that is, thirty-two, you subtract, the remainder will be one hundred and sixty. When we proved this, we used well water, and did not inquisitively examine the difference between waters, nor did we try the matter in any other liquid

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET experiundam duximus, cu[m] iam tenere ueritate uideremur. Ex Græcis aute[m] autoribus uix rem constituere possumus. <Cotula.> Pollux lib. IIII. cotulâ tertia[m] partem chœnicis esse tradit, & medimnum chœnicas octo & quadraginta capere, & sextarium octo chœnicas. χούλι μὲ πιτον τ[ame]ν χοινικος. ὑ [μὴ] μεθιμων, χοινικος δικτῶ μὲ τετραράχοντα, ὑ [μὴ] εκτελως δικτῶ. hoc dictu[m] discrepat cu[m] uersibus illis in quibus ita legitur, At cotylas, quas, si placeat, dixisse licebit Heminas, recipit geminas sextarius unus: <Chœnix.> Qui quater assumptus fit Graio nomine chœnix. Adde duas, chus fit uulgò qui est congius idem. Pollux henuam tertiam partè chœnicis facit, hæc carmina octaua[m]. Chus (inquit Suidas) mēsura est Attica capi[n]es cotulas octo. Festus hemunâ quasi hemis, id est, dimidium sextarij dictam esse autumat. Rursus Suidas. μὲ διμονομοδιων ἐξ, ως εἰν[ι] μὲπον ξεσων οβ' ντοι λιτρῶν ἐν, id est medimnum modioru[m] senum est, ut sit mensura xestas duos & septuaginta capi[n]es, id est, libras centu[m] & octo. quo dicto significatur xestem sesquilibra[m] pendere, id est, centum & XII. drachmas & semudrachma[m]. libra enim Attica septua[m] genas quinas drachmas pendet. Sic modius qui sexta pars est medimni, decè & octo libraru[m] erit. ita sextarius qui sextadecima pars est eius, erit quatuor et octoginta drachma rum & semissis, quod cu[m] Plinij dicto non couenit. quòd si litram, id est, librâ Attica[m] pro mina intelligamus, ut Hermolaus uoluit, & Plinius interdu[m] fecit, sextarius centu[m] ac duodecim drachmarum & semis erit. quod nihilo magis conuenit. Quòd aute[m] Plinius libram pro mina acceperit, patet ex Dioscoride, ubi de Oxymelle loquitur libro v. λαβῶν δξυσ χητύλας πέντε, κεί αλος θαλασία μνᾶν μιαν, μὲ λιτομνᾶς δεχα, υστετ & χητύλας. 1. μήτας ἔγνον, ἀχίς ὑν[ε]κάχις

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET we have thought it best to test, since we seemed already to see the truth clearly. From the Greek authors, however, we can scarcely establish the matter. <Cotula.> Pollux, book IV, says that the cotyla is the third part of a choinix, and that a medimnus holds forty-eight choinices, and a sextarius eight choinices. χούλι μὲ πιτον τ[ame]ν χοινικος. ὑ [μὴ] μεθιμων, χοινικος δικτῶ μὲ τετραράχοντα, ὑ [μὴ] εκτελως δικτῶ. This statement differs from the verses in which it is read thus, At cotylas, quas, si placeat, dixisse licebit Heminas, recipit geminas sextarius unus: <Chœnix.> He who, taken four times, becomes by the Greek name a choinix. Add two, and it becomes chus, which is commonly the same as congius. Pollux makes the hemina the third part of a choinix; these verses make it the eighth. Chus (says Suidas) is an Attic measure containing eight cotylas. Festus thinks the hemina was so called as if from hemis, that is, half a sextarius. Again Suidas. μὲ διμονομοδιων ἐξ, ως εἰν[ι] μὲπον ξεσων οβ' ντοι λιτρῶν ἐν, that is, a medimnus is six modii, so that the measure of xestae is seventy-two, that is, one hundred and eight pounds. By this statement it is meant that a xestes weighs a pound and a half, that is, one hundred and twelve drachmas and a half-drachma. For the Attic pound weighs seventy-five drachmas. Thus the modius, which is the sixth part of a medimnus, will be eighteen pounds. So the sextarius, which is the sixteenth part of it, will be eighty-four drachmas and a half, which does not agree with Pliny’s statement. But if we understand a libra, that is, the Attic pound, as a mina, as Hermolaus wanted, and Pliny sometimes did, then the sextarius will be one hundred and twelve drachmas and a half. This agrees no better. But that Pliny took libra in the sense of mina is clear from Dioscorides, where, in book V on oxymel, he says: λαβῶν δξυσ χητύλας πέντε, κεί αλος θαλασία μνᾶν μιαν, μὲ λιτομνᾶς δεχα, υστετ & χητύλας. 1. μήτας ἔγνον, ἀχίς ὑν[ε]κάχις

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 173 κάνις ὑμαβράση, καὶ ἐυχας ἀγατηρισον. Hoc Plinius ad uer= bum lib. XIIIII. sic uertit, Oxymel uocarunt mellis decem libris, aceti ueterishemunis quinq; salis marini libra, aquæ pluuiæ sextarijs quinq; suffrue factis decies, mox elutriæ tis. Quod ille minam, Plinius libram dixit: quod ille heminas decem, Plinius sextarios quinq; Rursus Plinius de eo genere uini factitij loqués, quod cenchrites dicitur, quòd ex milij semine fiat, libram & quadrantè pro mina transtulit. cum enim de adynamo factitiorum primo dixisset, ita subdidit, Proximum fit è nulij semine maturo cum ipsa stipula (libram & quadrantem in congios duos musti macerant) & post septimum mensem transfuso. Dioscorides, δὲ ἐν λαμβάνην πῶν ποιν ανερματ & πλήρη, περδρον συν ποίς κλάσδις, καὶ μνᾶν μίαν ἔαλλην ἔν ἐινα. β. ἐὰν ἐν ἐπιὰ μὴνας, καὶ οὕτω μεταγιζαν. Accipere autem oportet herbam senùne plenam maturo cum ramulis, & eius unam minam in uini congios binos mittere, & sic septem mensibus relinquere, ita à septimo mense diffundere. Sed corruptè apud Dioscoridem Cestrites & Cestros pro Cenchrites & Cenchros in libris impressis legitur. sic enim legi debet, ποδί κεχρήτω, quum Plinius milium dicat. uerius est tamen Plinium errore exemplaris deceptum, Cenchritem pro Cestrite intellexisse. Est autem Cestrum Latinè betonica herba dicta, ut in Dioscoridis libro quarto apparet in principio, qui psychotrophum alio nomine uocat utrobique, quasi herbam frigidis locis gaudentem, quæ hodie sic agnoscitur, ex qua fit uinum betonicatum. Hoc aute[m] Plini[us] dictum uel ex Dioscoride, ut multa alia, uersum est, uel ex alio autore, qui ijsdem uerbis cum Dioscoride scripsit. Hoc enim non satis constitui potest, utrum Plinius Dioscoride legerit, quem ut identidem ijsdem Dioscoridis locus. An Plini[us] Dioscoridem legerit.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 173 “κάνις ὑμαβράση, καὶ ἐυχας ἀγατηρισον.” Pliny translates this word for word in book XIII as follows: “They called oxymel, ten pounds of honey, five sextarii of old vinegar, five sextarii of rainwater, and ten times as much of the prepared scum, afterwards clarified.” What he calls a mina, Pliny calls a pound; what he calls ten heminae, Pliny calls five sextarii. Again, when Pliny speaks of that kind of artificial wine called cenchrites, because it is made from millet seed, he translated mina as a pound and a quarter. For when he first spoke of artificial drinks, he added as follows: “The next is made from ripe millet seed with the stalks themselves (they soak a pound and a quarter in two congii of must), and after the seventh month it is drawn off.” Dioscorides, “δὲ ἐν λαμβάνην πῶν ποιν ανερματ & πλήρη, περδρον συν ποίς κλάσδις, καὶ μνᾶν μίαν ἔαλλην ἔν ἐινα. β. ἐὰν ἐν ἐπιὰ μήνας, καὶ οὕτω μεταγιζαν.” That is: “One should take the herb when fully ripe, with its branches, and put one mina of it into two congii of wine, and so leave it for seven months, then draw it off from the seventh month.” But in printed books of Dioscorides, Cestrites and Cestros are wrongly read in place of Cenchrites and Cenchros. For it should be read thus, “ποδί κεχρήτω,” since Pliny says millet. Yet it is more likely that Pliny, deceived by an error of the manuscript, understood Cenchrites instead of Cestrites. Now Cestrum is the name given in Latin to the herb betonica, as appears in the fourth book of Dioscorides, at the beginning, who in both places calls it by another name, psychotrophum, as if it were an herb that delights in cold places, and this is recognized today as the plant from which betonicated wine is made. This statement of Pliny either was taken from Dioscorides, as many other things were, or from some other author who wrote in the same words as Dioscorides. For this cannot be determined with certainty, whether Pliny read Dioscorides, since he repeatedly uses the same words. The passage of Dioscorides. Whether Pliny read Dioscorides.

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ijsdem uerbis sequitur, sic nusquam nominatim citat, ita ut nonnunquam à Dioscoride accepta dissimulandi furti gratia transformare uideatur, ut in hoc loco: interdum alium secutus uideatur, sed uel à quo Dioscorides tràscri pserit, uel ille à Dioscoride. < Sestius Niger.> Plinius Latinum homine Sestium Nigrum medicinæ diligentissimum appellat, de Castoreo loquens libro tricesimo secundo: qui Niger Græcè scripsit, cum Plinij uerba cum Dioscoride collata, ex ipsius Dioscoridis libro traducta esse uideantur. Nam Dioscorides Nigrum in hoc secutus non uidetur, cum eum inter Asclepiadas recensens improbet: et is tamen à Plinio etiam citatur ubi Salamandræ meminit libro uicesimonono, his uerbis, Sestius Venerem accendi cibo earum, si decoctis interancis et pedibus et capite in melle seruentur, tradit: negatq[ue] extingui ignem ab ijs. Dioscorides < Salamandra.> libro secundo, , , . Et inferius, , , . Hæc uerba ita cum Plinij uerbis congruunt, ut ab eodem autore uterque sumpsisse uideatur, quo modo et à Crateua uterque sumpsisse aliqua non dissimulat. Alibi Plinius de Opobalsamo loquens, Alexandro Magno res ibi gerente, toto die æstiuo unam concham impleri iustum erat. Omni uerò fæcunditate è maiore horto congios senos, è minore singulos, et cu[m] duplo repèdebatur argento: uel potius cu[m] et duplo, ut in emendatioribus. Hoc Dioscorides non ad tempus Alexandri refert, sed ad suu[m], his uerbis, , , . Fluit tenui gutta et pauca, ita ut unoquoque arno non amplius

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON ASH AND from these same words it follows; thus he cites nowhere by name, so that sometimes, for the sake of concealing a theft accepted from Dioscorides, he seems to transform it, as in this passage: at times he seems to have followed another, but either the one from whom Dioscorides transcribed, or that man from Dioscorides. <Sestius Niger.> Pliny, speaking of castoreum in the thirty-second book, calls the Latin man Sestius Niger most diligent in medicine: who, because Niger wrote in Greek, seems, when Pliny’s words are compared with Dioscorides, to have been taken from Dioscorides’ own book. For Dioscorides does not seem to have followed Niger here, since he criticizes him among the Asclepiads; and yet he too is cited by Pliny where, in the twenty-ninth book, he mentions the salamander, with these words: Sestius reports that Venus is inflamed by eating them, if, boiled, the entrails and the feet and the head are preserved in honey; and that the fire is not extinguished by these. Dioscorides <Salamandra.> book two, , , . And below, , , . These words agree so closely with Pliny’s words that each seems to have taken it from the same author, in the same way that both do not conceal that they took some things from Crateuas. Elsewhere Pliny, speaking of opobalsamum, when Alexander the Great was conducting affairs there, says that during the whole summer day it was proper to fill one conch. But with all fertility, from the larger garden six congii, from the smaller single ones, were returned, and with double silver: or rather, with and double, as in the more corrected texts. Dioscorides refers this not to the time of Alexander, but to his own, in these words, , , . It flows in a thin drop and sparingly, so that in each year not more than

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quens, inter maximè uinosos homines Alexandrum enu= < Alexa[n]der Ma gnus uinosus, Proteas etc. > merat. autorem autem citat Ephippium in libro de Ale= xandri, etc Ephæstionis funere. Erat, inquit ille, inter Ma cedones Proteas bibendi certamine clarus. hunc in conui= uio Alexander poculo bicongio prouocauit (bicongium nunc appello quem ille dichum Græcè dixit) Quum igitur Alexander bibisset, Proteas Rege multum laudato, qui egregiè tantum calicem exorbuerat, etc ipse quoq[ue] ea fide atq[ue] integritate bibit, ut ab omnibus plausu excipere tur. ἀλεξάνδρος τὴν αἰτυσις στὴν ὑποπιεν δίχαιν, κεὶ πιὸν προῦπινε λευτὴ πεωτεὰς, κεὶ ὑς λαβῶν, κεὶ πολλὰ ἀμυτοσις ἐν ἐκπλέα, ἐπιεν, ως ὑπὸ πῶντων κροταλιδλῶν. Mox Proteas codè poculo cu[m] Regem prouocasset, bibissetq[ue]: Alexander generose conatus iteru[m] calicè eundè ducere, cu[m] parte[m] iam traxisset, resupinata in lecti puluinar ceruice, poculu[m] ma= nibus emisit. quo ex certamine in ualetudine[m] incidit, à qua ta[n]dè iugulatus est, ut Ephippiustradidit, q[ui] ab alijs histori cis in hoc dissensit. e[ss]e enim ueneno sublatu[m] dicu[n]t. Fabularê autè eâ historiâ esse ex eo coijcere licet, q[ui] subsididit id re= gi co[n]tigisse ob Thebas oppugnatas, uidelicet infenso Libe ri patris numine, qui Thebis natus esse dicitur, μὲν τὴν το σήλος απίθανε, τὴν οἰνυσον φησὶ μλησκυτος αυτῶ, οἰοπιτῶ πατρί= δια αυτῶ τὰς θήβας ἔπολιόρκησε. Idem Athenæus alibi codè <Milonis uora citas.> libro, μίλων ὑπο τροτωνιάτης ὑς φησιν ὑπο ἰδρατολίθης θεὸς δωρος ὑπο ἐν ποίς περι αγῶνων, ἐδιε μυλῶς κρεων εἰκοσι, κεὶ ποσκύτας ἀρ= των, ὑπατε τρῶς χοας ἐπιεν. Milo Crotoniata, ut autor est Theod. Hicropol. in libris de certaminibus Græciæ, minas χχ. carniu[m], etc totide[m] panis esitabat: etc tres congios uini bibebat. Cōgius, id est chus, in hoc et superiore exêplo idè <nô> fuisse uidetur, cu[m] Milo una coena tres co[n]gios absume= ret, et Alexa[n]der uno haustu duos biberet. Oportet enim eâ mensuram

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quens, among the most drunken men, had included Alexander. < Alexa[n]der Ma gnus uinosus, Proteas etc. > He cites Ephippius as his authority in the book on the funeral of Alexander and Ephæstion, etc. “There was,” he says, “among the Macedonians one Proteas, famous for drinking contests. Alexander challenged him at a banquet with a two-congius cup (I now call a bicongium, which he called a dichus in Greek). When Alexander had therefore drunk, Proteas, after greatly praising the king, who had so splendidly drained the cup, etc., himself also drank with such faith and composure that he was received with applause by all.” ἀλεξάνδρος τὴν αἰτυσις στὴν ὑποπιεν δίχαιν, κεὶ πιὸν προῦπινε λευτὴ πεωτεὰς, κεὶ ὑς λαβῶν, κεὶ πολλὰ ἀμυτοσις ἐν ἐκπλέα, ἐπιεν, ως ὑπὸ πῶντων κροταλιδλῶν. Soon afterward Proteas, after challenging the king with the same cup and drinking, Alexander, in a generous attempt again to drain the same goblet, when he had already drawn part of it, with his neck thrown back upon the cushion of the couch, let the cup fall from his hands. From this contest he fell into ill health, from which he was later cut down, as Ephippius has handed down, though he differs here from the other historians, who say that he was in fact removed by poison. That the story is probably fabular can be inferred from the fact that it is reported to have happened to the king because of the capture of Thebes, namely under the hostile wrath of Father Liber, who is said to have been born at Thebes. μὲν τὴν το σήλος απίθανε, τὴν οἰνυσον φησὶ μλησκυτος αυτῶ, οἰοπιτῶ πατρίδια αυτῶ τὰς θήβας ἔπολιόρκησε. The same Athenæus elsewhere gives as an example of this in the book <Milonis uora citas.> “Milon of Croton,” as Theod. Hicropol. says in the books on the contests of Greece, used to eat twenty minas of meat, etc., and as many loaves; and he drank three congiuses of wine. A congius, that is, a chus, in this and the preceding example seems to have been the same measure, since Milo would consume three congiuses at one meal, and Alexander would drink two at one draught. For it is necessary that that measure...

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sæpe diximus. Sed illud aduertendum, quòd chum pro se= xtario Plinius intellexit, quum alibi (ut diximus) pro con gio acceperit, de nuliato uino loquens, quo modo & ubi de myrtite loquitur. nam quum Dioscorides dicat, ἐν λα= δοντα τῶν μελαίνων μυρινῶν τῶς ακρέμονας, βαλλῶν ἔς τῶς πεῖς τῶν άλωνας χρῶς: Plinius, Græci, inquit, myrtitem hoc modo faciunt: ramis teneris cum suis folijs in albo musto decoctis tuis, libram in tribus musti congijs deferuere fa= ciunt. Congios nunc transtulit choas, quum prius sexta= rios uertisset. Rursus Dioscorides de Rhodite, ὑφῶν ἐν= ρῶν κεκαμένων μυαν μιαν ἐν Συνος ἔς θῶνιον, καίδες ἔς άλων= νας ἔστως. Π. μετὰ ἐν πεῖς μυνας Πυλίον μετάγγιε. id est, rosæ aridæ contusa folia ad minam unam in linteolum alligata demittito in musti sextarios octonos, & post tres menses percolatos in aliud uas transferto. Plinius autem sic, Ro= sæ folijs tuis, in linteoloq; in mustum collatis cum pon= dusculo ut sidat, X L. pondere denariorum in sextarios ui cenos musti, nec ante tres mēses uase aperto. Hunc locum immutauit Plinius, ut nec Dioscoridem, nec eundem cum Dioscoride autorem secutus primore sensu uideatur. Dio= scorides præcipit in octonos sextarios musti minam una[m] rosæ tusæ conijci, Plinius in sextarios uicenos quinq; un= cias. Quare fieri potuit, ut Plinius uel librarij, uel à manu scrui uitio notam minæ pro nota unciæ intellexerit, & xe stas pro cotulis acceperit. sic fit ut quum singulas uncias rosæ tusæ octonis heminis uini sufficere existimarit, qua= draginta denariorum pondus, id est quinq; uncias quadra genis heminis statuerit, quum ad uerbum referre Diosco= ridis locum nollet, aut eius quem Dioscorides secutus est. Idem, E' napis fit X. denariorum pondere in sextarios bi= nos musti addito. Dioscorides, ἐνία ὑπίας δύο κοῦλας, κα= δοθ

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND we have often said. But this must be noted: that by chum Pliny understood a sextarius , whereas elsewhere (as we have said) he took it for a congius , when speaking of strained wine; in what way and where he speaks of myrtite. For when Dioscorides says, ἐν λαδοντα τῶν μελαίνων μυρίνων τῶς ακρέμονας, βαλλῶν ἔς τῶς πεῖς τῶν άλωνας χρῶς: Pliny says, “The Greeks make myrtite in this way: with tender twigs, together with their leaves, boiled in white must, they make a pound boil down in three congians of must.” He has now translated congians as choes, whereas earlier he had rendered it sextarii. Again, Dioscorides on rhodite: ὑφῶν ἐνρῶν κεκαμένων μυαν μιαν ἐν Συνος ἔς θῶνιον, καίδες ἔς άλωννας ἔστως. Π. μετὰ ἐν πεῖς μυνας Πυλίον μετάγγιε. that is, “Of dried rose-leaves, pounded, tie one mina in a little linen cloth and let it down into eight sextarii of must; and after three months, when it has been strained, transfer it into another vessel.” But Pliny thus: “Of rose leaves, placed in a little linen cloth and set into must with a small weight so that it may sink, forty denarii’ weight to sixteen sextarii of must, and do not open the vessel before three months.” Pliny altered this passage so that he seems to have followed neither Dioscorides nor the same author whom Dioscorides followed in the primary sense. Dioscorides prescribes that one mina of crushed rose be thrown into eight sextarii of must; Pliny, into twenty-five sextarii, twelve ounces. Wherefore it may have happened that Pliny, or a scribe, or one writing by hand, understood the mark for a mina as the mark for an ounce, and took xestas for cotylae. Thus it comes about that, whereas he thought that each ounce of crushed rose was enough for eight heminae of wine, he assigned forty denarii’ weight, that is, five ounces, to forty heminae, since he would not follow the passage of Dioscorides to the letter, or that of the author whom Dioscorides followed. The same: “From turnips it is made, by adding ten denarii’ weight into two sextarii of must.” Dioscorides: ἐνία ὑπίας δύο κοῦλας, καδοθ

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 579 δοξος κατρας Μανχας τεαδρας, id est, napi uncias duas contusas in quatuor musti cotylas demuttito. Secundum hoc non decem denariorum, sed sedecim legendu[m] est apud Plinium. In antiquis exemplaribus numerus ille corruptus est, ut in quibusdam desit, in nonnullis duum, non decem le gatur. Verum Plinius libens facit ut octo denarios pro un cia dicat. Quod autem Plinius modulos & numeros ex Dioscoride mutet interdum, seruata tamen proportione, exemplum est in mentione hyssopitæ. Simuliter, inquit, fit hyssopites è cilicio hyssopo uncijs tribus in duos congios musti coniectis, aut tuis in uinum. Dioscorides, ὑασωπιτης ὑ ἐκ τὴν κιλικία ἐναύτη καλλισός ἰδ. ἐγ[ι]ν ἐν ἔνδεσμαμίο τὴν Μανχα= να λιτραν μιαν ἐναύτη κενεμμένων τῶν φύλλων προσθεστων. Hyssopites, inquit, qui ex hyssopo cilicio fit, optimus est. addere oportet amphoræ musti libram unam hyssopi fo= liorum contusorum. Hoc Plinius mutatis (ut dixinus) mo dulis uerbisq[ue] retulit. Idem est enim in amphoram, id est in octo & quadraginta sextarios libra[m] unâ hyssopi conij= cere, & in duodenos sextarios, hoc est binos congios, qua drantem, id est uncias treis. Hic obiter adnotandum, cer= mium Græcum idem esse quod amphoram: quod & eode[m] autore planum fit in mentione absinthiati uini, quam su= prà posuimus. Dioscorides de Eleliphacite, ὑπιὰς. Π. ἐλε= λισφάκα ἐς Μανχανα μικροφια ὑ ἐσι κεδάμιον, κάθοβ[us]. id est, sal= uiatum ita co[n]ficitur, si uncias octonas saluiæ in musti am= phoram, quod ceramium dicitur, demiseris. Idem Plinius de aromatite. Fit apud alios nardi & malobathri selibris in musti congios duos additis. Dioscorides, ὃ ὑχειονια= κις νάραλα κει κεληπιν[η]ς κει μαλαθάιμα σκοβάσεται ούτως. ἔκάσα ἐμιμανον λαθῶν ἀς δὲ χαν Μανχανα κάθοβ[us]. Dichu[m], id est choas duos, Plin. haud dubiè co[n]gios binos tràstulit. Dioscorides, O 2 ἰ δὲ

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 579 δοξος κατρας Μανχας τεαδρας, that is, let two ounces of crushed turnips be put into four cotylæ of must. Accordingly, in Pliny it should be read, not ten denarii, but sixteen. In ancient copies that number is corrupted; in some it is omitted, in others two are read instead of ten. Yet Pliny is fond of saying eight denarii for one ounce. But that Pliny sometimes changes the measures and numbers from Dioscorides, while nevertheless preserving the proportion, is shown by the mention of hyssopites. Likewise, he says, hyssopites is made from a cilicium with three ounces of hyssop thrown into two congii of must, or into wine. Dioscorides: ὑασωπιτης ὑἐκ τὴν κιλικία ἐναύτη καλλισός ἰδ. ἐγ[ι]ν ἐν ἔνδεσμαμίο τὴν Μανχα=να λιτραν μιαν ἐναύτη κενεμμένων τῶν φύλλων προσθεστων. Hyssopites, he says, which is made from hyssop and cilicium, is best. It is necessary to add one pound of crushed hyssop leaves to an amphora of must. Pliny, with the measures and words changed as I said, has reported this. For it is the same thing to throw one pound of hyssop into an amphora, that is, into forty-eight sextarii, and into twelve sextarii, that is, two congii, a quarter, that is, three ounces. Here it should be noted in passing that the Greek ceramium is the same as amphora: this is made clear by the same author in the mention of absinthiated wine, which we placed above. Dioscorides on eleliphacite, ὑπιὰς. Π. ἐλελισφάκα ἐς Μανχανα μικροφια ὑ ἐσι κεδάμιον, κάθοβ[us]. that is, salueatum is prepared in this way, if you have put eight ounces of sage into an amphora of must, which is called a ceramium. Pliny says the same thing of aromatites. With others it is made by adding a half-pound of nard and malobathrum to two congii of must. Dioscorides, ὃ ὑχειονιακις νάραλα κει κεληπιν[η]ς κει μαλαθάιμα σκοβάσεται ούτως. ἔκάσα ἐμιμανον λαθῶν ἀς δὲ χαν Μανχανα κάθοβ[us]. Dichum, that is, two choes, Pliny has certainly translated as two congii. Dioscorides, O 2 ἰ δὲ

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Transcription: ATR-1

reposcenda est, quam nemo unus tenet. Sed nec librâ Græ cam Plinius à Latina distinxisse manifestè uidetur, quod meminerim me adnotasse. Hoc tamen tenebinus, amphorâ & ceramiu[m] eandem esse mensurâ, ut metretam & cadum, quod uerbum apud Pliniu[m] & alios nostros sæpe legitur. Si quis tamen animaduertat orationem Demosthenis quæ πρὸς πλῶ λαχρίτο πιραχαριω inscribitur, mirabitur precium uini importati in Pontu[m] ex urbe quadam Thraciæ, talentum argenti statui, etia[m] cum naulo & apparatu necessario, & tot ceramia icosoro naui importata esse, id est, επισταχύπω, licet Athenæus in quinto αυτί ἐπισούρας usus sit, de Hieronica naue loquens, τὰ ὑπιχίλια ταυτα κοράμια ἐχαδεις τὸν πονθον επισούρω. Quibus uerbis conijcere licet ceramu[m] Atticum Demosthenis tempore minus fuisse amphora Romana. nisi potius intelligamus ceramia Thracia, non Attica ex urbe Meda in Pontu[m] importata. In qua < Ceramium> oratione stamnum & ceramu[m] pro eode[m] ponit. Medimu[m] < Thracicu[m] idem quod stamnu[m].> etiam tenebinus sex modios capere, id est duodequinquaginta < Chœnix.> choenicas, seu duodequinquagies binos sextarios. Porrò sextariu[m] medimni, id est modiu[m], octo choenicas efficere, < πιτευς.> id est sedecim sextarios. nam hemimedimnus quatuor & uiginti choenicum est, cuius bes triteus à Græcis dissyl < πιτευς.> labo nonune nuncupatur, id est tertiarius, sedecim choenicas < ιμιεξτιον.> continens, & duos & triginta sextarios. Triens aute[m] hacteus itidem dissyllabo nomine dicitur, octo scilicet choenicas < ιμιεξτιον.> capiens, sic ab eis dictus, quòd medimni sit sextarius. Quatuor choenices hemihectum dicitur, id est semisextarius < ιμιεξτιον.> medimni, quod & hemihecteu[m] dicitur, ut apud Aristophane in Nubibus, πορίδα νῦν ἰμοι ἀμὴ τεπάμετρον ἰστρο < ιμιεξτιον.> πιμιεκτιον, id est, fac nunc mecum sponsione[m] ni tetrametrû[m] < ιμιεξτιον.> sit semisextarius. semisextarium tetrametrû[m] appellat, id est < ιμιεξτιον.> O 3 quatuor

Transcription: Translated (English)

...is to be restored, which no single person holds. But Pliny does not clearly seem to have distinguished the Greek book from the Latin one, as I remember noting. This, however, we shall keep in mind: that amphora and ceramium are the same measure, as are metreta and cadus; and this word is often read in Pliny and our other authors. If anyone, however, considers Demosthenes’ speech which is inscribed πρὸς πλῶ λαχρίτο πιραχαριω , he will marvel that the price of imported wine into Pontus from a certain city of Thrace is set at a talent of silver, even with freight and the necessary equipment included, and that so many ceramia were imported by ship, that is, ἐπισταχύπω ; although Athenaeus in the fifth book used αὐτί ἐπισούρας , speaking of the ship of Hieronica: τὰ ὑπιχίλια ταυτα κοράμια ἐχαδεις τὸν πονθον επισούρω . From these words it may be inferred that the Attic ceramium in Demosthenes’ time was smaller than the Roman amphora, unless rather we understand ceramia as Thracian, not Attic, imported from the city of Meda into Pontus. In this Ceramium oration he uses stamnum and ceramium for the same thing. Medimnum Thracicum is the same as stamnum. We shall also keep in mind that it holds six modii, that is, forty-eight Chœnix , or forty-eight pairs of sextarii. Furthermore, the sextarius of the medimnus, that is, the modius, makes eight chœnices, πιτευς , that is, sixteen sextarii. For the hemimedimnus is twenty-four chœnices; its two-thirds, called triteus in the Greek dissyllabic form, is what is now called nonune, that is, a tertiarius, containing sixteen chœnices and thirty-two sextarii. The triens, likewise with a dissyllabic name, is called hacteus , containing eight chœnices, so called by them because it is a sextarius of the medimnus. Four chœnices is called hemihectum , that is, half a sextarius of the medimnus, which is also called hemihecteu[m] , as in Aristophanes’ Clouds : πορίδα νῦν ἰμοι ἀμὴ τεπάμετρον ἰστρο πιμιεκτιον , that is, “now make a wager with me that a tetrameter is a half-sextarius.” He calls a half-sextarius a tetrameter, that is, O 3 quatuor .

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quatuor mensuras continentè, quatuor chœnicas scilicet. Est aute comica allusio ad carmen tetrametru[m]. Nam quod Socrates de pedibus dixerat poëticis, id Strepsiades poëticæ ignarus ad chœnicas retulit, quasi alia metra mensurasq[ue]; non nosset, quàm uascularia ex cuius poëtæ enarratore & ex Polluce illam medimni diuisionem collegimus. Quanqua[m] hoc confirmat Harpocration in Lexico oratorio in uerbo quies . qui etia[m] medimnum chœnicas duo de quinquaginta capere dixit: & modium, qui appella tur, octo chœnicas. Quòd si medimnus sex modios Italicos capit, ut locupletissimis testibus co[m]probatu[m] est: quu[m] sextarius medimni sint octo chœnicas, chœnicè binos sextarios, & quaternas cotulas capere necesse est. modius enim sedecim fextarios capit. Nec co[m]sentaneu[m] est id quod à Pol luce dictu[m] est, cotula[m] tertiâ parte chœnicis esse, quasi scilicet chœnix sesquisextarius Italicus fuerit. Quo minus pro bada est Theodori Gazæ uiri medici opinio, qui sextaru[m] quodam in loco uertit. Nihil autem certius inueni quàm quod apud Hesychiu[m] legitur, qui Anastasij Imperatoris tempore scripsit, cum res Romanæ iam Græcis hominibus planè innotuissent. Cyathus, inquit ille, capit liquoris uncias duas, Sextarius bili bris. Sextarius bili bris. Cyathus, inquit ille, capit liquoris uncias duas, Sextu[m] [mercur]ij nuac[um] [mercur]ij [mercur]ij piis [mercur]ij pias [mercur]io. Si cyathus uncias duas capit, et sextarius igitur uncias capit quatuor & uiginti, id est centum nonaginta duas drachmas: & sic ad momentu[m] extremu[m] co[m]uenit nobiscu[m] Hesychius: nec cyathus decè drachmas, sed sedecim capere comprobatur: qui numerus duodenario multiplicatus, duas libras co[n]ficit. Hesychiu[m] aute[m] de Romano cyatho locutu[m] ex eo patet, quòd uncias duas Romano uocabulo dixit. Quære consectâ (ut arbitror) probatione habemus. Co[m]perto enim cyathi modulo, reliqua dubia esse nequeu[n]t. Herodotus in Polymnia, id est

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND contain four measures, namely four chœnices. This is, however, a comic allusion to a tetrameter poem. For what Socrates had said about feet in poetry, Strepsiades, ignorant of poetry, referred to chœnices, as though they were different meters and measures; not knowing, as from the commentator on that poet and from Pollux we have gathered that division of the medimnus. Although Harpocration confirms this in the rhetorical lexicon under the word quies . He also said that a medimnus holds two chœnices of fifty, and a modius, as it is called, eight chœnices. But if the medimnus holds six Italian modii, as has been proved by the most trustworthy witnesses, then since a sixth part of the medimnus is eight chœnices, a chœnix must hold two sextarii, and four cotylae. For the modius holds sixteen sextarii. Nor is what was said by Pol lux consistent, that the cotyla is the third part of a chœnix, as if, namely, the chœnix were an Italian sextarius and a half. Therefore the opinion of Theodore of Gaza, a physician, who in one place translates it as sextarii, is less sound. But I found nothing more certain than what is read in Hesychius, who wrote in the time of Emperor Anastasius, when Roman matters had already become quite well known among the Greeks. A cyathus, he says, holds two ounces of liquid, A sextarius, bilibris. A sextarius, bilibris. A cyathus, he says, holds two ounces of liquid, Sexturn [mercur]ij nuac[um] [mercur]ij [mercur]ij piis [mercur]ij pias [mercur]io. If a cyathus holds two ounces, then a sextarius therefore holds twenty-four ounces, that is, one hundred and ninety-two drachmas; and thus Hesychius agrees with us to the very end. Nor is it proved that a cyathus holds ten drachmas, but sixteen; and that number, multiplied by twelve, makes two pounds. But that Hesychius spoke of the Roman cyathus is clear from the fact that he used the Roman word for two ounces. Seek the consequence; and (as I think) the proof is now in hand. For once the measure of the cyathus has been established, the remaining points cannot be doubtful. Herodotus in Polymnia, that is

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET destituisse exercitu tantu. Hoc igitur ut mittamus tanqua[m] ab interprete aliud agete uersum, ne hoc quide[m] dixit He- rodotus, quid choenix, quid medimnus caperet. At Laure[m] tius utrunq[ue] ex persona sua interpretatus, in altero longè falsus est. Videamus igitur quonam modo rationem inie- rit, ut hæc uerba ad Herodotum adderet. In undecim my- riadibus, ut locutus est Herodotus, id est in centum ac de- cem millibus & trecentis medimnis, mille ac centum heca- tontadas, id est centenarios millium esse planum est. hanc summam sexies ducere debemus, ut ex medimnis ad modios ueniamus: quo fit ut iam sex millia sexceti, decem & octo centenarij millium fiant. tum eam summam rursus duplica bimus, ut ex modijs semodij fiant, id est choenices, ut Lau- rentius uoluit. sic fiet summa centenariorum, tredecim mil- lia ducenti ac trigintasex. Hanc centenariorum summam si ita partiamur, ut ex cetenarijs millenarij fiant, quas chi- liadas Herodotus appellat, fient omnino mille trecenti ui- gintitres millenarij, & sex centenarij, id est tredecies cen- tena ac uigintitia millia sexcenti, homines totide[m] & choe nices. Restant quadraginta medimni in ducentos & qua- draginta modios diuidendi, & hi rursus in quadringentos octoginta semodios & choenicas, qui numerus iam dictæ summæ accedit, ut sint tredecies centena uigintiquatuor millia & octoginta. qui numerus longè abest à quinquau- gies bis centenus millibus, & reliquis numeris excurrenti- bus. Quare planum fit Laurentium Vallensem, nusquam non ferè acrem hominem & uigilantem, tamen oscitanter hunc locum traduxisse, penè nihil ut pensi habuerit, tum lectoribus Herodoti, qui Græcum non obseruant exem- plar, insigniter imposuisse. sed autorem eum cum Hero- doto habemus, medimnum non Latinè modium, sed sex modia

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE ET to have been deprived of such an army. So then, if we omit this as though something else were turned from the interpreter, Herodotus did not even say this, how much a choenix, how much a medimnus would contain. But Laurentius, interpreting both in his own person, is in the latter very much at fault. Let us therefore see in what way he arrived at the calculation, so as to add these words to Herodotus. In eleven myriads, as Herodotus put it, that is, in one hundred and ten thousand and three hundred medimni, there are plainly one thousand and one hundred hecatontades, that is, hundreds of thousands. We must multiply this sum by six, so as to come from medimni to modii: by which it results that already six thousand six hundred and eighteen hundreds of thousands are made. Then we shall double that sum again, so that from modii we may get semimodii, that is choenices, as Laurentius wished. Thus the sum of hundreds of thousands will be thirteen thousand two hundred and thirty-six. If we divide this sum of hundreds of thousands in such a way that from hundreds of thousands thousands may be made, which Herodotus calls chilias, there will be altogether one thousand three hundred and twenty-three thousands, and six hundreds, that is, thirteen hundred and twenty-three thousand six hundred human beings, and the same number of choenices. There remain forty medimni to be divided into two hundred and forty modii, and these again into four hundred and eighty semimodii and choenices, a number which approaches the sum just mentioned, so that there are thirteen hundred and twenty-four thousand and eighty. This number is far removed from five times two hundred thousand, and the remaining numbers running on. Therefore it is clear that Laurentius Valla, a man almost everywhere sharp and vigilant, nevertheless translated this passage carelessly, so that he paid scarcely any attention to it, and then notably deceived the readers of Herodotus, who do not observe the Greek exemplar. But with the author, together with Herodotus, we have that a medimnus is not, in Latin, a modius, but six modii

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET octies multiplicatis, mille nōgentas & uiginti chœnicas, fient in summa bis & quinquagies nonaginta sex millia trecenti & uiginti uiri, & totidem chœnices, & com= putatione Græcorum myriades quingentæ & uigintino= uem, & præterea sex millia trecenti ac uiginti uiri. My= rias (ut sæpe dixi) decem millium numerum significat. A= pud Herodotum autem numerus hominum legitur myriades quingentæ uigintiocto, & tria millia ducenti & uiginti. ita fit ut numerus chœnicum superet numerum hominum tredecim millibus & centum, quod errore calculi factum est, siue Herodoti culpa, siue emendatorum fuit. Intelligimus tamen (id quod quærimus) Herodotum censuisse chœnicè non semodium, sed modij octauam partem esse. Esse autem errorem calculi in hoc loco, non magis mirum est, quàm eo loco ubi tributorum Persidis fit mentio, ut suprà adnotatum est. Quòd autem in superiore calculo lapsus non sim, quanquam loco lubrico, facilè sciri potest, si quis numerum medimnûm, id est centum & decem millia trecenta & quadraginta sexies ducêdo, ex medimnis ad modios transeat, sic enim iam fient sexcenta sexagintaduo millia quadraginta: quæ rursus octies ducta, ut ex modijs chœnices faciamus, fiunt in summa, quinquagies bis nonaginta sex millia trecentæ & uiginti: tamet si siue uno, aut altero loco, siue in pluribus lapsus sim in summis supputandis, indulgendam mihi ueniam facilè ab optimo quoq[ue] uiro promitto, modò ne calculi errore ductus, falsò quippiâ cōstituerim: id quod uitasse me omnino existimo. nec tamen (quæ est humana cōditio) temere aliquid affirmauerim, ut omnino regressum mihi ad maiore etiam ueniam negem, quam ne ambitiosis quidè precibus, et penè supplicibus, si res ita tulerit, exposcere grauabor: quippe < Deprecatio ad lectores & iu- dices huius o- peris.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASE AND ET multiplied by eight, one thousand nine hundred and twenty chœnices, there will be in all fifty-two times ninety-six thousand three hundred and twenty men, and as many chœnices, and by Greek computation five hundred and twenty-nine myriads, and moreover six thousand three hundred and twenty men. A myriad (as I have often said) signifies the number of ten thousand. In Herodotus, however, the number of men is read as five hundred and twenty-eight myriads, and three thousand two hundred and twenty. Thus it comes about that the number of chœnices exceeds the number of men by thirteen thousand and one hundred, which has been caused by an error in calculation, either through Herodotus’ fault or that of the editors. Yet we understand, however, the point we are seeking, that Herodotus judged a chœnix to be not a half-medimnus, but the eighth part of a medimnus. And that there is an error in calculation in this passage is no more surprising than in that passage where mention is made of the tribute of Persia, as noted above. And that I have not erred in the foregoing calculation, although in a slippery place, can easily be known, if anyone takes the number of medimni, that is, one hundred and ten thousand three hundred and forty-six times, and passes from medimni to modii; for in this way there will now be six hundred and sixty-two thousand forty: which again, multiplied by eight, so that from modii we may make chœnices, gives in all fifty-two times ninety-six thousand three hundred and twenty: yet if, whether in one place or another, or in several places, I have erred in summing up the totals, I easily promise that pardon shall be granted me by every excellent man, provided only that I have not, led by an error of calculation, wrongly determined something; and this I believe I have altogether avoided. Nor yet (such is the human condition) shall I rashly assert anything, so as to deny myself altogether a return to even greater indulgence, which I shall not hesitate to request, if the matter should so require, even with importunate pleas and almost supplicating ones: for < A plea to the readers and judges of this work.>

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quippe quum ne eximij quidè scriptores extra aleam suis se hallucinandi quotidie reuincantur. Quo minus ita existi mari uelim, quasi nubi firmius aliud præsidium actionum etiam mearum omnium esse, nedum scriptionum credam, quàm in ara (ut ingenuè fatear) misericordiæ situ[m]. Quòd si Cassiani quidam iudices tam prætracta inuenti fuerint seueritate, ut omnem nubi ueniæ spem abscissam esse pro= nuncient (id enim unum uereor) candidissimum quenque lectorem (ut spero) licebit appellare, ijsq[ue] supremum cal= culu[m] porrigere, qui ex bono et[iam] æquo ius dicunt de multa meritoq[ue] scribentium. Nam iure ad eos prouocandi subla to, quotusquisque experiri audeat uel aduocata facundia fretus atq[ue] subnixus? Atenim in auspicando hoc opere nul lum me iudicem reiecturum esse præsatus sum, duntaxat non nesciu[m] iudicandi: nempe eo staturus omnino, quod do [con]ti censuissent. Vbi nunc igitur illa fiducia operis arbitra tu omnium approbandi? Equidem non ideo hæc dicenda duxi, quòd co[n]scientiam non eandem nunc in fine suscepti operis feram, quam iam inde ferebam à primordio, neque ille animus concidit rei compertæ securitate præsidens, sed altiores spiritus in principio sublati ut attentionem nu= hi facerem, peroraturo me, sensum submittere se debue= runt hominum bencuolentiæ, ut si deducenda re in iudi= cium et[iam] pertractanda aliquid imprudens offenderim (ut est humana natura tenoris inoffensi nescia) id iuri certo ne obsit. Id uerò ita condonari nubi postulo, si iure com= muni atque omnibus usurpato postulo. quod si nubi non negatur, nihil iam lectores moror quo minus de capite et[iam] existimatione mea in consilium statim eatur. Hanc enim sortem (ut spero) deo bene iuuante in urnam coniecimus. Quapropter Mineruam Mercuriumq[ue] huius generis iu= diciorum

Transcription: Translated (English)

since even distinguished writers are every day caught wandering beyond the bounds of the game in which they are to be tested. I therefore do not wish it to be thought that I believe any protection for my actions, let alone for all my writings, to be firmer than, as I candidly confess, the altar of mercy. But if some Cassian judges are found to be so overdrawn in severity that they proclaim every hope of pardon for me to be cut off—for that is the one thing I truly fear—then the kindest reader may, as I hope, be called upon, and may grant the final reckoning to those who dispense justice from both fairness and right, and with due regard to writers. For once the right of appealing to them has been taken away, who, relying on eloquence even if aided and supported by an advocate, would dare to make trial? Yet in entering upon this work I foretold that I would reject no judge, provided only that I did not fail in the judging of it: namely, that I would stand entirely by what the learned had judged. Where now, then, is that confidence of the work submitted for everyone’s approval? Indeed, I have not said these things because I do not now bear the same conscience at the end of the undertaking that I bore from the beginning, nor has that spirit failed, standing secure in the knowledge of the matter; rather, the loftier impulses with which I set out in the beginning, so that I might give attention to what I was to say, ought now, as I am about to speak to the point, to have yielded and lowered themselves to the goodwill of men, so that if, in bringing the matter to judgment and discussing it further, I should unknowingly offend in anything—for such is human nature, ignorant of an unoffending course—that should not prejudice my legal right. This I ask may be pardoned to me, if I ask it under common law and in a manner practiced by all. But if this is not denied me, I shall no longer trouble readers by delaying that the matter of my own head and reputation should at once be referred to counsel. For this lot, with God’s help, we have cast into the urn. Wherefore, for judgments of this kind, Minerva and Mercury

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET diciorum præsides, potentes q[ui]s, uimq[ue] omnem imaginariam numinum, prisci æui suffragijs atque superstitione literarum studio præsectorum, oro, si fas est, atq[ue] obtestor, si liberalium disciplinaru[m] antistites syncera atq[ue] assidua obseruantia colui, ex quo primùm, licet serò, his sacris initiatus fui, huius ut iudicij euentum mihi bonum, faustum, felicemq[ue] faciant. Cuius uoti compotem ita futurum me censeo atq[ue] exposco, si omnium maximè studiosiorum hoc sacramentum bona fide suscepi, constanterq[ue] seruaui: qua uel unare maximè dijs litari solet ipsis. Neque enim tot stipendijs Mineruæ faciendis æra unquam merentem me, nec quæstus ambitusq[ue] blandimentis à signis Philologiæ quisquam uidit emansitantem: sed nec uxor, nec liberi eiusdem sacramenti fortasse futuri tyrunculi, proca[c]cissima duo studiorum duocamenta, dieculam unquam mihi unam exemere temporis literis destinati, duntaxat quâ tum mihi licuit à munere publico seriari. Vtinamq[ue] diuina benignitate commodior antehac nobis ualutudo rebus cæteris competiuisset. Alacrem certè ac sui iuris animum præstiteram, earumq[ue] rerum curis uacantem, quæ identi dem interpellare literarum studia dictitantur. Quin ne sic quidem etiam missionem unquam ab statiuis ijs castris postulare certum est, quorum nunquam emerita stipendia strenuissimo cuique fuisse censeo: tametsi inter causarios profiteri multis ipse nominibus potuissem, et ad rem quoquo modo immigrare faciendam. cuius siue constantiæ siue pertinaciæ exemplum à nullo adhuc nostratium proditum esse noui. Etenim praua hominum nostrorum opinione, temporumq[ue] iniquitate factum est, ut res ijs literaria decoxisse uideatur, qui post adolescentiam, quum causas ipsi possent actitare, aut circa patrimonium augendum

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASSE ET presiding deities of saying, mighty ones, and all the imaginary power of the gods, praised in the suffrages of ancient times and in the superstition of letters by those devoted to study, I pray, if it is permitted, and beseech you, if I have honored as sincere and constant votaries the leaders of the liberal disciplines ever since I was first, though late, initiated into these sacred rites, that you make the outcome of this judgment for me good, favorable, and happy. I judge and desire that I shall be a partaker of this wish if I have received this sacrament in good faith, among the most devoted of all, and have steadfastly observed it: by this especially gods are accustomed to be propitiated. For indeed never has the money for making so many offerings to Minerva found me deserving, nor has anyone seen me lingering away from the emoluments and enticements of profit and ambition from the standards of Philology; but neither wife nor children, those little beginners, perhaps future initiates of the same sacrament, the very eager two companion- pieces of study, have ever taken from me a single little day of the time destined for letters, save only insofar as public duty allowed me to be excused. And would that by divine kindness a more convenient state of health had been granted us for these and other affairs as well. I had certainly shown a cheerful and self-governing spirit, free from the cares of those things which are said from time to time to interrupt the study of letters. Indeed, even so, it is certain that I never sought leave from those fixed encampments, which I deem have never had their wages earned even by the most diligent man; although I could, in many ways, have declared myself among the exempted, and have in some fashion withdrawn to deal with other matters. I know that no example of either this constancy or this persistence has yet been published by any of our countrymen. For through the bad opinion of our people and the injustice of the times it has come about that the literary profession seems to have gone bankrupt in the case of those who, after youth, when they themselves could have pleaded causes, or while increasing their patrimony

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 589 dum quo quo modo satagitare, literaru studijs uacare ma= luerunt: quod genus ociari uulgus etiam prudentum, & cessare appellat: uidelicet cuiusque operæ nauatæ fructum in numerato positum esse credentes, philosophiæ philo= < Philologiz.> logiæq; (qui est amor literatæ sapientiæ) inania ieiunaq; nomina cauillantes, atque ijs demum decora esse dictitan= tes, quos res atque fides per ignauiam umbratilem socor= diamq; defecerint. Nuper tamen instauratæ utriusq; lin= guæ felicitate studia iuuenum nostrorum magnopere exar serunt. pauci enim literarum admiratione ducti, perti= naci studio multorum æmulationem excitauerunt: simul Italorum industria, qui libros in dies alios atque alios ediderunt, literarum bonarum nomen non pridem nostris inauditum, primùm inuisum, deinde neglectum, postre= mo festiuum ac plausibile esse coepit. Nunc etiam eousq; honori habitum, præsertim literarum Græcarum autori= tate (quæ ab initio ipsæ prodigosæ, ac propemodum di= ræ putabantur) ut ij qui maximè refractarij per inscitiam futuri uidebantur, liberos suos ijs literis instituendos iam percupidè tradant, nominatim etiam quasi ex formula cauentes, ut literis bonis probatisq; eruditi reddantur. Hic iam est animorum habitus: tametsi paucis ad frugem bonam euadere contingit, non ingenioru culpa (ut Fran= comastiges uolunt) sed hominum errore, qui paucoru an= norum cultu acquiescentes, literarum & studij fructum in ima uena inquisitionis reconditum esse nesciunt, sicut omnium artificiorum indicaturam expolitio facit. Sed sic quoq; iuuat multos existere, qui uel præcoci fructu studio rum gaudeant, & ad alia uitæ instituta traseuntes, partim honore literatis habeat, partim etia literatoru ipsi uideri numeru augere uelint. Est enim ea ratio animoru culturæ, ut uel

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 589 while they preferred to busy themselves in this or that way, and to devote themselves to literary studies: a kind of idling which even the common run of the wise call “to loiter” and “to slacken,” evidently because they believe that the reward of any strenuous labor must be something ready money can count; and they jeer at philosophy and philology—for that is the love of learned wisdom—as empty and barren names, insisting that they are fitting only for those whom affairs and practical trust have abandoned through lazy, shadowy indolence and sluggishness. Yet recently, thanks to the restoration of both languages, the studies of our young men have flared up greatly. For a few, led by admiration for letters, by persistent study stirred up the emulation of many; at the same time the diligence of the Italians, who have published book after book day by day, has made the name of good letters, not long ago unheard of among us, first hateful, then neglected, and finally something popular and applauded. Now it has even been held in such honor, especially through the authority of Greek letters—which from the beginning were thought wasteful and almost deadly—that those who seemed most stubbornly resistant through ignorance now eagerly hand over their children to be instructed in those letters, even expressly taking care, as it were by formula, that they be brought up in sound and approved learning. Such is the present temper of men’s minds: though for only a few it is granted to attain good fruit, not because of any fault in their natural talents, as the Francomastiges claim, but because of men’s error, who, content with the culture of a few years, do not know that the fruit of letters and study is stored deep in the very vein of inquiry, just as the polishing of all arts gives proof of them. But even so, it is a help that many should exist who either rejoice in the early fruit of studies and, passing on to other ways of life, partly honor the learned, partly also wish themselves to seem among the number of scholars, and thus increase their ranks. For such is the method of cultivating minds, that even

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 591 est. Hac uia maiores nostri lingua utranq[ue] bona ex parte restituêre nobis. Quidni igitur eorum uestigijs insistetes, longissimè etiam abstrusas repetamus reliquias ueritatis? In hac aute[m] indagine maximè nos torserunt fallacia quædam mendosaq[ue] uestigia, quæ primore aspectu certa, in tenebras tandem erraticas ferebant. Ibi deprehensa cura ac uigilantia sæpe hærere coacta est, coeptamq[ue] interdum inquisitionem abrumpere animi destinatione subita. Reuocabat enim me subinde reprehensabatq[ue] absoluendæ rei desperatio, uerebarq[ue] interdum si per consusa perplexaq[ue] uestigia rem indagare pergerem, cuius exitum certum inuenire non esset, ne in ambagiosum quoddam opus insinuarem incautus. Hic si quis à me quærere institerit, quî fieri tande[m] potuit ut idem autor Plinius in diuersis exeplaribus sui prorsus dissimilis factus sit: (hoc enim sæpe affirmauimus) huic ego primùm illud Homericum respondere non dubitem ex libro 1liados undeuicesimo, AMMA TI NEN ζιξαι μι; Θεος σκη Πάντα Τελοντα, Περισολος Θios Θυγάτηρ άτη, ο Πάντας άαται. Sed quid agam, dæmon proles Iouis, omnia uersans Euentu uario, nulli non officit Ate. Quid enim aliud causæ esse dicam, quàm quòd dea quæda[m] potentiaq[ue]; malefica per omnia humana acta bacchatur, <Ata.> Ata nomine, Stygij Iouis filiarum natu maxima, quæ homines infortunio quodam semper afficere gliscit, humanis ipsa rebus exitum nunc dirum, nunc noxium et incommodum inducens. Hanc ego Atam Latinè noxam appellare soleo: Hebræi Satanam appellauerunt. Deinde illud Vergilianum addam ex poëmate Georgico, - Sic omnia fatis In peius ruere, ac retro sublapsa referri: Non

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 591 is. By this path our ancestors restored to us both languages for the most part. Why then should we not, following in their footsteps, recover even the most deeply hidden remnants of truth? In this inquiry, however, what has most troubled us are certain fallacies and deceptive traces, which at first sight seemed certain, but at length led into wandering darkness. There detection, care, and vigilance have often been forced to hesitate, and sometimes to break off the undertaken investigation by a sudden resolve of the mind. For the despair of bringing the matter to completion has repeatedly called me back and reproached me, and at times I have feared that if I kept on seeking the thing through confused and perplexing traces, whose certain outcome could not be found, I might unwittingly insinuate myself into some labyrinthine work. If here anyone should insist on asking me how it could at last have happened that the same author, Pliny, in different editions became altogether unlike himself: (for this we have often affirmed) to him I should not hesitate first to answer with that Homeric line from the eleventh book of the Iliad, AMMA TI NEN ζιξαι μι; Θεος σκη Πάντα Τελοντα, Περισολος Θios Θυγάτηρ άτη, ο Πάντας άαται. But what am I to do? the demon, offspring of Jove, turns all things over; by various outcome, Ate injures all without exception. For what else shall I say the cause to be, than that a certain goddess and evil power rages through all human actions, <Ata.> Ata by name, the eldest-born of the daughters of Stygian Jove, who delights always to afflict men with some misfortune, herself bringing upon human affairs now a dire, now a harmful and inconvenient ending. This Ate I am accustomed to call, in Latin, noxa: the Hebrews have called her Satan. Then I shall add that Virgilian passage from the Georgics, - Thus all things by fate rush to worse, and, having slipped backward, are carried back: Not

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Non aliter quàm qui aduerso uix flumine lembum Remigijs subigit, si brachia forte remisit. & reliqua. Nam & Plinius ipse si nunc reuiuiscat, & ab eo quæratur cur multis in locis commodè intelligi nequeat: sic forsan respondeat ex eodem poëta, Ero S[un]t un cùllos c[uius] ui, AMàx hòbis n[on] n[on] n[on] ipso poëus c[om]p[ro]v[er]rús. Haud ego causa fui, Stygius sed Iuppiter, atq[ue] Eumenis in tenebris grassans, ac Parca maligna. id est, Nolite committere ut id mihi uitio uertatis, cuius ego insontem planè me ostendere possem, & cuius culpa debet in Iouem illum Stygium, ac Parcas ipsas reijci, Erinnynq[ue] illam, diram tenebrarum incolam: quæ maleuola numina, rebus humanis insensa, maleficam noxam interturbandis & corrumpendis operibus actisq[ue]; mortalium omni hora summittunt. Profectò admirari sæpe subit tam latè serpsisse errorum contagia, ut omnia exemplaria quibusdam in locis itidem deprauata fuerint. Sed sic natura c[om]paratum esse scimus, ut situ squaloreq[ue]; omnia obducantur, quæ diu condita in lucem non profruntur, ut terras incultas senticeta occupent, segetesq[ue]; neglectæ lolijs & carduis præsocentur. Hac ratione antiqua uolumina seculis imperitis uitiata sunt, exemplaribus alijs alijsq[ue]; transcribèdis. Sed iam à digressu in uiam redeundu[m]. Ex loco igitur Herodoti supradicto argumentum habemus ualidissimum, choenicem frumenti eam esse mensuram, quam unus homo <Choenix.> quotidie absumere possit. Est enim choenix (ut ait Suidas) cibarium diurnu[m], [n]o[n] [Ch]r[ist]us [Ch]r[ist]iv[us] [n]o[n] n[on] [Ch]r[ist]us [Ch]r[ist]iv[us] [n]o[n] [Ch]r[ist]us [Ch]r[ist]iv[us] [n]o[n] [Ch]r[ist]us [Ch]r[ist]iv[us] [n]o[n], Super choenicem ne sedeas. cuius est hæc sententia, <Super choenicè ne sedeas.> quum unius dici uictu paraueris, ne eo statim acquiescas: id quod facere solent, qui in diem uiuere dictitantur, in crastinum

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND ALSO Not otherwise than one who with opposing oars forces along a skiff against the current, if by chance he has let go his arms. And the rest. For even if Pliny himself were now to come back to life, and one were to ask him why in many places he cannot be conveniently understood, perhaps he would answer from the same poet: [corrupt text] It was not I who was the cause, but Stygian Jove, and the Fury roaming in darkness, and malignant Fate. That is, do not let it be laid to my charge, since I could plainly show myself to be innocent of it, and its fault ought to be thrown back upon that Stygian Jove, and the Fates themselves, and upon that Erinys too, that dreadful inhabitant of darkness: those hostile divinities, indifferent to human affairs, at every hour send down a baneful injury to disturb and corrupt the works and deeds of mortals. Indeed, one is often moved to wonder that the contagion of errors has spread so far, that all copies in certain places have likewise been corrupted. But we know that nature has so arranged things that all things, long hidden and not brought into the light, are covered over with grime and decay, as untilled lands are occupied by thickets, and neglected crops are choked by darnel and thistles. In this way ancient volumes have been vitiated over the centuries by ignorant scribes, as one copy after another was transcribed. But now, from this digression, we must return to the point. From the above-mentioned passage of Herodotus we have the strongest argument, that the choenix of grain is that measure which one man <Choenix.> can consume in a day. For a choenix is, as Suidas says, a daily ration of food, [corrupt text], Super choenicem ne sedeas. The meaning of which is this: <Super choenicè ne sedeas.> when you have prepared enough for one day’s sustenance, do not at once settle down upon it; this is what those are accustomed to do who say that they live from day to day, for the morrow

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. crastinum non prospicientes. Quod scitum etsi memorabile, tamen à sensu humano potius quàm diuinitus emana uit. Nam dominus noster sectatoribus suis contrarium do gma tradidit, sed & omnibus Christianis hoc quodam modo genus uitæ præscripsisse uidetur, quum in oratione inquit, Panem nostrum quotidianum da nobis hodie. Et sic quoque in diem orare nos docuit, ut docet Cyprianus in enarratione eius orationis. Quo sit ut tantu inter quosda[m] homines hiantes auaritia, & inter ueros Christianos con ueniat, quantum inter Aristippum & Diogenem. Hui (inquiet aliquis) huiusmodi ueritatis prisca reputatio, nuc inter prudentes risu excipi solet. Perinde quasi euangelica lege tacito consensu mortalitatis Christiani homines so luti esse possint, nec eo etiam hodie iure genus humanum teneatur, quod moribus in desuetudinem abiit. Homerus Odysseæ decimonono circa principium chœnica pro cibo uel pane potius accepit: apud quem Telemachus Vlyssis filius ad Eurycliam nutricem ita inquit, Ou ἀστρον αυτομα ὑσκην ἰμης κα Χοινινος ἀπινταί, κοι Τηλόθεν ὑπιληθέως. Nam quencunq[ue] mea dignabor chœnice, prorsus Haud cessare sinam, quanquam procul aduena fertur. Hunc hominem quanquam ex longinqua regione hospitem, domi tamen inertem sedere non patiar, & pan[n]e meu[m] co[m]pressis manibus esitare. Athenæus libro tertio autor est Clearchum quendam uerborum aucupem ex ijs quos ipse Onomatotheras uocat, quasi uerborum innouatores, no= minumque aucupio gaudentes, chœnicem hemerotrophi= dem appellare solitum, quod uocabulum diurnum al= mentum significat. Proinde si chœnicem pro duobus sex= tarijs intelligamus, ut certè intelligere debemus, is erit P modus

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART I. BOOK V. Not looking ahead to tomorrow. Although this saying is noteworthy and memorable, it comes rather from human feeling than from divine inspiration. For our Lord handed down the opposite doctrine to His followers, but to all Christians He seems in some way to have prescribed this kind of way of life when in prayer He says, “Give us today our daily bread.” And in this way He taught us to pray for each day, as Cyprian teaches in his exposition of that prayer. Hence it comes about that the gap between certain men, gaping with greed, and true Christians is as great as that between Aristippus and Diogenes. Here someone may object: the ancient esteem for this kind of truth is now commonly received with laughter among the prudent. As if, by the silent consent of the evangelical law, Christian men could be allowed to live only for mortality, and as if even today the human race were not still bound by that law which custom has fallen into disuse. Homer, in the nineteenth book of the Odyssey, near the beginning, used the term choinix for food, or rather for bread; and there Telemachus, the son of Ulysses, says to Eurycleia his nurse: “Ou astron auto ma husken imes ka Choininos apintai, koi Telothen upilhetheos.” For whomever I honor with my choinix , I shall by no means allow him to be idle, though as a guest he comes from far away. I shall not allow this man, though he be a guest from a distant region, to sit idle at home, and to eat my bread with folded hands. Athenæus, in the third book, says that a certain Clearchus, a dealer in words, one of those whom he himself calls Onomatotheras , as it were word-inventors and lovers of hunting after names, was accustomed to call the choinix a hemerotrophis , a word which signifies a daily nourishment. Therefore, if we understand the choinix as equivalent to two sextarii, as indeed we ought to understand it, this will be the measure

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB EIVS LIB. V. bant. Id demensum Lucæ duodecimo Sitometrium dici= tur, quod incommodè tritici mensura uersum est ab in= terprete. Hæc ego quum scriberem, pistorem accersiri iussi, ideo mihi notum, quòd pane ab eo utebar, & ipse emercandi frumenti causa interdum ad me uentitabat. Cum hæc igitur ab eo sciscitarer, uix tandem extudi ut fateretur: uerebatur enim, ut sensi, ne quid in panificum nationem imprudens effaretur. Sed quum fidem fecissem nihil me huiuscemodi cogitare quod ille suspicari posset, eò ægrè hominem perduxi, ut diceret ex sextarijs singulis nostris, id est binis medimnis tritici probi, panes primariæ notæ sedecies duodenos minimum factitari. Primario autem pani iam cocto & tepido duodenas uncias lege municipali taxatas esse, id est libræ nostræ dodrantem. Petenti autem quantum in surfures abiret, respon= dit hemimedimnum, id est quadrantem sextarij nostri. Porrò secundarios panes pondo quaternum librarum fieri solere, quantum quini panes primarij penderent, quanquam singuli secundarij pro quaternis tantum primæ notæ cederent uenirent que. Id ideo institutum, quoniam nihil surfurum in eo pane esset, qui è massa conficeretur cribro suereta pollinario, ideoque huius candorem in secundario pane compensari pondere. Cum pondera tunc & panes expediri iussissem, ad libram parem propemodum responderunt. Tametsi uncia sæpe decedit in singulas libras, indulgentia eorum qui legis custodes constituuntur. Est autem primarij nostri panis ea omnino magnitudo, ut qui plurimum panis esitet, non ultra binos etiam recentes in singulos dies absumat, id est singulos in singula conuiuia, etiam destrictis (ut fit) summis crustis. qui autem mediocris in panis esu sit, etiam P 2 dodrante

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART OF IT, BOOK V. ... that ration in Luke 12 is called a sitometrium, which the translator has inelegantly rendered as a measure of wheat. While I was writing this, I ordered the baker to be summoned, and it was for that reason known to me, because I used bread from him, and he himself would sometimes come to me for the purpose of buying grain. So when I questioned him about these matters, I could scarcely at last extort from him the admission that, in fact, from each of our sextarii, that is, from two medimni of good wheat, they were making no fewer than sixteen dozen loaves of first quality. And for a loaf of the first sort, when baked and still warm, twelve ounces were fixed by municipal law, that is, three-quarters of our pound. When I asked how much went into bran, he replied, a hemimedimnum, that is, a quarter of our sextarius. Moreover, the secondary loaves were usually made weighing four pounds apiece, as much as five first-class loaves would weigh, although each secondary loaf sold for only what four of the first sort would fetch. This was established for the reason that there was no bran at all in that bread which was made from dough sifted through the flour-sieve; and thus the whiteness of this sort was compensated for in the secondary loaf by weight. When I then ordered the weights and loaves to be brought out, they answered almost exactly to the scale. Yet an ounce is often allowed to be deducted from each pound, through the indulgence of those appointed as guardians of the law. And the size of our first-class loaf is in fact such that even one who eats bread most freely does not consume more than two fresh loaves in a day, that is, one at each meal, even with the crusts shaved off as is customary. But a man of moderate appetite in eating bread, even P 2 three-quarters

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET dodrante Romano in singulos conuictus satietur. Hac ra tione fit ut è singulis modijs senideni panes redigantur, qui octonis diebus uiritim sufficiunt, & quarta pars su= persit in fursures secreta. Celsus libro quarto de ijs loqués qui fluore alui laborat, Alia uia est ubi uelis supprimere, cænare, deinde uomere, postero die in lecto conquiesce= re, uespere ungi, deinde panis circa selibram ex uino a= mineo mero sumere, tum assum aliquid, maximeq[ue] auem: postea uinum idem bibere, idq[ue] usq[ue] diem quintum facere. Selibram panis tantum esse dico, quantus est dimidiatus noster primarius. Hac igitur ratione comperimus quaternorum modiùm excretam farinam affatim in mensem sup= petere, ita ut fursures supersint quartam partè implentes. Verùm hoc de ijs intelligendum, qui liberaliora uitæ instituta sequuntur. Est enim alia ratio sellulariorum artificu[m], eorum que qui artes operosas factitant, quiq[ue] ijs opificijs uitam tolerant, quæ multa corporis fatigatione constant. Hos enim uberioribus cibarijs uti ac crassioribus necesse est: præsertim quum cibarij magna parte pulmentarij ui= ce utantur, ac ter ferè aut quater in dies epulentur. his ter nos dodrantes partim secundarij panis, partim postre= mæ notæ statuo. adde etiam besterni panis, id est qui iam consederit, aut etiam ante triduum cocti. Sed & inter eos artificiorum uarietas, & corporum fatigatio refert: plu= sculo enim pane gerulis opus est, & malleo tundentibus, & heleyarijs, & id genus operis, quàm sarcinatori aut su tori, & alijs qui sedentario tantum opificio incumbunt. Artificijs igitur remissioribus, qualia sunt eorum quos Chirobij. Græci appellant, quasi manu uictum quæritan= tes, quos quidam uentrimanos dixerunt, quaterna (ut summum) pondo sufficient panis secundarij, id est qua= terni

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Roman half-bread, to be satiated in each meal. In this way it comes about that from each modius six-and-a-half loaves are made up, which suffice for eight days, one by one, and the fourth part remains over for secret use in the furrows. Celsus, in the fourth book, speaking of those who suffer from looseness of the bowels, says: there is another way, if you wish to suppress it: dine, then vomit; on the next day rest in bed; in the evening be anointed; then take about half a pound of bread with dry Aminaean wine; then something roasted, especially poultry; afterward drink the same wine, and do this up to the fifth day. I say that by half a pound of bread is meant as much as is half of our standard primary loaf. Accordingly, by this method we find that from four modii of ground flour enough is available for a month, so that the bran remains, filling up a fourth part. But this is to be understood of those who follow a more generous way of life. For there is another rule for workshop craftsmen, and for those who ply laborious trades, and who support their lives by such occupations, which involve much bodily fatigue. These need richer and coarser food, especially since they use food in great measure as a substitute for broth, and feast almost three or four times a day. For these I assign three drachmas’ weight of bread, partly of second quality, partly of the last grade. Add also yesterday’s bread, that is, bread already set aside, or even bread baked three days before. But there is also a difference among crafts and in bodily fatigue: those who carry burdens, those who pound with the hammer, and the heleyarii, and people engaged in work of that kind, need more bread than a tailor or shoemaker and others who devote themselves only to sedentary work. For less strenuous crafts, such as those of the people whom the Greeks call Chirobij, as though seeking their livelihood by hand, whom some have called ventrimani, four pounds at the most of second-quality bread will suffice, that is, four...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 397 < Panis tria genera.> terni dodrantes nostri. Verùm pistores panificium in tria genera ferè diuidunt: in primarium panem, qui candidus dicitur: in secundæ notæ panem, qui ciuilis dicitur. hunc Celsus libro secundo Autopyrum uerbo Græco appellat, cui nihil pollinis tenuissimo incerniculo ademptum est, & in secundo genere firmitudinis alimentariæ ponitur. Nam & Apuleius sordidum panem & cibarium pro eodem po suit libro sexto de descensu Psyches ad inferos loquens. Tertium genus cibarium appellat Celsus, quasi plebeium, quem infirmissimum esse tradit in alimenti ratione. Hunc nostri postremæ notæ assignant. Sic igitur statuo, quem= admodum lautiore uictu utētes, binis libris Romanis candidioris panis satiantur, quòd nec corporis labore exerceantur, & pane accessionis uice utantur: sic artificibus remissioris operæ quaterna pondo suffectura dico panis secundarij. Intensioris autem operæ mercenarijs, quales sunt baiuli, phalangarij, & malleatores, & alij improbo labore lassescentes, quos Cicero quodam in loco fecè urbium appellat ex Xenophonte in Oeconomico, qui eos taxauxius uocat, & ex Aristotele: ijs ut paulo plus quaterna pondo Romana tribuerim, sic crassioris panis, præsertim (ut diximus) quòd pane iurulento pro pulmentario bona ex parte uescantur. Hoc conuenit cum dicto Catoniano, qui compeditis per hyemem panis pondo quaterna taxauit: ubi uineam fodere coeperint, panis pòdo quina, usque adeo dum ficos esse coeperint: deinde ad panes quaternos redit. Pulmentarium enim tenue, id est ficos, unius libræ loco cedere uoluit. Nullus est enim in urbibus etiam infimæ sortis mercenarius, qui non pulmentarium aliquod cum pane adhibeat in uictum. Panis noster cibarius quaternum fit libraru[m] huius dodrantè, id est quaterna P 3 pondo

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 397 < Three kinds of bread.> three Roman quarts. But bakers divide bread into three kinds almost: into primary bread, which is called white; into bread of the second sort, which is called civil bread. Celsus in the second book calls this by the Greek word Autopyrum, from which nothing has been taken away by the finest sieve, and it is placed in the second rank of nutritive firmness. For Apuleius also uses sordid bread and cibarium as the same thing in the sixth book, when speaking of the descent of Psyche to the lower world. Celsus calls the third kind cibarium, as if plebeian, and says that it is the weakest in respect of nourishment. Our own writers assign this to the last class. Thus therefore I judge that, just as those who use a more luxurious diet are satisfied with two Roman pounds of whiter bread, because they are not exercised by bodily labor, and use bread in place of an addition to the meal: so for craftsmen I say that four pounds of second-rate bread will suffice for work of less strenuous labor. But for laborers of more intense work, such as porters, carriers, and hammer-men, and others worn out by excessive toil, whom Cicero in one place calls fecè urbium from Xenophon in the Oeconomicus, who calls them taxauxius, and from Aristotle: for these I would allot somewhat more than four Roman pounds, namely coarser bread, especially because, as we said, they subsist in large part on broth bread in place of a relish. This agrees with the saying of Cato, who fixed four pounds of bread per day for prisoners in chains in winter; when they begin to dig the vineyard, five pounds of bread, until such time as figs begin to be available: then he returns to four pounds of bread. For a light relish, that is, figs, he wished to count as the equivalent of one pound. For there is no laborer in the cities, even of the lowest condition, who does not use some relish with bread for sustenance. Our common bread makes four pounds of this quarter, that is, four pounds P 3 pondo

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 599 quis exactè æstimare uelit, omnino co[n]ueniunt cum Cato= niano dicto, qui uillaticis operis per hyemem quaternos modios statuit, & quaternos semis per æstatem, & com= peditis, id est ergastularijs seruis, qui uincti fodiebant, a= liud'ue opus faciebant, per hyemem panis p[ro]do quatuor. Et ubi iam intenditur labor, hoc est fossuræ tempore, pa= nis pondo quina, usq[ue] dum ficos cderent, quo tempore ad quaterna pondo eos redigit. Terna pondo nostra, quater na Romana uale[n]t, ut sæpe diximus: quaterna nostra, qui= na Romana & quadrantem, qui modus ijs statuitur qui pulmentario non uescerentur, sed panem tantum esitarent. Ex hoc planum fit quem modulum Herodotus & antiqui < Reciproca probatio ponderu[m] & mensuraru[m].> per chænicem intellexerunt, cui sesquipinta nostra haud dubiè respondet. Hæc ideo longius repetenda duxi, quòd mensurarum ponderumq[ue] modus mutua probatione de= preheditur. Age uideamus porrò. Ex ijs quæ diximus, ap= paruit, ex singulis modijs sedecim pondo Romana candi= di panis & semissem fieri, & largè quartam partem in fursures abire. nam multo plus in actis municipalibus in= ueni. Diximus etiam suprà, modium tritici probi uiginti= quatuor libras, & eo aliquid amplius pendere. Quare ne= cesse est, ut quadrans fursuris paulo minus semissem polli= nis pendeat, id est ut tres modij quadrantes farinario cri= bro succreti, sedecim libras: reliquus autem quadrans, id est fursureus, circiter septem libras pendeat. Non idem autem esse pondus panificio & tritico, ex eo con= ijcio, quòd aliquid humoris in pane residet. Id incertum esse & uarium ex Plinio uidetur libro decimooctauo, qui Balearici tritici modios tricena pondo panis reddere tra= dit: sed circa Clusium & Senas fieri lege certa naturæ, ut tertia portio pani ad pondus grani accrescat. Cato= nis P 4

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PART IV. BOOK V. 599 whoever wishes to estimate exactly will be entirely in agreement with Cato’s saying, who fixed for farm work four modii in winter, and four and a half in summer, and for the compediti, that is, the fettered slaves who ploughed while bound, or did other work, four modii of bread a day in winter. And when labor is already being intensified, that is, at ploughing time, five pounds of bread, until they began to harvest figs, at which time he reduces them to four pounds. Three Roman pounds equal four of ours, as we have often said: four of ours equal five Roman pounds and a quarter, which is the allowance assigned to those who did not eat any dish of pottage, but consumed bread only. From this it becomes clear what measure Herodotus and the ancients understood by the chænicem, to which our sesquipinta certainly corresponds. I have thought it proper to repeat these matters at greater length because the measure of weights and measures is determined by mutual verification. Come, let us examine further. From what we have said, it has become apparent that from each modius there are made sixteen Roman pounds and a half of white bread, and a generous quarter part goes off in bran. For in municipal records I found much more. We also said above that a modius of good wheat weighs twenty-four pounds and something more. Therefore it is necessary that the quarter of the bran, that is, the flour dust, should weigh a little less than half a semissem, that is, that three quarters of a modius, sifted through a miller’s sieve, should weigh sixteen pounds; but the remaining quarter, that is, the bran, should weigh about seven pounds. But that the weight is not the same for bread and wheat, I infer from the fact that some moisture remains in bread. That this is uncertain and variable appears from Pliny, book eighteen, who says that a modius of Balearic wheat yields thirty pounds of bread; but around Clusium and Siena, by fixed law of nature, the third portion is added to the bread in weight from the grain. Cato’s P 4

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nis autem uerba significare uidentur ex singulis modijs tricena pondo panis redire. quaternos enim sextarios tri cenis diebus assignat, & paulò pòst quaterna pondo pa= nis in dies statuit: qua ratione fit ut quaterni modij cen= tum & uiginti pondo panis reddant. Ex hoc tamen con= stituere nihil possumus, nisi id quod suprà dictum est. Ve= rum illud attexendum ex eodem Plinio libro supradicto duodeuicesimo, quod ad rem mihi magnopere pertinere uisum est. Similago, inquit, ex tritico fit laudatissima. ex < Pollis. Flos.> Africo iustum est è modijs redire semodios, & pollinis sextarios quinque. Ita enim appellant in tritico, quod flo= rem in siligine. Præterea secundarij sextarios quatuor, fur furúq[ue] tantundè. Panes uerò è modio simulaginis CXXII. è floris modio CXXVI. Pretium huic annona media in modios farinæ X L. asses, similagini castratæ octonis assi= bus amplius, siligini castratæ duplum. Paulo autem supe= rius Plinius dixerat, E' siligine lautissimus panis, pistrina rumq[ue] opera laudatissima. Ex Plinij igitur uerbis hoc col ligo, Africum triticum præstantissimum fuisse: ex cuius < Similago simi laue.> farina primùm similago, quæ & simila dicitur, cribro te= nuissimo à polline cernebatur, ita ut ex polline restante se cundariam ueluti similam elicerent, & crassiorem rursus pollinem à surfuribus laxiore incerniculo succernerent. Simulagini autem pretium asses quadragenos in modios fuisse mediocri annona: qua ratione duo medimni Roma ni, qui sextarium Parisinum faciunt, duodequinqua= ginta denarijs ualuerunt, hoc est duodecies quaternis. Quatuor enim denarij, X L. assibus ualuerunt. At ca= stratæ similagini co amplius octoni asses in modios acce= dunt, & siligini castratæ (quæ fruges erat Italica, hoc est triticum delicatissimum, & candidissimum) eius sum= mæ

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G. BVD. ON THE SCALE AND THE ...but these words seem to mean that from each modius thirty pounds of bread are obtained. For he assigns four sextarii for thirty days, and a little later sets four pounds of bread per day: by which calculation it comes about that four modii yield one hundred and twenty pounds of bread. From this, however, we can determine nothing except what has been said above. But there is something else to be added from the same Pliny, in the aforesaid eighteenth book, which seemed to me greatly relevant to the matter. “Similago,” he says, “is made from wheat and is the most highly praised. From < Pollis. Flos.> African wheat it is proper to obtain from the modii half-modii, and five sextarii of pollis. For thus they call, in wheat, that which is the flower in siligine. Moreover, four sextarii of secondary flour, and as much bran. But breads from a modius of similago, 122; from a modius of flos, 126. The price for this grain in moderate abundance: for modii of flour, 10 asses; for cleaned similago, eight asses more; for cleaned siligine, double.” A little above, however, Pliny had said, “From siligine comes the finest bread, and the most highly praised work of the bakers.” From Pliny’s words, then, I gather this: that African wheat was of the highest quality; from its < Similago simi laue.> flour, first similago, which is also called simila, was sifted through a very fine sieve from the pollis, so that from the remaining pollis they would extract a secondary flour, as it were a kind of simila, and from the bran they would again separate the coarser pollis with a looser sieve. The price of similago, moreover, was forty asses per modius at an average supply; by which calculation two Roman medimni, which make a Parisian sextier, were worth eighteen denarii, that is, twelve times four. For four denarii were worth forty asses. But for cleaned similago eight asses more are added per modius, and for cleaned siligine (which was an Italian grain, that is, the most delicate and whitest wheat) the same amount

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET autopyrum Græci uocant. Infirmior est ex polline, infirmissimus cibarius panis. Sic enim locus ille legitur in libris emè datis, licet in uulgatis mutilatus sit. Iuuenalis Sat. v. Sed tener & niucus, molliq[ue] siligine factus, Seruatur domino. Huiusmodi delicias frumenti hodie non habemus, ex qui= bus Romani antiqui opera pistoria faciebant, quæ aliqui dulciaria, Suetonius mellita appellauit, cu[m] inquit de luxu Neroniano loquens, Indicebat & familiaribus cænas, quoru[m] uni mellita quadragies sestertiu[m] co[n]stiterunt. Quod ut credamus, efficit Lampridius, qui de Heliogabalo lo= quens, Habuit, inquit, dulciarios tales & lactarios, ut quæcunq[ue] coqui de diuersis edulibus exhibuissent, uel stru ctores, uel pomarij illi, modò de dulciarijs, modò de lacta= rijs exhiberet. Celsus de his loquens, Scire, inquit, oportet mel & caseum inter ualetissima esse, quo minus mirum est opus pistorium ualentissimu[m] esse, quod ex frumeto, adipe, melle, caseo constat. Ego cum Romæ essem annos abhinc dece[m], panem quotidie esitabam quo Pontifex Iulius uesce batur. Erant panes paruuli, quos quis facilè inuolare ma= nu posset, si bene memini, sed candidissimi & suauissimi, quales (ut arbitror) Plinius cxx. ex modijs singulis simi læ factitari solitos scribit. Erat tum annona percara Ro= mæ, & per Italiam. Sed cum interrogare quanti ueniret id triticu[m] ex quo tam lautus panis fieret, tanti esse eum pa nem dicebant, ut cum ratione extemporali supputatione & in digitos deducta inirem, eius farinæ sextarius noster amplius ducatis duodecim Romæ esse uideretur: quod an uerum esset non comperi, nec inquisiui. Neq[ue] etiam tum meo uictu Romæ stabam, ut id inquirere succurreret. Simi lago à Græcis dicitur, siligo , pollin au= tem

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G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND the Greeks call it autopyrum. It is weaker than meal, and the weakest of all is household bread. For that passage is thus read in the books emended, though in the common editions it is mutilated. Juvenal, Sat. v. But tender and snow-white, made with soft siligine, It is kept for his master. We do not have today this kind of wheat delicacies, from which the ancient Romans made bakery works, which some called dulcia, Suetonius called mellita, when speaking of Nero’s luxury, “He also appointed banquets for his intimates, one of which cost forty thousand sesterces in mellita.” That we may believe it, Lampridius makes it clear, who, speaking of Heliogabalus, says: “He had such confectioners and milk-sellers, that whatever cooks had brought out from various dishes, whether the carvers or the fruiterers, he would have them presented now by the confectioners, now by the milk-sellers.” Celsus, speaking of these matters, says, “It must be known that honey and cheese are among the strongest things,” which makes it no wonder that the bakery work is very nourishing, since it consists of wheat, fat, honey, and cheese. When I was in Rome ten years ago, I ate every day the bread with which Pope Julius used to nourish himself. They were little loaves, which one could easily snatch away with the hand, if I remember correctly, but very white and very pleasant, such as (I think) Pliny writes were formerly made from a single modius of flour, one hundred and twenty loaves. There was then a very high price of grain in Rome, and throughout Italy. But when I asked how much that wheat would cost from which so splendid a bread was made, they said that the bread was worth so much that, after an extemporaneous reckoning and a calculation made on the fingers, it seemed that here in Rome a sextarius of that flour amounted to more than twelve ducats: whether this was true I did not find out, nor did I investigate. Nor was I then living in Rome on my own provisions, so that it might have occurred to me to inquire about it. Similar to the Greek word is silago, siligo, and pollin, however

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 603 tem rupus. < Panes Græcanici.> Primo loco apudeos ponitur semidalites panis, qui fit ex similagine. Secundo chondrites, qui ex alica. Tertio alcurites, & deinde syncomistus, qui triticea farina fit non succreta. Secundu[m] hoc aleurites idem esse uideatur cum autopyro. Sed illud animaduertendum in uerbis Catonis, quòd uillaticis seruis solutis qui opus faciunt, quaternos modios in menses statuit, uinctis autem seruis in dies singulos quaterna pondo: quod ut in eandem quantitatem redit, sic conditione[m] uariam solutorum mancipiorum & ergastulariorum facit. Illi enim peculium parsimonia augere poterant, ut ex Terentio & Donato diximus: hi in poenam dati, expeculiati quoq[ue] erant. Vt aute[m] hanc rationem colligamus, in medimno seni sunt modij, et in modio octonæ choenices, & choenix cibarium diurnu[m]: ita medimno duodequinquaginta homines quotidie satiantur, & Parisino sextario sex & nonaginta: sic fit ut modius Parisinus mille centum & quinquaginta duobus sufficiat. < Canon frumentarius.> Porrò Spartianus autor est, Seuerum Pertinacem Imperatore Romanum oriente reliquisse canonem frumentarium in septennium suffecturu[m]: ita ut septuagena quina millia modium quotidie absumi possent, id est, sena millia duceni quinquageni sextarij nostri. quo fit ut ratione prædicta sex cena millia plebeioru[m] tesseras frumentarias acciperent in diem choenicarias. Hunc enim numerum efficit modiorum iam dictorum numerus octonario multiplicatus, uel numerus sextarioru[m] nonagies sexies ductus. Hactenus de medimno, modio & choenice, & ijs mensuris quarum mentio superius facta est: transeundum ad reliquas. Quadrantal Latinè dicitur schema mathematicum, quod < Quadrantal.> Græcè Cubus dicitur, ut autor est Gellius. Propter quod docti ferè quadrantal amphoram esse opinantur, propter formam

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 603 tem rupus. < Greek Breads.> In the first place among them is set semidalites bread, which is made from fine flour. Second is chondrites, which is made from groats. Third is alcurites, and then syncomistus, which is made from wheat flour not sifted. According to this, aleurites would seem to be the same as autopyrus. But this must be noted in the words of Cato: that for hired farm slaves who do the work, he assigns four modii for the months, but for bound slaves four pounds for each day. And although this comes to the same quantity, still it makes the condition of freed slaves and of those in the ergastulum different. For those were able to increase their private savings by thrift, as we said from Terence and Donatus; but these, assigned to punishment, were deprived even of private savings. But to gather up this reckoning: in a medimnus there are six modii, and in a modius eight choenices, and a choenix is a daily ration of food; thus in one medimnus fifty-eight men are fed daily, and in the Parisian sextarius six and ninety; so it follows that one Parisian modius is enough for 1,152 men. < Grain allowance.> Moreover, Spartianus states that the Roman Emperor Severus Pertinax left in the East a grain allowance sufficient for seven years, so that seventy-five thousand modii could be consumed daily, that is, six thousand two hundred and fifty of our sextarii. From which it follows, by the reasoning given above, that six thousand of the common people would receive grain tickets each day, in choenices. For this number is produced by the number of the modii already mentioned multiplied by eight, or by the number of sextarii multiplied ninety-six times. Thus far concerning the medimnus, modius, and choenix, and the measures mentioned above; we must pass on to the rest. Quadrantal is the Latin term for a mathematical figure, which in Greek is called cubus, as Gellius says. For which reason learned men think that a quadrantal is the same as an amphora, because of its shape

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET formam tesserariam quam habet, & alioquin autoritate Festi subnixi: id tamen non habeo quo modo constituam. Iam primum Cato de uino Græco loquens, Musti. q. x x. in ahenum, aut plumbeum infundito: ignem subdito. ubi ebulliet uinum, ignem subducito. ubi iam uinu[m] refrixerit, in dolium quadragenarium infundito: seorsum autem in uas aquæ dulcis quadrat al unum infundito, salis modium unum, sinito muriâ fieri. ubi muria facta crit, eode[m] in dolio infundito, post dies x x x. dolium oblinito, ad uer in amphoras diffundito. q. x x. dubiu[m] est utrum quadrantalia an quartarios intelligere debeamus, ut paulò post, Aquæ marinæ quartarium unum ex alto sumito, quò aqua dulcis no[n] accedat, sesquilibram salis frangito. In antiquo tamen libro non quartarium, sed. q. legitur. Alibi, Postea sumito bituminis tertiarium, & sulphuris quartarium, conterito in mortario per se utrunq[ue]. Idem alibi, Vbi hau seris de mari, in dolium fundito, nolito implere, quadrantalibus quinq[ue]; minus sit quàm plenum. Idem, Vinum familiæ quo utantur, musti quartarios x. in dolium indito, aceti acris. q. 1 1. còdem infundito, sapæ quadrantalia duo, aquæ dulcis. q. 1. hæc rude miscto ter in die, dies quinq[ue]; continuos. Hoc in loco quadrantalia pro amphoris quis intelliget, cum de uino odorato loquens, quod non familiæ, sed domino concinnabatur, Post dies, inquit, x L. diffundito in amphoras, & addito in singulas amphoras sæpæ sextarium unum. Rursus de uino Coo loquens, In dolium, inquit, quinquagenarium infundito aquæ marinæ quadrantalia decem, tum acina de uuis miscellis decarpi to de scapo in idem dolium, usquedum impleueris: manu comprimito acina, ut combibant aquam marinam: ubi compleueris dolium, operculo operito. Hoc loco quadrant tal amph

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G. BVD. OF THE WAX AND the dice-shaped form that it has, and otherwise supported by the authority of Festus: yet I do not have by what means I should determine this. Now first, Cato, speaking of Greek wine, says: “Must, q. xx. into an earthen pot, or a lead one, pour it in: put fire underneath. When the wine boils, remove the fire. When now the wine has cooled, pour it into a forty-measure cask: separately, however, into a square vessel for sweet water pour one quarter-measure, one modius of salt, and let it become brine. When the brine has been made, pour that same into the cask, after thirty days. Smear the cask shut, and in spring pour it into amphorae.” q. xx. It is doubtful whether we ought to understand quarter-measures or quartarii, as a little later, “Take one quartarius of sea-water from the open sea, so that fresh water does not mix in; break up a and a half libra of salt. In the old book, however, not quartarius, but q. is read. Elsewhere: “Afterwards take a third of bitumen, and a quarter of sulphur, grind each separately in a mortar.” The same author elsewhere: “When you have drawn from the sea, pour into a cask; do not fill it up, with five quarter-measures; let it be less than full.” The same: “Wine for the household to use: put ten quartarii of must into a cask, and of sharp vinegar q. 11 pour into the same, two quarter-measures of sapa, q. 1 of sweet water; mix these crudely three times a day for five continuous days.” In this passage, who will understand quarter-measures as amphorae, since, speaking of scented wine, which was prepared not for the household but for the master, he says: “After days, x L., pour into amphorae, and add into each amphora one sextarius of sapa.” Again, speaking of Coo wine: “Into a cask,” he says, “of fifty measures, pour ten quarter-measures of sea-water, then pick the berries from mixed grapes from the stem into the same cask, until you have filled it: press the berries by hand, so that they may drink in the sea-water: when you have filled the cask, cover it with a lid.” At this point quarter meas amph

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 605 tal amphoram significare uidetur, si quinquagenarium dolium à quinquaginta amphoris intelligamus. Iucundus < Iucundus Veronensis.> Veronesis professione architectus, sed antiquariorum di= ligetissimus, nuper Catonem imprimendu[m] curauit, in quo cum multa uerba emendauit restituitq[ue]; tum cap. LVII. locum mutilatum ita restituit, Summa uini in singulos ho mines intra annum quadratalia octo. Quæ uerba si rectè emendateq[ue] restituta sunt, fateri nos cogunt quadrantal & amphoram idem olim fuisse. Cum enim octo mensibus Cato uinum familiæ bibendum statuat, id est, à quarto ad duodecimum in eo numero comprehensum, quarto mense ternos congios taxat, & sequentibus usq[ue]; ad nonum qui= nos: nono, decimo, undecimo, & duodecimo, singulis am= phoram indulget, & eo amplius Saturnalium & Compi talium nomine singulos uel binos congios in capita: fit summa sex & quinquaginta, uel septem & quinquaginta c[on]giorum, qui septem amphoras efficiunt. Quare octa= uam amphoram intelligimus benigno additamento à Ca= tone statutam. Rursus Plinius libro decimoquarto, Publius < Locus Plinij.> Licinius Crassus, & Lucius Cæsar Censores anno Vrbis conditæ D C L X X V. edixerunt nequis uinum Græcum Amineumq[ue]; octonis æris singula quadrantalia uenderet. hæc enim edicti uerba sunt, T ata uino Græco gratia erat, ut singulæ potiones in uno conuictu darentur. Sic apud Plinium omnium exemplarium fide legitur: quæ uerba si non mendosa sunt, hoc significant, singula quadrantalia uini Græci, quod in tanta autoritate erat, ut semel in con= uictu uno misceretur, octonis assibus, id est, paulò plus ternis sestertijs nummis uenisse taxatione edictali. At Co lumella libro quarto ita inquit, Vt que trecentis nummis quadragenæ urnæ ueneant, quod minimum precium est annonæ

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such an amphora seems to be meant, if we understand the quinquagenarian cask as one of fifty amphoras. Iucundus <Iucundus Veronensis.> The Veronese, an architect by profession, but a most diligent antiquary, recently had Cato printed, in which he corrected and restored many words; then, in chapter LVII, he restored the mutilated passage thus: “The sum of wine for each man within a year, eight quadratals.” If these words have been correctly amended and restored, they force us to admit that the quadrantal and the amphora were once the same thing. For since Cato allows the household eight months’ wine to be drunk, that is, from the fourth month to the twelfth inclusive in that number, in the fourth month he assigns three congii, and in the following months up to the ninth five congii; in the ninth, tenth, eleventh, and twelfth he grants each man an amphora, and besides this, under the name of the Saturnalia and Compitalia, one or two congii per head: the total comes to fifty-six or fifty-seven congii, which make seven amphoras. Therefore we understand the eighth amphora as an additional amount granted by Cato’s kindness. Again, Pliny, in book fourteen, <Locus Plinij.> Publius Licinius Crassus and Lucius Caesar, censors in the year 625 from the founding of the City, decreed that no one should sell Greek and Aminean wine at eight bronze asses per quadrantal. These are in fact the words of the edict: “So great was the favor for Greek wine, that single servings were given at one banquet.” Thus in Pliny, by the authority of all the manuscripts, it is read: if these words are not corrupt, they mean that single quadrantals of Greek wine, held in such high esteem that it was mixed only once at a single banquet, sold for eight asses, that is, a little more than three sestertii, by edictal price-setting. But Columella, in book four, says thus: “So that forty urns are sold for three hundred denarii,” which is the lowest price of grain

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET annonæ, consumant tamen septem culei sestertium duo milia, & centum nummos. Quadragenas urnas, uiginti amphoras ualere notum est, præsertim Columellæ æstimatione. Quare Columella maximam uini uilitatem non infra quinosdenos nummos in amphoras descendere affirmauit. Quod dictum omnino Pliniano loco refragatur. Nam & ipse Plinius alibi de Opimiano loquens, centum nummos statuit Opimiano uino, non inueterato, sed recenti, aut etiam musteo. Hic ne octonis millibus æris legendum esse contendamus, facit magnitudo precij, quod octoginta aureis æstimamus, id est, tribus millibus & ducentis sestertijs. Nam & Plinius ipse eodem libro ita inquit de precio uini loquens, Rara quippe adhuc fuere, nec nisi importatis singulis testis millia nummum. Nulla aute[m] testa minor esse potest amphora. Quadrantal, inquit Festus, uocabat antiqui amphoram, quod uas pedes quadrati octo et quadraginta sextarios capit. Plautus, Anus hæc sitit. quantillum sitit? modica est, capit quadrantal. Quid si dicamus quadrantal uas ita dictu à Latinis priscis, ut Cybium à Græcis? idq; ex eode[m] Festo alibi his uerbis, Cybiu[m] dictum est, quia eius medium æquè patet in omnes partes, quod genus à geometris Cybos dicitur. Vnde etiam tessellæ quadratæ Cybi dicuntur. Nihil aliud de quadrantali constituere possumus, quod ad mensuræ quidem modu[m] pertinet (de forma enim costat) nec de loco quidem Plinij supradicto. Hic enim est unus eorum quos comploratos esse puto. Quod sequitur statim apud Plinium in eodem capite, in omnibus exemplaribus corruptum est. Quibus uinis autoritas fuerit sua in mensa, M. Varro his uerbis tradit, L. Lucullus puer apud patrem nunquam læutum conuiuium uidit, in quo plus semel Græcum uinum dare= tur

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET annonæ, however, they consume seven culei of two thousand and one hundred sesterces. It is well known that forty urns, twenty amphorae, are worth, especially by Columella’s estimate. Therefore Columella asserted that even the greatest cheapness of wine would not fall below fifteen nummi per amphora. This statement is altogether at odds with the passage in Pliny. For Pliny himself elsewhere, speaking of Opimian wine, assigns one hundred nummi to Opimian wine, not aged, but fresh, or even must. That here we should contend that it ought to be read as eight thousand asses is prevented by the magnitude of the price, which we value at eighty aurei, that is, three thousand two hundred sesterces. For Pliny himself in the same book says thus when speaking of the price of wine: “For such things were still rare, and not even in imported vessels did they amount to a thousand nummi each.” But no vessel can be smaller than an amphora. Quadrantal, says Festus, the ancients called an amphora, because the vessel holds forty-eight sextarii in a square-foot measure. Plautus: “This old woman is thirsty. How little is she thirsty? She is moderate; she holds a quadrantal.” What if we say that the vessel called quadrantal was so named by the ancient Latins, as Cybium by the Greeks? And this too from Festus elsewhere in these words: “It is called Cybium, because its middle part is equally open in all directions, which kind is called Cybos by the geometers. Hence square tesserae are also called Cybi.” We can establish nothing else about the quadrantal, so far as the measure itself is concerned (for its shape is clear), nor indeed about the passage of Pliny mentioned above. For here is one of those places which I think have been mutilated. What follows immediately in Pliny in the same chapter is corrupt in all the copies. What wines had authority at table, M. Varro relates in these words: “L. Lucullus, as a boy, never saw a sumptuous banquet at his father’s house, at which Greek wine was given more than once”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 607 tur. Ipse quum redijt ex Asia, millia cadorum congiorum diuisit amplius centum. C. Censius, quem Prætorem uidi= mus, Chium uinum in domum suam illatum dicebat tum primum, quum sibi cardiaco medicus dedisset. Hortensius super decem cados hæredi reliquit. In uetusto exemplari < Locus Plinij emendatus.> no[n] cados, sed cadum legitur: quare no[n] decem cados (quod ridiculum est) sed decem millia cadum lego: cuius emenda= tionis subscriptore[m] habeo Nonium, qui locu[m] huc ita citat in mentione cadi ex V arrone de uita patrum, Hortensius supra decem millia cadum hæredi reliquit. In superiore autem loco non millia cadorum congiorum, sed nullia ca= dum congiarium, ex uetustorum obseruatione lego. Sunt < Congiarius cadus.> autem congiarij cadi, qui congium tantum capiunt, id est, senos sextarios Italicos. Centum millia huiusmodi cado= rum, amphoras ualebant duodecim millia & quingentas, & modios Parisinos mille quingentos & circiter sexa= ginta. Hortensij autem decem millia cadoru[m] æstimare non possum propter uarietatem opinionum de cado: sed tam[m]e < Culeus.> non potest maior esse summa Hortensij quàm Luculli. Cu leus mensura est uicenas amphoras continens, uel urnas quadragenas, qua nulla maior mensura liquoris, ut aiunt illa carmina. Plinius libro decimoquarto de uinea Palemo nis grammatici loquens, Digna opera quæ in cecubis se= tinisq[ue] proficeret, quando & postea sæpenumero septe= nos culeos singula iugera, hoc est, amphoras cetenas qua= dragenas musti dedere. Ac nequis uictam in hoc antiqui= tatè arbitraretur, idem Cato denos culeos redire ex iuge= ribus scripsit. Hæc sunt (ut arbitror) mensurarum uocabu la Græcis Latinisq[ue]; autoribus celebrata, quæ interdum ipsa ad speciem & formam quædam uasis magis quàm ad modum quendam certumq[ue] referuntur. Nam quum Cato in instru

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PARTIB. BOOK V. 607 tur. When he returned from Asia, he distributed more than a hundred thousand cadi of congius. C. Censius, whom we saw as praetor, used to say that Chian wine was brought into his house for the first time when the doctor gave it to him for a cardiac ailment. Hortensius left over ten thousand cadi to his heir. In the old manuscript <Passage of Pliny corrected.> it is read not cados, but cadum: therefore I read not “ten cadi” (which is absurd), but “ten thousand cadi”; for this emendation I have as supporter Nonius, who cites the passage here thus in mention of the cadus, from Varro’s On the Life of the Fathers: “Hortensius left over ten thousand cadi to his heir.” In the earlier passage too I read, by the authority of the ancients, not “a hundred thousand cadi of congius,” but “a hundred thousand congiarium of cadi.” There are <Congiarius, cadus.> however congiary cadi, which contain only one congius, that is, six Italian sextarii. A hundred thousand cadi of this kind were worth twelve thousand five hundred amphorae, and one thousand five hundred and about sixty Parisian modii. But I cannot estimate Hortensius’ ten thousand cadi because of the variety of opinions about the cadus; yet nevertheless <Culeus.> the total of Hortensius cannot be greater than that of Lucullus. The culeus is a measure containing twenty amphorae, or forty urnae, and there is no larger measure of liquid, as they say in those verses. Pliny, in book fourteen, speaking of the vine of the grammarian Palemon, says: “A work worthy to be advanced in Cecuban and Setine wines,” since later also, very often, seven culei per each iugerum, that is, four hundred and twenty amphorae of must, were produced. And lest anyone should think that antiquity was defeated here, Cato himself wrote that ten culei came from iugera. These are, I think, the terms of measurement among the Greeks and Latins; famous through the authors, which at times refer not so much to a certain definite measure as to the appearance and form of some vessel. For when Cato in the equip

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Quinquagenaria amphora. in instrumento uillici amphoram quinquagenariam enu= merauit: eam intelligi uoluit, quæ duobus sextarijs maior sit iusta mēsura. Vt n[ost]uc quadragenarios modios dicimus, qui modulis quatuor legitimam mensuram excedunt: sic urnam quinquagenariâ dixit Cato, quæ amplius duabus urnis legitimis capiat. Pro huiusmodi amphora Columella de uino dulci loqu[us]es, Quu[m] deserbuerit, inquit, in sextarios quinquaginta irim bene pinsitâ, nec plus unciæ pondere addito. quinquaginta sextarios pro amphora quinquagenaria dixit. Et rursus, Ex hac compositione quantum in sextarios musti quadragenos octonos adijciendu[m] sit, incertum est, quoniam pro natura uini æstimare oportet quid satis sit. Ego tamen si humida fuerit uindemia, triètem: si sicca, quadrantem medicaminis miscere solitus sum, ita ut quatuor urnarum esset musti modus, urna aute[m] quatuor & uiginti sextariorum. Pro amphora octo & quadraginta sextarios dixit. At quum alibi ita inquit, Omne uinum quum condieris, nolito statim diffundere, sed sinito in dolijs liquescere: postea quum de dolijs, aut de scrijs diffundere uoles, uere florente rosa defecatu[m] quam= liquidissimum in uasa bene picata & pura trâsserto. si in uetustatem seruare uoles, in cado duarum urnarum quàm optimi uini sextariu[m] aut fecis generosæ recentis sextarios tres addito. Hoc in loco amphoram dicere poterat, nisi ad formam uasis respexisset. Sic Plinius cados congiarios dixit, ac si congios in cadum formatos diceret. Amphoræ Cadus. formam tesserariam esse docuimus. Cadi formam turbinatam, id est, coni & strobyli, hoc est, nucis pineæ similem fuisse, ex Plinio intelligimus, qui libro decimoseptimo de aloë loquens, turbines cadorum dixit. Vtebantur autem antiqui etia[m] ad salsam[m]eta códenda. Id e[st] Plin. lib. xxxii. Quin

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G. BVD. ON THE ASE AND Quinquagenaria amphora. In the account-book of a steward he mentioned a quinquagenarian amphora: by this he wished to be understood as one that is two sextarii greater than the proper measure. Thus we speak of “forty-modius” measures among us, which exceed the lawful measure by four modii; so Cato called an urn quinquagenaria, one that holds more than two lawful urns. For such an amphora Columella, speaking of sweet wine, says, “When it has fermented down, grind in well-pounded iris to the amount of fifty sextarii, adding no more than the weight of one ounce.” He used fifty sextarii for the quinquagenarian amphora. And again: “From this mixture it is uncertain how much should be added to forty-eight sextarii of must, since one must judge according to the nature of the wine what is enough. Yet I myself, if the vintage has been wet, have been accustomed to mix a third part of the medicine; if dry, a quarter, so that the must would amount to four urns, an urn being twenty-four sextarii.” He said forty-eight sextarii for the amphora. But when elsewhere he says: “When you have prepared all wine, do not pour it off at once, but let it settle in the jars; afterwards, when you wish to draw it off from the jars or from the casks, in the flowering of the rose, transfer the clarified wine, as clear as possible, into well-pitched and clean vessels. If you wish to keep it for old age, add to a cask of two urns one sextarius of the very best wine, or three sextarii of fresh noble lees.” In this passage he could have said amphora, unless he had regard to the shape of the vessel. Thus Pliny called casks congiaria, as though he were speaking of congii fashioned into the shape of a cask. Amphora Cask. We have shown that the shape of the amphora was square, or die-like. From Pliny we understand that the shape of the cask was rounded, that is, like a cone and a strobilus, that is, like a pine nut; for in book seventeen, speaking of aloe, he used the phrase “the rounds of casks.” The ancients also used them for storing salted foods. That is, Pliny, book 32. Quin

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. Quin & testis cadi salsamentarij tuis cum axungia ue= tere ad parotidas utuntur. Amphoram in ceruicem graci= lescere solitam, ex Catone intelligimus, cum inquit, Am= phoram defracto collo puram impleto aquæ puræ. Colu= mella, Dolia quoq[ue] & seriæ cæteraq[ue]; uasa ante quadrage simum uindemiæ diè picanda sunt, atq[ue] aliter ea quæ de= mersa sunt humi, aliter quæ stant supra terrâ. Idem, Tum in serias singulas, quæ sint amphorarum septenûm, addi= to medicaminis pondo unciam, scrupula octo gypsi. Seria < Seria.> formam certam uasis denotat, non certam mensuram. Plin. libro XIII. Magna & collecto iam uino differentia in cella. circa Alpes ligneis uasis condunt, infodiuntq[ue]; terræ tota, aut ad portionem situs, aut cælum præbent: alij im= positis tectis arcent. Dolium autem quadragenarium & < Dolium quadragenarium.> quinquagenarium Cato quum dicit, dubitari potest an quadraginta quinquaginta ue co[n]giorum aut quadrantaliu[m] dixerit, an totidem amphorarum, ut quum de Græco uino loquens ita inquit, Musti. q. x x. in ahenum aut plumbeu[m] infundito, ignem subdito: ubi ebullibit uinu[m], ignem subdu cito: ubi iam uinum refrixerit, in dolium quadragenariu[m] infundito. Et paulò post, Post dies x x x. dolium oblinito, ad uer in amphoras diffundito. Et rursus alibi, In dolium quadragenariu[m] infundito aquæ marinæ qudratalia decem: tum acina de uus miscellis decarpito de scapo in idem do= lium usquedu[m] impleueris. manu co[n]prinito acina, ut combi bant aquam marinam. ubi co[n]pleueris doliu[m], operculo ope= rito, relinquito quà interspiret. ut triduu[m] præterierit, exi= mito de dolio, & in torculario calcato, & id uinum con= dito in dolia lauta & pura & sicca. Hoc in loco quinquæ genarium ab amphoris dictum accipio, quum ex eo dolia pura impleantur. Octonæ amphoræ modium nostrum fa= Q ciunt, id

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PART IB. BOOK V. And because in your salted-fish-tub they use lard for the parotids. From Cato we understand that an amphora was accustomed to narrow at the neck, when he says: “Fill an amphora, with the neck broken off, with pure water.” Columella likewise says that jars and casks and the other vessels must be pitched before the fortieth day of the vintage, and otherwise in the case of those that are set in the ground, otherwise in the case of those that stand above the earth. The same author says, “Then into each jar, which should hold seven amphorae, add one ounce of the remedy, and eight scruples of gypsum.” “Seria” denotes a definite form of vessel, not a definite measure. Pliny, Book XIII, says there is a great difference in storing already collected wine in the cellar. Around the Alps they keep it in wooden vessels and bury them in the earth, either entirely or in part, according to the site, or according to the climate; others keep it off the ground by placing roofs over them. But when Cato speaks of a forty- and fifty-quart dolium, it may be doubted whether he meant forty or fifty congi, or quadrantal measures, or the same number of amphorae, as when speaking of Greek wine he says: “Of new wine, twenty quartalia, pour into a bronze or lead vessel, put fire underneath; when the wine boils, remove the fire; when the wine has cooled, pour it into a forty-quart dolium.” And a little later: “After thirty days, seal the dolium; at the beginning of spring, draw it off into amphorae.” And elsewhere again: “Pour into a forty-quart dolium ten quartalia of sea-water; then pluck the grapes from the stalks of the miscellaneous vines into the same dolium until you have filled it. Press the grapes by hand so that they absorb the sea-water. When you have filled the dolium, cover it with a lid, and leave it so that it may breathe. After three days have passed, take it out of the dolium, and tread it in the wine-press; and store that wine in clean, pure, and dry dolia.” In this passage I take “quinquagenarium” to be derived from amphorae, since the pure dolia are filled from them. Eight amphorae make our modius, and this...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET < Mensuræ Parisinæ.> ciunt, id est Parisinum, cuius iusta mensura sex & triginta cogios nostros capit, quas uulgus sextarios nulla ratione uocat. Sic singulæ amphoræ decem & octo quartarios no stros capiunt, hoc est sextarios Romanos duodequinqua= ginta. Quaternæ amphoræ semodios nostros faciunt. Ca= dus uero noster, quæ lingua uernacula uestigia Latinitatis retines Caccum uocat, & trientem modij facit, amphoras duas & bessem capit, hoc est duodenos cogios Parisinos. <Fidelia.> Nec tamen inuideas quòd multa fidelia putet In locuplete penu. Plautus in Aulul. Sed si reperero ô fides, mulsi congialem plenam faciam tibi fideliam. Eodem modo dixit congialem fideliam, quo Plinius cadum congiarium. Fideliam lingua nostra filietam corrupto uocabulo dicit. Orca. Orca uas erat Hispanicum, ut ex Varrone conijcio libro primo de Re rustica, Sæpe ubi conditum nouum mustum, orca ut in Hispania seruore musti ruptæ: necnon & dolia, ut in Ita= lia. Plin. libro x v. de ficis: At ubi copia abundat, implentur orca: in Asia cadi panisq[ue] simul & obsonij uicem siccatæ implent. Festus orca formam dat his uerbis; Orcæ genus marinæ belluæ maximum, ad cuius similitudinem uasa ficaria orca dicuntur. Sunt enim teretes, atq[ue] uniformi specie: cui congruit dictum Persij, - Angustæ collo non fallier orca. Licet Hermolaus lib. x x x v. amphoræ specie orcam fuisse autore Probo citato dicat. Vas fuit uinariu[m], oleariu[m]q[ue], & salsamentarium, atque salgamarium, cuius ratio non mensura, sed sua forma costat. Orcis adhuc bodie salsamentarij negociatores utuntur. Dolia certam mensura no[n] habe bant, sed quædam olim fieri capacissima ex Collumella in= telligimus, <Dolium.>

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET < Paris Measures.> they contain, that is, the Parisian one, whose proper measure holds six and thirty of our cogii, which the common people call sextarii for no reason at all. Thus each amphora holds eighteen of our quartarii, that is, fifteen Roman sextarii. Four amphorae make our semodius. The cadus, however, which in the vernacular language retains traces of Latin and is called caccum, makes a third of a modius, and holds two amphorae and a bes; that is, twelve Parisian cogii. <Fidelia.> Yet do not begrudge him that he thinks there are many fidelia in the well-stocked pantry. Plautus in the Aulularia. But if I find it, by heaven, I shall fill for you a fidelia full of mulse of a congial. In the same way he said congialem fideliam, as Pliny said cadum congiarium. Our language, with a corrupted word, calls a fidelia a filieta. Orca. The orca was a Spanish vessel, as I conjecture from Varro, book one De Re Rustica : often, where new must has been stored, an orca in Spain for preserving the must would burst; likewise dolia, as in Italy. Pliny, book xv, on figs: but where there is abundance in plenty, the orcae are filled; in Asia cadi and baskets of bread and food preserved dry at the same time serve this purpose. Festus gives the form of the orca in these words: Orcae a very large kind of sea beast, from the likeness of which vessels for figs are called orcae. For they are round, and of uniform shape, which suits Persius’ saying, - An orca, with narrow neck, cannot be deceived. Although Hermolaus, book xxxv, says that by the authority of Probus the orca was an amphora-shaped vessel. It was a wine vessel, an oil vessel, and a vessel for salted goods and brine, whose criterion was not measure, but its own shape. Even today merchants of salted goods use orcae. The dolia did not have a fixed measure, but from Columella we understand that in former times some were made very capacious, <Dolium.>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. telligimus, qui de picandis dolijs loquens, ita inquit, Sunt autem sesquiculareibus dolijs picis duræ pondo uicena= quina satis. Sesquiculare dolium Columella triginta am= phorarum dolium appellat, quam iustam mensuram & usitatam fuisse ex eius uerbis conijcere aliquis possit. Do= lia (inquit Nonius) uasa sunt grandia, quibus uinum re= conditur. Vitruuius lib. v 1. significare uidetur legitimam dolij olearij magnitudinem culearem fuisse, his uerbis, Cellarum autem magnitudines ad fructuum rationes & numerum dolioru[m] sunt faciendæ, quæ quum sint culearia, per medium occupare debent pedes quaternos. Plaut. in Pseud. Anum illam doliarem, claudam, crassam Chrysid[em]e. Ventricosa autem fuisse dolia, ex supradicto loco Vitru= uij, & ex Colume.lib.xiii.admonemur. Sic enim inquit de uasis salgamaris loquens, Hæc uasa dedita opera fieri oportet patente ore, & usq[ue] ad imum æqualia, nec in mo= dum dolioru[m] formatu, ut exemptis ad usum salgamus, quic= quid superest, æquali pondere usque ad fundum deprima= tur, quum ea res innoxia penora conseruet, ubi non inna= tent, sed semper sint iure submersa: quod in utero dolij uix fieri posset propter inæqualitate[m] figuræ. Rursus Plin. dolij magnitudinem aliam ponit libro nono de Polypo lo quens, qui in Betica captus est. Ostedere (inquit) Lucullo caput eius dolij magnitudine, amphoraru[m] quindecim ca= pax. Sed aliam intelligimus fuisse capacitate[m] dolij, alia[m] ca= pitis polypi, licet eadem moles utriusq[ue] fuerit. Vina aute[m] in dolijs inueterascere no[n] sinebant antiqui, sed in ampho= ras & cados diffundebant. Inde illud sat yrici poëtæ, Ipse capillato diffusum Consule potat. Et Horatij in Epistolis, Vina bibes iterum Tauro diffusa. id est, Q 2 Tauro

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We understand, who, speaking of the pitching of casks, says thus: “There are moreover casks of a sesquiculares size, for which twenty-five pounds of hard pitch are sufficient.” Columella calls a sesquiculare cask one of thirty amphorae, from whose words one might infer that this was a just and customary measure. “Dolia,” says Nonius, “are large vessels in which wine is stored.” Vitruvius, book V, section 1, seems to indicate that the lawful size of an oil cask was culearia, in these words: “The size of cellars must be made in proportion to the amount of produce and the number of casks; and when they are culearia, they ought to occupy four feet in breadth through the middle.” Plautus, in the Pseudolus : “That old woman of the cask, lame, fat Chrysis.” That the dolia were rounded and bulging we are informed by the above-cited passage of Vitruvius and by Columella, book XIII. For thus he says, speaking of pickling vessels: “These vessels ought purposely to be made with a wide mouth, and equal all the way down to the bottom, and not shaped in the manner of casks, so that, when we use them for pickling, whatever remains may be pressed down with equal weight to the bottom; for in this way the thing preserves the contents unharmed, when they do not float, but are always kept submerged in brine: which could hardly happen in the belly of a cask because of the inequality of its shape.” Again, Pliny sets forth another size of cask in book IX, speaking of that octopus which was caught in Baetica. “Lucullus,” he says, “displayed the head of that creature, which was capable of holding a cask containing fifteen amphorae.” But we understand that the capacity of the cask was one thing, and that of the octopus’s head another, although the bulk of each was the same. The ancients, however, did not allow wines to grow old in casks, but poured them into amphorae and cadi. Hence that saying of the satirical poet: “He himself drinks wine poured from the consulate of Capillus.” And Horace in the Epistles : “You will drink wines poured again from the Taurus.” that is, Q 2 Taurus

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Tauro iteru[m] Consule inueterari coepta. Plinius lib. XIII. Apothecas fuisse, et diffundi solita uina anno D. XXXIII. urbis apparet indubitato Opimiani uini argumento, iam intelligente suum bonum Italia. Qui hunc morem ignorat, intelligere hic nequit Senecæ dictum in quinto epist. ad Lucil. Ariston diebat malle se adolescentem tristem, quàm hilarem, & amabilem turbæ. uinum enim bonum fieri, quod recens durum & asperum uisum est: non pati ætatem, quod in dolio placuit, id est quod musteu adhuc, <Culeus.> & à lacu recens, maturum iam potui uisum est. Culeus mo dios nostros duos & semis capiebat, id est sexaginta Romanos. Magnum autem uas fuisse ex eo apparet, quòd in culeo scorteo damnati lege Pompeia cum cane & gallo & uipera insuebantur, ut apud Tranquillum & Modestinum iuris consultum legimus. Cæterum Cato cum dixit, Vinum in dolijs hoc modo uenire oportet, Vini in culeos singulos quadragenæ & singulæ urnæ dabuntur: non ad iustam mensuram respexit, sed ad morem negociatorum, qui accessionis nomine in singulos culeos singulas urnas stipulabantur. Culeos nunc sesquimodiales habemus, id est duodenum amphorarum: cuius uocabulum uulgare, ad Latinum alludit, quo genere Ligeris fluuij accolæ utuntur. Est & aliud genus culei maioris captus, quos Tonellos appellant. Columella libro decimotertio, Odores autem uino ferè apti sunt qui cum defruto coquuntur, iris, foenum Græcum, schoenum: harum rerum singulæ libræ in defrutariu[m], quod ceperit musti amphoras nonaginta, quu[m] iam deserbuerit, & expurgatum erit, tum adijci debent. Et rursus idem, Cum amphoras musti nonaginta in defrutario decoxeris, ita ut iam exiguum supersit de coctura (quod significat decoctu[m] ad tertias) tum demu[m] medicami= na adij

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G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND THE Bull, it had begun to be kept old under the consulship of Iterus. Pliny, book XIII. That cellars existed, and that wines were customarily drawn off in the year 833 from the founding of the city, is shown by the unmistakable evidence of Opimian wine, Italy already understanding its own good. Whoever does not know this custom cannot understand Seneca’s saying in the fifth letter to Lucilius. Aristo said that he preferred a sullen youth to a cheerful and sociable one among the crowd. For good wine becomes what at first seemed harsh and rough when new: it does not endure age; what pleased in the cask, that is, while still must, <Culeus> and fresh from the vat, seems mature only when ready for drinking. A culeus held our two and a half modii, that is, sixty Roman amphorae. That it was, however, a large vessel is clear from the fact that in a leather culeus, by the Pompeian law, condemned persons were sewn up with a dog, a cock, and a viper, as we read in Suetonius and in the jurist Modestinus. Besides, when Cato said, “Wine ought to be sold in jars in this manner: for each culeus of wine there shall be given forty quadrans and one urn,” he was not looking to the proper measure, but to the custom of merchants, who under the name of an extra charge demanded one urn for each culeus. We now have culei of a capacity of one and a half modii, that is, twelve amphorae; the common name alludes to the Latin usage, which the inhabitants along the River Liger use. There is also another kind of culeus of greater capacity, which they call tonellos. Columella, book thirteenth. Moreover, the scents most suitable for wine are those that are boiled with defrutum: iris, fenugreek, and schoenus; one pound of each of these substances should be added to the defrutarium, which has held ninety amphorae of must, once it has fermented and been clarified. And again the same author: “When you have boiled down ninety amphorae of must in the defrutarium, so that only a small amount remains from the cooking” (which means reduced by two-thirds), then at last the remedies should be added.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. na adijcito. Defrutarium appellat ahenum prægrande quo mustum coquitur, ad sapam aut defrutum facienda, quo modo hodie quoq[ue] fit. Nam & Cato in instrum[en]to ullici, ahenum unum x x x. culeorum enumerat, id est sexcentaru[m] amphorarum, & aliud decem culeorum, quod ducentas amphoras capit. Quare apud Catonem dolium quadragenarium, quadragenum amphorarum capax intelligo: idq[ue] ex collatione locorum licet cuiuis intelligere. Cato capite centesimo, Schoenum (inquit) & calamum in pila contundito, quod siet sextariu[m] unum: quadragenario in dolio co[n]fundito, ut odoratum siet. At uerò Columella loco supradicto libram unam dixit satis esse nonaginta amphoris musti, quæ ad tertias decoctæ, triginta fiunt amphoræ defruti. Quare quum Plinius dicit de unis quæ inueteraue= runt, Rara quippe adhuc fuere, nec nisi importatis singulis testis millia nummum: no[n] de dolijs, sed de amphoris & eadis intelligo: quippe etiam alioquin uina diffusa exportabantur, nec in dolijs diu esse sinebâtur, quæ propter magnitudinem exportari facilè non poterant, præsertim quu[m] essent fictilia. Batus & Corus Hebraica sunt uocabula, ut docet Iosepus lib. VIII. Antiquitatum. Batus capit sexta= rios septuagintaduos: Corus autem medimnos Æticos unum & quadraginta, ut ipse lib. III. inquit circa finem. Quare corus maior erat modio nostro triticario, qui centum & quadraginta quatuor modios capit Romanos. Proinde falluntur illi qui quadraginta non medimnos, sed modios capere corum scripserunt. Errorem eorum secuti, qui medimnum, modium Latinè interpretantur. Strabo de Tau= rica Cherroneso loquens, quam frumento abundasse scribit, & ob id georgiam appellatam esse, ἑνικωνα δὲ φασιν in ὑποθεσιας αθηναίοις πεμία μεικάσθες μελιμμων ολαν= Q 3 σίας καί

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. and do not add it. Defrutarium he calls the very large bronze vessel in which must is boiled, for making sapa or defrutum, as is done even today. For Cato too, in the inventory of his Ullician estate, he lists one bronze vessel of thirty culei, that is, of six hundred amphorae, and another of ten culei, which holds two hundred amphorae. Therefore, in Cato, I understand a quadragenarium dolium to mean one capable of forty amphorae; and this may be understood by anyone from a comparison of the passages. Cato, in chapter one hundred, says: “Pound down schœnum and calamus in a mortar, so that it amount to one sextarius; pour it into the forty-amphora cask, so that it may be fragrant.” But Columella, in the passage cited above, said that one libra was enough for ninety amphorae of must, which, when boiled down to two-thirds, make thirty amphorae of defrutum. Therefore when Pliny speaks of those which had grown old— for such things were indeed still rare, and only imported at the cost of many thousands of sesterces per vessel— I understand him not of casks, but of amphorae and eadae: for, as a matter of fact, wines were also exported in loose form, and were not allowed to remain long in casks, which, because of their size, could not easily be exported, especially since they were made of clay. Batus and Corus are Hebrew terms, as Josephus shows in Book VIII of the Antiquities. A Batus holds seventy-two sextarii; but a Corus holds one hundred and forty Attic medimni, as he says himself in Book III, near the end. Therefore the corus was larger than our triticum modius, which contains one hundred and forty-four Roman modii. Hence those are mistaken who have written that the corus holds forty, not medimni but modii. They followed the error of those who translate medimnus into Latin as modius. Strabo, speaking of the Tauric Chersonese, which he writes was rich in grain, and for that reason was called georgia, says ἑνικωνα δὲ φασιν in ὑποθεσιας αθηναίοις πεμία μεικάσθες μελιμμων ολαν= Q 3 σίας καί

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Leuconem (inquit) aiunt ex Theodosia ui= cies semel centena nullia medimnûm frumenti Atheniensi bus misisse. Quo loco interpres ducentas & decem my= riadas modiûm transtulit, quu[m] totidem myriadas medimnû[m] Strabo scripsisset. Hæc amplius octogintaquinq[ue] millibus modiûm nostrorum ualent. Hic licet æstimare quanta fue= rit liberalitas Hieronis Syracusanorum Regis, qui ut au= tor est Valerius lib. 1111. audita clade, qua Romani apud Trasimenum lacum afflicti erant, trecenta millia modio= rum tritici, ducenta hordei, auriq[ue] ducêta & quadraginta pondo Vrbi Romanæ muneri nusit: quod ne Romani nol lent accipere, in habitum id Victoriæ formauit, ut eos re= ligione motos, munificetia sua uti cogeret. In alijs exem= plaribus pondo ducenta quinquaginta legitur: adeò nume ri (quod sæpe testamur) in exemplaribus autorum omniu[m] corrupti sunt. Nam & apud Liuium c c c. uiginti pon= do leguntur, libro secundo de secundo bello Punico, his uerbis, Legati Syracusani in Senatum introducti nunci a= runt cædem C. Flanunij exercitusq[ue] allatam, adeo affecisse Regem Hieronem, ut nulla sui propria regniq[ue] sui clade magis moueri potuerit. Et paulò infrà, Iam omnium pri= mium ominis causa Victoriam auream pondo c c c x x. afferre sese, acciperent eam tenerentq[ue], & haberent pro= priam & perpetuam: aduexisse etiam c c c. mil. modioru[m] tritici, ducenta hordei, ne commeatus deessent, & quan= tum præterea opus esset, quò iussissent subuecturos: quæ ne accipere grauarentur, magnopere se Patres conscriptos orare. Libra auri non minus centu[m] aureis solatis æstimari potest: quare ducenta quinquaginta pondo ut minimu[m] ui= ginti quinque millibus ualuerunt. Quòd si Liuium sequi= mur, eo amplius septem millibus donum illud fuit. Trecêta autem

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G. ON THE WEIGHT AND MEASURE Leucon, they say, sent from Theodosia to the Athenians one hundred times a hundred thousand medimni of grain. In this place the interpreter rendered it as two hundred and ten myriad modii, whereas Strabo had written the same number of myriad medimni. These are worth more than eighty-five thousand of our modii. Here it is possible to estimate how great was the generosity of Hieron, king of the Syracusans, who, as Valerius is the author in book IIII, hearing of the defeat by which the Romans had been afflicted near Lake Trasimene, sent to the city of Rome as a gift three hundred thousand modii of wheat, two hundred of barley, and two hundred and forty pounds of gold; and, lest the Romans should not wish to accept it, he fashioned it in the form of Victory, so that, moved by religion, they might be compelled to make use of his bounty. In some other copies two hundred and fifty pounds is read: so greatly, as we often testify, are the numbers in the manuscripts of all authors corrupted. For in Livy too are read three hundred and twenty pounds, in the second book on the Second Punic War, in these words: “The Syracusan envoys, brought before the Senate, announced the slaughter of C. Flaminius and of his army, which so affected King Hieron that he could not have been moved more by any calamity of his own or of his kingdom.” And a little below: “Now, first of all, as an omen, he wished to bring a golden Victory weighing three hundred and twenty pounds; let them accept it and keep it, and have it as their own and perpetual possession; he had also brought three hundred thousand modii of wheat and two hundred of barley, so that supplies should not fail, and as much more as should be needed he would have conveyed to the place to which they should order it sent: for which reason he earnestly begged the Fathers to be unwilling to refuse to accept it.” A pound of gold may be reckoned at no less than one hundred aurei; therefore two hundred and fifty pounds was worth at least twenty-five thousand. But if we follow Livy, that gift was greater by seven thousand. Three hundred then

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 615 autem millia modiorum tritici, duo millia modiûm nostro= rum & paulo minus centum ualent, etiam ut modios Ita= licos non Siculos intelligamus, quorum differentiam an= tea adnotauimus. Hæc, si æstimationem Ciceronianam sequamur, ut minimum decies sestertium ualuerunt, & quinq; & uiginti millibus auri taxabuntur. Ducenta mul= lia hordei quanti ualuerint, ex tritico æstimari potest. Hæc igitur liberalitas non tam magnifica quàm munifica fuit: ex animo donantis æstimabilis magis quàm ab opi= bus. Quatarium apud Catonem sic congij quartam partê <Quartarius.> significare existimo, ut tertiarium tertiam, & sextarium sextam. Amurca (inquit ille) in uas ænecum indito congios duos: postea igne leui coquito, rudicula agitato crebrò, usqueadeo dum fiat tam crassum quàm mel. Postea sumito bituminis tertiarium, & sulphuris quartarium, conterito in mortario per se utrunq;. Columella libro XIII. In se= xtarios duodequinquaginta fermēti libram, fici aridæ pō= do quadrantem, salis sextarium, hæc subterito, & subtrita cum quartario mellis aceto diluito. Quartarium in mensu= ra pro quadrante congij intelligo, ut in pondere pro qua= drante libræ. Nos brochum appellamus sesquisextarium <Brochus.> Parisinu[m], qua mēsura dimidio maior est urna, id est, hemio lia est urna brochi. Nam sedecim urnæ modium nostrum faciunt, id est quatuor & uiginti brochos. Vrna, ut dixi= <Mensuræ Pa- risinæ antiqua uocabula reti- neut.> mus, etia hemiamphoriu[m] seu semiaphora dicitur. Illud ad= mirari subit, quonâ modo modulos antiquos urbs nostra seruare potuerit etiam Græcos: quod ne magnopere mi= rer, facit quod etiam uerba ipsa Græca lingua ipsa uerna cula tot seculis sæpius immutata retinet. Iamprimùm me= <Medimnus, minna apud Gallos.> dimnum uocabulum lingua uernacula incolume penè ser= uat, secunda tantum et tertia litera intertritis minna uo= Q 4 cans,

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 615 however, five thousand modii of wheat, two thousand modii of ours, and a little less than one hundred are worth, even if we understand Italian modii, not Sicilian, the difference of which we noted earlier. These, if we follow Cicero’s valuation, were worth at the very least ten times a hundred thousand sesterces, and will be assessed at twenty-five thousand gold pieces. What value two hundred thousand measures of barley had can be estimated from the wheat. This liberality, then, was not so much magnificent as bountiful: to be judged more from the giver’s intention than from his means. I think that quartarium in Cato means the fourth part of a congium, just as tertiarium means the third, and sextarium the sixth. “Put,” says he, “two congii of amurca into a bronze vessel; then cook it over a gentle fire, stirring frequently with a ladle, until it becomes as thick as honey. Afterwards take one-third of a bitumen, and one-quarter of sulfur, and grind each separately in a mortar.” Columella, book XIII: “In fifty-eight sextarii, one pound of fermented dough, a quarter of a pound of dried figs, a sextarius of salt; pound these together, and dilute the pounded mixture with a quarter of a quartarium of honey and vinegar.” I understand quartarium, in measure, as a quarter of a congium, as in weight a quarter of a pound. We call brochus the Parisian sesquisextarium [Brochus.], which measure is half again as large as an urna, that is, a brocha is one and a half urnae. For sixteen urnae make up our modius, that is, twenty-four brochi. An urna, as we have said, is also called hemiamphorium or semiaphora. It is astonishing to wonder by what means our city may have preserved the ancient measures, even the Greek ones: and I am less surprised at this, because the vernacular language itself, though altered so often through so many centuries, still retains many Greek words. To begin with, the word medimnum is preserved almost intact in the vernacular tongue; only the second and third letters being worn away, it is called minna among the Gauls [Medimnus, minna apud Gallos.], Q 4 cans,

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET cans, quasiq[ue] per syncopen proferes: huius dimidiu[m], id est ternos modios Romanos, diminutiuè idiomate nostro formans. Modius autem Gallicum uocabulu[m] est et aridorum et liquidorum mensuræ: non modum priscum, sed uarium pro locorum uarietate obtinens. In alijs uasis nostris et conditorijs et modularijs etiam et yma Græca agnosco. Prima mensurarum nostraru[m] deorsum auspicando, cheo= pina à nobis dicitur, ex eo (ut arbitror) dicta, quòd in ea tantum funditur uel hauritur uini, quantu[m] homo sit ibudus uno haustu absumere possit. Hæc duplex, pintam efficit, ex eo uocabulo detortam, quod Græci pitynam appellat, uas quoddam uinariu[m] significantes. Ex pityna enim per syn= copen pitna, deinde transpositione pinta dicta. Pino enim Græce bibo significat. Minima mensura hemixestes à no= bis dicitur: quod merè et integrè Græcum est, hoc est di= midiatus xestes. Est enim xestes hemina, ut superius dixi= mus. His quæ demonstraui, hoc corollarium addam, huius urbis homines non modò Romanas Atticasq[ue]; mēsuras usu linguaq[ue]; pertinacibus ad hoc æui conseruasse, sed etia[m] So lonis drachma et mensuris ab eo legislatore emodulatis eos uti hodie: id quod ex oratione Andocidis oratoris At= tici probare facile est, quæ ποδί μυσηγιων inscribitur. De statu enim Atheniensiu[m] loquens post euersam triginta ty= rannorum oligarchiam, propter quam populus in Pyreu[m] secesserat, p[er]sephismaq[ue]; id est plebiscitu[m] quoddâ referes ob componendâ populi discordia[m] promulgatum, ita inquit, Τισάμωνος ἔυπε, ἐδδε ὑλῶ ὑμων ὑπολιτοθεατὴ αθηναίνις ἀγατὴ πα πάπια, νόμοις δὲ χρήσται τοῖς σόλωνος, ἐν[ì] μετροις ἐν[ì] σαθμοῖς: χρή= σται δὲ ἐν[ì] τοῖς αφανλες θεσμοῖς, στῶν ἐκρώμεθα ἐν[ì] ὑμ= προσθεν χρόνω. id est, Tisamenus tulit, populusq[ue]; sciuit, ut Athenienses regerentur institutis patrijs, legibusq[ue]; ute= rentur

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of the ass and of the canes, as it were, and you pronounce it by syncope: its half, that is, three Roman modii, forming it in our diminutive idiom. But modius is a Gallic word, and the measure both of dry and liquid things: not a fixed ancient measure, but a variable one, prevailing according to local variety. In our other vessels, both for storing and for measuring, I also recognize the Greek ymia . Beginning downward with the first of our measures, what is called by us the cheopina is, I think, so named because into it is poured or drawn only as much wine as a man, if thirsty, can drink at one draught. This is double, and makes a pint, a term turned from the word which the Greeks call pityna , signifying some kind of wine vessel. For from pityna , by syncope, comes pitna , and then by transposition pinta . For in Greek pino means “I drink.” The smallest measure is called by us the hemixestes : this is purely and fully Greek, that is, a half xestes . For the xestes is a hemina , as I said above. To what I have shown, I will add this corollary: the men of this city have not only preserved, in usage and language, the Roman and Attic measures to this day, but also still use Solon’s drachma and the measures set out by that lawgiver; this is easy to prove from a speech of the Attic orator Andocides, which is entitled Περὶ μυστηρίων . For, speaking about the condition of the Athenians after the overthrow of the oligarchy of the Thirty Tyrants, on account of which the people had withdrawn to Piraeus, and after a decree—that is, a certain plebiscite—had been promulgated to settle the people’s discord, he says thus: “Tisamenus proposed, and the people decreed, that the Athenians should be governed by their ancestral institutions and use the laws of Solon, in measures and in weights; and that they should use them also in the unwritten ordinances, as we have done in former times.”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ut modicè mala comprimant, nec patiantur ea quu[m] accepe rint liquoru[m], subleuari: tum quamoptimo melle uas replea[n] tur, et reliqua. < Plinij locus.> Plin. lib. undecimo, Summum gulæ fauces uocantur, postremum stomachus. hoc nomine est sub arte= ria iam carnosa inanitas adnexa spinæ, ad latitudinem ac longitudinem lagenæ modo fusa. Idem lib. XXVIII. Au= rium grauitati prodest urina capri uel tauri, aut fullonia uetus calfacta, uapore per lagenæ collum subeunte. In su= periore tame[n] exemplo, antiqua quæ uidi exemplaria, non lagenæ modo, sed lacunæ habent, uel laciniæ potius, hoc est flexuræ sinuosæ. Nec mihi lagenæ formam stomachus habere uidetur, qui confectionibus faciendis aliquando in tersui, et stomachum cum uentriculo spiritu distentu[m] ui= di: potiusq; cucurbitæ formam leniter inflexæ, et ab sum= mo imoq; tubulatæ habere existimarim: nolim tamen hoc in loco periclitari ut aliquid de hoc statuam. De stomacho < Stomach pro priè dictus.> propriè accepto Aristoteles libro primo de historia ani= malium ita inquit, telos tæ [n]o[n] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [sulphur] [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] 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[sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] 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[mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulph

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET so that they moderately suppress the bad, and do not allow them, once they have received the liquid, to be raised up; then let the vessel be filled with the best honey, and the rest. < Passage of Pliny.> Pliny, book eleven: the top of the throat is called the gullet; the last part, the stomach. By this name is meant, beneath the artery, a fleshy cavity attached to the spine, spread out in the manner of a flask in width and length. The same, book XXVIII: for heaviness of the ears, goat’s or bull’s urine is beneficial, or old fullers’ wares heated, with the vapor passing up through the neck of a flask. In the preceding example, however, the ancient copies I have seen have not “flask,” but rather “lacunæ,” or rather “laciæ,” that is, sinuous bends. Nor does the stomach seem to me to have the form of a flask, which, in making confections, I have at times inspected, and I have seen the stomach distended with air together with the belly; rather would I think it has the form of a slightly curved cupping-glass, and tubed from top to bottom: yet I would not wish, in this place, to hazard setting down anything definite about this. On the stomach < Stomach properly so called.> properly understood, Aristotle in the first book of the history of animals says thus: telos tæ [n]o[n] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [sulphur] [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulph]

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET lam legimus. Hæc habuimus de mensuris quæ diceremus. Apocal. locus. Sed obiter uidendum quid sit quod Apocalypseos sexto capite in descriptione tertij sigilli legitur, Bilibris tritici denario uno, & tres bilibres hordei denario uno. hoc quu[m] ego mirarer, Græcè sic reperi scriptum, , id est, Choenix frumenti de= nario, & tres choenices hordei denario. ac si diceret. quan tum quis die uno frumenti absumere potest, denario uno uenditur. Interpres choenicem tritici duas libras pendere existimauit, & ideo bilibrem transtulit. In quo uerbo ex= ponendo Liranus somnia narrare mihi uidetur. Inter scho lia autem quæ in eum librum edita sunt, legimus choenicè duos sextarios Romanos significare: quod quum sit ueru[m], non bilibris tritici, sed trilibris uerti debuit, si sic loqui necesse fuisset. tantum enim pendet sextarius tritici Roma ni, quum modius teste Plinio quatuor & uiginti pondo pendeat. Græcè tamè non tritici, sed frumèti legitur: quod quum sit nomen generis, libralis sextarius esse potuit, si le uissimum genus frumenti appenderetur, ut hordeum. Verumenimuero ut unde exorsa est hæc commentatio, eò tandem cludatur: triens, quadrans, & alia nomina ab asse & uncia deriuata, non modò pondera, sed etia[m] mensu ras infra sextarium, nummorumq[ue] uocabula significarunt. Nummoru[m] si- Quare quum de mensuris dictum sit, restat ut de nummo= gnificatio. rum significatione exempla citentur. Plin. lib. xxxiii. Quadrans & Nota æris fuit ex altera parte Ianus geminus, ex altera ro Triens. strum nauis: in triente uerò & quadrante rates. Hic quæ= drans, teruncius aliter dicitur: de quo satis diximus. Erat Teruncius. enim assis & libellæ quartarius: deni autem quadrates se= Sestertius. stertium ualebant, & quaterni sestertij denariu[m]. Ita fit ut Sportula, id pro sportula deni sestertij daretur: quos denis caroleis & est centu[m] qua- semisse drantes.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. OF THE ASS AND THE have read. These are the things we have had to say about measures. Apoc. passage. But let us note in passing what it is that is read in the sixth chapter of the Apocalypse, in the description of the third seal: “A bilibra of wheat for one denarius, and three bilibrae of barley for one denarius.” This, when I wondered at it, I found written in Greek as follows: that is, “A choenix of wheat for a denarius, and three choenixes of barley for a denarius,” as if he were saying that as much wheat as one can use up in a single day is sold for one denarius. The translator thought that a choenix of wheat weighed two pounds, and therefore rendered it as bilibra. In explaining that word, Liranus seems to me to be telling dreams. Among the scholia, however, which were published on that book, we read that choenix means two Roman sextarii: which, if true, ought not to have been translated as “a bilibra of wheat,” but as “a trilibra,” if it had to be expressed so. For so much does a Roman sextarius of wheat weigh, since a modius, according to Pliny, weighs twenty-four pounds. Yet in Greek it is read not “of wheat,” but “of grain”; and since that is a generic name, it could have been a libral sextarius if the lightest kind of grain were being weighed, such as barley. But in truth, so that to where this commentary began it may finally be brought to a close: triens, quadrans, and the other names derived from the as and the uncia signified not only weights, but also measures below the sextarius, and likewise the names of coins. Meaning of coins. Therefore, since something has been said about measures, it remains that examples be cited concerning the meaning of coins. Pliny, book xxxiii. Quadrans and The mark of bronze money was on one side the two-faced Janus, on the other the Triens. prow of a ship; but on the triens and the quadrans there were rafts. This quadrans is otherwise called teruncius: about which we have said enough. Teruncius. For it was a quarter of an as and of a libella: but ten quadrantes made a sestertius, Sestertius. and four sestertii a denarius. Thus it comes about that Sportula, ten sestertii were given for the sportula: which is is one hundred qua- ten carolei and a half drantes.

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Transcription: ATR-1

se misse æstimandos esse dico. Caroleos nostri denarios, quasi dextantes aliquando uocitarunt: ita ut assem, nostru[m] solidum esse existimemus, duodenos denariolos ualentem. tanti est illa sportula à Iuuenale Martialeq[ue] decatata, quæ merces salutationu[m] erat olim, & togatis, id est comitibus & asseclis, dabatur rectæ coenæ loco: de qua Iuuenalis, - Nunc sportula primo Limine parua sedet turbæ rapienda togatæ. Sed quum summus honos finito computet anno Sportula quid referat, quantum rationibus addat, Quid faciet comites, quibus hinc toga, calceus hinc est? Martialis identidem centum quadrantes uocat, misellos appellans ob tenuitatem pecuniæ, præsertim Romæ, ubi omnia cara erant, ut ex præcedentibus liquet. Columella hoc strinxit in præfatione rei Rusticæ his uerbis, An honestius dixerim mercenarij salutatoris mendacissimum aucupium, circumuolitantis limina potentiorum, somniumq[ue] regis sui rumoribus augurantis? Ex hoc tamen conijcere opes diuitum Romanoru[m] licet, qui numerosæ turbæ quotidiamam hanc mercedem darent. Tranquillus de initio principatus Neronis loquens, Adhibitus sumptibus modus, publicæ coenæ ad sportulas redactæ. Augusti autem < Coena recta.> instituto diuites coenam rectam dabant, quæ maioris erat & liberalitatis, & impensæ: propter quod Martialis, Promissa est, inquit, nobis sportula, recta data est. Sportulam enim præ recta co[n]temnendam arbitrabantur. Idem Tranquillus in Domitiano, Sportulas publicas sustulit, reuocata coenarum rectarum co[n]suetudine. Hactenus de sportula. Sextans numulus erat quadrante minor, duas < Sextans.> uncias ualens. Plinius libro supradicto, Populus Rom. stipem spargere coepit L. Posthumio, Qu. Martio Consuli= bus:

Transcription: Translated (English)

I say that they should be estimated in this way. Our Carolian denarii they once called quasi-dexantes: so that we may regard our as, our solidus, as worth twelve small denarii. Such is that sportula celebrated by Juvenal and Martial, which was once the reward for salutations, and was given to togati, that is, companions and attendants, in place of a proper dinner: concerning which Juvenal says, - Now the sportula at the first Threshold sits small, to be seized by the togated crowd. But when, at the end of the year, the highest rank reckons what the sportula brings in, how much it adds to the accounts, What will he do with his companions, for whom here there is a toga, there a shoe? Martial repeatedly calls them one hundred quadrantes, calling them wretched because of their scanty money, especially at Rome, where everything was dear, as is clear from what precedes. Columella touched on this in the preface to the work on agriculture with these words: Or shall I more honestly call it the most deceitful snare of a hired salutation-broker, fluttering about the thresholds of the powerful, and foretelling the dreams of his master by rumors? From this, however, one may infer the wealth of the Roman rich, who gave this daily reward to a numerous crowd. Suetonius, speaking of the beginning of Nero’s principate, says: A limit was put on expenses; public dinners were reduced to sportulae. But under Augustus, according to the institution of the “proper dinner,” the rich gave a proper dinner, which was greater both in liberality and in expense; for this reason Martial says, The sportula was promised to us; instead, the proper dinner was given. For they regarded the sportula as something to be despised in comparison with the proper dinner. The same Suetonius, in Domitian, says: He abolished the public sportulae, restoring the custom of proper dinners. So much for the sportula. A sextans was a coin smaller than a quadrans, worth two unciae. Pliny, in the aforementioned book, says: The Roman people began to scatter a contribution under the consulship of L. Postumius and Q. Martius.

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET bus: tanta pecunia erat, ut eam conferret L. Scipioni, ex qua is ludos fecit. Nam quòd Agrippæ Menenio sextantes æris in junus contulit, honoris id necessitatisq[ue] propter paupertatem Agrippæ, non largitionis esse dixerim. Vniciaria stips apud eundem lib. xxxiii. cap. v. dimidio < Ratio rei num mariæ apud Græcos. Obolus.> minor est sextantaria, par ferme obolo nostro. Apud Græcos hæc ratio n[ost]r[um]ulariæ rei fuit, ut obulus Atticus octonos chalcos ualeret, licet Plinius denos dicat libro x x 1. Bini autem chalci, id est æreoli, quadrantem efficerent, quod ab eis tetartemorium dicitur, et per syncopen tetartemorum: ob id alio nomine dichalchum uocitatu[m]. Chalci autem quaterni hemiobolium, id est semiobolus dicebatur: < Dichalchum. Chalcus.> seni chalci triens, immutata ratione sermonis. non enim triens dicebatur tertia pars oboli, ut tetartemorium quarta, sed quòd tres essent partes oboli, id est dodrans. ita fit ut triens maior senusse, id est semiobolo fuerit. Semissem nunc non assis nostri, sed oboli intelligi uolo. Polybius suo tempore ita rem nummulariam constitutam fuisse dicit in 1 1. histor. ut x 1 1. asses Romani drachmam efficerent, cum binos asses obolo tribuat. 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Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET bus: there was so much money that he contributed it to L. Scipio, from which he gave games. For when he contributed a sextans of bronze to Agrippa Menenius, I would say that this was done out of honor and necessity because of Agrippa’s poverty, not as largesse. A single coin with the same value lib. xxxiii. cap. v. dimidio < Ratio rei nummariae apud Graecos. Obolus.> is smaller than the sextans, almost equal to our obolus. Among the Greeks this ratio of our money was such that the Attic obolus was worth eight chalkoi, although Pliny says ten in book xxi. But two chalkoi, that is, small bronze pieces, made a quadrant, which by them is called tetartemorion, and by syncope tetartemorum: for this reason it was also called by another name dichalkum. Four chalkoi, however, were a hemiobolium, that is, a half-obolus: < Dichalkum. Chalcus.> six chalkoi a triens, with the expression unchanged. For it was not called a triens as the third part of an obolus, just as the tetartemorium is the fourth, but because there were three parts of the obolus, that is, a dodrans. Thus it follows that the triens was greater than the semis, that is, the half-obolus. By semissis I now wish to understand not our as, but the obolus. Polybius says that in his own time the money system had been arranged in book 1 of the Histories so that ten Roman asses made a drachma, since he assigns two asses to the obolus. For thus he writes, [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n]

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Transcription: ATR-1

nulo, Seruoru[m] sordiduloru[m] scorta diobolaria. Festus mere= trices diobolares appellatas ex eo dicit, quòd duobus obo lis ducerentur. Diobolaria ergo scorta dixit tanti prostan tia, quanti solidus noster est & sextans. Solidus noster (ut sæpe dixi) notus etiam est Transalpinis, & externis fini= timis. Quum autem hæc scriberè, ducatus unus probi cha= racteris quadraginta solidis nostris permutabatur. Cæte= rum nos oboli uocabulum à Græcis mutuati sumus. Ro= mani enim eo non utebantur. Quòd autem rectè hos num= mulos æstimarim, his exemplis cognoscitur. Prostibula e= nim scorta, & in lupanari prostantia, sermone uulgari so lidum unum merere dictitantur, quod conuenit cum dio= bolo. Bos etiam olim numisma erat Atticum, bouis nota percussum, didrachmum alio nomine dictum. Quare heca= tomboeum dictum quicquid duabus minis Atticis æstima= bile esset, id est ducentis drachmis. Inde hecatomboea ar= ma apud Homerum Iliados sexto, ut quidam uolunt, ubi Homerus permutationem armorum Diomedis & Glauci scripsit, cuius meminit Iustinianus in præfatione Pædecta rum, & nos explicuimus in Annotationibus nostris. Ab eo nomismate notum est apud Græcos adagium, ἡσ ἰκι ἐλωτις ἔθηκεν, Bos super linguam situs est uel firmatus: contra eos usurpatum, qui aut pecuniæ autoramento lo= quendi libertatem perdiderunt, aut mulctæ arrogandæ metu quæ dicenda sunt reticent. Huiusmodi multi in Francia, ut alibi, sæpe fuerunt: quod genus hominum cum semper noxium rebus bene gerendis fuit, tum uerò illi deterrimi atque exitiabiles, qui non bouem modò in ore, sed ouem in fronte, uulpem in corde gerunt. Sed ad hunc locum pertinere uideretur id quod ab Aulo Gel= lio dicitur libro undecimo Noctium Attic. Coniectare autem

Transcription: Translated (English)

nulo, the seruoru[m] of sordid sort, harlot of the devilish kind. Festus says that meretrices were called diobolares because they were hired for two obols. Thus he called diobolarian harlots those whose price was as much as our solidus and sextans. Our solidus (as I have often said) is also known to the people beyond the Alps and to neighboring foreigners. And when I was writing this, one ducat of a good standard was being exchanged for forty of our solidi. But we have borrowed the word obolus from the Greeks. For the Romans did not use it. That I have rightly valued these small coins may be seen from these examples. For prostitutes, harlots, and those standing in the brothel are said in common speech to earn one solidus, which agrees with the diobolus. A ox also was once an Attic coin, struck with the mark of an ox, and called by another name a didrachm. Therefore whatever was worth two Attic minas, that is two hundred drachmas, was called hecatomboeum. Hence the hecatomboean arms in Homer’s Iliad book six, as some wish, where Homer wrote of the exchange of arms between Diomedes and Glaucus, which Justinian mentions in the preface to the Pandects, and which we explained in our Annotations. From that coin among the Greeks the proverb is known: ἡσ ἰκι ἐλωτις ἔθηκεν, “the ox has been set upon the tongue” or “has been fixed there”: used against those who, either for the reward of money, have lost the freedom of speech, or, for fear of incurring a fine, keep silent about what should be said. Many such men have often been in France, as elsewhere: a kind of people who have always been harmful to the conduct of affairs, but especially those most detestable and ruinous ones who carry not only an ox in their mouth, but a sheep on their forehead and a fox in their heart. But it would seem to belong to this passage what Aulus Gellius says in book eleven of the Attic Nights. To conjecture however

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 625 autè, inquit, ob eandè causam possumus quòd Italia olim esset armentosissima, mulctamq[ue]; quæ appellatur suprema, institutum in singulos dies duarum ouium, triginta boum, pro copia scilicet boum, pro'que ouium penuria. Sed quî eiusmodi mulcta pecoris armentiq[ue]; à magistratibus dicta erat, adigebâtur oves bouesq[ue]; alias precij parui, aliàs ma ioris: eâ que res faciebat inæqualem mulctæ punitionem. Idcirco postea lege Aterina constituti sunt in oves singulas æris deni, in boues æris centeni. Minima autem mulcta est ovis unius. Suprema mulcta est eius numeri quem diximus: ultra quam mulctam dicere in dies singulos ius non est, & propterea suprema appellatur, id est summa & maxima. Quando igitur nunc quoque à magistratibus populi Romani more maiorum mulcta dicitur uel minima, uel suprema, obseruari solet ut oves genere uirili appellêtur: atque ita M. Varro uerba hæc legitima, quibus minima mulcta diceretur, concepit, M. Terentio, quando citatus neque respondit, neque excusatus est, ego ei unum ouem mulctam dico. Ac nisi co genere diceretur, negauerunt iustam uideri mulctam. Festus, Peculatus, id est furtum publicum, dici coepit à pecore, tunc quum Romani præter pecudes nihil haberent. Plinius libro tricesimotertio, Vtinam posset è uita in totum abdicari aurum, sacra fames, ut celeberrimi autores dixere, proscissum conuitijs ab optimis quibus'que, & ad perniciem uitæ reperitum. quantum feliciore æuo, quum res ipsæ permutabantur inter se, sicut & Troianis temporibus factitatum Homero credi conuenit: quanquam & ipse miratus aurum, existimationes rerum ita fecit, ut centum boum arma aurea permutasse Glaucum diceret cum Diomedis armis nouem boum, ex qua consuetudine mulcta legum anti- De modo mul clarum, R quar

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 625 or, he says, for the same reason we may infer that Italy was once very rich in cattle, and that the fine called the suprema was established at two sheep and thirty oxen per day, namely according to the abundance of oxen and the scarcity of sheep. But because such a fine for livestock and herds had been fixed by the magistrates, sheep and oxen were assessed at different prices, sometimes at a lower, sometimes at a higher one; and this made the punishment of the fine unequal. Therefore later, by the Aterian law, the amount was fixed at ten asses for each sheep, and one hundred asses for each ox. The smallest fine, however, is that of one sheep. The highest fine is the amount we have mentioned; beyond that fine there is no legal right to exact more in any one day, and therefore it is called the suprema , that is, the highest and greatest. Whenever therefore even now the magistrates of the Roman people, according to ancestral custom, impose a fine, whether a minimum or a supreme one, it is customary that sheep be named in the masculine gender; and thus M. Varro formulated these lawful words by which a minimum fine was imposed: “To M. Terentius, since he has been summoned and has neither answered nor excused himself, I fine one sheep.” And unless it were stated in this way, they denied that the fine seemed valid. Festus says that peculatus , that is, public theft, began to be called from pecus , herd, at the time when the Romans had nothing except livestock. Pliny, in the thirty-third book, says: “Would that gold could altogether be banished from life, that accursed hunger, as the most renowned authors have said, denounced by the best men and devised for the ruin of life.” How much happier was that earlier age, when things themselves were exchanged for one another, as we must believe was also practiced in the times of Troy, according to Homer; though he too, admiring gold, so ranked the values of things that he said Glaucus exchanged his golden armor worth one hundred oxen for the arms of Diomedes worth nine oxen; from which custom the fine of the ancient laws ... On the manner of the fine, clear, R quar

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quarum pecore constat etiam Romæ. Plinij uerba, Gellij autoritate, qui sub Adriano Imperatore scripsit, ita inter= pretanda sunt, ut mulcta Romæ pecore costaret uerbo te= nus. nam minima mulcta in singulos dies erat ouis unius æstimatio prisca, id est denarius unus, seu asses deni: summæ autem mulcta, triginta boum & duarum ouium æstima= tio, id est tria nulla & uiginti æris, id est trecetæ & duæ drachmæ. Hoc consentaneum esse uidetur cum eo quod di citur in lege ultima de modo mulctarum in Codice Iusti= niani. Illa enim lege omnes iudices infra proconsularem potestatem ultra quadrantem auri mulctare quæquam uc= tantur. Libram auri obryzi diximus centum & duodecim solatis aureis æstimandam esse. Huius quadrans paulo mi= nus triginta aureis coronatis ualet, id est argenti drachmis trecentis. Proconsulare autem imperium summam mul= etam non ultra auri semissem dicere poterat, id est aureos sexaginta, ubi mulcta à lege non erat æstimata. Hactenus coërcita erat omnis potestas pro contumacia quidem pu= nienda, aut leui admusso, cuius poena erat arbitraria. Nam delicta priuata, ut concussio, & furtum, ulterius mulctari poterant, cum etiam publicatione partis bonorum & ul= trà quædam leges sanctæ sint. Hodie apparitores & uia= tores, qui uel interdicto uel iussu iudicum aliquid uel iu= bent fieri, uel uetant, ferè centum librarum argenti mul= etam interminari solent, si quid contra iussum edictum ue factum aut admissum fuerit. Quod temere, ut opinor, in usum receptum est. Eodem titulo permissa erat potestas præfecto prætorio usq; ad quinquagenas libras auri pro summo maleficio mulctandi: quod non tam ad dignitatem præfecturæ, quàm ad flagitij atrocitatem refero: si tamen quinquaginta libras auri pòderalis intelligere debeamus, quum

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON THE AS AND of which even in Rome the penalty consisted in cattle. The words of Pliny, by the authority of Gellius, who wrote under the Emperor Hadrian, are thus to be interpreted, namely, that at Rome the fine consisted in cattle, only in words. For the smallest fine per day was the ancient valuation of one sheep, that is, one denarius, or ten asses; but the greatest fine was the valuation of thirty oxen and two sheep, that is, three hundred and twenty asses, that is, three hundred and two drachmas. This seems to agree with what is said in the final law on the measure of fines in the Code of Justinian. For by that law all judges below proconsular authority are warned not to fine anyone beyond a quarter of a pound of gold. We have said that a pound of refined gold is to be valued at one hundred and twelve solidi of gold. A quarter of this is a little less than thirty crowned gold pieces, that is, three hundred drachmas of silver. But proconsular authority could impose a maximum fine of no more than half a pound of gold, that is, sixty gold pieces, where the fine was not assessed by law. Up to this point all power had been restrained for the punishment of contumacy indeed, or a slight offense, whose penalty was arbitrary. For private offenses, such as extortion and theft, could be fined further, since even confiscation of part of the property and certain laws beyond this are in force. Today, attendants and messengers, who either by injunction or by order of judges command or forbid something to be done, are accustomed to threaten a fine of nearly one hundred pounds of silver if anything has been done or committed contrary to the command or edict. This, I think, has been admitted into use rashly. Under the same title, authority was granted to the prefect of the praetorium to fine up to fifty pounds of gold for the gravest crime; I refer this not so much to the dignity of the prefecture as to the atrocity of the offense: if indeed we ought to understand fifty pounds of ponderous gold, when

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. quum Proconsul qui intra semissem arctatur, omne imperium habuerit, ut ex titulo de officio Proconsulis intelligimus, & præterea ex principu[m] Romanorum consuetudine. Moris enim fuit principibus Romanis & Cæsaribus, ut accepta statim purpura, Tribunitiam potestate et Proconsulare imperium extra urbem assumerent inter alia < Tribunitia potestas et proco[n]sulare imperium.> Cæsareæ dignitatis uel principatus insignia. Tacitus libro duodecimo, Virilis toga Neroni maturata, quò capes sendæ Reipublicæ habilis haberetur: & Cæsar adulationibus Senatus liberius cessit, ut uicesimo ætatis anno Consulatum Nero iniret, atque interim designatus Proconsulare imperium extra urbem haberet, ac princeps iuuentutis appellaretur. Apud eundem libro decimotertio, Agrippina contra Neronem filium excandescens, & exprobras quòd matris beneficio, id est suo, Nero ad imperiu[m] assu[n]ptus esset, Baiaru[m], inquit, suarum piscinas extollebat, quu[m] meis consilijs adoptio, & Proconsulare ius, & designatio Consulatus, & cætera adipiscendo imperio præpararentur. Lampridius, Interfecto, inquit, Vario Heliogabalo Alexander urbe Arcena genitus, Varij filius, consobrinus ipsius Heliogabali accepit imperium, quum antè Cæsar à Senatu esset appellatus, interfecto scilicet Macrino: augustumq[ue] nomen idem recepit, addito etiam ut & patris patriæ nomen, & ius Proconsulare, & Tribunitiam potestate[m], & ius quintæ relationis, deferente Senatu, uno die assumeret. Capitolinus de Maximo & Balbino, Decretis ergo omnibus imperatorijs honoribus atque insignibus, percepta Tribunitia potestate, iure Proconsulari, pontificatu maximo, patris & patriæ nomine meruerunt imperium. Et in M. Philosopho, Suscepta filia, Tribunitia potestate donatus est, atque imperio extra urbem Procon- sula R 2

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PARTIB. HIS LIB. V. since the Proconsul, who is confined within half a year, had full power, as we understand from the title on the office of the Proconsul, and moreover from the custom of the Roman princes. For it was the practice of the Roman princes and Caesars, as soon as they had received the purple, to assume outside the city the Tribunician power and Proconsular authority, among other insignia of Caesarial dignity or of principate: the Tribunician power and Proconsular authority. Tacitus, book twelve: “The manly toga was hastened for Nero, so that he might be fit for the duties of the Republic”; and Caesar yielded more freely to the flatteries of the Senate, so that in Nero’s twentieth year he entered upon the consulship, and meanwhile, as designated, he held Proconsular authority outside the city, and was called prince of youth. In the same writer, book thirteen, Agrippina, breaking out against her son Nero, and reproaching him that by his mother’s favor, that is, by hers, Nero had been raised to power, said: “He was lifting the pools of his own Baiæ”; when by my counsels adoption, and the Proconsular right, and the designation of the consulship, and the rest were being prepared for the acquisition of power. Lampridius: “After Varius Heliogabalus had been killed, Alexander, born in the city of Arcena, son of Varius, cousin of Heliogabalus himself, received the empire, after he had previously been called Caesar by the Senate, namely after Macrinus had been killed; and he received the name Augustus also, with this added, that on the same day he should assume both the name of father of his country, and the Proconsular right, and the Tribunician power, and the right of the fifth report, as the Senate conferred them.” Capitolinus, on Maximus and Balbinus: “Therefore, when all imperial honors and insignia had been decreed to them, they obtained the empire by receiving the Tribunician power, the Proconsular right, the office of pontifex maximus, and the name of father and country.” And in the Philosopher M.: “His daughter having been received, he was endowed with the Tribunician power, and with Proconsular authority outside the city.” R 2

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Ius prætoriu[m], et potestas præ toria. sulari. Præsides autem prouinciarum, ius tantum prætoriu[m] habebant, quod inferioris erat imperij quàm Proconsulare. Vopiscus in Probo, Accepto igitur hoc Senatus consul to, secundum orationem permisit patribus, ut ex magno= rum iudicum appellationibus ipsi cognoscerent, Procon= sules crearent, Legatos Consulibus, ius prætorium Præ= sidibus darent: quas leges Probus ederet, Senatus consultis proprijs consecrarent. Ex quibus uerbis intelligere possu mus Præsidibus prouinciarum dari solitam à principibus Prætoriam potestatem, et quibusdam rectoribus Procon sularem, quod ius Probus Imperator ad Senatum detulit: cuius hodie instar est, quòd curia suprema præsides pro= uinciarum et præfectos ad iusiurandum adigit, et prin= cipum constitutiones prius animaduersas et consideratas promulgandi ius habet. Mirum uerò mihi uisum est in no nusmatibus antiquis inter titulos imperatorios hoc non le gi. Contrà id quod diximus de mulcta maxima apud pri= scos exemplum apud eundem Gellium libro nono, ubi de Appij Cæci filia loquitur, quæ ob unum improbum uerbu[m] ab Aedilibus mulctata est. Ob hæc mulieris, inquit, uerba tam improba, ac tam inciuilia, Aediles plebeij mulctam di= xerunt ei æris grauis x x v. millia. id factum bello Punico De modo mul ctarum. primo. Vigintiquinque millia æris, ducentorum et quin= quaginta boum mulctam æquarunt, id est totidem aureo= rum nostrorum. Quare (ut dixi) superius dicta, non de mulcta maleficiorum et criminu[m], sed de mulcta contumac[i]æ intelligenda sunt. Nam apud Athenienses, qui iure eo regebantur à quo iura Romana originem primam ducu[n]t, magnas fuisse maleficiorum mulctas ex Demosthene appa ret, qui in oratione ἀποκλησιλικα, qua[m] cõtra Midia[m] habuit hominem prædiuitem, quodam loco ita inquit ἐμιμύς ἐν ἀν= φες

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET The praetorian law, and praetorian power. but consular. However, the presidents of provinces had only praetorian law, which was of a lower authority than the proconsular. Vopiscus, in Probus: “Having therefore received this decree of the Senate, in accordance with his speech he granted to the fathers that, from appeals of the higher judges, they themselves should inquire, create proconsuls, give the praetorian law to the consuls, and to the presidents; and that whatever laws Probus should issue, they should consecrate by their own senatus consulta.” From these words we can understand that it was customary for the presidents of provinces to be given by the princes the praetorian power, and to certain governors the proconsular power, which law the emperor Probus referred to the Senate: the counterpart of which today is that the supreme court exacts an oath from the presidents of provinces and prefects, and has the right to promulgate the constitutions of princes only after first considering and examining them. Yet it seemed remarkable to me that this is not read among the imperial titles in the ancient coinages. In contrast to what we have said about the maximum fine, there is an example among the ancients in the same Gellius, book nine, where he speaks of the daughter of Appius Caecus, who was fined by the aediles for a single shameless word. “On account of these words of the woman,” he says, “so shameless and so uncivil, the plebeian aediles imposed upon her a fine of twenty-five thousand asses.” This was done in the first Punic war. The manner of fines. Twenty-five thousand asses amounted to a fine of two hundred and fifty oxen, that is, the same number of our gold pieces. Therefore, as I said above, those statements are to be understood not of fines for offenses and crimes, but of fines for contumacy. For among the Athenians, who were governed by that law from which Roman laws take their first origin, it is clear from Demosthenes that the fines for offenses were great, who in the speech ἀποκλησιλικα, which he delivered against Midias, a very rich man, says at one place: ἐμιμύς ἐν ἀν= φες

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. iam nuptui dedit. Dotis modus x L. nullia æris fuit: quæ no[n] solùm humanitas Patrum conscriptorum, sed etiam habi= tus ueterum patrimoniorum cognosci potest. na[m]que adeò fuerunt arcta, ut Tatia Cæsonis filia maximam dotem ad uirum x. nullia æris attulisse uisa sit: & Megalia quia cu[m] < Dotata Megalia.> quingentis nullibus æris mariti domum intrauit, dotatæ cognomen meruit. Quadraginta nullia æris nostro nomu= smate quadringetos coronatos ualet, quing[ita]ta nullia æris quinq[ue] nullia aurcorum: propter quam summam per An= tonomasiam Megalia dotata uocitata est. Dotes aute[m] post= ea creuisse ex Iuuenale didicimus, apud quem decies cente na nullia, & bis quingenta legimus, Bis quingenta dedit: tanti uocat ille pudicam. Alibi, - Et ritu decies centena dabuntur Antiquo, ueniet cum signatoribus auspex. < Decies festertium.> Decies festertium (ut sæpe diximus) quinque & uiginti nullibus aureorum nostrorum æstimari possunt. Hoc ad= dendum, Seneca de Consolatione ad matrem, Scipionis fi= liæ ex ærario dotem receperunt, quia nihil eis reliquerat pater. Aequum mehercules erat populum Rom. tributum Scipioni semel conferre, cum à Carthagine semper exige= ret. O felices uiros puellarum, quibus populus Rom. lo= co soceri fuit. Beatiores ne istos putas, quorum pantomi= mæ decies festertio nubunt, quàm Scipionem, cuius liberi à Senatu tutore suo in dotem æs graue acceperunt? His uerbis liquet decies festertium & decies centena idem es= se. Strabo libro quarto de Massiliensibus loquens, [etc] Ἷλι= τόποις ἐμποιν χρυσοῦνη τῶν μασιλιωτῶν ἐκ ιλάχισον ἀντὸς πεθεὶν τῶν τεκμημεῖν. ὑμι χαρ μετίση προδή ἰσὶν ἐμποις ἐμποιν χρυσοῦν, ἔς ἐκδήτα πέντε, ἐκι πέντε ἔς χρυσῶν ἀν= σμον. πλήν ον ἐκ ἐγερι. Frugalitatis aute[m] uitæ et cōtinentiæ R 4 Mas

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PART II. BOOK V. he has already given in marriage. The amount of the dowry was 10,000 asses: from this one may judge not only the humanity of the Senators, but also the condition of ancient estates. For they were so modest that Tatia, the daughter of Cæso, seems to have brought to her husband the largest dowry, 10,000 asses; and Megalia, because, with <Dowried Megalia.> 500,000 asses, she entered her husband’s house, earned the surname of the dowered woman. Forty thousand asses in our present coinage is worth 400 crowned pieces; 500,000 asses, 5,000 gold pieces: for which sum Megalia was, by antonomasia, called the dowered one. We learn from Juvenal that dowries later increased, where we read 1,000,000 and 2,500,000: She gave 2,500,000; so much, he says, is the chaste woman worth. Elsewhere, - And by ancient custom 1,000,000 shall be given, the augur will come with the signers. <Decies sestertium.> Decies sestertium, as we have often said, can be estimated at 25,000 of our gold coins. It should also be added that Seneca, in the Consolation to his mother, says that the daughters of Scipio received a dowry from the treasury, because their father had left them nothing. By Hercules, it was just that the Roman people should pay tribute to Scipio once, since he was always exacting it from Carthage. O happy fathers of maidens, for whom the Roman people stood in the place of a father-in-law. Do you think these men more fortunate, whose pantomime actresses marry with 10,000 sestertia, than Scipio, whose children received heavy money as a dowry from the Senate, their guardian? From these words it is clear that decies sestertium and decies centena are the same thing. Strabo, speaking in the fourth book about the Massilienses, [etc.] Frugality, however, of life and continence of ...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. Et Matthæi uicesimo denarius diurnus tres solidos & se= mussem ualet, quanii unitores ferè conduci solent. ου μικον= ηνον μιτι τῶν ἰερατῶν ἐκ Σωαρία πιν ἐμιγαν, Pactus cum operarijs denario in diem. Quòd autem denarius fue rit Romanus, ex eo apparet quod cap. X X 1 1. dicitur, Ostendite mihi nomusma census. At illi obtulerunt ei dena= rium, in quo effigiem Cæsaris fuisse dicit. οι ἐποσύνεν καν κατῶ Σωναρον. Ex quo apparet in denario fuisse effigiem Cæsaris Augusti, uel Tyberij: & tales hodie denarij circu[m] feruntur, nequis de eo dubitare possit. Plinius libro sexto, Anni[us] Plocamij qui maris Rubri uectigal à fisco redeme= rat, libertus, circa Arabiam nauigans, aquilonibus raptus præter Carmaniam, quintodecimo die Hippuros portum Taprobanes inuectus, hospitali Regis clementia sex men= sium tempore imbutus alloquio, percontanti postea narræ uit Romanos & Cæsarem. Mirum in modum in auditis iustitiam ille suspexit, quòd pares pondere denarij essent in captiua pecunia, quum diuersæ imagines indicarent à pluribus factos. Hæc Plinij uerba improbant eorum opi= nionem, qui rei nummariæ æstimationem hodie constitui non posse putarût ea maximè ratione, quòd & Consulum & principum tempore uariata pondera nomusmatum fue= runt, ita ut pro cuiusque percutientis arbitrio nomusmatis pondus & indicatio euariauerit: id quod Blondus Flauius lib. v. Romæ triumphantis affirmauit, antiquitatis diligentissimus inquisitor. Cum enim ad eam partem uenisset, & eam sibi transmuttendam uideret, Hæc omnia, inquit, quæ= lia per singulas ætates fuerint, examussim ostendere, non magis difficile quàm impossibile fuerit, nô solùm quia ob= scurs & nostra ætate ignotis uerbis sunt à maioribus træ dita, sed quia omnis ferè ætas suâ habuit cudendi uarietate[m] R 5 & for Blondi opinio de re n[ost]umaria.

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PART IB. OF HIS BOOK V. And in Matthew twenty, the day’s denarius is worth three shillings and a half, which is about what day laborers are usually hired for. οὐ μικρὸν τι τῶν ἱερατῶν ἐκ Σωαρία πιν ἐμιγαν, Pact with laborers for a denarius a day. But that the denarius was Roman is apparent from the fact that in chapter XXII it says, “Show me the coin of the tribute.” And they brought him a denarius, in which, as he says, there was the image of Caesar. οι ἐποσύνεν καν κατῶ Σωναρον. From this it appears that on the denarius there was the image of Caesar Augustus, or Tiberius; and such denarii are circulated today, so that no one can doubt it. Pliny, in book six, says that Annius Plocamius, freedman of one who had farmed the Red Sea tax from the treasury, while sailing around Arabia, was carried off by the north winds beyond Carmania, and on the fifteenth day was brought into the port of Hippuros in Taprobane, where, through the king’s hospitable kindness, he was instructed and kept for six months; later, in conversation, he recounted the Romans and Caesar. In a remarkable way he admired their justice when he learned that the denarii captured in the money were equal in weight, although the different images showed that they had been made by many different men. These words of Pliny disprove the opinion of those who thought that the valuation of money could not now be established, especially for this reason, that in the time of the consuls and of the princes the weights of the coins were varied, so that according to the judgment of each minter the weight and impression of the coin changed; this is what Blondus Flavius affirmed in book V of Rome Triumphant, he a most diligent investigator of antiquity. For when he had come to that part, and saw that he had to discuss it, “All these things,” he said, “to show exactly what they were in each age would be no less difficult than impossible, not only because they have been handed down by our ancestors in obscure words and words unknown to our age, but because almost every age had its own variety in coining.” R 5 & for Blondus’s opinion on the monetary matter.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET et formam. Videmus enim multos ex Consulibus priscis sui uultus cusisse nummos semper mesura et pondere uariatos: quod maiore postea studio principes factitarut. Et paulo inferius de talenti uarietate loqués, idem penè pronunciat, et ad extremum ingenuè fatetur se rem difficilimam et situ uetustatis obductam, nec ingenio nec diligentia superare potuisse, cum nulla extarent priscorum uolumina, in quibus aperta dictorum uerborum mentio fieret. Ipse tamen lib. I I I. eiusdem operis cum hanc rem tentare uellet, Hanc nos difficilimam, inquit, numeroru[m] et ponderum uetustissimam consuetudinem ad nostri te[m]poris collationem inuiti hoc loco tractamus, quam infrà suo loco tractare constituimus. Et paulum infrà, cum in denarijs, quos aureos fuisse uolebat, æstimandis magnopere hallucinatus esset, centum nullia æris, id est primæ classis césum sub Seruo Rege, decem nullibus ducatorum taxauit, quê nos mille tantum aureis coronatis æstimamus. Nunc redeamus ad rem. Ioannis sexto, Ducentorum denariorum panes non sufficiunt eis, ut unusquisque modicum quid accipiat, Deinde subdit, Discubuerunt ergo uiri numero quinque millia. Ineamus nunc ratione, Ducenti denarij, uiginti aureos nostros ualent, id est quinque et triginta Francicos. Comoda apud nos annona esse dicitur, quum terni primarij panes quincunce ueneunt, qui nummus uulgo albulus appellatur. Si igitur commodâ annonam sequamur, et qualis eo anno fuit quum hæc scribe rem, in singulos Fræcicos duodequinquaginta quincunces numerabimus: quem numerum si triciesquinquies ducas propter x x x v. Francicos, nulle sexcenti et octoginta quincunces fient: qui singuli, quum ternos panes faciant, fiunt

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET and its form. For we see that many of the old Consuls struck coins bearing their own likeness, always varying in measure and weight; this was later carried out with even greater zeal by the rulers. And a little further on, when speaking of the variety of the talent, he says nearly the same thing, and at the end he frankly admits that this is a most difficult matter, covered over by the passage of time, and that he had not been able to overcome it either by intelligence or by diligence, since no books of the ancients existed in which an explicit mention of the words spoken was made. Yet he himself, in book III of that same work, when he wished to attempt this matter, says: “We unwillingly deal here with this most difficult and very ancient custom of numbers and weights, to compare it with our own time, which we have decided to treat later in its proper place.” And a little further on, when he was greatly mistaken in estimating the denarii, which he wanted to be gold coins, he assigned one hundred bronze asses, that is, the census of the first class under King Servius, as equal to ten gold ducats, whereas we estimate them at only one thousand crowned gold pieces. Now let us return to the matter. In John 6, “Two hundred denarii worth of bread are not enough for them, that each may receive a little”; then he adds, “So the men sat down, in number five thousand.” Let us now compute. Two hundred denarii are worth twenty of our gold coins, that is, thirty-five French coins. A commodity-price is said to be cheap among us when three prime loaves sell for five quincunces, a coin commonly called the albulus. If therefore we follow the cheap price of grain, and such as it was in that year when I was writing this, we shall count for each French coin fifty-two quincunces; and if you multiply this number thirty-five times, because of the thirty-five French coins, there will be exactly six hundred and eighty quincunces; and since each of these, when they make three loaves, make

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 637 uocitauerunt. Postea quoniam aduerterunt utrosq[ue] nume= ros esse perfectos & sex & decem, utrosque in unum con iecerunt, & fecerût perfectissimum decussis exis. Huius au tem rei autorem inuenerunt pedem. E' cubito enim quum dempti sunt palmi duo, relinquitur pes quatuor palmoru[m]. Palmus autem habet quatuor digitos. Ita efficitur uti ha= beat pes sedecim digitos, & totidem asses æreus denarius, uel ut in alijs exemplaribus, æratius. neutrum tamen rectè: denarius enim nunquam æreus fuit apud Romanos, nec drachma apud Græcos: sed ante argentum signatum de= cussis, ut centussis, æreus fuit. Quare non æreus sed æreos legendum est, ut ad asses referatur. Sed ex hoc Vitruuiano loco id habemus quod supra ex autoribus Græcis col= legi, drachmam in sex obolos diuidi, & obolos singulos in quaternos quadrates, quos dichalcos, id est binos chal cos ualentes appellant. uel trichalcos, id est ternos chal= cos ualentes. sic fit ut numerus quatuor & uiginti ex se= nario quater ducto impleatur. Quare uerum esse non po= test quod apud Plinium legitur in fine libri uicesimuprimi, quòd obolus decem chalcos habeat. aut enim obolus o= cto chalcos habuit, id quod nos diximus, & sic in quaterna dichalca diuiditur. aut duodenos, si quadrantes trichalci, id est ternarij fuerunt, quod non Athenis, sed alibi fuisse puto, sicubi fuit. Quod autem sequitur, uideamus an uerum sit. Vult enim Vitruuius Romanos sic denarium & eius partem ad pedis rationem retulisse aliquando post ar gentum signatu[m], ut Græci drachma[m] & eius partes. ad cubiti retulerut. quo fit, ut sic denarius sedecim asses ualuerit, ut pes sedecim digitos habet. Citetur nunc Plinius de hoc sentetiam dicturus. sic enim inquit lib. x x x I I I. Argentum signatum est anno Vrbis quingetesimo octogesimoq

Transcription: Translated (English)

They called it so. Afterwards, since they noticed that both numbers were perfect, six and ten, they brought both together into one and made the most perfect number, the decussis exis. But they found the author of this matter in the foot. For when two palms are taken away from the cubit, there remains a foot of four palms. Now a palm has four fingers. Thus it comes about that the foot has sixteen fingers, and likewise the bronze denarius, or, as in other copies, the brazen one; yet neither is correct. For the denarius was never bronze among the Romans, nor the drachma among the Greeks; but before coined silver, the decussis, like the centussis, was bronze. Therefore, not “æreus” but “æreos” must be read, so that it may be referred to asses. But from this passage of Vitruvius we have that which I collected above from Greek authors, namely that the drachma is divided into six obols, and each obol into four quarters, which they call dichalcos, that is, worth two chalci, or trichalcos, that is, worth three chalci. Thus it happens that the number twenty-four is completed by the six being taken four times. Therefore it cannot be true what is read in Pliny at the end of the twenty-first book, that the obolus has ten chalci. For either the obolus had eight chalci, as we said, and so is divided into four dichalca; or it had twelve, if the quarters were trichalci, that is, of three parts, which I think was not at Athens but elsewhere, if anywhere it was. But as for what follows, let us see whether it is true. Vitruvius wishes to show that the Romans once referred the denarius and its part to the measure of the foot, just as the Greeks referred the drachma and its parts to the cubit. From this it follows that the denarius was worth sixteen asses, just as the foot has sixteen fingers. Now let Pliny be cited, who is about to state his opinion on this matter. For thus he says in book XXXIII: coined silver was issued in the year of the City five hundred and eighty...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET moquinto, Q. Fabio Consule, quinq[ue] annis ante Punicum bellum: & placuit denarius pro decem libris æris, quinarius pro quinq[ue], sestertius pro dipondio ac semisse. Libræ autem pondus æris imminutum bello Punico primo, cu[m] impensis Resp[ublicæ] non sufficeret, constitutumq[ue]; ut asses sextantario pondere ferirentur: ita quinq[ue]; partes factæ lucri, dissolutumq[ue]; æs alienum. Postea Annibale urgente Q. Fabio Maximo Dictatore asses unciales facti, placuitq[ue]; denarium sedecim assibus permutari, quinarium octonis, sestertium quaternis. ita Resp. dimidiu[m] lucrata est. In militari tamen stipendio semper denarius pro decem assibus datus. Nota argenti fuere bigæ atque quadrigæ, & inde bigati quadrigatiq[ue]; dicti, mox lege Papyriana semunciales asses facti. His Plinij uerbis significatur propter pecuniæ penu riam factu[m] esse ut denarius sedecim assibus permutaretur: & tamen Vitruuius ratione id dicit no[n] necessitate factum, & suo etiam tempore, id est sub Augusto, denarium sedecim asses ualuisse. Sed rursus in dubiu[m] uenit quod à Plinio dicitur. Si enim Fabio Dictatore asses unciales facti sunt, quonam modo id fieri potest ut Resp[ublicæ] dimidium tantùm lucrata sit, præsertim quu[m] superius dixerit Plinius in sexta[n]tarijs assibus quinq[ue]; partes lucrifactas? quum enim asses librales facti fuissent ab initio, si uncia pro libra oblecari potuit, undecim partes lucri factas oportuit. Deinde si denarius qui decem assibus ualebat, sedecim permutari coeptus est, & sestertius qui duos & semis, pro quaternis, dimidium lucri factum non est. Hoc melius ex Festo intelligitur, qui de hoc loquens, ita inquit, Sextantarij asses in usu esse coe pere ex eo tempore, quo propter Punicum bellum secundum quod cum Annibale gestum est, decreuerunt Patres, ut ex assibus qui tum erant librarij, fierent sextantarij, < Locus Plinij corruptus. > < Asses sextantarij. >

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE AS AND moquinto, with Q. Fabius as consul, five years before the Punic war: and it was agreed that the denarius should be for ten libræ of bronze, the quinarius for five, the sestertius for a two-pound piece and a semis. The weight of the bronze, however, was reduced in the First Punic War, when it was no longer sufficient for the expenses of the Republic, and it was established that the asses should be struck at sextantal weight: thus five parts of profit were made, and the public debt was discharged. Later, with Hannibal pressing hard, under Q. Fabius Maximus as Dictator, the asses were made uncia l, and it was agreed that the denarius should be exchanged for sixteen asses, the quinarius for eight, the sestertius for four. Thus the Republic gained half. In military pay, however, the denarius was always given for ten asses. The marks of silver were the bigae and quadrigae, and hence bigati and quadrigati were so called; later, by the Papirian law, the asses were made semuncial. By these words of Pliny it is indicated that, because of the shortage of money, it came about that the denarius was exchanged for sixteen asses; and yet Vitruvius says that this was done by calculation, not by necessity, and that even in his own time, that is under Augustus, the denarius was worth sixteen asses. But again what Pliny says comes into doubt. For if under Fabius as Dictator the asses were made uncia l, how can it be that the Republic gained only half? especially since above Pliny had said that with sextantal asses five parts of profit were made? For when asses were originally made libral, if an ounce could be exchanged for a pound, eleven parts of profit ought to have been made. Then if the denarius, which was worth ten asses, began to be exchanged for sixteen, and the sestertius, which for two and a half, for four, half the profit was not made. This is better understood from Festus, who, speaking of this, says as follows: “Sextantal asses began to be in use from the time when, because of the Second Punic War waged with Hannibal, the Fathers decreed that from the asses which were then libral, sextantal ones should be made,” < Pliny’s passage corrupt. > < Sextantal asses. >

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. tarij, ut populus ære alieno liberaretur, & priuati quibus debitum publicè solui oportebat, non magno detrimento afficeretur. septennioq[ue] usus eis fuit ut priore nummo, sed id non permansit in usu. Ex his uerbis dico, initio statim belli sextantes pro assibus locari coeptos, uel asses sextan= tis pondere, quod idem est. postea uerò Annibale arctius urgente, quu[m] Italia passim bello flagraret, ærariumq[ue]; iam exhaustum esset, asses ex sexta[n]tarijs unciales esse decretos, & sic dimidium lucratam Rempub. quæ unciâ pro sextan te soluendo defungebatur. Id enim dimidium refertur ad proximum assem sextantarium, no[n] ad pristinum libralem. Id ne in dubium reuocetur, efficit geminatum eiusdem Fe sti testimonium, alibi, his uerbis, Graue æs dictum à ponde re:quia deni asses singuli pondo libræ, efficiebant dena= rium ab hoc ipso numero dictum: sed bello Punico popu= lus Ro. pressus ære alieno, ex singulis assibus librarijs se= nos fecit, qui tanti ualerent. Fuerunt igitur asses. illi sextan tarij, non dextantarij, ut in impressis legimus contra fidem antiquorum. Fabium & Consulem & Dictatorem fuisse certum est in bello Punico secundo: ut apud Liuium legi= tur lib. I I. & lib. I I I I. de bello Punico secundo. Hoc au= tem quod dictum est à Plinio, factu esse credo anno tertio belli Punici post Cannese[m] cladem: quo tempore propter penuriam argenti Triumviri mensarij rogatione Minu= tij Tribunipl. facti sunt (ut autor est Liuius lib. I I I. eius= dem belli) apud quos Triuuiros omne aurum, argentum, æsq[ue] signatum certatim ab omnibus delatum est collatio= ne uoluntaria, autore eodem lib. v I. quanquam eo anno Liuius Fabiu[m] Buteonem Dictatore fuisse prodiderit. Pro= inde denarium illum qui sedecim assibus permutabatur, non eum fuisse dico qui prius denis assibus ualebat, hoc est cente

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. HIS BOOK V. ... so that the people might be freed from debt, and private persons to whom public debts had to be paid should not suffer great loss. They were used for seven years as before, but that did not remain in use. From these words I say that at the very beginning of the war sextantes began to be reckoned in place of asses, or asses of sextantal weight, which is the same thing. Later, however, with Hannibal pressing more closely, while Italy was everywhere aflame with war, and the treasury was already exhausted, it was decreed that asses should be from sextantarian made unciae, and thus the Republic gained half, since it discharged its payments with an uncia instead of a sextans. For that “half” refers to the nearest sextantarian as, not to the former libral as. That this may not be called into doubt is confirmed by Festus’ double testimony, elsewhere, in these words: “Heavy bronze is so called from the weight; for ten asses, each weighing a pound, made a denarius, named from that very number: but in the Punic War the Roman people, pressed by debt, made its asses out of one pound each, six in number, so that they might be worth that amount.” Therefore those asses were sextantarian, not dextantarian, as we read in printed editions contrary to the testimony of the ancients. It is certain that Fabius was both consul and dictator in the Second Punic War, as is read in Livy, Book II, and Book IIII, on the Second Punic War. But what Pliny says was done, I believe, in the third year of the Punic War after the defeat at Cannae: at which time, because of the shortage of silver, the money-changers were appointed by a proposal of the tribune Minucius (as Livy states, Book III of the same war); before these money-changers all gold, silver, and coined bronze was eagerly brought in by everyone in a voluntary contribution, as the same author says in Book VI. Although in that year Livy reports that Fabius Buteo was dictator. Therefore I say that that denarius which was exchanged for sixteen asses was not the one which earlier was worth ten asses, that is cente

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET centenis uicenis' que unciijs: sed alium multo deteriorem, qui senos denos asses sui generis ualebat, ut quinarius o= ctonos, & sestertius quaternos. Hoc & apud maiores no= stros aliquando factitatum legimus inuento regum in nu= mariæ difficultate, ita ut argenti libra in immensum æstima= retur, & inde nummu eadem ratione cuderentur. quippe nisi & argentum infectum & nomusma parili ratione con= gruerent, commercia honunum expediri no[n] possent. Qua= re (ut dixi) quonam modo illud dictum Vitruuij intelligi debeat, affirmare non ausim, nisi Vitruuium, qui numeri utriusque perfectionem, homunum quoque iudicio proba= re uolebat, proposito suo adstruendo inseruiuisse creda= mus, ut id quod aliquando difficili reipub. tempore factum erat, pro legitimo atque arbitrario apprehederit. Sed rur <Varronis loc> rem controuer sam facit. sus Varro rem in controuersiam reuocat, qui libro primo de lingua Latina sic inquit, Denarij dicebantur quòd de= nos æris ualebat, quinarij quòd quinos, sestertius quòd se= mis tertius. Dupondium enim & semis antiquus sestertius est. Hæc uerba Varronis cum uerbis Plinij lib. 1 1 1. ubi se= stertiorum meminit, indicare uidentur sestertium qui erat ab initio, non eundem fuisse cum eo qui tempore Varronis & Plinij ætate fuit. Eôdem pertinent uerba Festi in uerbo sestertius. Hoc igitur ut constituere non ausim, sic affirma re non dubitem, me in ijs quæ dixi, non esse hallucina= tum, propterea quòd Plutarchum & Appianum autores secutus, & Suetonium Tranquillum & alios, centenas drachmas uel centenos denarios, nullenos æris, & qua= dringenos sestertios post tempora belli Punici secundi uæ luisse semper dixi. Quòd si belli Punici tempore ratio nummaria argenti æris' que immutata est opibus Roma= norum accisis, finito statim bello in pristinum statum re= dijt,

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. On the copper asses and one hundred twenty ounces: but another, much worse, which was worth ten asses of its own kind, so that the quinarius was worth eight, and the sestertius four. We read that this also was sometimes done among our ancestors, when a difficulty in money arose through the discovery of kings, in such a way that the pound of silver was valued enormously, and from this coins were struck in the same manner. For unless both unworked silver and the coinage agreed in equal proportion, the transactions of men could not be carried on. Wherefore (as I said) I would not dare to affirm in what way that saying of Vitruvius ought to be understood, unless we suppose that Vitruvius, who also wished to support the perfection of both systems of number by human judgment, served to confirm his purpose, so that he took as lawful and arbitrary that which had at one time been done in a difficult time of the commonwealth. But again <Varronis loc> the matter raises a controversy. Varro brings the matter back into dispute, who in the first book On the Latin Language says thus: denarii were so called because they were worth ten pieces of bronze, quinarii because five, sestertius because semis tertius. For the old sestertius is the dupondius and a half. These words of Varro, together with the words of Pliny in book 111, where he mentions sestertii, seem to indicate that the sestertius, which existed from the beginning, was not the same as that which existed in the time of Varro and in the age of Pliny. To the same point are the words of Festus under the word sestertius. Therefore, although I would not dare to establish this, neither would I hesitate to affirm that in the things I have said I have not been mistaken, because, following Plutarch and Appian as authorities, and Suetonius Tranquillus and others, I have always said that after the time of the Second Punic War one hundred drachmas or one hundred denarii, with no bronze value, and four hundred sestertii were in use. But if during the Punic War the monetary ratio of silver and bronze was changed, because the resources of the Romans had been cut down, immediately after the war ended it returned to its former state,

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET bellum excepit, anno quinquagesimo supra quingentessimum, eodem Eutropio autere. Quare oportuit signatum fuisse nummum argenteum ante annum quingentessimu[m], < Quando argetu[m] Romæ primu[m] signatum.> si quidem ante bellum Punicum primu[m] signatus est. Deinde Eusebius in Chronicis autor est argentum primum Romæ signatum anno quinto post Tarentum à Romanis captum, qui fuit annus mundi quater millesimus non gentesimus uicesimus. Augustus autem triumphu[m] Aetiacu[m] egit, à quo statim solus dominari coepit, anno mundi centesimo septuagesimo supra quinquies millesimum, qui fuit annus Vrbis circiter septingentesimus. atqui ab Augusti triumpho si annorum numerum retro colligas, ducentos ac quinquaginta ad bellum Tarentinum conseculum reperies. tot enim intersunt anni ab anno quater millesimo no[n]gentesimo uicesimo, ad quinquies mullesimum centesimu[m] et septuagesimum. Licet Eusebius à condita Vrbe usque ad Cæsaris Dictaturam annos septingentos et quatuor effluxisse dicat. Sed id parum refert ad id quod agimus, inuestigandum. Denique L. Florus in prima Epitome, secundam Vrbis Romæ ætatem, à Bruto et Collatino Consulibus primis ad Appium Claudium Quintum Fuluium Consules, ducentorum circiter annorum intercapedine termunat, ut primam ætatem quæ sub regibus acta est, ducentorum quinquaginta. Appio autem Claudio Consule Romanus populus mare primùm transgressus est belli gerendi causa. Ex libro autem Liuij quintodecimo nouimus paulo ante primum bellum Punicum, populum Romanum primùm argento uti coepisse. Quapropter planum fit numeros corruptos esse apud Plinium in loco supradicto, et ante annum quadringentesimum quinquagesimum secudum Lucium Florum, qui sub Hadriano principe

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF AS AND war, in the year fifty above five hundred, Eutropius being the authority. Therefore it was necessary that a silver coin should have been stamped before the five hundredth year, < When silver was first stamped at Rome.> if indeed it was first struck before the Punic war. Then Eusebius in the Chronicles says that silver was first stamped at Rome in the fifth year after Tarentum was captured by the Romans, which was the year of the world 4920. Augustus, however, celebrated his triumph over Actium, after which he immediately began to rule alone, in the 5170th year of the world, which was about the 700th year of the City. But if from Augustus’ triumph you reckon the number of years backward, you will find two hundred and fifty years to the Tarentine war. For so many years intervene from the year 4920 to the 5170th year. Although Eusebius says that from the founding of the City up to Caesar’s dictatorship seven hundred and four years had passed. But that matters little for what we are investigating. Finally, L. Florus in the first Epitome marks off the second age of the City of Rome, from Brutus and Collatinus, the first consuls, to Appius Claudius and Quintus Fuluius, consuls, with an interval of about two hundred years, just as he makes the first age, which was lived under the kings, two hundred and fifty. Under Appius Claudius as consul, the Roman people first crossed the sea for the purpose of waging war. And from the fifteenth book of Livy we know that a little before the first Punic war the Roman people first began to use silver. Wherefore it becomes clear that the numbers in Pliny at the passage mentioned above are corrupt, and before the year 452 Lucius Florus, who under the emperor Hadrian

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quinto. quæ duo dicta planè refragantur ijs quæ apud Li uium leguntur: nunc autem transmittenda, cum nihil ad rem præsentem pertineant, admonitione tam[m]e digna. Sed ne de hoc loco Plinij emendando aliquis posthac dubitet, Plinium ipsum testem in sese citabimus, qui eodem libro a= lio loco ita inquit, Lucius Scipio trâstulit in triumpho ar genti cælati pondo M. quadringenta quinquaginta, & uæ sorum aureorum pondo centum millia anno conditæ Vr= bis quingentesimo sexagesimoquinto. Hoc quod Plinius dicit anno quingentesimo sexagesimo contigisse, contigit post Antiochum uictum, quæ Romani post Philippum Re gem Macedoniæ aggressi sunt, cum tamen bellu[m] illud Ma cedonicum finito demum secundo bello Punico coeperit. Verùm ex supradictis apparet uehementer illos falli, qui nomismata argentea ostentant quasi à Bruto exactore re= gum percussa, atque etiam ab ipsis regibus signata. Non omittendum uidetur in hac adnotandarum rerum sylua (quæ ut in memoriâ ipsæ subeunt, sic in ordinem redigu= tur) id quod à Thucydide lib. 111. belli Peloponesiaci di= citur, nulites singulos pedestres & classarios binas dra= chmas in dies accipere solitos. de classe enim Atheniensiu[m] loquens, quâ & instructissimam & numero & pulchritu dine nauiu[m] fuisse affirmat, ita inquit: Itaq[ue] æstate una uni= uersæ naues ducentæ & quinquaginta fuerût, quæ res ma ximè pecunias eoru[m] exhaust, cu[m] sumptu Potidææ. Na[m] qui Potidææ erat[n]t nulites præsidiarij binas drachmas merebat, ita ut miles altera[m] drachma[m] ministri nomine acciperet, ὑπει αἰ πασαί ἀμαί ἐγγνοιειν ἐνιθέρδιακοστα μὴ πεντήματα νῦς. και πι Χήματα τοῦ μάλισα ἔπικαλωσε μετὰ ὑποδιαίας. ἀλῶ δὲ γὰρ ὑποδιαμαν δὲ ἀχμιοι ὑπίται ἐφρομην. αυτῶν γὰρ και ὑπερίτη ἀχμιλῶ ἔλάμβανε τ[ame]ν υμερας. Et paulò post, νῦ[n]is

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET fifth. These two statements plainly conflict with what is read in Livy: now, however, they must be passed over, since they do not concern the present matter, though they are worth noting. But lest anyone hereafter doubt how this passage of Pliny is to be emended, we shall cite Pliny himself as witness against himself, who in the same book, in another place, says thus: Lucius Scipio carried in his triumph 450 pounds of chased silver, and 100,000 pounds of golden vessels, in the year of the founding of the City 565. What Pliny says happened in the year 560, happened after the defeat of Antiochus, whom the Romans attacked after King Philip of Macedon; yet that Macedonian war did not begin until after the second Punic War had ended. But from what has been said above it is clear that those are greatly mistaken who display silver coins as though struck by Brutus the collector of kings, and even as though minted by the kings themselves. It seems not to be omitted in this forest of things to be noted down—which, as they come into the memory, are also arranged in order—that which Thucydides says in book III of the Peloponnesian War, namely that the ordinary foot-soldiers and sailors were accustomed to receive two drachmas a day. For speaking of the Athenian fleet, which he affirms was both very well equipped in number and in the beauty of its ships, he says: Thus in one summer there were in all two hundred and fifty ships, which circumstance greatly exhausted their funds, together with the expense at Potidaea. For the soldiers stationed at Potidaea received two drachmas, so that the soldier received one drachma more under the name of servant, ὑπει αἰ πασαί ἀμαί ἐγγνοιειν ἐνιθέρδιακοστα μὴ πεντήματα νῦς. και πι Χήματα τοῦ μάλισα ἔπικαλωσε μετὰ ὑποδιαίας. ἀλῶ δὲ γὰρ ὑποδιαμαν δὲ ἀχμιοι ὑπίται ἐφρομην. αυτῶν γὰρ και ὑπερίτη ἀχμιλῶ ἔλάμβανε τ[ame]ν υμερας. And shortly after, νῦ[n]ις

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 643 Stipendiu[m] militare. ν[er]nes te αι πα[n]sou γον αυτον μιαδον ἐρθον. Nauesq[ue] omnes idem stipendium accipiebant. Si nules Atheniensis binas drachmas suo famuliq[ue] nomine accipiebat, id stip[er]dium erat in mēsem sexagenæ drachmæ, quæ ære nostro senos aureos coronatos ualent, id est denos Francicos & semis sem. Apud nos aute[m] qui nunimo merent pedites, in mēsem centenos solidos accipere solent, id est quinos Francicos: qui plurimo, septenos Francicos: quam mercede menstrua[m] Germani apud nos acceperunt. Ex quo apparet drachmæ æstimationem à nobis factam, à ueritate non abhorrere. Hoc argumentu[m] adiuuat id quod supra in fine libri quar ti diximus de mercede philosophoru[m] molas trusatiles cir= cunagentium, & quod hoc codem lib. de denario diurno adnotauimus. Xenophon in primo Hellenicon, ὑπι ταῦτο πιπηνον, καὶ ἐκελευνον αυτον τα[n]δαι ναῦth απαχυλιον απ[er]ικην. Hi collaudato Cyri dicto, hortabantur eum ut drachmam Atticam nautis in dies singulos pro stipendio statueret. Ipse tamen paulò pòst dicit non drachmam eum statuisse, sed tetrobolum, hoc est bessem drachmæ, cum antè semus= sem tantum acciperent, id est triobolum: de stipendio lo= quens auxiliario, quod Lacedæmonijs ad tuendam rem nauticam & classiariam à Rege Persarum conferebatur. Quantulæ autem fuerint illæ naues præ ijs quæ nunc fi= unt, ex eo licet intelligere, quod idem libro secundo ita in= quit, Cum autem ij in terra Attica essent, Athenienses ce[n]tum naues quas instruxerant, & nulle in ijs armatos quæ dringentosq[ue] sagittarios circum Peloponnesum miseru[n]t. ν[er]sων δ[em] αυτων ἰν πιντι, οι αδωνα[n]τι απεινιαν τὰς ἔκασμ[en] ναυς ποδί πελωπόννησον αυτον παρεσκοβα[n]τον, καὶ χιλίας δηπλασεπει αυτων, καὶ πολυσας τερανοσίας. Cicero lib. X 11. Epist. ad Lentulu[m] scribes, Interceptis literis cognoramus, S 3 Dolabellam

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 643 Military stipend. ν[er]nes te αι πα[n]sou γον αυτον μιαδον ἐρθον. All ships received the same stipend. If an Athenian ship received two drachmas in the name of its crew, this stipend was in a month sixty drachmas, which in our money are worth six gold crowns, that is, ten French francs and a half. But among us those who serve as foot soldiers with the lowest pay usually receive one hundred sols a month, that is, five French francs; those who receive the most, seven French francs: such was the monthly wage which the Germans received among us. From this it appears that the valuation of the drachma made by us does not depart from the truth. This argument is supported by what we said above at the end of the fourth book about the pay of philosophers turning millstones around, and by what in this same book we noted about the daily denarius. Xenophon in the first book of the Hellenica, ὑπι ταῦτο πιπηνον, καὶ ἐκελευνον αυτον τὰνδαι ναῦth απαχυλιον απ[er]ικην. After praising Cyrus’s statement, they urged him to set an Attic drachma for the sailors as the daily wage. Yet a little later he says that he did not set a drachma, but a tetrobolus, that is, two-thirds of a drachma, when before they received only half a drachma, that is, a triobolus: speaking of the auxiliary stipend, which was furnished by the King of Persia to the Lacedaemonians for the protection of the fleet and naval forces. As for how small those ships were compared with those made now, this may be understood from the fact that the same author in the second book says thus: when they were in Attic land, the Athenians, with one hundred ships that they had equipped, and with no armed men in them, sent three hundred archers around the Peloponnese. ν[er]sων δ[em] αυτων ἰν πιντι, οι αδωνα[n]τι απεινιαν τὰς ἔκασμ[en] ναυς ποδί πελωπόννησον αυτον παρεσκοβα[n]τον, καὶ χιλίας δηπλασεπει αυτων, καὶ πολυσας τερανοσίας. Cicero book X, letter 11 to Lentulus, writing: “Having intercepted the letters, we learned that S 3 Dolabella”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Dolabellam, si desperasset de Syria Aegyptoq[ue]; quod ne= cesse erat fieri, in naues cum omnibus suis latronibus atq[ue] omni pecunia co[n]sc[e]dere esse paratu[m], Italiamq[ue]; petere. Id= circo etia[m] naues onerarias, quaru[m] minor nulla erat duum nulliu[m] amphoraru[m], co[n]tractas in Lycia à classe eius obside= ri. Duo nullia amphoraru[m], ducenta & quinquaginta mo= dia Parisina ualet. Quod ideo adnotandu[m] duxi, ut ex no stri temporis nauibus co[n]ijci antiquaru[m] nauiu[m] magnitudo posset. In l. iubemus de sacrosanct. eccle. in Codice Impe ratorio, duabus partibus minor magnitudo, id est subtri= pla huius Ciceronianæ taxatur. Herodotus aute[m] lib. VII. de copijs nauilibus Xerxis loques, ita inquit, Ad Sepiadu[m] usq[ue]; ad Thermopylas exors maloru[m] Xerxis exercitus fuit: multitudo aute[m] adhuc erat, ut ego co[n]iectura assequor, ex nauibus quide[m] ab Asia profectis numero nulle ducentis ac septe, eorum duntaxat qui iam inde ab initio co[n]uenerant, nullia ducenta & quadraginta unu[m] & quadringenti uiri, ducenos scilicet uiros in singulas naues numeratibus. Por ro inter classiarios indigenas triceni Persæ, Medi, & Sa= cæ i naues easde[m] ascederat, quæ multitudo sex & triginta nullia & ducentos decu[m] uiros prioribus copijs aggregat. χημπληδος ἐνη πλωικαυτα ἐπως ἐγω συνβαλλεωμενος ἐνρισκω, τῶνν, τῶν μὲν ἐκ τῶν νδῶν τῶν ἐκ τὰσίν, ἐνσεων ἐπία καὶ δηκνεων καὶ χιλιεων, τῶν μὲν αρχαὶων ἐκάσων τῶν ἐνεων ἐντια ὑμιλεν, τεαρας μὴ ἐμεστι μυειάστας, μὴ πρὸς χιλιάστι τε μὴ τετρακοσίν, μὴ ἀνα δηκνεων ἀνδρας λευρομενοιοι ἐντι ἐκάση νη[μ]ι ἐπεβάτον άειπι τετεων τῶν νεῦν χωρίς ἐκά= σων τῶνεπι χωρίων, πορθεωτε μὴ μὴνων μὴ σκεων πιή= κουντια ἀνδρες. ἐπος ἀλλος ὑμιλεν γινεται πισωμειοι μὴ ἐκκιχί= λιοι μὴ πρὸς δηκκοσμόιτε μὴ δεκα. His verbis apparet eâ fuisse magnitudinem olim mediocru[m] nauium, ut ducentos clas= siarios

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Dolabella, if he had despaired of Syria and Egypt; which it was necessary for him to do, was prepared to embark with all his pirates and all his money, and to make for Italy. For this reason too, the cargo ships, of which none was smaller than two thousand amphorae, were blockaded by his fleet in Lycia. Two thousand amphorae are worth two hundred and fifty modii of Paris. I have thought this worth noting, so that from the ships of our own time the size of ancient ships may be inferred. In the law iubemus , de sacrosanct. eccles. in the Imperial Code, a ship two parts smaller, that is, one-third as large as this Ciceronian one, is reckoned. Herodotus, however, in book VII, speaking of the naval forces of Xerxes, says thus: “As far as Sepiadum and Thermopylae, the army of Xerxes was a sea of evils: but the number, as I conjecture, was still such that, of the ships which had come from Asia, there were not less than two hundred and seven; and of those who had assembled there from the beginning, two hundred and forty-one thousand and four hundred men, namely two hundred men to each ship. Moreover, among the native sailors, thirty Persians, Medes, and Sacae had boarded those same ships; which multitude, added to the former forces, makes six hundred and thirty thousand and two hundred men.” From these words it appears that ancient ships were once of such moderate size that they carried two hundred sailors.

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siarios nulites caperet, & eo amplius tricenos capere possent. id quod uerba ipsa autoris conijcientis significare uidentur. Eas autem naues triremes fuisse autor ipse Herodotus prodidit his uerbis alio in loco, Ἷν ἐπιδεων αυτος μὴ επενετο ἐπία καὶ Σακόστα καὶ χίλια. < Triremes & quinqueremes & ulteriora vocabula.> Tirennum autem numerus fuit nulle ducentæ & septem. Sicui igitur uacet ad calculum exigere id quod ab Herodoto dictum est, is inueniet in singulis triremubus ducenos & tricenos epibatas fuisse. Inter munora autem nauigia Herodotus numerat lembos quinquagenum & tricennum remorum, quos ipse πεντηκντόρις & πενκντόρις appellat. Legimus & apud antiquos fuisse non modò trium ordinum naues, quas triremes nostri, Græciti reires appellat (in quibus per singula tràsra terni remiges sedent, suum quisq[ue] remum ducentes, ita ut qui naui intimus est, is maximum remum tractet) sed etiam quadriremes & quinqueremes, & sex ordinum naues. < Triremes & quinqueremes & ulteriora vocabula.> quin & à Græcis hepteres & henneres & deceres uocabula inuenta sunt, quæ naues septenùm nouenùm denumq[ue] ordinum significant. Plinius lib. VII. Biremem Damasthenes primum Erythræos fecisse autor est, Tiremè Thucydides Aminoclè Corinthiu[m], Quadriremem Aristoteles Carthaginienses. Quinqueremem instituit Nesichthon Salamunius. Sex ordinum Xenagoras Syracusius. ab eo ad decemremè Mnesigeton. Alexandru[m] Magnum serunt instituisse ad duodecim ordines: Philo=stephanus Ptolemæum Soterè ad quindecim, Demetrium Antigoni ad triginta, Ptolemæum Philadelphum ad quadraginta, Ptolemæu[m] Philopatorè, qui Tryphon cognominatus est, ad quinquaginta. Plutarchus de Demetrio Anti-goni in uitæ eius ita inquit: Vnde illud est non nunus uerè quàm elegater dictum, Demetrij opera magnitudine sua etiam S 4 Demetrius Po-liorceses.

Transcription: Translated (English)

If they held fewer than these, and thus could have held thirty more, this is what the very words of the author himself seem to indicate. But the author Herodotus himself states that these ships were triremes in these words elsewhere: “Ἷν ἐπιδεων αυτος μὴ επενετο ἐπία καὶ Σακόστα καὶ χίλια.” < Triremes & quinqueremes & further terms.> And the number of the Tirennum was 207. If, then, anyone has leisure to work out the calculation of what Herodotus said, he will find that there were two hundred and thirty epibatae in each trireme. Among naval ships, however, Herodotus counts lembi with fifty and thirty oars, which he himself calls πεντηκντόρις and πενκντόρις. We also read among the ancients that there were not only ships of three banks, which our people call triremes and the Greeks reires, in which on each bank three rowers sit, each drawing his own oar, so that the man nearest the ship’s center handles the largest oar, but also quadriremes and quinqueremes, and ships of six ranks. < Triremes & quinqueremes & further terms.> Indeed, the Greeks even invented the terms hepteres, henneres, and deceres, which signify ships of seven, nine, and ten ranks. Pliny, book VII, says that Damasthenes was the first to make biremes for the Erythraeans; Thucydides says that Aminocles the Corinthian made triremes; Aristotle says the Carthaginians made quadriremes. Nesichthon of Salamis introduced the quinquereme. Xenagoras of Syracuse, the six-rank ship. From him to the decemreme, Mnesigeton. It is said that Alexander the Great introduced ships with twelve ranks; Philo-stephanus says Ptolemy Soter introduced ships with fifteen ranks, Demetrius the son of Antigonus with thirty, Ptolemy Philadelphus with forty, and Ptolemy Philopator, who was surnamed Tryphon, with fifty. Plutarch, in his Life of Demetrius the son of Antigonus, says this: “Whence that saying is not untruly but elegantly made, Demetrius’ works, by their very size, also ...” S 4 Demetrius Poliorcetes.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 655 fecit: tanta mole nauigij confestim in mare deuoluta eius ma chinæ momento, cuius idem ipse princeps inuentor fuit. [Omni]s [præ]cipi [mercur]i [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [mercur]i [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] 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Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 655 he did it: so great a mass of ship, having been immediately rolled out into the sea by the motion of that machine, of which the same prince himself was the inventor. [All] [chief] [mercury] [gold] [gold] [gold] [mercury] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] [gold] 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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 653 excitata, Archimedis etia[m] inuentu[m], saxa tritaletaria, telaq[ue]; missilia duodeuiqinti pedum facilè ciaculans ad quadrin= gentos cubitos, quod spatiu[m] est stadij. Hæc & alia machi= nameta propugnatoria, ut coruos, lupos, & in summo ma lo carchesia ænea lapidu[m] conceptacula ad lapidatione[m] fa= ciendam in hostium nauigia, longu[m] esset enarrare. Stabant enim in uno terni, in alijs bini aut singuli homines lapides ciaculantes, quos serui in foris nauis stantes utilibus qual lis tepore pugnæ suggerebant trochleis subuehentes. Id e[st] Archimedes cochleam cõmentus erat tantæ nauis sentinæ ab uno homine exhauriendæ. Verùm ut nauigij magnitu= do ac uastitas animo concipi possit, nonnulla adijciam ex ijs quæ Athenæus scripsit ad hoc maximè pertinentia, [etc] e[st] καὶ νοσθήκη πατι[ς] τω πεώραν κλεισή, οἰχιλίας με= πητῶς δεχομένη, εκ σανίδων καὶ πίτης καὶ ὑδονίων πατε= σκοβασμένη. Παρὰ δὲ ταυτω, κατεσκοσωσο δεῖ μολιβδωμαλος καὶ σανίδων κλεδων ἰχευτοφεύον. τῶτο δὲ ἐν πλήρες θαλάτ ης, ἐν ὑπολλοι ἰχεύς εῦ ἐδηφοντο. Erat, inquit, in eodem nauigio secundum proram aquæ conceptaculum conclu= sum, capax duoru[m] millium metretarum, assamentis & pice & linteorum farctura compactile: iuxta quod rursus pi= scina coaxatione & implumbatura constans, plena aquæ marinæ, ita ut in ea commodè magna copia piscium facilè aleretur. Idem alibi, στον τε ἐνεβάλλον ἔις τω ταυν μυ= εικάστος ἐξ, ταρὶ χων δὲ σκελικῶν κεράμια μύεια, ἐρεών τὰ= λαττὰ συσμύεια, καὶ ἐτρὰρα δὲ φορτία συσμύεια. Frumentum autem negociatoriu[m] in ea naui exportabat ad millia sexa= ginta, salsamenta sicula ad cadûm decê nullia, lanarum ta lenta uiginti millia, & alterius mercis altera uiginti nul= lia, prætereaq[ue]; commeatus uectoru[m] nautarumq[ue]; sexaginta millia. Frumenti dixit non addito modûm uel medimnûm: ego

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 653 fitted out, with inventions also of Archimedes, stones weighing three talents, and missiles; hurling with ease projectiles eighteen feet long to four hundred cubits, which is the distance of a stadium. It would take too long to recount these and other artillery machines, such as ravens, wolves, and at the top of the mast bronze boxes for catching stones to be used in stoning the enemy ships. For in some places there stood three men together, in others two or one, hurling stones, which servants standing on the decks of the ship, by means of useful pulleys, supplied in time of battle by hoisting them up. That is, Archimedes had devised a screw for bailing out the hold of so huge a ship by one man. But so that the size and vastness of the vessel may be conceived in the mind, I shall add some things from Athenaeus, who wrote especially on this subject, [etc] ... It was, he says, in the same vessel, under the prow, a closed receptacle for water, capable of two thousand metretæ, made compact with battens, pitch, and stuffing of linen; next to this again was a fishpond, built of boarding and lined with lead, full of sea-water, so that a large quantity of fish could easily be kept there conveniently. The same writer elsewhere ... The merchant cargo that this ship carried included sixty thousand measures of grain, ten thousand cadus of Sicilian salted fish, twenty thousand talents of wool, and twenty thousand of another kind of merchandise, besides provisions for sixty thousand passengers and sailors. He said “grain” without adding the measure, whether medimni or otherwise: I...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ego tamen medimnûm cum intellexisse puto, ex more loquendi Græcorum coniecturam faciens, & præcipuè Si culorum, ut ex superioribus apparet. Hæc, duo nullia & < Modius Parisinus.> quingentos modios Parisinos faciunt. Modius autem Parisinus quatuor & uiginti medimnos Atticos capit. Decé nullia cadorum uel amphorarum, nulle ducentos & quinquaginta modios itidem Parisinos. Lanarum & reliquarum mercium talenta quadraginta nullia. Talenta Parisina triginta nullia efficiunt, ut n[ost]uc crassiore calculo libras Atticas uel munas, sed & nonaginta drachmarum intelligamus, id est duodenûni unciarum. Sic fiunt pondo nostra duodeuicies centena nullia. Libra enim nostra epitritam proportionem ad Romanam libra habet, id est tertia parte maiorem. Hanc summam si ad culeos duplares redigere uelimus, qui trimodia nostra efficiunt, hoc est quatuor & uiginti amphoras, & in culeos singulos bina nullia pondo statuamus, id quod hodie nauicularij faciunt qui anniuersarios commeatus meritorijs nauigijs suscipi[n]t, ut statim uidebimus, fient nongenti culei trimodiales: quibus si nulle ducentos & quinquaginta modios illos addideris, erunt in summa nulle trecenti sedecim culei. Nunc si exquisitius persequi uelis, & semuncias in singulas libras addere, summa libraru[m] quinq[ue] & septuaginta nullibus excrescet, quæ additam[m]etum septe & triginta culeorum & semissis efficiunt. Et hæc omnia præter aquam dulce, præter piscinam, præter tot diætarum intestinum instrumentum, præter annonam uectorum, & pabulam equorum. Hanc tamen nauem longè magnificentia & splendore apparatus antecessit nauis fluuialis Thalamegos nomine, qua Philopator supradictus in delicijs habuit Nilo pernauigando, longitudine sexcentorum pedum, latitudine quinq[ue]

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE AS AND I nevertheless think I have understood a medimnus, making a conjecture from the Greek manner of speaking, and especially of Sicilians, as appears from what is above. These two nullia and < Parisian modius. > make five hundred Parisian modii. But a Parisian modius holds twenty-four Attic medimni. Ten nullia of casks or amphorae likewise make two hundred and fifty Parisian modii. Of wool and the other commodities, forty nullia talents. Thirty nullia Parisian talents make it so that we may understand, by a rougher calculation, Attic pounds or minas, but also ninety drachmas, that is, twelve ounces. Thus our weights amount to twelve hundred nullia. For our pound has an epitrite proportion to the Roman pound, that is, it is greater by a third. If we wish to reduce this total to double culei, which make our trimodia, that is, twenty-four amphorae, and assign two nullia pounds to each culeus, as is done today by shipowners who take on annual provisions in merchant ships, as we shall immediately see, there will be nine hundred trimodial culei; to which, if you had added those two hundred and fifty nullia modii, the total will be three hundred and sixteen culei. Now if you wish to pursue it more exactly, and add half-ounces to each pound, the total will rise to fifty-five thousand librae, which make an addition of thirty-seven and a half culei. And all these things are besides fresh water, besides the water tank, besides the whole internal equipment for so many days, besides the provisions for the crew, and the fodder for the horses. Yet this ship was far surpassed in magnificence and splendor of equipment by the river ship called Thalamegos, which the aforesaid Philopator kept for his pleasures while sailing on the Nile, with a length of six hundred feet, width of five

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culariorum uerbis utar. Minimæ enim magnitudinis one= rarias quadragenarias esse aiunt: mediæ notæ septuagenæ rias & octogenarias: maximas autè quæ in mari occiduo uideantur, ferè centenarias, rarò maiores esse. Tonellum < Culeus trimo- dius.> ego trimodium culeum appellauerim. Tres enim modij no stri tonellum unum efficiuit, id est culeum geminatum. Ita fit ut maximæ onerariæ nostri temporis plerunq[ue]; nô ma= iores sint illis quas Cicero in Lycia fuisse dixit. De nostris loquor. nam Germanorum naues duplices & triplices no strarum esse dicunt. Octogenariæ enim naues ducenta & quadraginta modia nostra capiunt: at duo mulia ampho= rarum, ducêta & quinquaginta modia nostra æquasse do cuimus. Est autem ea formula nauiculariam factitantium, ut in singulos culeos duplares bina millia pondo nume= rent. Tanti enim pendere uini tria modia nostra dictitan tur. sic fit ut salis aut alterius grauissimæ mercis uectura ad bina nullia pondo hac appellatione nuncupetur: ut si nauis centum & octoginta nullia pondo ferre commodè possit cum instrumento machinario, ea octogenaria uo= citetur. Ex his igitur patet quantæ fuerint antiquorum naues, etiam si pauciores olim nulites pro portione in na ues imponebant, quàm pro nostri temporis more, quantu[m] coniectura assequi ex historicis possumus. Etenim si quis omnia quæ commemorauimus, diligenter animaduerterit, iudicabit (ut spero) non fallaci me coniectura ductum esse in mensuris indagandis. Non me latet apud Aeginetam legi, minam Atticam sedecim uncias habere, & Romanam uiginti: sed nec Pauli autoris adnotata illa esse puto, nec si Pauli sint, ad rem quam agimus, pertinere. Sumptum est enim illud dictum ex medicorum usu, ut supra ex Cel= so adnotauimus, non ex antiquitate. Nunc ad id redeun= T dum,

Transcription: Translated (English)

I will use the words of the shipbuilders. For they say that the smallest cargo vessels are forty modii; those of medium size, seventy and eighty; the largest, such as are seen in the western sea, are usually about one hundred, and rarely larger. Tonellum <Culeus trimodius.> I would call a trimodium a culeus. For three of our modii make one tonnellum, that is, a doubled culeus. Thus it comes about that the largest cargo vessels of our time are generally no larger than those which Cicero said were in Lycia. I am speaking of our own vessels; for they say that the ships of the Germans, double and triple, are the equivalent of ours. For eighty-cubit ships take two hundred and forty of our modii; and we have shown that two thousand amphorae, that is, two hundred and fifty of our modii, are equal. Now it is the practice of those who ply the shipping trade to reckon, for each double culeus, two thousand pounds. For three of our modii of wine are said to weigh that much. Thus it comes about that the transport of salt or of some other very heavy commodity is designated by this term as weighing two thousand pounds; so that if a ship can conveniently carry one hundred and eighty thousand pounds with its machinery, it is called an eighty-cubit ship. From this it is clear how large the ships of the ancients were, even if in former times they loaded fewer pounds of cargo into ships in proportion than was customary in our own time, so far as we can judge by conjecture from the historians. For if anyone carefully considers everything that we have mentioned, he will judge, as I hope, that I have not been led astray by a deceptive conjecture in investigating measures. I am not unaware that at Aegineta it is read that the Attic mina has sixteen ounces and the Roman twenty; but I do not think that note is by Paulus, nor, even if it is by Paulus, does it bear on the matter we are dealing with. For that statement is taken from medical usage, as we noted above from Celsus, not from antiquity. Now let us return to the matter at hand, namely,

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 659 priuatorum opes tributis exhauserunt. Quanquam Ro= manæ uires sese ipsæ consecerût, cum Augusti plures eo= dem tempore ab exercitibus facti, ciuilia bella & intestina pro externis gererent. sic mundus ad inopiam re= dactus, tenuiore pecunia uti coepit: id quod necesse fuit, cum multum pretijs rerum decessisset. < Prisca Fræciæ nomismata.> Hoc idem Francia experta est. si quis enim huius temporis nomisma cum an= tiquo examinet exploretq[ue], dimidio uberiùs illud hoc inue niet & pondere & indicatione, atque eo etiam amplius. Nos enim Philippeos habuimus geniatos plus sesquisola= to pendentes. In his genius est alatus, quales diuini sta= tores pingi solent, liliata insignia tenens. extant & alij Philippei, sceptrati nonnulli, alij etiam soliati, Rege intus trabeato iura pro potestate reddente. Ibi maiestate[m] regiam planè expressam agnosceres, qualem hodie nemo meminit, Rege utroque uestigio leonibus innitente. Hi tri plici forma percussi sunt: sed qui minima signati sunt, bi= nos solatos trahunt: qui maxima & grauissima, ij pon= dus habent secundum Eduardeos Angliæ maximum, eisque proximum. hoc genus omnium quæ uidi (tametsi nullius generis non habui, quod quidem hodie extet) scitè formatum erat. Hos & Rosatos Eduardeosq[ue]; pon= dere superant Carolei Aquitaniæ, qui Fortes appellan= tur: in quibus dux armatus genu nitens leonem mani= bus Herculis more clidit: sed superiorum indicatura Pecuatorum bonitate par est, quos Ioannes Rex si= gnauit, triplici & ipsos forma & magnitudine, omnes primam auri notam obtinentes. Quanto autem hodie iciunior sit & exanguior (ut ita loquar) res nummariæ, ex eo certè constare potest, quòd qui Francici extant aurei equites pedites que, olim uiginti solidis ualentes T 2 unde

Transcription: Translated (English)

Part II. Book V. 659 they drained private wealth by taxes. Although the Roman powers had worn themselves out, when several Augusti at the same time were made by the armies, carrying on civil and domestic wars in place of foreign ones. Thus the world was reduced to poverty, and began to use smaller money: which was necessary, since much had fallen away in the prices of things. <Ancient coins of France.> The same thing France has experienced. For if anyone compares and examines the coinage of this time with the ancient, he will find it more than half richer, both in weight and in indication, and indeed even more. For we had Philipps with the head of a genius, weighing more than a half and a third. In these the genius is winged, such as divine statues are usually painted, holding lily emblems. There are also other Philipps, some sceptered, others also crowned, with the King within in a robe, rendering justice by authority. There one would clearly recognize royal majesty, such as no one remembers today, the King resting with both feet upon lions. These were struck in three forms: but those marked with the smallest, bear two crowned heads; those with the largest and heaviest have a weight according to the greatest English Eduardei, and next to them. This type of all that I have seen (though I had not one of every type, which indeed exists today) was skillfully made. These, and the Rosati and Eduardei, are surpassed in weight by the Carolei of Aquitaine, which are called Forts: in these an armed duke, kneeling on one knee, strikes a lion with his hands in the manner of Hercules; but their valuation is equal to the goodness of the Pecuati, which King John marked, likewise in triple form and size, all bearing the first mark of gold. But how much younger and more bloodless, so to speak, the state of coinage is today, can certainly be shown from this: that the French gold horsemen and footmen, which once were worth twenty solidi, whence

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET (unde Francicos hodie quoque appellamus) nunc solidis quadraginta edicto etiam principis æstimâtur, pluris etia[m] in foro permutabiles. Quòd si inquirere in finitimas no= bis prouincias institeris, eandem apud eos, ut apud nos olim & hodie rationem reperies, prorsus quasi confinibus prouincijs Francia constituendæ rei nummulariæ ratione[m] præscripserit. id quod optima ratione iudicare quis po= test. Neque enim consistere commercia potuissent, quæ nobiscum semper finitini niscuerunt, nisi eandem auri no tam afferrent quam acciperent. Itaque quandiu auru[m] pri= marium signatum est in Francia, tandiu ipsi quoque fini= timi populi eodem genere usi sunt. Nunc aute[m] & nostra= tis & externi nulla uncia nisi concreti uisitur & ærosi. Verumenimuero qui hodie extant imperatorij & augu= stales aurei, post priscos illos didrachmos signati, ponderi prædicto non respondent à sanctione imperatoria taxa= to. Vidimus enim & Constantini Magni & Iuliani & Magnentij, & aliorum recentiorum, sed in omnibus quos expendimus, ita minutum pondus erat, ut seni & semis non planè unciam æquarent, septeni excederent. Vnum etiam Iustiniani principis uidimus, quem nobis ostendit Longolius. Christophorus Longolius, uir egregiè doctus, & rerum antiquarum studiosus: sed ne is quidem iam dictis grauior erat. Quare supradicta legem de duobus & septuaginta solidis ideo latâ puto, quòd imminuto pondere nummi, li= bræ quoq[ue] aureæ æstimatio & pòdus sensim imminueba= tur. quapropter ne tandè imminutio inualescens, rem num mariâ conturbaret, Imperator certum modu[m] imponere uo luit. quanquam si quis legem illam diligenter consideret, non tam in uniuersum statuere de auro signato uidetur, quàm de auro tributario: ut fortasse indulgentia principis aliquid

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET (whom we now also call Francs) is now, by imperial edict, valued at forty solidi, and even more in exchange in the market. But if you should investigate the neighboring provinces adjacent to us, you will find the same practice among them as among us formerly and today, as though France had prescribed to the neighboring provinces a rule for establishing the currency system. This can be judged for a very good reason. For trade, which has always been carried on with our neighbors, could not have held together unless they brought the same weight of gold as they received. And so, as long as the primary gold coin was minted in Francia, the neighboring peoples likewise used the same kind. But now, both in our own country and abroad, no ounce is seen except what is fused and corroded. Yet the imperial and augustal gold coins now in existence, struck after those ancient didrachms, do not correspond to the aforesaid weight fixed by imperial sanction. For we have seen coins of Constantine the Great, and of Julian, and of Magnentius, and of others more recent; but in all that we weighed, the weight was so small that they did not altogether equal six and a half ounces, and exceeded seven only slightly. We also saw one of the emperor Justinian, which Christophorus Longolius showed us. Christophorus Longolius, a man of exceptional learning and a student of antiquity; but even that coin was no heavier than those just mentioned. Therefore I think the aforesaid law on seventy-two solidi was enacted for this reason: that as the weight of the coin was reduced, the value and weight of the gold pound likewise decreased little by little. Wherefore, lest the increasing diminution at length throw the currency into confusion, the emperor wished to impose a fixed standard. Although if one considers that law carefully, it seems to establish not so much in general concerning coined gold as concerning tributary gold: so that perhaps by the indulgence of the prince something

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PARTIB EIVS LIB. V. 661 aliquid antiquis pensitationibus remittere lege illa uoluerit. Id enim sæpe fit, ut maneant antiqua uectigalia, aut pensitationum uocabula, & tam[m]e minore summa aut æstimatione stipendiarij defungantur. Cur autem aurei solidi quoq[ue] dicantur, his uerbis Lampridij declaratur in Alexandri uita: Vectigalia publica in id contraxit, ut qui decem aureos sub Helio gabalo præstiterat, tertiam partem aurei præstarent, hoc est tricesimam partem: tum que primùm semisses aureorum formati sunt. Atque etiam cum ad tertiam partem aurei uectigal decidisset, tremisses, dicente Alexandro etiam quartarios futuros, quando minus non posset: quos quidem iam formatos in moneta detinuit, expectans ut si uectigal contrahere potuisset, & eosdem ederet: sed cum non potuisset per publicas necessitates, co[n]stari eos iussit, & tremisses tantum solidos q[ui] formari. Hactenus Lampridius. Intelligimus igitur aureos integros appellatos esse solidos eo tempore quo semisses & tremisses fieri coeperunt, uel trientes potius. In iure autem ciuili quod < Aurei æstimationi in iure.> nunc habemus, non una aurei æstimatio est, ut multi existimant, nec semper septuagenos binos in libras accipiendo censeo, sed pro tempore aliquid statuentium principu[m] æstimationem faciendam: ut uerbi gratia in capite primo < Honorarium aduocatorum.> de uarijs & extraordinarijs cognitionibus, Vlpianus de honorario aduocatorum loquens ita inquit, Licitæ autem quantitas intelligitur pro singulis causis usq[ue]; ad centum aureos. Cetu[m] aureos hoc in loco pro duobus auri p[otes]do intelligo. Na[m] Vlpianus Alexandri te[m]pore scripsit, nondu[m] im minuta prisci nomismatis forma, nisi si pauca scrupula auaritia temporu[m] legitimo p[otes]deri detraxit, ut supra docui mus. Visuntur enim hodie Mæmææ matris eius nomismata, & ego omniu[m] Imperatoru[m] uidi eadem forma ab Augusto T 3 ad

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PART IV, BOOK V. 661 something may be remitted from the ancient assessments by that law. For this often happens, that the old taxes, or the terms of the assessments, remain, and yet the taxpayers are discharged for a smaller sum or valuation. But why gold solidi are so called is explained by these words of Lampridius in the Life of Alexander: The public revenues he reduced to such a point that, where one had paid ten aurei under Elagabalus, they should pay a third part of an aureus, that is, a thirtieth part; and then for the first time semisses of aurei were struck. And even when the revenue had fallen to a third part of an aureus, there were tremisses, Alexander saying that quarter-pieces would even follow, since it could not be reduced any further. These, indeed, though already struck in the mint, he held back, waiting to see whether, if he could reduce the revenue, he might issue those same pieces; but since he could not, because of public necessities, he ordered them to be made current, and only tremisses of solidi to be struck. So far Lampridius. We therefore understand that full aurei were called solidi at the time when semisses and tremisses, or rather trientes, began to be made. But in civil law, in what we now have concerning the valuation of aurei in law, there is not one fixed valuation of the aureus, as many think; nor do I think they should always be taken at seventy-two to the pound, but the valuation is to be determined according to the time and the judgment of the prince. For example, in the first chapter, On the fees of advocates , in Various and Extraordinary Inquiries , Ulpian, speaking of advocates’ fees, says: “But the lawful amount is understood in each case up to one hundred aurei.” Here I understand aurei to mean two pounds of gold. For Ulpian wrote in the time of Alexander, when the form of the old coinage had not yet been diminished, unless perhaps a few scruples of the weight had been taken away by the greed of the times from the lawful standard, as I have shown above. For today the coinage of his mother Maesa is seen, and I have seen the same form of all the emperors from Augustus to

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ad Commodum Cæsarem. Sed & hoc quod diximus, non solum argumentis, sed etiam Taciti autoritate comprobare possumus, qui lib. x 1. de tempore Claudij principis loquens, Continuus inde, inquit, & sæuus accusandis reis Suillius, multiq[ue] audaciæ eius æmuli. nam cuncta legum & magistratuum munia in se trahens princeps, materia[m] prædandi patefecerat. non quicquam publicæ mercis tam uenale fuit, quàm aduocatorum perfidia: adeò ut Samius insignis Eques Romanus quadringentis nummorum millibus Suillio datis, & cognita præuaricatione, ferro in do= mo eius incubuerit. Igitur incipiente Caio Silio Consule < Lex Cintia.> designato, consurgunt patres, legemq[ue] Cintiam flagitant, qua cauetur antiquitus, nequis ob causam orandam pecuniam donum ue accipiat. Deinde obstreptibus ijs quibus ea contumelia parabatur, discors Suillio Silius acriter in= cubuit, ueterum oratorum exempla referens, qui famam in posteros præmia eloquetiæ cogitauissent pulcherrima: alioquin & bonarum artium principem sordidis ministe= rijs foedari: ne fidem quidem integram manere ubi magni= tudo quæstuum spectetur. Quòd si in nullius mercede ne= gocia ineantur, pauciora fore: nuc inimicitias, accusatio= nes, odia & iniurias foueri, ut quomodo uis morborum pretia medentibus, sic fori tabes pecuniam aduocatis ferat. Et paulò infrà de Suillio & alijs aduocatis loquens, qui causam diuersam tuebantur, Cæsarem, inquit, circun= sistunt anteacta deprecantes, & postquam annuit tacens, incipiunt, Quem ullum tanta superbia esse, ut æternitatem famæ, spe præsumat? usui & rebus subsidium præparari, ne quis inopia aduocatorum potentioribus obnoxius sit. Neque tamen eloquentiam gratuitò contingere: omitti cu ras familiares, ut quis se alienis negotijs intendat: multos militiæ

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G. BVD. OF ASSE ET to Commodus Caesar. But this which we have said we can confirm not only by arguments, but also by the authority of Tacitus, who in book x, speaking of the time of the emperor Claudius, “Then,” he says, “there was a continuous and fierce prosecution of the accused by Suillius, and many rivals of his audacity; for the prince, drawing to himself all the functions of law and magistracy, had opened the field for plundering. Nothing in the public market was so much for sale as the treachery of advocates; so much so that Samius, a distinguished Roman knight, having given four hundred thousand sesterces to Suillius, and having discovered the fraud, threw himself upon him with a sword in his house.” Therefore, when Caius Silius, consul designate, was beginning his office, the senators rose up and demanded the Cincian law, <The Cincian Law.> by which it has long been provided that no one may receive money or a gift for pleading a case. Then, with those clamors by which that affront was being prepared, Silius, in opposition to Suillius, attacked him sharply, citing the examples of the old orators, who had considered for themselves and for posterity the rewards of eloquence to be most beautiful glory; otherwise, even the leader of the liberal arts is defiled by sordid services: nor does fidelity itself remain intact where the amount of gain is taken into account. But if no business were undertaken for hire, there would be fewer of them: now enmities, accusations, hatreds, and injuries are fostered, so that just as the violence of diseases brings fees to physicians, so the corruption of the forum brings money to advocates. And a little below, speaking of Suillius and other advocates who were defending the opposing side, “they surround Caesar,” he says, “begging forgiveness for what has been done in the past, and after he nods in silence, they begin: ‘Who can anyone be, with such great arrogance, as to presume upon the hope of an everlasting reputation? Help must be prepared for use and for needs, lest anyone, through lack of advocates, be subject to the more powerful. Nor does eloquence, however, come without payment: domestic cares are set aside, so that one may devote himself to the affairs of others: many of the military...”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 663 militia, quosdam exercendo agros tolerare uitam. Nihil à quoquam expeti, nisi cuius fructus antè præuidetur: prompta sibi exempla, quantis mercedibus P. Clodius & C. Curio concionari soliti sint: se modicos Senatores, qui à Republica nulla nisi pacis emolumenta peterent. cogitare plebem, quâ toga enitesceret. sublatis studiorum pretijs, etiam studia peritura, ut minus decora. Hæc ita haud frustra dicta princeps ratus, capiendis pecunijs statuit mo dum usque ad dena sestertia, quæ egressi, repetundarum tenerentur. Qui locus tribus uerbis corruptus est in exemplaribus quæ circunscruntur. His uerbis Taciti apparet Vlpianum licitam quantitatem appellasse eam quæ Claudiano Senatus cõsulto præfinita erat, eo tempore quo aduocati inuidia maxima flagrabant ob delationes & perfidiam præuaricantium. Dena autem sestertia, dena millia nummum sestertium ualent, ut satis ostendimus, hoc est centies centenos sestertios. Atqui nos alibi docuimus & ratione & autoritate singulos aureos centenos ualuisse nummos, hoc est uicenas quinas drachmas, ita ut auri ad argentum proportio maior esset duodenaria. Quare planum fit dena sestertia & centenos aureos eandem fuisse summam, sed Vlpianus aureos dicendo, temporis sui consuetudini seruiuit, iam obsoleto more loquendi per sestertia. In cap. Nonnulli, de accusationibus, Digestis, pauper dicitur, qui minus quàm quinquaginta aureos possidet. Quinquaginta aureos auri librâ intelligo, propter Hermogenem eius dicti autorem, qui æqualis Alexandri Imperatoris fuit. In lege Si duobus, communia de legatis, Iustinianus uariè pretia mancipiorum taxauit: minimum autem pretium non infra x x. solidos, maximum non supra octoginta intendit. Solidos no[n] dubiè aureos eius tem- poris T 4

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PART IB. OF HIS WORK, BOOK V. 663 militia, for some, by working the fields, to endure life. Nothing is to be sought from anyone, unless the profit from it is seen beforehand: clear examples are at hand, by how great rewards P. Clodius and C. Curio were accustomed to speak in public: that they were modest senators, who sought from the Republic no advantages except those of peace. The people are to think by what robe they might shine. If the prices of studies are removed, the studies themselves will also perish, as being less honorable. When the prince judged that these things had been said not without reason, he decided on a limit for receiving money, up to ten sestertia, and those who went beyond this were to be liable under the law on extortion. This passage has been corrupted in the copies that are circulated in three words. From these words of Tacitus it appears that Ulpian called the lawful amount that which had been fixed by the Claudian decree of the Senate, at the time when advocates were burning with the greatest odium because of accusations and the treachery of those who betrayed their trust. Now ten sestertia, that is, ten thousand sesterces, are worth, as we have sufficiently shown, that is, a hundred times a hundred sesterces. Yet elsewhere we have shown both by reasoning and by authority that a hundred aurei were worth each a hundred coins, that is, twenty-five drachmas apiece, so that the proportion of gold to silver was greater than twelve to one. Therefore it becomes clear that ten sestertia and a hundred aurei were the same sum; but Ulpian, by speaking of aurei, followed the usage of his own time, the older manner of speaking in sestertia having already fallen out of use. In chapter Nonnulli, on accusations, in the Digest, a poor man is said to be one who possesses less than fifty aurei. By fifty aurei I understand a pound of gold, because of Hermogenes, the author of that statement, who was a contemporary of the Emperor Alexander. In the law Si duobus, in the common title on legacies, Justinian variously fixed the prices of slaves: the minimum price, however, he set at not less than twenty solids, and the maximum at not more than eighty. The solids are undoubtedly aurei of that time T 4

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poris intelligere debemus, qui sub sesquipli erant priscoru[m] aureorum, ita ut triceni solidi uicenos aureos ualerent. Qua ratione fit ut minimum pretium serui, triginta no= stri aurei fuerint, summum autem centum & uiginti: quæ æstimatio longè minor est illis quas in præcedentibus ex Plinio & alijs collegi, pretijs scilicet iam rerum omnium deminutis. Sed nec illi aurei recentiores auro obryxo si= gnati sunt, ut antiqui: ex quo apparet recentiores princi= pes nonisma bifariam minuisse, pondere scilicet, & auri indicatura: quomodo & nostri fecerunt, & totus deniq[ue]; Occidentis orbis. id quod institutum aiunt, ne aurum mol lissimum, & argentum purum, quod duodenarium appel= lant, usu ac collybo detereretur. Plinius autor est Liuium Drusum in Tribunatu plebis octauam partem æris argen to miscuisse. Et rursus alibi, Miscuit, inquit, denario Triumvir Antonius ferrum. miscentur æra falsæ monetæ. alij è pondere subtrahunt. Inde est, ut opinor, quòd hodie multi denarij antiqui huiusmodi extant è materia miscel= lanea. Denarium nunc appellamus Caroleum nummum argenteum, qui antiquum sestertium nummu[m] ualet. Assem autem appellare possumus, quem duodenarium uocamus, & ita in partes diuidere, ut antiqui suum assem diuide= bant in sui generis partes, quadrantes sextantesq[ue]; dicen= tes. Sic unciæ loco erit denariolus, quem Græci chalcum dicunt. sic quinarius & senarius, uel quincunx & semis, qui quinos & senos denariolos ualent. Sestertios dudum signauimus, qui duos solidos & semissem ualeret, sed iam rari uisuntur. facti enim no[n] placueru[n]t. Extat & trepo[n]dij pride[n] signati, grossi Curij uocitati ab autore prædiuite a= uorum memoria. Cetussem dicere possumus pro ea summa qua[m] alternis propè uerbis negotiatores centu[m] solidos ap= pellant

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We must understand that these were below the sesquipli of the old gold coins, so that thirty solidi were worth twenty old aurei. By this reckoning it follows that the lowest price of a slave was thirty of our aurei, and the highest one hundred and twenty; and this valuation is much lower than those which I collected in the preceding pages from Pliny and others, namely when the prices of all things had already fallen greatly. But those later aurei were not marked with pure refined gold, as the ancient ones were; from which it appears that later princes diminished the coinage in two ways, namely in weight and in the gold assay, as our own people also did, and finally the whole Western world. They say this was instituted so that the very soft gold, and the pure silver, which they call duodenarium, would not be worn away by use and by handling. Pliny states that Livius Drusus, in his tribunate of the people, mixed one-eighth part of bronze with silver. And elsewhere again, “Triumvir Antony mixed iron with the denarius.” False coinages mix metals; others subtract from the weight. That is why, I think, many ancient denarii of this kind still exist today, made of mixed material. We now call a Carolean silver coin a denarius, which is worth the ancient sestertius coin. But we can call that coin an as, which we call duodenarium, and divide it into parts, just as the ancients divided their as into parts of its own kind, calling them quadrantes and sextantes. Thus, in place of the uncia there will be the denariolus, which the Greeks call chalkus. So too the quinarius and senarius, or the quincunx and semis, which are worth five and six denarioli. We marked the sestertii long ago, which would be worth two solidi and a half, but they are now seen only rarely; for they have not been well received. There also survive trepondii, struck long ago, called “grossi Curii” by the author, from a very wealthy age long past. We can say cetssem for that sum which merchants, almost interchangeably in speech, call one hundred solidi.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 663 pellant, ut decussem pro decem, ut qui hodie Cæsariati uo cantur. Licet enim uerba antiqua in usum nostrum interpolare, quæ quidem æui situ nô putida facta sint. Vidimus < Nomismata antiqua pessimo instituto, nostro tempore aliquandiu abrogata.> post quadriennium edictum præconio promulgatu, quo omnibus nomismatis priscis usus abrogabatur, tâ nostratibus quàm externis: perinde quasi nullus nummus locabilis esset, qui non æqualis nostræ memoriæ suisset. quod edictum unius hominis impotetia principi extuderat, qui omnia penè omnium magistratuum munia sui iuris ac potestatis fecerat, quum muneris sui uices proprias uix tertio quoque actu obiret. Sed quamuis minax ac tumultuosum præconium, consensus hominum iure optimo neglexit, præsertim autore sublato de medio. Quod enim tande[m] edictum iniquius excogitari potuit, & in maiores nostros magis iniurium, quàm monumenta memoriamq[ue]; Regum perpetuò delere? Eo enim mandato id agebatur, ut optimum quodq[ue] nomisma conflaretur, & inde pecunia notæ omnino deterioris quassaq[ue]; signaretur. O improbum inuentum, & si fieri posset, memoriæ hominum eximendum. Olim magistratus Romani, & post eos Repub. sublata principes, iconicôs se fingi in nomismate uolebant, quasi nomen suum latissimè longissimeq[ue]; prodituri: quo nomine ad nostram usque ætatem permansit eorum memoria, uelut statuis per totum orbem erectis. Quod cum nostri principes olim imitati essent, similem eis gloriam ætas nostra inuidisse olim dictitabitur, unius hominis uel paucoru[m] crimine: tametsi utinam ipse seculum suum nostrumq[ue]; hac una nota inussisset. Huiusmodi hominum uel temeritatem uel rusticitatem arguit lex prima de ueteris nomismatis potestate, undecimo libro Iustiniani Codicis, his uerbis, Solidos ueterum principum ueneratione formatos. T S ita

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PART IV. HIS BOOK V. 663 they should strike out a decussis for a denarius, as those who today are called Cæsariati. For it is permissible to interpolate ancient words into our usage, provided that what has been worn smooth by the lapse of time has not become corrupt. We have seen <ancient coins, by a very bad policy, in our own time for a while abolished.> After four years, by a proclamation announced and published, an edict was issued by which the use of all old coins was abolished, both those of our own people and those of foreign peoples: as though no coin worthy of circulation existed that was not of our own time. That edict had been wrung from the prince by the arrogance of one man, who had made almost all the duties of all magistrates subject to his own right and power, while he scarcely discharged the proper turn of his own office even every third act. But although the proclamation was threatening and uproarious, the consensus of men, with the best of reason, ignored it, especially since its author had been removed from the scene. For what edict could at last have been devised more unjust, and more insulting to our ancestors, than to destroy forever the monuments and memory of the kings? For by that command it was intended that every finest coin should be melted down, and from it money of a completely inferior standard should be stamped in its place. O wicked invention, and if it were possible, to be erased from the memory of mankind. In former times the Roman magistrates, and after them the princes once the Republic had been abolished, wished themselves to be portrayed on coins, as if they were to hand down their name most widely and farthest: by that name their memory has remained to our own age, as though statues had been set up throughout the whole world. When our princes once imitated this practice, posterity will one day say that our age envied them a glory like theirs, because of the fault of one man or a few; though I wish he himself had branded both his own age and ours with this one mark. The first law on the authority of ancient coinage, in the eleventh book of Justinian’s Code, condemns either the rashness or the rusticity of such men in these words: “Solidi formed in the veneration of the ancient princes.” T S thus

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ita tradi ac suscipi ab ementibus & distrahentibus iube= mus, ut nihil omnino refragationis oriatur, modò ut debi= ti ponderis sint, & speciei probæ: scituris ijs qui aliter fe cerint, haud leuiter in se uindicandum. Verum ea quæ di= ximus de amphora & mensuris cæteris, rursus in dubium uocabuntur, cum locus ille Plinij succurrerit ubi de uirso < Locus Plinij de uino Opi-miano.> Opimiano loquitur lib. XIII. Quare etsi procul à me abesse suspicionem illam uolo, quasi more hominis obtre= ctare gestientis, & delatoria (ut dicitur) curiositate in co[m]mentarios inquisiuerim scriptorum nostro seculo clarissi= morum, atque existimatissimorum, facere tamen nequeo, quin in operis eius coronide Hermolaum Barbaru[m] uirum summa laude dignum, iterum ad disquisitione[m] doctorum hominum reuocem: non quòd manibus uirorum doctoru[m] diem dicere gaudea[m], qui uadimonium obire apud super= stites nequeunt: sed quòd ueritatem asserere in lucem uo= lens, locupletes eius rei uades, quos nobis uiuens reliquit, citandos omnino ad hoc iudicium duxi. Præuaricationis enim insimulari aut certè obliuionis possem, si locu[m] illum Plinij silentio præterirem, qui ut ab Hermolao intellectus est, id quod nos diximus de uncia, euertit: ob quod omni= no fuit res in iudiciu[m] deducenda. Plinius igitur lib. XIII. de uini generibus loquens quæ in autoritate fuerunt, Ali= cui anno, inquit, fuit omnium generum bonitas. L. Opimio Consule, cum C. Gracchus Tribunus pl[us] seditionibus agi < Coctura.> tatis interemptus, ea coeli temperies fulsit (cocturam uo= cant) solis opere, natali urbis sexcentesimo trigesimo quar to, durantq[ue] adhuc uina ducentis ferè annis, in speciem redacta mellis asperi. Etenim hæc natura uinis in uetusta= te est: nec potari per se queunt, nisi peruincat aqua, usq[ue] in amaritudinem carie indomita. sed cæteris uinis com= mendan

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G. BVD. OF THE POUND AND we order that it be so handed over and received by buyers and sellers, so that no hindrance whatever may arise, provided that they are of proper weight and of good quality; those who do otherwise are to know that they will be dealt with severely. But what we have said about the amphora and the other measures will once again be called into doubt when that passage of Pliny comes to hand where he speaks of the very old <Pliny’s passage about Opimian wine.> Opimian wine, book XIII. Therefore, although I wish suspicion of that kind to be far from me, as though in the manner of a man eager to carp and, with what is called informers’ curiosity, to pry into the commentaries of the most famous and highly esteemed writers of our age, yet I cannot refrain from once more recalling Hermolaus Barbarus, a man worthy of the highest praise, at the close of his work, to the scrutiny of learned men: not because I rejoice to summon men of learning to court, who cannot appear in person before the living; but because, wishing to assert the truth and bring it to light, I have thought it absolutely necessary to cite in this judgment the authoritative witnesses to this matter, whom he left us while alive. For I could be accused of bad faith, or certainly of forgetfulness, if I passed over that passage of Pliny in silence, which, as Hermolaus understood it, overthrows what we said about the ounce; on which account the matter had to be brought before the court. Pliny, then, speaking in book XIII about the kinds of wine that were held in esteem, says: In one year there was excellence in wines of every kind. In the consulship of L. Opimius, when G. Gracchus, the tribune, had been killed amid much unrest, such was the mildness of the weather (they call it the ripening) by the labor of the sun, in the six hundred and thirty-fourth year from the founding of the city, and the wines still lasted for nearly two hundred years, having been reduced to the appearance of coarse honey. For this is the nature of wines in old age: they cannot be drunk by themselves, unless water prevails over them, all the way to the bitterness of invincible decay. But the other wines are commenda

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mendandis minima aliqua mixtura medicam[m]eta sunt: quo fit ut eius temporis æstimatione in singulas amphoras cen teni nummi statuantur. ex ijs tamen usura multiplicata se= missibus, quæ ciuilis ac modica est, in C. Cæsaris Germa= nici filij principatu, annis centum sexaginta singulis un= cias uini constitisse nobili exemplo docuimus, referentes uitem Pomponij Secundi uatis, coenamq[ue]; quam principi illi dedit. tantum pecuniarum detinent uini apothecæ. Hunc locum ita legit Hermolaus, & ita se emendasse te= statur, quem in altera editione enarrans, post explicatam de usuris retractionem, Vt redeamus, inquit, ad proposi tum, si amphora, id est (ut Festo placet) octoginta uini li bræ, sub Opimio centum nummis ualuit, faciunt autem octoginta libræ nongentas sexaginta uncias: efficitur ut semisses usuræ, hoc est nummi seni annorum centum sexa ginta, nongentos sexaginta nummos inferant, atq[ue] ita sin gulæ uini unciae singulis nummis usuræ nomine constite= rint. Hactenus ille cum dixisset, quasi penso suo absoluto ad alia transit, cum magna (ut uidetur) securitate comper tæ rei defunctus. Primum, siue hoc dixerit Festus, siue no[n]: id quod datur, accipio, id est, uini amphoram octoginta librarum esse. hac enim ratione efficitur, ut sextarius sit unciarum uiginti. Nam quum duodequinquaginta sexta= rijs amphora impleatur, si libris duodequinquaginta toti dem besses addas, ut sint duodequinquagies uicenæ unciae, fiunt octoginta libræ. Quin & ipse Hermolaus in priore editione, Amphora, inquit, uini quadrantal Latinè dicta Festo Pompeio, congios octo continebat, id est, sextarios XLVIII. sextarius uncias uiginti Festo, sed Africano li= bras duas aut tres, nunqua tamen plures duabus heminis. ita fit ut singulæ amphoræ LXXX. Festo, uel XCVI Afri= cano

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For correcting them, even the slightest mixture serves as a remedy: from which it comes about that, by the estimate of that time, one hundred coins are assigned to each amphora. Yet from this, with usury multiplied by semisses, which is civil and moderate, in the principate of Gaius Caesar, son of Germanicus, we have shown by a famous example that, over one hundred and sixty years, each ounce of wine came to cost, citing the vine of Pomponius Secundus the poet and the banquet which he gave to that prince. So much money do wine cellars hold. Hermolaus reads this passage in this way, and testifies that he corrected it thus; in the other edition, after explaining the retraction concerning interest, he says: “To return, he says, to the subject: if an amphora, that is, as Festus thinks, eighty librae of wine, was worth one hundred coins under Opimius, and eighty librae make nine hundred and sixty ounces, it follows that semiusses of interest, that is, six coins over one hundred and sixty years, amount to nine hundred and sixty coins; and thus each ounce of wine came to cost one coin by way of interest.” Thus far he, and having said this, as though his task were finished, he passes on to other matters, with great confidence, as it seems, in the correctness of the matter established. First, whether Festus said this or not, I accept what is given, namely that an amphora of wine is eighty librae. For by this reckoning it follows that a sextarius is twenty ounces. For when an amphora is filled by forty-eight sextarii, if to fifty-eight librae you add the corresponding besses, so that there are twelve times twenty ounces, there are eighty librae. Indeed, in his earlier edition Hermolaus himself says: “An amphora, called quadrantal in Latin, according to Festus Pompeius, contained eight congii, that is, forty-eight sextarii. A sextarius is twenty ounces according to Festus, but according to Africanus two or three librae, never, however, more than two heminae.” Thus it turns out that each amphora is eighty, according to Festus, or ninety-six according to Africanus.

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET cano, aut certe CXLIII. uini pondo capiant, quibus in XII. uncias resolutis, efficiuntur aut nongentæ sexaginta unciæ, si octoginta pondo sunt: aut mille centu[m] quinquagintaduæ, si nonagintasex: aut mille septingentæ uiginti= octo, si centum quadraginta quatuor. Ex quibus uerbis tametsi ambigere magis quàm rationem colligere doceamur, tamen (ut dixi) quod à me stat, id cupide accipio, & in rem meam uerto. hac enim autoritate probo sextarium uel dipondium fuisse id quod astruere conor, uel certè unciaru[m] uiginti, cum apud Plin. legatur quindecim unciaru[m] esse, id est libræ et quadrantis, quod nullo alio testimonio subsistere potest. Verum illud non concedo, ut uncia uini, duodecima libræ pars sit: nec in sextario uncias uini uiginti esse dico, sed duodecim, & in amphora quingentas septuagintasex, quas Hermolaus nōgentas sexaginta esse putauit: id quod ante ex Martiale abunde probatum est: alioquin sextarius qui citra cōtrouersià in duodenos cyathos diuiditur, non unciaru[m] uicenum, sed duodenum tantu[m] esset, si uncia uini apud Plinium ad pondus, no[n] ad mensuram referretur, quod nec Pliniano sextario, nec Pompeiano cōgruit, quodq[ue] Hermolaum non animaduertisse miru[m] est, præsertim cum Plinium in manus accepisset. quota est enim uncia pars libræ, tota est cyathus sextarij: & uncia tam ad quotâ parte, quàm ad pondus refertur apud autores, & (quod maius est) interdu[m] ad longitudine[m] uel crassi tudine[m], ut in primo lib. ostensum est à nobis. Plinius libro XVIII. de medica loques, Si sit humidu[m] solu[m] herbosum'ue uincitur, & desciscit in pratum, ideo protinus altitudine unciali herbis omnibus liberanda manu potius quàm sarculo. Vncialem altitudinem pollicarem intelligo, id est digiti & trientis, ut Frontinus autor est. Nimirum Hermolaus Vncialis altitudo.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET can, or at any rate they take 143 pounds of wine, which, when resolved into twelve ounces, make either nine hundred and sixty ounces, if they are eighty pounds; or one thousand one hundred and fifty-two, if ninety-six; or one thousand seven hundred and twenty-eight, if one hundred and forty-four. From these words, although we are taught rather to hesitate than to draw a conclusion, nevertheless, as I said, I gladly accept what is on my side, and turn it to my own purpose. For by this authority I prove that the sextarius, or the dipondium, was what I am trying to establish, or certainly twenty ounces, since in Pliny it is read to be fifteen ounces, that is, a pound and a quarter, which can be supported by no other testimony. But I do not grant that an ounce of wine is the twelfth part of a pound; nor do I say that there are twenty ounces of wine in a sextarius, but twelve, and in an amphora five hundred seventy-six, which Hermolaus thought to be nine hundred and sixty: this, indeed, has already been sufficiently proved above from Martial. Otherwise the sextarius, which without controversy is divided into twelve cyathi, would be not twenty ounces, but only twelve, if the ounce of wine in Pliny were referred to weight, not to measure; which does not agree either with the Plinian sextarius or with the Pompeian, and it is surprising that Hermolaus did not notice this, especially since he had Pliny in his hands. For as the ounce is a part of the pound, so is the cyathus the whole of the sextarius; and the ounce, among authors, refers both to a fractional part and to weight, and (what is greater) sometimes also to length or thickness, as has been shown by us in the first book. Pliny, in book XVIII, speaking of medicine, says: “If the soil is damp or grassy, it is overcome and turns into a meadow; therefore it must immediately be cleared of all herbage to an inch in depth, by hand rather than with a hoe.” I understand the inch’s depth as a span, that is, a finger and a third, as Frontinus says. Certainly Hermolaus “Inch depth.”

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Transcription: ATR-1

laus bladiente calculo deceptus est. siquidem cum centies sexagies senos nummos cum octogies duodenis uncijs ad unum quadrare subducenda ratione inuenisset, ilicet non excussum quod arridebat admisit. ultrà enim addubitare eum nô sinebat deprehensæ usurarum rationis fiducia gestiens: quod tamen affirmare uereor, ne plenu[m] sit audaciæ. Ipse enim Hermolaus de altera sua editione ad Antoniu[m] Caluum scribens Venetum Patricium, ita inquit, Peruenit quidem res ad umbilicum, sed nullus tame[n] dies est quo non fiat aliqua accessio: nunc cum impressoribus agitare coepi lentè, de industriarem differes, ut diutius in fermen to sit, nihil time, diligentiam adhibituri sumus, qualem in altera editione prætermissem sæpe mecum questus es. Et paulò inferius. Multo autem, inquit, plus operis & laboris adij quàm putabam, quòd omnium rerum quæ in coelo & sub coelo sunt, gnarum esse oportet qui Pliniu[m] profitetur intelligere, tanto magis qui castigare. Hæc uerba significant Hermolaum magnam animaduersione[m] adhibuisse secundæ castigationum editioni. In hoc igitur loco < Locus Plinij emendatus.> ego numerum nummoru[m] deesse dico, sicut & in alijs quibusdam locis apud Plinium, qualis est ille libri decimiseptimi in principio de L. Crassi domo, & lib. xxxiii. de argento Carthagini imperato, ut in superioribus adnotauimus. Quare sic legendu[m] puto, Quòd ut eius temporis æstimatione in singulas amphoras centeni nummi statuantur, ex ijs tamen usura multiplicata semissibus, quæ ciuilis ac modica est, in C. Cæsaris Germanici filij principatu, anno centesimo sexagesimo singulas uncias uini constitisse nobili exemplo docuimus. ut sensus sit apertus hoc modo, & omnino extricatus, sicq[ue] Plinium locutum intelligamus, Quare si eius te[m]poris: uel sic, Verum si te[m]poris Opimiani æstima

Transcription: Translated (English)

He was deceived by an erring calculation. For when, by a subtractive reckoning, he had found that one hundred and sixty-six coins, together with eighty-two ounces, were to be reduced to a single fraction, he straightway admitted what pleased him without further scrutiny. For eagerness at the confidence he had discovered in the reckoning of interest did not allow him to hesitate further: yet I fear to affirm this, lest it be too bold. Indeed Hermolaus himself, writing to Antonius Calvus about his other edition, the Venetian patrician, says as follows: “The matter has certainly reached the end, but there is still no day on which something is not added. Now I have begun to deal slowly with the printers, and purposely to delay matters, so that it may remain longer in the ferment; fear nothing, we shall apply the diligence which you have often complained that I omitted in the other edition.” And a little further on: “But,” he says, “I add much more labor and work than I had thought, because whoever professes to correct Pliny ought to know all things that are in heaven and under heaven, and still more so whoever undertakes to censure him.” These words show that Hermolaus paid great attention to the second edition of the corrections. In this place, therefore, < Locus Plinij emendatus.> I say that the number of coins is missing, just as in certain other passages in Pliny, such as that in the beginning of the seventeenth book concerning the house of L. Crassus, and book xxxiii concerning silver ordered from Carthage, as we have noted above. Therefore I think it should be read thus: “Since, by the valuation of that time, one hundred denarii are reckoned to each amphora, nevertheless from them, by multiplied interest with half-yearly payments, which is a civil and moderate rate, we have shown by a notable example that, in the principate of C. Caesar Germanicus’ son, in the one hundred and sixtieth year, each ounce of wine cost...”

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. ideo dico, quasi hoc nobis instituto Italia literarum bonarum magistra interdixerit, quæ nulli non laudem suam benignitate summa, ut bona quoque sua impartit: sed nostratum hominum improbitas memoriæ semper obuersatur, cui nunquam satis uidebor respondisse: qui utinam ipsi tam Italos quàm Italiam amauissent: melius enim (ut arbitror) & nobis & honor suo cõsuluissent. Semusses igitur usuræ centum & L X. annorum, id est, centies sexagies seni nummi (ut Hermolaus dixit) nongentos sexaginta nummos efficiunt: quibus si sors addatur (quam ipse onusit) fiunt mille & sexaginta. Ita Hermolai ratio procedere non potest, cum sortis & usurarum ratio habenda sit. In amphora autem octo & quadraginta sextarios esse constat, & duodecim cyathos in sextario. quos numeros si inter se ducas, fiunt cyathi, quas uncias Plin. dixit, quin gēti septuagintasex. Si ergo apud Plin. sic legas, singulas uncias binis constitisse, & subintelligas nummis: quod fieri ex præcedentibus potest: duobus & nonaginta nummis maior erit numerus, quàm ut summa duplicata mille & sexaginta nummis ad unu[m] congruat. Summa enim cyathorum duplicata, mille centum & quinquagintaduo erit. Ita Plin. duobus & nonaginta nummis usuras auxerit. Quòd si usuras usuraru[m] reputemus, octauo quoq[ue] anno et quinto mese anatomismus renascitur, id est cētesimo & uno mese. quæ ratione centum annis usura subnascens, duodecies senos nummos peperit, id est duos & septuaginta, & sexaginta annis paulo minus duos & quadraginta, qui fiunt simul pro fænore iterato centum & quatuordecim. Ita Plinius exactè uidetur rationem supputasse. Anatocismu[m] autem usitatum fuisse antiquis notius est quàm ut ostendere necesse sit: quapropter fortasse non uini apud Pli- nium Anatocismus antiquis usitatus.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. therefore I say this, as if our own Italy, the teacher of good letters, had forbidden us by this institution; she who, with the greatest kindness, denies her praise to no one, but also bestows her favors: yet the wickedness of our own countrymen is always before my memory, to which I shall never seem to have answered sufficiently: would that they themselves had loved Italians as much as Italy; for thus, I think, they would have provided better for both us and their own honor. So the half-interest of one hundred and sixty years makes, that is, six hundred and sixty-six times sixty denarii (as Hermolaus said), nine hundred and sixty denarii: to which if the principal be added (which he himself omitted), the total becomes one thousand and sixty. Thus Hermolaus’s reckoning cannot proceed, since regard must be had to both principal and interest. In an amphora, moreover, it is established that there are forty-eight sextarii, and twelve cyathi in a sextarius. If you multiply these numbers by one another, the result is cyathi, which Pliny called unciae, seven hundred and seventy-six. Therefore, if you read Pliny thus, that each uncia cost two asses, and understand by that denarii—which can be inferred from what precedes—the number will be greater by two hundred and ninety denarii than that the doubled total of one thousand and sixty denarii would correspond to one. For the doubled total of the cyathi will be one thousand one hundred and fifty-two. Thus Pliny will have increased the interest by two hundred and ninety denarii. But if we reckon interest upon interest, in the eighth year and fifth month anatocismus is born again, that is, in the one hundred and first month. By this reckoning, interest growing over one hundred years has produced twelve times six denarii, that is, seventy-two; and over sixty years a little less than forty-two, which together make one hundred and fourteen for repeated interest. Thus Pliny seems to have calculated the account exactly. But that compound interest was customary among the ancients is better known than to require proof: wherefore perhaps not wine in Pliny— Anatocismus customary among the ancients.

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nium, sed binis legendum est. Nam uini uerbum omnino in eo loco non congruit, ut superuacaneu[m] sic fiet ut sex- tarius quatuor & uiginti nummis constiterit, id est, so- lidis nostris uiginti, quod omnino magnum fuit precium, cum ea ratione amphora, quæ octaua pars est modij no- stratis, duodequinquaginta francicis cöstiterit, qui hodie quatuor & uinginti ducatis ualent: cum nemo nostra me moria apud nos binos modios uini pluris uediderit quan- tumuis cara annona. ita uini precium centum & sexagin- ta annis duodecies penè multiplicatum erat, cum singulæ amphoræ millenis cētenis quinquagenisbinis nummis uen- derentur, & tanti cyathus post tot annos uenditus est, quanti sub Opinio sextarius uendebatur. Hæc ratio etsi speciosa uidetur, tamen admittendam affirmare no[n] ausim. Adhuc enim ita ratio inita est, quasi non modò incolume uinum, sed etiam non imminutum fuerit. Nihil igitur ex amphora centenum nummum Plin. deperijssse centu[m] sexa- ginta annis existimauit, præsertim cum ad crassitudinem mellis asperi redactum esse dicat? Ego uerò ex uino no- stro coniectura[m] faciens, id uinum ad septimas minimu[m] par tes exuctum fuisse censeo: cui dispendio si nunc addas id quod intercidit, in alia atq[ue] alia uasa, semper etiam ipsa aliquid sorbëtia, trans fundendo, id quod tot annis necesse fuit, totiesq[ue] mutatis dominis & apothecis, uix decimam quanq[ue] anphoram post temporis tantam intercapedinem residuam fuisse credo, ut fortasse non binis nummis, sed uicenis legendum sit. id uerba ipsa Plinij mihi significa- re uidentur, cum inquit, Tantum pecuniarum detinent uini apothecæ: nec alia res maius incrementum sentit ad uicesimu[m] annum, maius ue ab eo dispendiu[m] non proficiete precio. Vina enim significat ad uicesimu[m] annum ita co[m]mo[n] dè uete

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nium, but it must be read as binis. For the word vini does not fit at all in that passage, so the superfluous word will be removed; thus a sextarius would have cost twenty-four nummi, that is, twenty of our solidi, which was an exceedingly great price, since by that reckoning an amphora, which is the eighth part of our modius, would have cost fifty-two francs, which today are worth twenty-four ducats: whereas no one within our memory has sold two modii of wine among us for a higher price, however dear the grain supply. Thus the price of wine had been multiplied almost twelve times in one hundred and sixty years, since single amphorae were sold for one thousand five hundred and fifty-two nummi, and after so many years a cyathus was sold for as much as under Opinius a sextarius was sold. Although this calculation seems plausible, nevertheless I would not dare affirm that it is admissible. For even now the reckoning is made as though not only the wine were sound, but also not diminished in quantity. Therefore Pliny did not think that one hundred nummi had been lost from an amphora in one hundred and sixty years, especially since he says that it had been reduced to the thickness of coarse honey? But I, making a conjecture from our own wine, judge that that wine had been drawn off to at least the seventh part: to which loss, if you now add what was lost in being poured from one vessel into another, each vessel itself also absorbing something, as necessarily happened over so many years and with so many changes of owners and cellars, I believe that scarcely a tenth part of any amphora remained after so long an interval of time; so that perhaps it should be read not binis nummis, but uicenis. The words of Pliny himself seem to indicate this to me, when he says: “Wine cellars retain so much money: nor does any other thing feel a greater increase up to the twentieth year, or a greater loss beyond that year without a rising price.” For he is speaking of wines which by the twentieth year have thus become suitably old.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. dè ueterascere, ut usuras etiam semisses pensitare possint: sed si ultrà asseruentur, ut nullo precij augmento mirum in modum deminuantur. Sic igitur colligo, quasi ipsa per se caries congios octonos quos amphora capit, ad totidè sextarios cõtraxerit æuo ipso absorbente, deinde ut diffusionis & transuas asionis dispēdiu sextarios ad besses aut dodrantes redegerit, testis ipsis semper combibentibus. His duobus intertrimentis si specimina gustantibus data, iacturamq[ue] cauponationis heminariæ quadrantariæq[ue]; ad dideris, & quòd aliàs intercidit, quis iam addubitet ad ui cenos nummos precium in uncias extendere, quod semisses usuræ ad binos nummos & ultrà intenderat? Id quod si admittamus, sextarij singuli nummis ducenis quadragenis constiterunt: id est sexagenis denarijs. Qua ratione precium paulominus centum & uiginti partibus auctum est centu[m] & sexaginta annis. quod fortasse no[n] incredibile erit, si quis reputet quod minima aliqua mixtura (ut Plinius dixit) medicam[m]eta erant cæteris uinis com[m]endandis, ut portione per hoc magna exorptum uinum esse intelligamus: in quo exucto liquore uini uis remansisset incolumis & uiuida. Hoc quum admiratione dignum esset, ideo Plinius retulit, ita ut nobile exemplu[m] uenditi plurimo uini appellet. Id tam[m]e minus mirum facit piscis Mullus Romæ <Mulli piscis ingens preciu[m].> ab homine priuato octo millibus nummum emptus, id est, ducentis aureis nostris. Hoc enim creditu difficilius est, quàm amphoram uini præstantissimi & medicamentarij ducentis & octoginta octo aureis nostris uenisse. Tanti enim amphora supradicta ratione constitit. Hanc etiam opinionem adiuuare potest id quod Plinius libro X 11. inquit de Opobalsamo loquens his uerbis, Nec manifestior alibi fraus, quippe millibus denarium sextarij empti <Opobalsami precium.> V uendente

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART V. OF THE SAME, BOOK V. to grow old, so that they can even pay interest at half-pieces: but if it is kept longer, it diminishes in a marvelous way, with no increase in price. Thus, then, I infer that, as though decay itself had reduced the eight congii that an amphora holds to as many sextarii, time itself absorbing them, and then that through the loss caused by spilling and trans vas ation it had reduced the sextarii to two-thirds or three-quarters, the vessels themselves always drinking up their contents. If, to these two losses, you add that samples are given to tasters, and the loss of the tavern measure and the quarter-measure, and that what otherwise disappears, who would now doubt that the price has been stretched to twenty nummi, when interest at half-pieces had pushed it to two nummi and more? If we admit this, each sextarius would have cost two hundred and forty nummi: that is, sixty denarii. By what calculation the price was increased by a little less than one hundred and twenty parts over one hundred and sixty years. Which perhaps will not be incredible if one considers that some very small admixture, as Pliny said, was a medicine for recommending other wines, so that we may understand that a large portion had thereby been drunk away: in which the liquid of the wine would have remained unimpaired and alive. When this was worthy of admiration, therefore Pliny reported it, so that he called it a famous example of wine sold at a very high price. Yet even that is made less surprising by the fish mullet at Rome <Price of the mullet fish. > bought by a private individual for eight thousand nummi, that is, two hundred of our gold coins. For this is harder to believe than that an amphora of the finest and medicinal wine sold for two hundred and eighty-eight of our gold coins. For so much did the aforesaid amphora cost by the above calculation. This same opinion may also be supported by what Pliny says in Book X, chapter 11, speaking of opobalsamum, in these words: “No fraud elsewhere is more evident, since a sextarius bought for thousands of denarii” <Price of opobalsamum.> V seller

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET uendente fisco, trecentis denarijs ueneunt. Si enim Plini[us] tempore, cum largior iam foetura succi eius erat, singuli sextaris synceri liquoris centenis aureis uendebantur (de nostris semper loquor) non magnopere mirum est inusitatae atque omni æuo inauditæ uetustatis uinum, quod medicamenti loco cederet, senis aureis uenum ijsse. Verùm illud ipse miror, quòd anno Opimiano, id est natali ipso uini Opimiani, Plinius singulis amphoris centenos nummos taxandos existimauit, qua ratione culeus nostrâs, id est sesquimodius Parisinus, tribus argenti libris ualuit, hoc est triginta aureis nostris. Quòd si eo anno omnium generum bonitas fuit in Italia, cuius tot uini nobilitates Plinius libro supradicto enumerauit: quonam modo fieri potest ut tanti amphora uenierit, præsertim cum feraces uites habuerit, ut idem autor tradit? Quippe in Gallia ut gelicidium, uredo, & sideratio sequens, & has coeli iniurias procella excipiens, summam caritatem inferant, id quod memoria mea non semel contigit: nemo tame[n] meminit hac in urbe modium uini, qui amphoras octo capit, pluris duo decim aureis uenire, duntaxat uernaculi. Tametsi hic habeamus omnium propè generu[m], id est albi, helui, & intensè rubentis, nigriq[ue], quæ nulli importatorum cedunt duntaxat quotidianæ usu mensæ, licet precio aliquantulum cedant nonnullis importatis, quæ strenuiora esse creduntur titillandis palatis. Vinosiorum hoc hominu[m] iudicio factu[m], qui uina nostratia, id est agri Parisini, mucrone obtusiore esse dictitant, nec satis lancinare linguas gustu seruido & acuto. < Parisini agri uina præstantissima sunt.> Alioquin sanorum iudiciorum consensu constat uina Fræcica, id est uineti Parisini, omnibus numeris bonitatis præcellere, tametsi halitu, ut illa externa, uertigne non cicant. Sed ne illa quidem aduentitia & caput tentantia quauis

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G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND when the treasury is selling them, they are sold for three hundred denarii. For if in Pliny’s time, when the greater abundance of the juice from it had already come, single sextarii of pure liquor were sold for one hundred aurei (I am always speaking of ours), it is not much to be wondered at that wine of unusual and in all ages unheard-of antiquity, which would serve in place of a medicine, should have been sold for six aurei. But what I myself wonder at is that in the year of Opimius, that is, in the very birth-year of Opimian wine, Pliny thought that one hundred sesterces should be assigned to each amphora, by which reckoning a culeus of ours, that is, a Parisian and a half modius, was worth three pounds of silver, that is, thirty of our aurei. But if in that year there was goodness of all kinds in Italy, whose many famous wines Pliny enumerated in the above-mentioned book: how can it be that an amphora came to cost so much, especially since it had fruitful vines, as the same author relates? Indeed, in Gaul, when frost, blight, and the ensuing crop-killing sterility, and a storm taking advantage of these injuries of the sky, bring about extreme scarcity—as has happened more than once in my memory—no one here remembers a modius of wine, which holds eight amphorae, ever selling for more than twelve aurei, and that only of domestic wine. Although here we have almost every kind, that is, white, straw-colored, deep red, and black, which yield to none of the imported wines as far as daily use at table is concerned, though in price they may yield somewhat to some imported wines, which are thought to be more stimulating to tickle the palate. This judgment is made by people more devoted to wine, who keep saying that our native wines, that is, those of the Parisian district, are of a blunter edge, and do not sufficiently lacerate the tongue with a taste that is brisk and sharp. <The wines of the Parisian district are excellent.> Otherwise, by the agreement of sober judgments, it is established that the wines of Fræcia, that is, of the Parisian vineyard, excel all others in every respect of goodness, although in smell, like those foreign wines, they do not provoke dizziness. But not even those imported ones, either, can so much as

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET dam ex eo libro Columellæ transcribere, propter insitam < De cultu vitiu.> ac peruulgatam opinionem inter nostros de uitium cultu, & eius agricolationis alea.1s igitur autor docere uolens uberrimum esse uinearum reditum, Atq[ue] ut omittam, inquit, ueterem illam felicitatem aruorum, quibus & antè iam M. Cato, & mox Varro Terentius prodidit singula iugera uinearum sexcenas urnas præbuisse: his certè temporibus & Nomentana regio celeberrima fama est illustris, & præcipuè quam possidet Seneca uir excelletis ingenij atq[ue] doctrinæ, cuius in prædijs uinearum iugera singula culeos octonos reddidisse plerunque compertum est. Nam illa uidentur prodigialiter in nostris Ceretanis accidisse, ut aliqua uitis apud te excederet uuarum numerum duum millium: ut apud me octingentæ stirpes insitæ intra biennium septenos culeos peræquaret: ut primæ uineæ centenas amphoras iugeratim præberent: cum præta & pascua & syluæ si centenos sestertios singula iugera efficiant, optimè domino consulere uideantur. Nam frumenta maiore quidem parte Italiæ quâdo cum quarto responderint, uix meminisse possumus. sic enim legitur. His uerbis Columella clarissimus autor rei rusticæ testatur nul lum genus agriculturæ aut prædij fructuosius esse uinea. < Arepennum.> Ostendimus suprà iugerum minus esse besse arepenni Parisini, quanquam Columel. libro v 1. dicat semijugerum à Gallis arepennam uocitari. Et idem autor censet extirpan dum uinetum esse quod minus tribus culeis præbeat in iugera, id est sexagenis amphoris. Varro lib. primo, In qua terra, inquit, iugerum unum denos & quinos culeos fert uini, quod quædam in Italia regiones? Sed ut has Varronis uineas raræ felicitatis omittamus, Senecæ uineas Columella octonos culeos ferre solitas tradidit, id est centenas & sexa

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET to transcribe from that book of Columella, because of the ingrained < On the cultivation of the vine.> and widespread opinion among us about the cultivation of the vine, and the gamble of that kind of agriculture. Thus the author, wishing to show that the yield from vineyards is very abundant, “And to omit,” he says, “that old felicity of the fields, of which both M. Cato before, and soon after Terentius Varro, have recorded that single iugera of vineyards yielded six hundred urnæ: in these times certainly the Nomentan district is famous and renowned, and especially that which Seneca possesses, a man of outstanding talent and learning, in whose estate single iugera of vineyards are commonly found to have yielded eight culei.” For those things seem to have happened marvelously among our people of Cereta, namely that some vine with you exceeded the number of two thousand clusters; that with me, eight hundred grafted stocks within two years equaled seven culei; that the first vineyards yielded hundreds of amphoræ per iugerum; since the fields and pastures and woods, if each iugerum produce one hundred sesterces, seem to serve the owner best. For in most parts of Italy we can scarcely remember when the grain crops returned even a fourth part. For thus it is read. By these words Columella, the most distinguished author on agriculture, testifies that no kind of farming or estate is more profitable than the vine. < Arepennum.> We showed above that the iugerum is less by one bes of the Parisian arepennum, although Columella, in book V, says that a half-iugerum is called by the Gauls an arepenna. And the same author judges that a vineyard should be uprooted if it yields less than three culei per iugerum, that is, sixty amphoræ. Varro, in the first book: “In what land,” he says, “does one iugerum produce ten and five culei of wine, as certain regions of Italy do?” But leaving aside these vineyards of Varro of rare good fortune, Columella reported that Seneca’s vineyards were accustomed to yield eight culei, that is, hundreds and sixty

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. & sexagenas amphoras in iugera. Quod quia raru[m] fuit, rursus ijs omisus alias uideamus quæ mediocres habebantur, id est quæ centenariæ erant, quinq[ue] culeos reddentes iugeratim. Vt igitur centenas amphoras, id est duodenos modios nostros & semodium, uinea mediæ notæ præbuerit, & singulis amphoris minimum annonæ precium statuamus, id est quinosdenos nummos: nulle ac quingentos nummos anniuersario uectigali reddidit. Quòd si medicerem annonam æstimare uelimus, hæc summa duplicabitur, ut sint ære nostro quinq[ue]; & septuaginta aurei coronati. Hodie ex iugero & triente Romano, id est iugero Parisino, si quis centenas amphoras annuatim ferret, id est duodecim modios nostros & semissem duntaxat uini non minimæ notæ, quam nostri familiarem appellant, hic Baccho litasse dictitaretur: rariq[ue] sunt in hoc agro qui tantum percipiant etiam infimæ notæ, & tamen apud Co lumellam hic reditus iugeri Romani mediocris inuenitur. quare planum fit, uinearum cultum apud nos non suopte uitio, sed cultoru[m], damnosum existimari. Quum enim hic serè rei rusticæ tractationem ignoremus, & qui nobis sodiunt & putant, omnia ex comodo suo faciant, fit plerunque ut nec exactè nec tempestiùè cultus uitium absoluatur, quum in urbe existentibus dominis, opus in agro fiat. Propterea Plinius libro decimooctauo, Profectò, inquit, opera, non impensa, cultura constat: & ideo maiores fertilissimum in agro oculum domini esse dixerunt. Atque ita loquor, quasi uinitores peritos habeamus, cum uix decimus quisq[ue] artem suam nouerit. Inde fit ut sumptus uineæ, fructum sæpe deuoret. quod tamen ne deterrimo quidem cultu ijs contingit, qui uitiferum solum eligere nouerunt: sed cum iam omnis collus campusq[ue] uitibus conuestiatur, V 3 necesse

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PARTIB. OF IT, BOOK V. and sixty amphorae to the iugera. Because this was rare, let us turn again from these and look at others, which were considered moderate, that is, those which yielded a hundred amphorae, five culei per iugerum. So, then, if a vineyard of middling quality has produced a hundred amphorae, that is, twelve of our modii and a semodium, and if to each amphora we assign the minimum price of grain, that is, fifteen nummi: it has returned five hundred nummi as an annual rent. But if we wish to estimate the price of middling grain, this sum will be doubled, so that it amounts in our currency to five; and seventy gold crowns. Today, from one iugerum and a third Roman, that is, one iugerum Parisian, if someone were to produce a hundred amphorae annually, that is only twelve of our modii and a half of wine of no small quality, which our people call ordinary, he would be said to have sacrificed to Bacchus; and there are few in this district who produce so much even of the lowest quality, and yet in Co lumella this return from a Roman iugerum is found to be moderate. wherefore it is clear that the cultivation of vineyards among us is thought to be ruinous, not by its own fault, but by that of the cultivators. For since here we are scarcely acquainted with the management of rural affairs, and those who assist us and think they know, do everything for their own advantage, it commonly happens that the care of the vines is carried out neither exactly nor in due season, since the owners are in the city while the work is being done in the countryside. Therefore Pliny, in the eighteenth book, says: Certainly, labor, not expense, makes cultivation; and for that reason our ancestors said that the master's eye is the most fertile thing in the field. And I speak thus as though we had skilled vine-growers, when scarcely one in ten knows his own trade. Hence it comes about that the expense of the vineyard often devours the yield. Yet this does not happen even under the worst cultivation to those who know how to choose vine-bearing soil: but since now every plain and field is covered with vines, V 3 it is necessary

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET necesse est inscijs cultoribus plurima uineta non respo[n]dere, præsertim in hoc tractu in quo carbunculatio à gelicidio alternis propè annis sentitur. Quare cum à prima ger minatione usq[ue]; ad quintu[m] Nonas Maias (qui dies plerun= que ultimus est decretorius uitibus) gelicidium timeatur, et huic periculo exemptis iterum uis maior impendeat, quæ nullo non anno alicubi stragem infert, simul uredine ab æstu caniculæ, aut aquæ coelestis inopia uuæ sæpe re= torrescant: id quod cum hæc proderem, egregium prouen tum uinearum bona ex parte perdidit: nisi aut diligentia aut felicitas adiuet, est ferè quod expensum uitibus que= ribundi feramus. Quanta autem priscorum frugalitas, et quàm strenua fuerit diligetia in agricolatione, ex lectione Varronis et Columellæ in uniuersum patet, cuius ue= lut unum specimen illud annotasse satis erit, quod Varro libro primo de uinearum cultu loquens, ita inquit, Saser= na scribit satis esse ad iugera octo hominem unum. Et Co= lumel.lib. xiii. Nam ut amplissimas impensas uineæ po= scant, non tamen excedunt septem iugera unius operâ ui= nitoris. Hodie autem quotus quisq[ue]; uinitor tribus iugcri= bus sufficit? Ita fit, ut uineas non uinitoribus colendas lo= cemus, sed cultorum mancipibus. Propterea in agro Pari= sino uineta magno excoluntur, cum multis in locis Galliæ paruum sumptum quamuis feraces uites poscant. Quod et incuria dominorum, et ignauia uinitorum ita inuete= ratum est, ut constitui apud nos res rustica nequeat, rusti= cis unanimi conspiratione tuentibus quod à maioribus ac= ceperunt. Verum (ut ad Plinium redeam) si centenos num mos in amphoram statuamus anno Opimiano, et cætenas amphoras in iugerum, qui mediocris est prouentus Colu= mellæ, uideamus quonam tandem reditus euasurus sit: Cen= ties Rursus de uini Opimiani precio,

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G. BVD. ON THE AS AND it is necessary that, to the uninstructed cultivators, very many vineyards should not respond, especially in this district, where carbunculation from frost is felt in alternate almost yearly cycles. Wherefore, since from the first germination until the fifth Nones of May (which day is usually the last decisive one for vines) frost is feared, and when this danger has passed, a greater force again hangs over them, which every year in some place causes destruction, while at the same time, from scorching heat of the dog days, or from lack of heavenly water, the grapes often shrivel: this I found when I was putting these things forth, and an excellent yield of vineyards in large part was lost: unless either diligence or good fortune helps, there is scarcely anything that, after the expense, we complain about and bear from the vines. But how great was the frugality of the ancients, and how strenuous their diligence in agriculture, is plainly evident from reading Varro and Columella in general; and it will be enough to note as just one example that Varro, speaking in the first book about the cultivation of vineyards, says: Saserna writes that one man is enough for eight jugera. And Co- lumella, book XIII: for although vineyards demand the largest expenses, still the work of one vine-dresser does not exceed seven jugera. But today, how many vine-dressers in a hundred are enough for three jugera? Thus it comes about that we hire vineyards not to vine-dressers for cultivation, but to laborers as tenants of the cultivators. For this reason in the Parisian district vineyards are cultivated at great expense, whereas in many places of Gaul a small outlay is required, though the vines are fruitful. This has become so established, through both the negligence of owners and the idleness of vine-dressers, that rural affairs cannot be organized among us, the rustics with one voice defending what they have received from their ancestors. But indeed, to return to Pliny, if we set one hundred numi to an amphora in the Opimian year, and two hundred amphoras to a jugerum, which is Columella’s average yield, let us see what sort of return it will finally turn out to be: one hundred times. Again on the price of Opimian wine,

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ties centeni nummu, decem nullia nummûm fiunt, quæ nos ducentis quinquaginta aureis æstimare solemus: quo fit ut non immeritò (ut opinor) Pliniana exemplaria eo in loco suspecti postularim, quomodo & in alijs nonnullis locis feci, officio (ut nubi quidem uideor) studiosi hominis fun= ctus, qui in medium consulit. Nam illud Columellæ in loco à nobis antea citato, Nam frumenta maiore quidem parte Italiæ quando cum quarto respo[n]derint, uix meminisse pos sumus: cum quarto decimo legendum esse notius est, quàm dici debuerit, ex V arrone libro primo, cuius hæc uerba sunt, Quare obseruabis quantum in ea regione consuetu= do erit serendi, ut tantum facias, quantum ualet regio, ac genus terræ, ut ex eodem semune aliubi cum decem respon deat, aliubi cum quindecim, ut in Hetruria locis aliquot. In Sybaritano dicunt etiam cum centesimo redire solitu[m]. Nec murum id Italiæ tribui, cum Plinius tradiderit agru[m] Babylonium cum quinquagesimo foenore messes reddere, diligentioribus agricolis etiam cum cætesnio: de quo He= rodotus in primo ita inquit, ἐν ἐν ἔνημητη οἰκοπον ὑμικα ἀγα= ραθη ἐκφροειρη ἐσί ἐν βαθυληνίν χώρη, ὑπειπι ὑπικοσία ὑμικα ὑπα= ρατην ἀγαθολογη, ἐνδαρν ἐν ἀεισα ὑπτη ἰατητης, ἐκεινη ἐπι πικκοσία ἐκφροει. Id est, ad cerealem autem frugem usque= adeo bona est regio Babylonia, ut plerunque ducena red= dat: ubi autem bonitate sese ipsa uincit, ibi etiam ad trece na. Plinius lib. v. Libyphoenices appellantur qui Byzan= tium incolunt. ita appellatur regio ccl. millibus passuum per circuitu[m] fertilitatis eximiæ, cum centesima fruge agri= colis foenus reddente terra. Et lib. xviii. Tritico nihil est Tritici fertili- tas in Africa. fertilius. hoc enim natura ei tribuit, quonia[m] eo maximè a= lat homine[m]: utpote cum è modio, si sit aptu[m] solu[m], quale in Byzantio Africæ cæpo, cæteni quinquageni modj reddan V 4 tur:

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fifty centeni of coin make ten nulliae of coin, which we are accustomed to estimate at two hundred and fifty aurei; from which it follows that I have not improperly, as I think, in that passage of Pliny demanded suspicious copies, as I have done also in certain other places, performing the duty of a studious man, as it seems to me, who consults the public interest. For that statement of Columella in the passage cited by us above, “Nam frumenta maiore quidem parte Italiæ quando cum quarto respo[n]derint, vix meminisse possumus,” we can scarcely remember; that it ought to be read with “quarto decimo” is more evident than need be said, from Varro, book one, whose words are these: “Quare obseruabis quantum in ea regione consuetu= do erit serendi, ut tantum facias, quantum ualet regio, ac genus terræ, ut ex eodem semune aliubi cum decem respondeat, aliubi cum quindecim, ut in Hetruria locis aliquot. In Sybaritano dicunt etiam cum centesimo redire solitu[m].” Nor should this be attributed to Italy, since Pliny reports that the Babylonian field repays the harvest with fiftyfold interest, and to more careful farmers even with one hundredth part; concerning which Herodotus says thus in the first book: ἐν ἐν ἔνημητη οἰκοπον ὑμικα ἀγα= ραθη ἐκφροειρη ἐσί ἐν βαθυληνίν χώρη, ὑπειπι ὑπικοσία ὑμικα ὑπα= ρατην ἀγαθολογη, ἐνδαρν ἐν ἀεισα ὑπτη ἰατητης, ἐκεινη ἐπι πικκοσία ἐκφροει. That is, as to cereal crops, the Babylonian region is so good that it usually returns two hundredfold; but where it surpasses itself in goodness, there it returns even three hundredfold. Pliny, book V: “Libyphoenices are called those who inhabit Byzantium.” Thus the region is called, in a circuit of 250,000 paces, of extraordinary fertility, the land repaying to farmers a hundredfold harvest. And book XVIII: “Nothing is more fertile than wheat.” The fertility of wheat in Africa. For nature has granted it this, since it nourishes man most of all: for from a modius, if the soil be suitable, such as in Byzantium or Africa, fifty modii are returned for every one. V 4 tur:

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tur: cum centesimo quidè & Leontini Siciliæ campi fundunt, alijq[ue], & tota Betica, & in primis Aegyptus. Hoc dictum Plinij non conuenit cum uerbis Ciceronis superius à nobis citatis de agro Siculo, cum decimo reddente. Non hyperbolicè igitur dominus & deus noster in Euangelio Matthæi cap. XIII. fructum summum ad centesimâ frugem auxit. Verba Plinij lib. XVIII. hæc sunt à Theophrasto ad uerbum traducta, Babylone tamen segetem bis secant, tertiò depascunt, alioquin folia tantum fierent. Sic quoq[ue]; cum quinquagesimo foenore messes reddit exilitas soli, uerùm diligentioribus cum centesimo. Sic enim Hermolaus rectè emendauit. Theophrastus lib. VIII. de stirpi bus, & ἐν ἐπιμελων, ἐπιμελων. ἐν ἐπιμελων ὑποπονταχοα, ποίς ἐπιμελων, ἐπιμελων. Et tamen in antiquis exemplaribus & in impressis ante Hermolaum sic legitur, Sic quoq[ue]; cum quintodecimo foenore messes reddit exilitas soli, uerùm diligentioribus cum centesimo quinquagesimo. quod mirum est, cum ad uerbum Plinius locum Theophrasti uerterit, nisi quòd duo illa uerba, exilitas soli, apud Theophrastum non sunt, nec uidentur conuenire, cum Theophrastus pieram terram illam appellet, id est pinguem, & Plinius ipse præpinguem & densam, ut potius felicitas uel hilaritas uel quid simile, quàm exilitas legi de beat: & mirum sit Hermolaui hæc uerba ex Theophrasto agnouisse, cum exile solum contrariu[m] sit læto & afflueti. Quod aute[m] sequitur, Neq[ue] est cura difficilis, quàm diutissimè aquari gaudet, ut præpinguis & densa hubertas diluæ <Plinius locus.> tur, sic emedandu[m] censeo ex antiquo uno libro, quàm diutissimè aqua rigada. Theophrastus, ἐν ἐπιμελων ὑποπονταχοα, ποις ἐπιμελων ἐπιμελων, ἐπιμελων ἐπιμελων. πιεραρν ἀριθ ἐπαθ

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G. BVD. ON THE SEED AND growth: for with the hundredth, indeed, the fields of Leontini in Sicily yield, and others too, and all of Boeotia, and especially Egypt. This statement of Pliny does not agree with the words of Cicero cited above by us concerning the Sicilian field, which yields the tenth. Therefore our Lord and God in the Gospel of Matthew, chapter XIII, did not use hyperbole when He increased the highest fruit to a hundredfold harvest. The words of Pliny, book XVIII, are these, translated word for word from Theophrastus; yet at Babylon they reap the crop twice, and a third time let it graze, otherwise only leaves would grow. In like manner, when the barrenness of the soil returns the harvest with a fiftieth increase, for the more diligent it is with the hundredth. For thus Hermolaus rightly emended it. Theophrastus, book VIII, De stirpibus , and ἐν ἐπιμελων, ἐπιμελων. ἐν ἐπιμελων ὑποπονταχοα, ποίς ἐπιμελων, ἐπιμελων. And yet in the ancient copies and in the printed editions before Hermolaus it is read thus: In like manner, when the barrenness of the soil returns the harvest with a fifteenth increase, yet for the more diligent with the hundred and fiftieth. Which is surprising, since Pliny translated the passage of Theophrastus word for word, unless those two words, “barrenness of the soil,” are not in Theophrastus, nor do they seem to fit, since Theophrastus calls that land pieran , that is, fertile, and Pliny himself calls it very fertile and dense; so rather “fertility” or “richness” or something similar ought to be read, not “barrenness of the soil.” And it is strange that Hermolaus should have recognized these words as from Theophrastus, since barren soil is the opposite of lush and abundant. What follows, “Nor is the care difficult, for it rejoices in being watered as long as possible, so that the very fertile and dense abundance may be watered down,” <Pliny’s passage.> I judge should thus be corrected from an old manuscript: “as long as possible, watered with water.” Theophrastus, ἐν ἐπιμελων ὑποπονταχοα, ποις ἐπιμελων ἐπιμελων, ἐπιμελων ἐπιμελων. πιεραρν ἀριθ ἐπαθ

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET atque eo amplius domino pensitare solita sint fæniseci in lustrum oblocata, ita ut commodè secum eo pacto putet actum. Atqui centum nummi æstimatione nostra duobus aureis & semusse ualuerunt. Sed quoniam diximus qualis fuerit reditus uinearum, restat ut uideamus quantum fue= < Precium uinea rum.> rit precium. Columella libro quarto, Vinitor licet sit em= ptus sex uel potius sestertijs octo millibus, cum ipsum so= lum septem iugerum totidem millibus nummorum par= tum, uineasq[ue] cum sua dote, id est cum pedamentis & ui= minibus, binis millibus in singula iugera positas duco. His uerbis Columella uineam conseri in singula iugera tribus millibus nummum significat: quibus si operam uinitoris addas, quatuor iam erunt nullia, sine usuris biennij semis= sibus quo uineæ nouella cessat. Hæ ducentos quadraginta nummos ualent. ita singula iugera amplius centenis aureis nostris conserebantur. Plinius uerò in eo loco ubi Opi= miani uini meminit, de arte colendæ uineæ loquens, In nostra (inquit) ætate pauca exempla consummatæ huius artis fuere: uerùm eo mirus onuttenda, ut noscantur e= tiam præmia, quæ in omni rem maximè spectantur. Sum= mam ergo adeptus est gloriam Acilius Stelenus è plebe Libertina, L x. iugerum non amplius uineis excultis in Nomentano agro, atque æquè quadringentis nummis uenundatis. Magna fama & Vetuleno Egilao, uel po= tius Aegialo perinde Libertino fuit in Campaniæ rure Linternino, maiorq[ue] etiam fauore hominum, quoniam ipsum Africani colebat exilium. sed maxima eiusdem Ste= leni opera Rhemmium Palæmonem aliàs Grammaticæ arte celebrem in hisce x x. annis mercatum D C. millibus nummum in eodem Nomentano, decimi lapidis ab Vrbe diuerticulo. Est autem usquequaque nobilitas uinetis per omnia

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND and likewise, since by a larger amount than that they are accustomed to pay the lord, the haymakers who have taken a lease for a five-year term, so that he thinks that he has made a good bargain with them. But in our estimation one hundred nummi were worth two aurei and a half. But since we have said what the return from vineyards was, it remains for us to see how much the purchase price was. < Price of vineyards.> Columella, in the fourth book, says that although a vine-dresser may have been bought for six, or rather eight thousand sesterces, when the land itself of seven iugera was acquired for the same sum of money, and the vineyards with their equipment, that is, with stakes and osiers, were set down at two thousand per iugerum, I reckon the total. By these words Columella signifies that a vineyard is planted at three thousand nummi per iugerum; to which, if you add the labor of the vine-dresser, there will now be four thousand nummi, without interest for two and a half years, during which time the young vine does not yet yield. These amount to two hundred and forty nummi. Thus each iugerum was planted for more than one hundred of our aurei. Pliny too, in the passage where he mentions Opimian wine, speaking of the art of cultivating the vine, says: “In our age there have been few examples of this perfected art; but it is no small matter to set out its rewards as well, since these are especially what are sought in every undertaking.” Accordingly, Acilius Stelenus, from the freedman class, attained the highest renown, having cultivated no more than ten iugera of vineyards in the Nomentan territory, and selling them for four hundred nummi apiece. Great fame also belonged to Vetulenus Egilaus, or rather Aegialus, likewise a freedman, in the country district of Campania at Linternum, and even greater favor among men, since he had cultivated the exile of Africanus himself. But the greatest achievement of the same Stelenus was that he purchased Rhemmius Palæmon, formerly celebrated in the art of grammar, in these last twenty years, for six hundred thousand nummi, in the same Nomentan district, at the tenth milestone by the road from the City. And everywhere nobility lies in vineyards in every respect.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET magis perspicuum minusq[ue]; mendosum referrem. Hermolaus in altera editione hunc locum declarare cupiens, Videtur (inquit) Steleni uinetum primo c c c c. nullibus uenisse, tum D C. nullibus mercante Palæmone, non à Ste leno, sed ab emptore primo: demum quadruplicato pre= cio comparatum à Seneca. Ego aliter censeo, quare sic legendum existimo, Sed maxima eiusdem Steleni opera Rhemmio Palæmoni aliàs Grāmatica arte celebri in hi= sce x x. annis mercato rus sexcentis millibus nummûm in eodem Nomentano: ex uetustissimo libro, in quo hæc per datiuum leguntur, Palæmoni & celebri, nec mercatu[m], sed mercatorijs, ex quo mercato rus legedum duco. Alioquin frustra Plinius dixisset in eodem Nomentano, si de uineto superiore ipse intellexisset. Maxima igitur fama fuit Pa= læmoni opera Steleni. Est enim opera septimus casus, non accusandi. nec Palæmon opera, id est agricolationes Ste= leni mercatus est: sed ad rus emendum opera Steleni usus est, qui iam documentum industriæ suæ ac solertiæ dede= rat uenudato uineto c c c. millibus nummûm. Sequitur, Est autem nobilitas uinetis (uel mercis, ut in omnibus an= tiquis legitur) per omnia suburbana, ibi tamen maxima, quoniam neglecta per indiligentiam prædia perhauriat. malim, ut in antiquis & pridem impressis legitur, paraue= rat, hoc sensu, quum aliàs uineta magno ibi uenirent pro= pter uicinitatem, tum illa maximè Palæmonis in precio e= rant, quia illa comparauerat negligentia dominorum coli desita, ex quo noualium uice censebantur, quod Plinius significat dicens eum uineas pastinasse, quod renouasse si= gnificat. uix tamen hoc congruit cum Columella libro quarto, quum in ponenda uite restibilis uineti ultimam conditionem esse censeat. Quare fortasse Plinius uanita= tem in Plintj locus. Pastinare quid sit.

Transcription: Translated (English)

I would render G. BVD. DE ASSE ET more clearly and with fewer errors. Hermolaus, wishing in the second edition to explain this passage, says: “It seems that Stelenus’ vineyard first came to C C C C. nullibus, then to D C. nullibus, with Palæmon as purchaser, not from Stelenus but from the first buyer; finally it was bought by Seneca at four times the price.” I think otherwise, and therefore I believe it should be read thus: “But the greatest works of the same Stelenus were in Rhemmius Palæmon, otherwise celebrated for the grammatical art, in these x x years, for six hundred thousand sesterces, in the same Nomentan estate.” From a very old book, in which these words are read in the dative, “to Palæmon and celebrated,” and not “market,” but “market goods,” from which I infer that “mercatorijs” should be read. Otherwise Pliny would have said in the same Nomentan estate in vain, if he had understood the upper vineyard himself. Therefore the greatest renown was for Palæmon’s work of Stelenus. For opera is the seventh case, not the accusative. Nor did he purchase Palæmon’s work, that is, Stelenus’ farms; but he used Stelenus’ work to buy land, since Stelenus had already given proof of his diligence and skill by selling a vineyard for C C C. thousand sesterces. What follows is: “There is also nobility in vineyards” (or “in merchandise,” as is read in all the ancient texts) “through all the suburbs, but there most of all, since neglected estates are taken up through carelessness.” I would prefer, as is read in the ancient and long-printed books, “paraverat,” with this sense: since elsewhere vineyards there were sold for a high price because of their nearness, so those of Palæmon were especially valuable, because he had acquired them after neglect by their owners had caused them to be left uncultivated; from this they were reckoned in place of fallow lands, which Pliny indicates when he says that he had planted vines, which means that he had renewed them. Yet this scarcely agrees with Columella in the fourth book, when he judges that, in setting a vine for replanting, the last condition of a vineyard must be observed. Therefore perhaps Pliny’s vanity in Pliny’s passage. What “pastinare” means.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tam, ferramêta egregiè facta, graues ligones, uomeres ponderosos, boues saturos: postea dixit, Veneficia mea Qui- rites hæc sunt, nec possum uobis ostendere aut in forum adducere lucubrationes, uigiliasq[ue] & sudores. omnium sententijs itaque absolutus est. Sic igitur uicinitas non na- uatæ in cultu operæ, sed doctrinæ cuidam reconditæ tri- buendam censebat uberiorem fructuum perceptione. Se- quitur, Vt non puderet inuiso aliàs & ostento futuro tradere palmam eam emptis quadruplicato uineis. Vbi in uetusto, alias regiones, & ostentaturo legimus: in alio, < Plinij locus.> ostentatur. quare legendum censeo, inuisuro alias regio- nes, & ostentaturo. ut intelligamus Palæmonè tanto pre- cio ea regione exactum, alium locum quæsiturum in quo ostentare precium industriæ suæ posset. Reliqua ita cor- rupta censeo, ut sensus commodè elici nequeat. Veniamus nunc ad id quod quærebatur, Si sexaginta iugera qua- dringentis nullibus uenierunt, quæ decem millibus aureo- rum à nobis æstimâtur: sex iugera mille aureis constiterût, ut in singula iugera cætenos sexagenossenos & semissem statuere debeamus. Si hoc precium ex Columellæ ratione æstimetur, non uideo cur summam laudem propter hoc a- deptus sit Acilius, quod Plinius inquit. Propterea suspe- ctum numerum habeo. nam & in quodam antiquo legi, L x. iugerûm non amplius uineis excultis in Nomentano agro, atque æquè numero uenundatis. ut fortasse sic Pli- nius scripserit, atque æquè numero festertium uenundatis. Quaratione summa laus fuit in singula iugera centenis millibus nummûm uineam uendidisse, alioquin non ma- gnopere creuisset precium, quod non conuenit cum cultu ruris alterius, quod quadruplicato intra decimu[m] uenditu[m] est, cuius etiam uindemia pendens quadringentis nullibus nummûm

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET so-and-so, with tools excellently made, heavy hoes, weighty ploughshares, well-fed oxen: afterward he said, “My charms, Quirites, are these, and I cannot show you or bring into the forum my late nights, vigils, and labors.” By the vote of all he was therefore acquitted. Thus, then, the neighborhood judged that the reward should be given not to toil not applied in cultivation, but to a certain hidden learning, on account of a richer return of produce. It follows that he was not ashamed to hand over the prize to one who would elsewhere be unseen and later to be displayed, for vineyards bought at four times the price. Where we read in the old text, “to other regions, and to be displayed,” in another place, <passage of Pliny.> “is displayed.” Therefore I think it should be read, “to one who would elsewhere go unseen, and to be displayed,” so that we may understand that Palæmon was driven from that region at such a price, and would seek another place in which he could display the value of his own diligence. I judge the rest so corrupt that the sense cannot be extracted with any ease. Let us now come to the point that was being asked: if sixty iugera were sold for four hundred sesterces, and are estimated by us at ten thousand aurei, six iugera would have cost one thousand aurei, so that we ought to assign to each iuger sixty-six and a half sesterces. If this price is estimated from Columella’s calculation, I do not see why Acilius gained the highest praise for it, as Pliny says. For that reason I have the number under suspicion. For in an ancient copy I also read: “L x. iugera, no more, of vineyards cultivated in the district of Nomentum, and sold at the same number.” Perhaps Pliny wrote it thus: “and sold at the same number of sesterces.” On that basis the highest praise was that he sold a vineyard at one hundred thousand sesterces per iuger; otherwise the price would not have risen greatly, which does not accord with the cultivation of another estate, which was sold within ten days at four times the price, and of which even the hanging vintage was valued at four hundred sesterces.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. driennium regiæ amicitiæ ter millies sestertiu[m] parauisset? Romæ testamenta & orbos uelut indagine eius capi. Ita= liam & prouincias immenso foenore hauriri. His uerbis cum superioribus intelligimus Senecam magnos reditus ex agris & foenore pecuniæ habuisse. quòd si sestertium ter nullies quarto iam anno imperij Neronis quæsiuerat, ut Suillius dixit: quid existimemus eum habuisse octauo eiusdem imperij anno, quando orationem illam ad Nero= nem habuit? Ter nullies (ut alibi diximus) census fuit ma= ior Crassiano, hoc est septuagies quinquies centena nullia aureum huius temporis. Olim autem à censu notæ erant opes hominum, no[n] ut nunc occultæ. professio enim necessi tatis erat. Cæterum ex antedictis feracitas uinearum anti quarum declaratur, cum Plinius dicat, Ac ne quis uictam in hoc antiquitatem arbitraetur, idem Cato denos culeos redire ex iugeribus scripsit. & ut reditus opimus intelli= geretur, subdidit Plinius, Efficacibus exemplis non maria plus temerata conserre mercatori, non in Rubrum littus Indicum'ue merces petitas, quàm sedulum ruris larem. Sed tanta copia in Cecubis & Setinis Falernisq[ue]; no[n] fuit, quæ primæ autoritatis erant, ut ex Plinio & Columella nouimus. Nomentanus enim ager feracitate no[n] autoritate præstantiæ illustris erat. Propterea addidit ea uerba Pli= nius, digna opera quæ in Cecubis Setinisq[ue]; agris profice ret. Prodigio autem simile est, uitem unam, id est unam stir pem, excessisse uuarum numerum duorum millium, quod Columella dixit: & id dictu[m] de uite pergulari puto. Vnde idem alibi, In Albano generis Aminei uitis notas habui= mus, numero quidem perpaucas, uerum ita fertiles, ut in iugo singulæ ternas urnas præberent, in pergulis autem singulæ denas amphoras peræquarent. Nunc citetur lo= X cus

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART V. OF IT. BOOK V. …had he prepared for the king’s friendship three thousand times a hundred thousand sesterces? At Rome, wills and orphans were, as it were, caught by his snare. Italy and the provinces were drained by immense usury. From these words, together with those above, we understand that Seneca had large revenues from estates and from lending money at interest. For if he had acquired three hundred million sesterces in the fourth year already of Nero’s reign, as Suillius said: what shall we think he had in the eighth year of the same reign, when he delivered that speech to Nero? Three hundred million sesterces (as we said elsewhere) was a fortune greater than Crassus’s, that is, seventy-five times one hundred million of the gold of our age. In former times, however, men’s wealth was known by their census, not concealed as now. For declaration was a necessity. Besides, from what has been said before, the fruitfulness of ancient vineyards is made clear, when Pliny says: “And lest anyone should think antiquity vanquished in this matter, the same Cato wrote that ten cullei return from each iugerum.” And in order that a rich yield might be understood, Pliny added: “By convincing examples, not seas more traversed by the merchant, nor goods sought on the Red Sea or the Indian shore, than the diligent home of the countryside.” But such abundance was not found in the Cecuban, Setian, and Falernian wines, which were of the first authority, as we know from Pliny and Columella. For the Nomentan field was distinguished not by authority but by fertility. Therefore Pliny added those words, “works worthy of being applied in the Cecuban and Setian fields.” But it is almost like a prodigy that a single vine, that is, a single stock, surpassed the number of two thousand clusters, as Columella said; and I think this was said of the pergula vine. Hence the same author elsewhere: “In the Alban vineyards of the Aminean stock we had vines, indeed very few in number, but so fruitful that on a trellis each single vine yielded three urns, while on pergolas each vine equaled ten amphorae.” Now let the place be cited.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET cus Plinij libro decimooctauo ubi de summa fertilitate loquitur. Ciuitas, inquit, Africæ in medijs sita arenis Syrtis petentibus Leptim, quæ magna uocatur Tacape, felici super omne miraculum riguo solo, ternis ferè passuum millibus in omnem partem, sons abundat, largus quidè, sed certis horarum spatijs dispensatus inter incolas. Palmæ ibi prægrandi subditur olea, huic ficus, fico punica, illi uitis. sub uite seritur frumentum, mox legumen, demum holus, omnia eodem anno, omniaq[ue] aliena umbra aluntur. Quaterna cubita eius soli in quadratu[m], nec ut à porrectis metiantur digitis, sed in pugnum contractis, quaternis denarijs ucundantur. Super omnia est, bifera[m] uitem bis anno uindemiare. Et nisi multiplici partu exinaniatur ubertas, pereant luxuria singuli fructus. nunc uerò toto anno metitur aliquid, constatq[ue] fertilitati non occurrere homines. Hactenus Plinius. Age ineamus rationem. quaterna cubita[m] plena & iusta in quadratum, hexapoda nostram faciunt, id est tricenossenos pedes: quæ mensura octingeties multiplicata[m], duodetriginta millia & octingentos pedes explet. Nos enim superius docuimus iugerum Romanum octingentas hexapodas habuisse. Sic fit ut iugerum Romæ num eius soli Africi duodecim millibus & octingentis sestertijs nummis constiterit: quæ ære nostro trecentis & uiginti aureis coronatis ualent. & tamen ita ratione[m] subduximus, quasi plena cubita fuerint. Magna est hodie opinio agri nostri suburbani, qui uliginem contrahit à colluui urbis. holeribus & acetarijs & raphanis & legumini bus seritur, & interim pergulis circunuestitur, ne hyeme quidem nisi sæuissima cessans: sed pretiu[m] eius, ut arbitror, ad tertiam partem illius Africani non accedit. Vnum aute[m] restat dicendum, quod consultò in finem operis dilatum est

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON THE AS AND with Pliny in the eighteenth book, where he speaks of the greatest fertility. A city, he says, of Africa, situated amid the sands of the Syrtes toward Leptis, which is called the great Tacape, with a happily wonderful irrigated soil beyond all others, for nearly three thousand paces in every direction, abounds in springs, indeed plentifully, but distributed among the inhabitants at fixed hours. There the palm has beneath it the olive, beneath this the fig, beneath the fig the pomegranate, beneath it the vine. Under the vine is sown grain, then legumes, and finally herbs, all in the same year, and all are nourished by another’s shade. Four cubits of that soil, taken squarely, and not measured by outstretched fingers, but with the fingers drawn into a fist, are valued at four denarii each. Above all, it is a marvel to harvest a vine that bears twice in a year. And unless its abundance is emptied by manifold bearing, the individual fruits perish through luxury. Now indeed something is gathered throughout the whole year, and it is plain that men cannot keep pace with its fertility. So much for Pliny. Come, let us do the calculation. Four cubits, full and proper, taken squarely, make our hexapod, that is, thirty feet by ten paces: which measure multiplied eight hundred times fills thirty-two thousand eight hundred feet. For we have shown above that the Roman iugerum had eight hundred hexapods. Thus it comes about that a Roman iugerum of that African soil cost twelve thousand eight hundred sesterces: which, in our money, is worth three hundred and twenty gold crowns. And yet we have reckoned it so as though the cubits were full. Great today is the reputation of our suburban land, which draws moisture from the overflow of the city. It is sown with greens, salad herbs, radishes, and legumes, and in the meantime is surrounded with pergolas, never ceasing even in winter unless it be the fiercest: but its price, as I think, does not come up to a third part of that African one. One thing however remains to be said, which was purposely deferred to the end of the work

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PARTIB EIVS LIB. V. 691 est, ut in mentione domini nostri fastigium operi imponatur. Matthæi decimo legitur, [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] 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Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB EIVS LIB. V. 691 it is, that in the mention of our Lord the crowning of the work is placed upon it. Matthew the tenth is read, [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] 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bub_gb_2Iqok-Lv-wcC-page-700.png

Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 693 ac platani aureæ donauisset, ac tum quoque nihilominus hominum ditissimus secundum regem esset: rursus admiratus Xerxes, & ad Pythiu[m] co[n]uersus, sciscitari coepit quàm ingentis pecuniæ fiducia ad pollicitatione illa[m] uenisset. Ad ea Pythius, Cum ad mare, inquit, Græciæ descendere te au-dissem, statim opum mearu[m] rationem inire aggressus sum. < Pythius Bithynius.> I am tum enim in animum induxeram pecuniâ tibi dono dare in bellum id gerendum. Subducta igitur ratione, argenti quidem talenta duo millia, auri uerò myriadas quadringentas, staterum Daricorum septem millibus minus habere me comperi: quæ tibi dono dare statui. Mihi aute[m] uictus ex mancipijs & agricultura suppetet. His uerbis Xerxes delectatus, Vt tecu[m], inquit, paria faciam, pro hac liberalitate hospitem te meu[m] facio: quadringetas uerò myriadas nummum de meo explebo datis tibi chiliadibus septem, ut quadragies centenis millibus Daricorum stateru[m] nihil desit. Proinde quæ hactenus possedisti, possideto, me mentoq[ue] talem te semper præstare. hæc enim te facientem, nec in præsens, nec in futurum poenitebit. Hæc sunt enim uerba Xerxis apud Herodotum, [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] 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Transcription: Translated (English)

PART II. HIS BOOK V. 693 and had bestowed gifts of golden plane-trees, and even then had nonetheless been the richest of men next to the king. Xerxes, astonished once more, and turning to Pythius, began to ask with how great a sum of money he had come in confidence to make that offer. To this Pythius replied: “When I heard, he said, that you were descending to the sea of Greece, I at once began to reckon up my resources. Pythius the Bithynian. For I had already resolved in my mind to give you money as a gift for waging that war. After making the calculation, I found that I possessed two thousand talents of silver and, in gold, four hundred myriads, with seven thousand less Daric staters; these I determined to give you as a gift. My livelihood, however, will be supplied from my slaves and from agriculture.” Delighted by these words, Xerxes said: “To make you my equal in return, I make you my guest-friend for this generosity; and I will make up the four hundred myriads of coins from my own resources by adding seven thousand darics, so that nothing may be lacking to the forty million Daric staters. Therefore continue to possess what you have possessed thus far, and remember always to prove yourself such a man. For in doing this you will feel no regret, neither now nor in the future.” These are the words of Xerxes in Herodotus.

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET conuiuas totidè potorijs uasis, mutantè uasa cu[m] ferculis, saginasse? quota uerò illæ ipsæ (neq[ue] enim de regibus loquor) portio fuerit Pythij Bythinij, qui platanum aurea[m], uitemq[ue] nobilem illâ Dario Regi donauit: Xerxis copias, hoc est septies L X X X V I I I. millia excepit epulo, stipendium quinque mensium frumentu[m]q[ue] pollicitus, ut è quinq[ue] liberis senectuti suæ in delectu unus saltem concederetur? In antiquis exemplaribus legitur, Mille millia hominum excepit. V terque autem numerus mendosus esse uidetur ex Herodoto, qui peditatum Xerxis ex Asia contractum, ter et uicies centena millia hominu[m] fuisse dicit præter seruitia et frumentatores, præter classem, cuius magnu[m] numerum facit. Hunc igitur numerum hominu[m] Pythium hospitio suscepisse uerisimile est, quoniâ tætas copias terrestres habuit Xerxes quum in Phrygia[m] uenit. Na[m] posteaquam Hellespontum transijt, numerus exercitus seruitijs et comitatu supra quinquagies auctus est, ut in superioribus dictum est quum de choenice loqueremur. Sed Plinius fortasse Herodotu[m] autorem non secutus est, sed Trogum, qui Xerxem ex regno suo septingenta hominum millia coegisse dicit, et trecenta ex auxiliaribus. Quare Plinius scripsisse existimari potest septies octoginta millia, ut subintelligatur centena uerbum, ut supra docuimus, ut sit septies centena octoginta octo millia. Quod si ex Herodoto restituere placet, sic legendu[m], Decies septies octoginta millia. Nam Herodotus præter peditatum etia[m] octoginta millia equitum fuisse auctor est. Cum aute[m] Plinius dicat Pythium quinq[ue] mensium stipendium et frumentu[m] exercitui Xerxis pollicitum esse quinq[ue] filiorum suoru[m] nomine, ut tantum uni uacationem militiæ impetraret, existimo quadragies centena millia stateru[m] Daricoru[m] tanto exercitui

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G. BVD. OF ASSE ET he entertained the guests, changing the vessels for the courses, with all the drinking vessels; did he then lavishly feast them? how great, indeed, was the share of those very men (for I am not speaking of kings), Pythius the Bithynian, who presented to King Darius a golden plane tree and a noble vine: he received Xerxes’ forces, that is, seven times L X X X V I I I. thousand, at a banquet, promising five months’ pay and grain, that out of his five sons at least one might be granted him, by selection, for his old age? In ancient exemplars it is read, He received a thousand thousand men. But the number by the V and by three seems to be corrupt from Herodotus, who says that Xerxes’ infantry, drawn together from Asia, numbered three and twenty times one hundred thousand men, besides servants and bakers, besides the fleet, of which he gives a very large number. It is therefore likely that Pythius received this number of men as guests, since Xerxes had such large land forces when he came into Phrygia. For after he had crossed the Hellespont, the number of the army was increased more than fifty times by attendants and the retinue, as was said above when we were speaking of the choenix. But perhaps Pliny did not follow Herodotus as his authority, but Trogus, who says that Xerxes gathered seven hundred thousand men from his own kingdom, and three hundred thousand from auxiliaries. Therefore Pliny may be thought to have written seven times eighty thousand, so that the word “hundred” is to be understood, as we have shown above, so that it makes seven hundred eighty-eight thousand. But if one prefers to restore it from Herodotus, it should be read thus: seventeen times eighty thousand. For Herodotus is also the authority that besides the infantry there were eighty thousand horsemen. But since Pliny says that Pythius promised the army of Xerxes five months’ pay and grain in the name of his five sons, in order that he might obtain exemption from military service for only one of them, I think forty hundred thousand Daric staters for so great an army

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET πιχιλια πιακοσπια εξηκνητα. ὑδὲ πῶνες ὑδὲ γγδος ὑδὲ ἐφεκδος τῶν πιάκνητα μνῶν ἐγιων καὶ εξηκνητα, πεντακοσπια απαχμαι καὶ εξηκνητα. Atqui centu[m] & uiginti stateres fiunt tria millia trecetæ sexaginta. Fænus autem terrestre sesquisextu[m], tri gintatriu[m] minaru[m] & sexaginta, quingetæ fiunt drachmæ et sexaginta. < Stater Cyzicenus Atticus & Persicus.> His uerbis apparet staterè Cyzicenu[m] paulo= minus tribus aureis coronatis ualuisse: sed Atticos stateres & Persicos Cyzicenis uberiores multo fuisse & pòdere & indicatura conijciendu[m] est, & præsertim Persicos, cum Babylonium talentum ephectam proportionem ad Atti= cum habuerit. Stateres autem aureos hic intelligimus ex ijs quæ sequuntur, etia[m] si Pollux stateris appellatione non magis aureum quàm argenteum intelligendum censuerit. Sed notanda uerba Demosthenis, Tria nullia trecetæ sex= aginta. Et rursus, Trigintatrium minarum & sexaginta. Vbi drachmas subintelligi uoluit, communi more loquen= di apud Græcos, ut apud Romanos nummi intelliguntur, ut alibi sæpe diximus. Quomodo autem apud Romanos argentea nomismata drachmalia signabantur Athenien= sium imitatione, & aurea didrachma erant, sic apud Athe nienses & Persas & Macedonas stateres aurei geminato pondere signabantur, hoc est octonis drachmis. certè no= misma unum hoc triennio argenteu[m] uidi, cuius index erat λυσιμά χασπλέως, Lysimachi Regis. uerum pondus tunc non examinaui, nec alioquin nummum magnopere co[n]si= derandum duxi, quòd nihil tum harum rerum cogitarem, quas in hoc opere tractaui: quare nec mihi oblatu[m] merca tus sum, taetsi nomismatu[m] huiusmodi studiosus propter an tiquitate[m]. Hoc aute[m] anno quu[m] anxiè perquirere et ter qua[m] terq[ue]; argento repedere paratus essem, in tertias quartasq[ue]; manus peruenisse co[n]peri, et tade[m] hinc exportatu[m] sed quu[m] ab

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G. BVD. ON THE AS AND five thousand five hundred sixty. six hundred, eight hundred and four, and sixty of the pieces of ninety-two minas, and sixty, five hundred drachmas and sixty. For 120 staters make 3,360. But the rural interest at one-sixth, 33 minas and sixty, makes 560 drachmas and sixty. < Cyzicene, Attic, and Persian stater.> From these words it appears that a Cyzicene stater was worth a little less than three gold crowns: but the Attic and Persian staters must be conjectured to have been much heavier than the Cyzicenes, both in weight and in denomination, and especially the Persian, since the Babylonian talent had an ephectic proportion in relation to the Attic. By staters here we understand gold staters from what follows, even if Pollux judged that by the term stater one ought to understand no more gold than silver. But note the words of Demosthenes, “Three thousand three hundred and sixty.” And again, “Thirty-three minas and sixty.” Where he wished drachmas to be understood, according to the common way of speaking among the Greeks, as among the Romans coins are understood, as we have often said elsewhere. And just as among the Romans silver coins were marked drachmal according to the imitation of the Athenians, and gold ones were didrachms, so among the Athenians and Persians and Macedonians gold staters were marked with double weight, that is, eight drachmas. Certainly I saw one silver coin in this three-year period, whose inscription was λυσιμά χασπλέως, of King Lysimachus. But I did not then examine its weight, nor otherwise did I think the coin worth especially considering, because I was not then thinking about any of the matters I have treated in this work; therefore I neither purchased it when it was offered to me, though I was fond of coins of this kind because of their antiquity. But this year, when I was anxiously searching and prepared to weigh the silver three times and four times over, I found that it had passed into third and fourth hands, and at last had been exported from here, but when

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 697 ab ijs percunctarer, qui maximè meminisse uidebantur, quantum ponderis traheret, aiebat unus se existimare se= mutiale nomisma fuisse. Id ille nuhi facilè persuasit, quòd alter maius etiam pondus meminisse se dicebat: & ea nuhi magnitudo nomismatis oculis obuersabatur, quæ (ut mini mum) æquaret denariu[m] Mediolanese[m]. Rescuii etia[m] à ter tio, in cuius tunc manu esset, id est, cui ipse id dono dedisset (in quartam enim manum uenerat) sed uidere nuhi postea non contigit. Siue autem stater is fuerit, siue non, Daricus tamen stater no[n] minus denis aureis nostris ualuit, id est, ar genti muna, qua ratione fit, ut quadragies centena nullia Daricorum, quadringenties centena nullia coronatorum ualuerint. Nunc igitur apparet Pythium Bithynium no[n] modò septingentis & octoginta millibus, sed planè decies centenus nullibus atq[ue] adeo decies septies cætenis, et equi= tatui præterea & classi stipendium & frumentum suppe ditare in quinque menses potuisse. Hic obiter nonnihil di cendum de militari stipendio: cuius modus cum parum an= tehac statui potuisset, historia Corneli[us] Taciti Romæ nu= per edita restitutis aliquot libris, nobis occasionem dedit & ansam aliquid de eo explicandi. < De stipendio militari.> Stipendium militare quo tempore institutu[m] fuerit, Liuius libro quarto ab Vr= be condita docet de Anxuris expugnatione loquens, his uerbis, Oppidum uetere fortuna opulentum tres exerci= tus diripuere, eaq[ue] primum benignitas imperatorum ple= bem Patribus conciliauit. Additum deinde omnium maxi mè tempestiuo principum in multitudinem munere, ut ante mentionem ullam plebis Tribunorum'ue decerneret Senatus ut stipendium miles de publico acciperet, cum an te id tempus de suo quisque functus eo munere esset. Ni= hil unqua[m] acceptum à plebe tanto gaudio traditur. Idem X 5 paulum

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PART V, BOOK V. 697 from those I asked, who seemed to remember it best, how much it weighed, one said that he believed it to have been a double daric. This he easily persuaded me of, because another said that he remembered an even greater weight; and that size of coin was before my eyes, which (at the very least) would equal a Milanese denarius. I also learned from a third man, in whose hand it then was, that is, to whom he himself had given it as a gift (for it had come into a fourth hand), but I did not afterward have the chance to see it. Whether, however, it was a stater or not, a daric stater nevertheless was worth no less than ten of our gold coins, that is, a silver mina, by which reckoning it follows that four hundred myriads of darics, and four hundred myriads of crowned coins, were of equal value. It now appears, then, that Pythius the Bithynian was able to supply not only seven hundred and eighty thousand, but plainly ten times a hundred thousand and even seventeen times as many; and moreover to provide pay and grain for the cavalry and the fleet for five months. Here, by the way, something must be said about military pay: since its amount could not long before have been fixed, the history of Cornelius Tacitus, recently published at Rome, with some books restored, has given us an opportunity and an opening to explain something about it. < On military pay.> Military pay at what time it was instituted, Livy in the fourth book From the Founding of the City, when speaking of the capture of Anxur, tells us in these words: “A town once rich in ancient fortune was plundered by three armies, and this was the first act of generosity on the part of the commanders that reconciled the plebs to the senators. Then there was added, as the most timely of all gifts to the multitude from the rulers, that before any mention was made by the tribunes of the plebs, the Senate decreed that the soldier should receive pay from the public treasury, whereas up to that time each man had performed that duty at his own expense. Never is anything reported to have been received by the plebs with such joy.” The same X 5 a little

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET paulum infrà, Postremo indicto iam tributo, edixerunt etia[m] Tribuni auxilio se futuros, si quis in militare stipendium tributum non contulisset. Patres bene coeptam rem persecueranter tueri. conferre ipsi primi. & quia nondum < Aeris grauis tempus. > argentum signatum erat, æs graue plaustris quidam ad ærarium conuehentes, speciosam etiam collationem faciebant. His Liuij uerbis apparet cur æra merere mulites dicantur, curq[ue] ærarium dictum sit, ab ære scilicet graui, nondum arg[umen]teo nummo percusso. Inde illa locutio apud Liuium in sexto ab Vrbe condita, Inde rem creditori palam populo soluit, libraq[ue]; & ære liberatum emittit, de < Libra, & ære liberare. > Manlio loqu[enti]es. Tacitus uerò libro primo ab excessu Augusti, de seditione Pannonica loquens, quæ circa initium principatus Tyberij contigit, ita inquit, uerba seditione[m] agitantium referens: Qua[n]do ausuros exposcere remedia, nisi nouum ac nutantem adhuc principem precibus uel ar mis adirent? Satis per tot annos ignauia peccatum, quòd tricena aut quadragena stipendia senes, & pleriq[ue] truncato ex uulneribus corpore tolerant. Ne dimissis quidem finem esse mulitiæ, sed apud uexillum retentos, alio uocabulo eosdem labores perferre, ac si quis tot casus uitæ superauerit, trahi adhuc diuersas in terras, ubi per nomine agrorum, uligines paludum, uel inculta montium accipiant. Enimuero militiam ipsam grauem, infructuosam, denis in diem assibus animam & corpus æstimari. Hinc uestem, arma, tentoria, hinc sæuitiam Centurionu[m], & uacationes munerum redimi. at hercule uerbera & uulnera, duram hyemem, exercitas æstates, bellum atrox aut sterilem pacem sempiternæ: nec aliud leuamentum, quàm si certis sub legibus militia iniretur, ut singulos denarios mererent, sextusdecimus stipendij annus finem afferret, ne ultra sub uxillis

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G. BVD. OF THE AS AND a little below. Finally, when the tribute had now been decreed, they also proclaimed that the Tribunes would be there to help, if anyone should not have contributed the tribute for military service. The Fathers, to maintain the affair which had been well begun, themselves were the first to contribute. And because silver coin had not yet been struck, some, bringing rough bronze in wagons to the treasury, made a showy contribution as well. From these words of Livy it is apparent why soldiers are said to “earn bronze,” and why the treasury was called the aerarium, namely from rough bronze, since no silver coin had yet been struck. Hence that expression in Livy in the sixth book from the founding of the City: “Then he pays the creditor publicly before the people, and releases him freed by the balance and by bronze,” from Manlius speaking. But Tacitus, in the first book of the Annals after the death of Augustus, speaking of the Pannonian mutiny, which happened around the beginning of Tiberius’ principate, says thus, reporting the words of those stirring up the mutiny: “When will they dare to demand remedies, unless they approach a new and still wavering prince with prayers or arms? For so many years enough has been committed by cowardice, since men of sixty or eighty campaigns, and most of them with body maimed by wounds, endure them. Nor even for those discharged is there an end to service, but, kept under the standard, they bear the same labors under another name, as if one who has survived so many hazards of life should be dragged still into distant lands, where, under the name of fields, they receive marshy swamps, or uncultivated mountains. Indeed the service itself is heavy and unprofitable, with soul and body valued at ten asses a day. From this come clothing, arms, tents; from this the cruelty of the Centurions, and the exemption from tasks to be bought off. But, by Hercules, beatings and wounds, harsh winters, exhausting summers, brutal war or barren peace are everlasting; and there is no other relief, except if military service were undertaken under definite laws, so that they might earn a denarius each, the sixteenth year of service should bring an end, and they should not beyond under

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 699 uexillistenerentur, sed ijsdem in castris præmium pecunia solueretur. An Prætorias cohortes, quæ binos denarios acciperent, quæ post sedecim annos penatibus suis redda= tur, plus periculoru[m] suscipere? Et paulò post, Responsum est à coccione, mandata esse Clementi centurioni quæ per= ferret. Is oritur de missione à sedecim annis, de præmijs si nitæ militiæ, ut denarius diurnu[m] stipendiu[m] foret, ne ueterani sub uexillo haberetur. Et rursus de instaurata seditione lo quens, 1gitur uolutatis inter se rationibus placitu[m], ut epi= stolæ nomine principis scriberentur, missione[m] dari uicena stipendia meritis, ex autorari qui senadena fecissent, ac re= tineri sub uexillo cæteroru[m] immunes, nisi propulsandi ho stis. His uerbis apparet ueteranos milites aliquado tricena stipedia implere solitos, aliquado quadragena, aliquado uicena: nec ullu[m] tepus perpetuò statutu[m] fuisse. Simul uete ranos militia exautoratos no[n] statim missione[m] adipisci soli tos, sed indulgentiore militia sub uexillis retineri quo ad præmia et colonias acciperet. ex quo planius intelligitur id quod Tranquil. in T yberio scribit, Atq[ue] etia[m] missiones ueteranoru[m] rarissimas fecit, ex senio morte[m], ex morte co[m]pe[n] dium captans. Veru[m] ut supradictis T aciti uerbis intelligi= mus denos asses diurnu[m] stipendium militare fuisse, ita eade[m] uerba hoc significare uidentur, denarium maius stipendiu[m] assibus Denis fuisse: ut fortasse hoc adiuvare id possit quod superius hoc eode[m] libro diximus de denario quem Vitru= uius sedecim assibus ualuisse tradidit Augusti tempore: quanquam olim signato statim argento denarius decem assibus ualuisset. Quam rursus opinionem euertere uide= tur Plinij dictum libro x x x i i i. his uerbis, Postea An nibale urgente, Quinto Fabio, Maximo Dictatore asses unciales facti: placuitq[ue] denarium sedecim assibus permu= tari

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 699 whether they were to serve under the standards, but in the same camp payment was made in money as a reward. Or whether the praetorian cohorts, which received two denarii, and which after sixteen years were to be returned to their homes, were to undertake greater dangers? And a little later, the reply was given by the coccio that instructions had been given to Clement the centurion to carry it through. This arises from discharge after sixteen years, from rewards for distinguished service, so that a denarius should be the daily pay, lest veterans be kept under the standard. And again, speaking of the renewed mutiny, after the arguments had been weighed among themselves, it was agreed that letters should be written in the prince’s name, that discharge should be granted to those who had earned twenty terms of service, that those who had completed thirty should be released from service, and that the rest should be retained under the standards, exempt from all except repelling the enemy. From these words it appears that veteran soldiers were sometimes accustomed to complete thirty terms of service, sometimes forty, sometimes twenty: nor was any fixed period permanently established. At the same time, veterans who had been discharged from military service were not at once accustomed to obtain discharge, but were retained under the standards with a more indulgent service until they received rewards and colonies. From this it is more clearly understood what Tranquillus writes in Tiberius: “He even made the discharges of veterans very rare, securing advantage from age, death from age, and from death gain.” But just as from the aforementioned words of Tacitus we understand that ten asses was the daily military pay, so the same words seem to signify that the denarius was the greater pay, worth ten asses: perhaps this may be helped by what we said above in this same book about the denarius, which Vitruvius relates was worth sixteen asses in the time of Augustus, although in earlier times, once silver was stamped, the denarius had immediately been worth ten asses. This opinion, however, seems to be overturned by Pliny’s statement in book XXXIII, in these words: “Later, when Hannibal was pressing hard, under Quintus Fabius Maximus as dictator, asses were made of one ounce; and it was decided that a denarius should be exchanged for sixteen asses.”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 701 pendium fuisse ex eo apparet, quod Tranquillus ait in Domitiano, Addidit & quartum stipendium muliti au= reos ternos. Hæc uerba significare uidentur, sub Domi= tiano quartum incrementum mulites accepisse. Sed Tran= quillus dubium id nobis reliquit, utrum menstruos aureos, an potius annuos intelligamus. Ego tamen men= struos intelligo. Milites etiam præter pecuniam anno= nas & sagula & frumentum interdum accepisse legi= mus apud historicos, & præsertim apud Lampridium in Alexandro. Non me præterit Flauium Blondum libro sexto Romæ triumphantis hæc aliter tradidisse, sed ei no[n] assensus sum. Hæc ut libro nostro tumultuariè adderem, me compulit Franciscus Deloinus, iudicum unus centena= riæ famigeratæq[ue] curiæ: qui, ut est inter iuris peritissimos antiquarum rerum studiosissimus, huius loci Taciti Cor= nelij tempestiuè me admonuit, quum altera fortè editione liber noster ad hunc locum impressus esset: ut si postridie admonitus essem, locum nullum hæc additiuncula inuen= tura capacem sui fuerit. Librum apud nos attulerat uir literarum sacrarum professor facundissimus, omnium que bonorum autoru[m] conquisitor & indagator sagacissimus, Guilielmus Paruus, ages in comitatu principes, sacerq[ue] (ut ita loquar) oricularius eius. Eum libru[m] Deloinus cu[m] ab eo utendu[m] rogasset, aut iure potius amicitiæ præcupidè sum= psisset (unus enim tatu[m] apud nos erat) me quoq[ue] ipsi ambo legere eum uoluerunt, ut in aliqua libri hiulca parte id quod de stipedio militari Tacitus scripserat, adsuerem. HAEC ferè sunt quæ de re numaria mensurisq[ue]; dici potuerut: cuius rei semina se libasse Hermolaus Barbarus longè ingenio nobis doctrinaq[ue] multiplici præstans, in glossematis illis gloriatus est quæ in Pliniu[m] edidit gloriæ suæ Epilogus hui[us] operis. Hermolaus Barbarus.

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PART III. BOOK V. 701 It appears from this that there was a stipend, because Tranquillus says in Domitian, “He also added a fourth stipend to the soldiers, three gold pieces.” These words seem to mean that under Domitian soldiers received a fourth increase. But Tranquillus has left it doubtful to us whether we should understand monthly gold pieces, or rather annual ones. I, however, understand them as monthly ones. We also read in the historians, and especially in Lampridius in Alexander, that soldiers besides money sometimes received annual supplies, cloaks, and grain. It has not escaped me that Flavius Blondus, in the sixth book of Rome Triumphant, has handed down these things differently, but I did not agree with him. To add these things thus somewhat hastily to our book, I was moved by Franciscus Deloinus, one of the judges of the famous hundredfold court: who, as one most learned in law is most devoted to antiquarian studies, promptly reminded me of this passage of Cornelius Tacitus, when by chance in another edition our book had been printed up to this passage; so that if I had been reminded the next day, this little addition would have found no place to fit into it. A book had been brought to us by a most eloquent professor of sacred letters, and a most discerning seeker and investigator of all good authors, Guilielmus Parvus, agent of the princes in the county, and their sacred (or so to speak) oracle. Deloinus, having asked to use that book, or rather, through friendship, having eagerly taken it up for himself (for there was only one copy among us), wanted me also, along with them both, to read it, so that in some awkward part of the book I might add what Tacitus had written about the military stipend. THESE are about the things that could be said concerning money and measures; of which matter Hermolaus Barbarus, far superior to us in genius and in manifold learning, has made mention, boasting in those glosses which he published on Pliny to the glory of his own fame. Epilogue of this work. Hermolaus Barbarus.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET suæ segetem ac materiam: quem tamen autorem sic quoq[ue] ad nos peruenisse dico, ut seminarium laudum studiosis omnibus in eo quotidie renascatur, etia[m] si ille primitias decerpsit. Sed quum ipse multa de talento, sestertio et libra, colligentis quidem more, no[n] deligentis, comemorasset, Poterà, inquit, plura, sed quæ carptim cursimq[ue] uelut semina materiæ difficilimæ libauimus, dilato in aliud tempus ple niore commentario, sufficiant. Mihi uerò ille farraginem autoritatum diuersissima tradentiu[m], imò (ut plane dicam) segetum antipathiam miscuisse uidetur, et in unum semina dissidentia confudisse, ex quibus frugem aliquam bonam quonam modo sperare potuerit et promittere, non intelligo, aliorum autem erit iudicium. Nos commentationis ab eo promissæ, sed erronea (ni fallor) indagine incho atæ, cæcas et perplexas ambages, à capite rem exorsi, ita explorasse uidemur, et à limine statim introrsus perspex Etas luculentis uestigijs remeabiles fecisse, ut in meadros potius digressionu[m] insinuasse (sic enim res ferebat) quàm in Labyrinthum quendam disputationis, iudicari debeamus. Deprehensi aliquibus in locis hæsimus, uel uerius substitimus, nusquam tamen aut flexu præuaricationis, aut saltu reticentiæ uel obliuionis, aut deniq[ue] præcipitio temeritatis elapsi, ponderum et mensurarum tractatione[m] ita explicauimus, ut res natura inter se cognatæ, nominum etiam communionem et ueluti gentilitatem agnoscerent. Quid tum (dicat aliquis) doctioribus igitur te præse rendum censes? Siquidem uni tibi hanc operam uindicas in commune nauatam. In hoc uno ego uerò: cæteris in rebus ijs libens cedo, quibus omnia propemodum debeo. Sic sua hactenus cuiusq[ue] fuit in reparatione Latinæ linguæ palma. Hoc ius non modo æqualium nostrorum, sed etiam

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET his own crop and material: yet I say that the author has come down to us in such a way that a seedbed of praise is daily reborn in him for all who are devoted to study, even if he has gathered the first fruits. But when he himself had said many things about the talent, the sesterce, and the pound, in the manner indeed of one collecting, not selecting, he said: “I could, in fact, say more; but let the things we have lightly and briefly touched on, as it were seeds of a very difficult subject, suffice for now, the fuller commentary being deferred to another time.” Truly, to me it seems that he has mixed together a heap of authorities of the most diverse kinds, indeed, if I may speak plainly, an antipathy of crops, and has thrown into one mass discordant seeds, from which I do not understand in what way he could have hoped for and promised some good harvest; that, however, will be for others to judge. We, beginning the matter from the head, seem to have examined the commentary promised by him, but, if I am not mistaken, begun with a mistaken inquiry, and, from the very threshold, looked straight into its dark and tangled windings, and have made retraceable by clear tracks what should rather be judged to have led into twists and turns of digression — for so the matter was nearly bound to be — than into some labyrinth of disputation. In some places we have been caught, or rather have come to a halt; yet nowhere have we slipped either by the bend of evasion, or by the leap of silence or forgetfulness, or finally by the plunge of recklessness, but in treating weights and measures we have explained the matter so that things naturally akin to one another would also recognize a common bond of names and, as it were, kinship. What then, someone may say — do you think yourself to be preferred over the learned men? Since you claim for yourself alone this work that was undertaken for the common good. In this one point, indeed, I do; in all other matters I gladly уступаю to those to whom I owe almost everything. Thus, up to this point, has each man had his own share of the praise in the restoration of the Latin language. This right belongs not only to our contemporaries, but also

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. etiam posteritatis erit: neque uerò prærepta unius aut al= terius rei gloria, commentandi quoque in posterum ma= teria consumpta, quæ adhuc larga superest. Hoc tantum resert, quòd clariorum quidem illi aut plurium palma= rum decora tulerunt: ego fortasse inter exigua ingenia qualibet acquiescere palma & debeam & possim. sed a= lios ita uelim animatos esse, nostros præcipue, quoru[m] ma= ximè gratia hoc opus suscipiendum duxi, ut maximum quodque decus sic in medio positum esse putent, ut inge= nium tantum & diligentiam referre, non genus & coe= lum putet sic fiet ut in huius laudis curriculo Italia omniu[m] gentium magistra, lampadem (quod aiunt) Galliæ no[n] tra dat, sed commodet: aut tradat quidem, sed fiduciariam uel precariam, uel potius det utendam usu nobis & illis promiscuo. Quid ni enim speremus quod alijs non nega= tum est qui longius remoti sunt? Rumpantur licet Misopatrides. patrides, id est, patriam ciuesq; suos exosi: natura Gallos hac dote non fraudauit, tametsi huius ætatis moribus, uel paucorum hominum uitio qui rerum arbitrium tenent, fa ctum est ut literaru[m] bonarum studium nihil ad reipublicæ moderamen pertinere uideatur. Remp. semper appellare institui, abusiuè fortasse, in qua plurima ad priuatam uti litatem referri existima[n]tur. Propter quod uidemus eò iam maiestatem publicam decidisse, ut censu ciues opibus que multo magis, quàm sensu & probatismoribus ceseantur. Hinc illa stulta ac ridenda quorundâ reputatio, qui nulla prosus arte memorabili imbuti, ob uulgares quidem ut a= pud Romanos facultates, ut apud nos propemodum prin cipales, non se modò copiosos, sed etiam (si dijs placet) beatos arbitrantur: quum si ad Romanos modulos diuitis appellatione[m] metiamur, perpaucos hodie norimus præter primores <Coparatio diuitiaru[m] nostri temporis cum antiqua opulentia.>

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PARTIB. HIS BOOK V. and it shall belong to posterity as well; nor indeed has the glory of one thing or another been snatched away, nor has the material for writing in the future been exhausted, though it still remains abundant. This is all that matters: that those men indeed have carried off the honors of more distinguished or more numerous laurels; I perhaps, among modest talents, ought and can be satisfied with whatever crown. But I would wish others to be so inspired, especially our own countrymen, for whose sake above all I judged this work should be undertaken, that they may think every highest distinction is so placed in the middle before them that it depends only on talent and diligence, not on birth and sky. Thus it will come about that in this race of praise Italy, mistress of all nations, will not hand the torch, as they say, to France, but will lend it; or indeed hand it over, but only in trust or on loan, or rather give it to be used by us and them in common. For why should we not hope for what has not been denied to others who are farther removed? Let the Misopatrides be enraged. Patrides, that is, those citizens who hate their fatherland and their own fellow citizens: nature has not deprived the French of this gift, although by the habits of this age, or by the fault of a few men who hold power over affairs, it has come about that the study of good letters seems to have no bearing on the ordering of the commonwealth. I have always intended to use the term respublica, perhaps abusively, for a state in which very many things are thought to be referred to private advantage. For this reason we see that public majesty has already fallen to such a point that citizens are judged much more by wealth and resources than by sense and proven morals. Hence that foolish and laughable reputation of certain men, who, having been trained in no truly memorable art, because of ordinary resources such as among the Romans, and among us almost princely ones, think themselves not only wealthy, but also, if you please, blessed; whereas if we measure by Roman standards of wealth, we should know very few today besides the leading men. <Comparison of the wealth of our time with ancient opulence.>

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET primores procerum, quorum census centies & quinquagies sestertium æstimetur. At tantam summam Pallas homo libertinus accepit, idq[ue] decreto Romani senatus, ob id quod referendum ad curiam censuisset de foeminis quæ se seruis co[n]cubitu miscuissent: eaq[ue] relatione statutu[m], ut quæ ignaro domino ad id prolapsa probaretur, in seruitute sui consensisse uideretur: cuius rei autor[um] Tacit[um], Pliniumq[ue] oratorem habemus. Idq[ue] Senatus consultum postea à lustiniano principe sublatum est septimo libro sui Codicis sub titulo de senatus consulto Claudiano. Quis autem hodie eorum qui aurum metiri, non numerare dicuntur, uel etiam qui pala uersare aureos grummulos dictitantur, du centies sestertium habere creditur? At Aesopus tragædus post coenas illas luxu stupendo memorabiles, tantundè hæ redi filio reliquit, unde margaritas ipse sorbendas co[n]uiuis apposuit non mediocris precij. Age Curio Tribunus Ple. non ne sexcenties sestertium æris alieni habuisse memoratur? quod perinde est ac si nunc dicas, quindecies centena millia aureorum. tanti tamen & pluris Cæsar ciuis adhuc Romanus, nondum Dictator, in Gallia res gerens, conciones eius ad populum licitatus est, & redemit. Paulus Consul Romanus mille & quingentis talentis eidem Cæsari eodem tempore autoritatem sui Consulatus addixit, ea demum lege, ut Rempublicam exagitanti patientiam accommodaret. Iam Senatores Romanos qui defecti facultatibus dicerentur, quingena quotannis sestertia solitos accipere à principibus co[n]stat, queis honestam (sic enim aiebant) paupertatem tolerare possent innocenter. Nunc uerò quotus quisq[ue] tantum habet pensitationis annuæ, si paucos gentiliu[m] regis excipias? Contrà Nero perditis iam rebus, Senatum Rom. co[n]git centies sestertium sibi

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G. BVD. OF THE AS AND THE chief men of the nobles, whose census is reckoned at a hundred and fifty million sesterces. Yet such a sum did Pallas, a freedman, receive, and that by decree of the Roman Senate, because he had proposed referring to the curia the case of women who had mingled themselves in intercourse with slaves; and by that proposal it was established that the woman who had strayed into this with her master’s ignorance was to be deemed to have consented to slavery. Tacitus and Pliny the Orator are witnesses of this matter. And that senatus consultum was afterward abolished by the emperor Justinian, in the seventh book of his Code, under the title De Senatus Consulto Claudiano. But who today, among those who are said to weigh gold and not count it, or even among those who say they turn over golden clods with a shovel, is believed to have twenty million sesterces? Yet Aesop the tragedian, after those banquets memorable for astonishing extravagance, left as much to his son, and even set before his guests pearls of no small price to be swallowed. Come now, is not Curio the Tribune of the Plebs recorded as having had six hundred million sesterces of debt? which is the same as if you were now to say fifteen hundred thousand gold pieces. Yet Caesar, still a Roman citizen and not yet dictator, while conducting affairs in Gaul, bid for and bought his speeches to the people. Paulus the Roman consul at the same time assigned to the same Caesar the authority of his consulship, for the price of fifteen hundred talents, on the condition at last that he should lend his patience to one troubling the Republic. It is also established that Roman senators said to be ruined in their fortunes used to receive five hundred sesterces each year from the emperors, so that they might endure honest poverty, as they used to say, without reproach. But now how many have such an annual pension, if you except a few among the foreign kings? On the other hand Nero, when things were already lost, summons the Roman Senate to

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. quos patres innocentia præditi suaserunt, meritò dictitan tur. Horum quosdam nec prudentia nec doctrina comendabiles uir quidam acer apud nos quum uideret, dicere haud infacetè solebat, absurdos oportere esse choragos illos, aut certè dissolutos, qui Herculis Titanumq[ue] personas uenustulis Cupidinibus temere & sæpe accommodarent. Harum enim rerum culpam à capite & uertice Christiani nominis publicus consensus arcessit, qui nisi rectè constitutus sit, inferiora ab eo membra morborum causas trahunt. Quare in uotis esse hominu[m] piorum idetidem uidemus statim atq[ue] illa indignitas oculis obuersatur, ut aut columen ecclesiæ componat Prouidentia, aut certè aliud commodius & congruentius fastigium reponat. Idq[ue] meritò in uotis est. Columine enim uitioso uel infirmo, teclu[m] ædis sacræ aut corruat necesse est, aut foedè collabefactetur: tum subinde turbinibus & procellis omnia intus pateant, errorum nebulae subeant, decumbentibusq[ue] pruinus interiora frigeant, ut ne ignis quidè ille charitatis æternus ultrà manere possit. Neq[ue] uerò me latet ipsa domus fundamenta in petram firmissimam artifici manu iacta, nulla ui posse conuelli uel subrui, non æria, non terrena. Nam ne operis quidem compages diuina illa quidem manu coagmentata, ullo disturbari machinamento potest: sed decor operis in aspectu & expolitio emendata non manent, ex quibus autoritas ut ædibus, sic ædi comparatur. Nunc autem pietas & religio huius ædis ædituæ magno uocifera tu queruntur eam proportionem asseruatam non esse, quâ architectonicæ manus primùm modulatæ sunt: id quod ea put esse constat dedecoris luculenti. Huius inconcinnitatis causam homines ad Mercuriu[m] referuit institore, qui ia[m] inde ex quo lum[m]e mundi regere, et auriga summi currus esse 1 2 coepit, Alludit ad ignem Vestæ.

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those fathers, endowed with innocence, are rightly said to have persuaded. When a certain sharp man among us saw that some of these were commendable neither for prudence nor for learning, he used to say, not unamusingly, that those stage-managers must be absurd, or at any rate careless, who rashly and often assigned the roles of Hercules and the Titans to pretty little Cupids. For the blame for these matters is laid by the public consensus of the Christian name upon the head and top; and unless that is rightly established, the lower members draw from it the causes of disease. Therefore we repeatedly see that it is among the prayers of godly people, as soon as that disgrace comes into view, that either Providence should set the church’s summit in order, or else replace it with some other more suitable and fitting pinnacle. And this is rightly prayed for. For with a defective or weak summit, the roof of the sacred building must either collapse, or be shamefully shaken down; then everything within is exposed by storms and tempests, mists of error creep in, and with the frosts settling, the interior grows cold, so that not even that eternal fire of charity can remain any longer. Nor indeed is it hidden from me that the very foundations of the house were laid by an artisan’s hand upon the firmest rock, and that no force can wrench them loose or undermine them, neither aerial nor earthly. For not even the joints of the work, though joined together by that divine hand, can be disturbed by any engine; but the beauty of the work in its appearance and its polished finish do not remain, and from these, as from buildings, authority is derived. But now piety and religion, the caretakers of this building, loudly complain that that proportion has not been preserved by the builder’s hand, by which the first measures were set out. And this is plainly known to be a conspicuous disgrace. Men refer the cause of this lack of harmony to Mercury the trader, who, ever since he began to govern the light of the world and to be the charioteer of the highest chariot, 1 2 began, alludes to the fire of Vesta.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. Fideicommissum, uerbu[m] est iuris. fideicommissa: quod uerbum non modò fidem bonam, sed etiam necessitatem rerum restituêdarum agnoscit. id quod si non in omnia, certè in ea sacerdotia ualet, quæ fiducia contracta aut deferuntur aut conseruntur. Sed quoniam prisca iam seueritas uetustatem non posse perferre credi= tur, ut id quod dictum est prætereâ, certè peculiari se ti= tulo seu fideicônussum seu donatum tenere non negabu[n]t. Quod si fateantur, num etiam tum fructus ita suos faciet, ut & helluari, & obliguire, & per luxum profusissimu[m] absumere ex animi sui uel libidine uel sententia possint? Nisi uerò no[n] peculiare esse potest, quod à domino seruus, & clericus seruus accipit, in coloniam ipse dominicâ sua sponte ascriptus. Accipit autem in Francia, aut à domino protinus, paracleto suffragatore, quod rarum est, aut à summo domuni atriensi, quod frequenter euenit. Quod au= tem secus quæritur, id est sacrilega indicatione, id à præ= done possessum, in ius transire non potest. sic fit ut nihil peculij habeat quod non sit profectitium, & ut calenda= rium facilitare debeat, & diurnum. nisi si fortasse antistitu[m] actus lege Euangelica tabularum conficiendarum necessi= tate solutus potest esse, quum antistes aut coenobiarcha nunquam officio persunctus esse uideatur antequâ omnia p[er]esa familiæ exegit accurate. Neq[ue] enim antistites promi coni penus domunicæ consentur esse, & summæ rei fami= liaris dispesandæ præesse, & non uniuersi actus cui præ= sunt, ratio ad nummu[m] eis constare debet. Na[m] quòd placita maiorum, inferiores & minutulos actus pontificalis libe= ralitatis & muneris esse uoluerunt, id ideo factum esse cla rum est, quòd ut uicariorum olim errata atrienses præ= stabant, sic ob illorum isti tenentur uel perperam uel ne= gligêter transacta, usque adeo ut eorum reliquam[m]eta, eoru[m] X 4 fide sed/

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PART I. BOOK V. Fideicommissum is a legal term. fideicommissa: a word which acknowledges not only good faith, but also the obligation to restore things. This, if not in all cases, certainly applies to those benefices which are received or transferred on trust. But since it is believed that ancient severity can no longer endure antiquity, they will at least not deny that what has been said may be held under a special title, whether as fideicommissum or as a gift. But if they admit this, will he then be able to make the fruits his own in such a way that he may both squander them, and swallow them up, and waste them through the most lavish extravagance, according to his own desire or judgment? Unless indeed what cannot be peculiar property is what a slave receives from his master, and a clerical servant, when he himself has been enrolled in the colony by his own master's free will. In France, however, he receives it either directly from the master, with the advocate as supporter, which is rare, or from the chief steward of the household, which often happens. But what is sought otherwise, that is by sacrilegious indication, when possessed by a plunderer, cannot pass into law. Thus it comes about that he has nothing of peculium which is not acquired property, and that he ought to ease the accounting, and the daily reckoning. Unless perhaps a prelate, released by the Evangelical law from the necessity of making records, can be without office, since a prelate or abbot is never seen to have performed his duty before he has carefully exacted everything from the household's expenditure. Nor indeed are prelates to be counted among the master's private provisions, and to preside over the management of the whole household estate, while not every act over which they preside must be accounted to them down to the last coin. For because the customs of the elders wished the lesser and smaller acts to be matters of pontifical liberality and office, it is clear that this was done for the reason that, just as in former times the stewards bore responsibility for the mistakes of their deputies, so too these men are held responsible for theirs, whether wrongly or negligently carried out, so much so that their remaining portions, their X 4 faith sed/

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET rum fuit, si familiæ domini benignè non faciunt, aut si animo sublinueta eminere super cæteros et suppici omni modo gestiunt? O religionem neglectam, ò mores cuersos & præposteros. Hi fæctores & cupedinarios, & luxus uolu ptatisq[ue] institores adiuvant, quos frugalitatis & continentiæ autores esse decebat, ut domestica parsimonia quæsitis, egentium & destitutorum multitudini opitulari possent. Quòd si ij qui profana patrimonia uel hæreditate uel iusto mancipio acceperunt, conficiendarum rationum lege non sunt soluti (id enim responsis eorum cauetur qui diuini iuris prudentes fuisse perhibentur. nec ratione caret. Nam quis nostrum non precariò possidet quicquid habet, & uectigale possidet? Sed nos exitiabili errore ducti, aduentitia nobis omnia esse credimus, & omni præstatione libera, quæ ticulo quocunq[ue] ciuili parauimus.) Si igitur profanæ faculatæ, & omni religione puræ, ita tamen affectæ sunt primigenio iure, & ita in fide summa positæ reru[m] omnium conditoris, qui quiduis quocunq[ue] tempore pignerari pro potestate potest (ut unicuiq[ue] mortaliu[m] accepti de beat & expensi ratio apud deum constare, nisi nexum ad extremum uult inire) quid ijs fiet seruis nequam, qui nihil non habent peculiare, & nulla non in parte peculij conturbare noscuntur? utrú uerba pro rebus creditori eidem & domino sperant se reddituros? At is nomina se exacturum foeneratoria acerbitate prædixit. Nunc autem homines centesimo comute seroces, opibusq[ue]; æmulis regiæ opulentiæ, maxima tum pecunia miseri appellabuntur. Num igitur debita tunc transcribere licebit, aut expromissores dare? quos? Nullus enim præstò erit qui expensum sibi aliq[ui]d ferri uelit, eoru[m] quidem quibus dominus fide sua dari iussu: nec dominus acceptu[m] feret, quicquid non in pias aut honestas

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G. BVD. OF ASSE ET was there any reason, if the households of masters do not act kindly, or if, inflamed by ambition, they strive by every means to rise above the rest? O neglected religion, O perverted and upside-down morals. These practices encourage spendthrifts and dealers in luxuries and pleasures, whereas they ought rather to foster frugality and self-restraint, so that by domestic thrift they might be able to help the multitude of the needy and destitute. But if those who have received secular property either by inheritance or by lawful acquisition are not released from the law of rendering accounts—for this is provided by the responses of those who are said to have been skilled in divine law, and the reason is not lacking. For which of us does not hold in trust whatever he possesses, and hold it as tribute? Yet we, led by ruinous error, believe that everything is ours by acquisition, and free from all obligation, though we have acquired it by some civil title. If, then, secular wealth, though pure from all religion, is nevertheless subject to original right, and so placed in the supreme trust of the creator of all things, who, whenever he pleases, may pledge whatever he wills by his authority (so that every mortal must account to God for receipts and expenditures, unless he wishes to enter into bondage at the last), what will become of those wicked servants who have nothing that is not private property, and who are known to confuse every part of the estate? Do they hope to return the words for the things to the same creditor and master? But he has declared that he will exact the names with usurious harshness. And now men, fierce at a hundredth rate of interest and, with wealth rivaling royal opulence, will be called miserable because of their great riches. Will it then be lawful to transfer debts, or to give sureties? Whom? For no one will be at hand who is willing to have anything entered as paid on his own account, at least not for those things which the master has ordered to be given on his credit; nor will the master acknowledge as received whatever has not been spent on pious or honorable purposes.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET habeamus & probatum (quorum etiam partim non dubi tarunt capite cauere quæ repromisit dominus, aut intermi natus est, partim omnibus fortunis oppositis fide sua esse iusserunt) quid causæ est quin scientes prudentes q[ui] impingamus in offensionem eius à quo prouocatio non est, sicut nec apud eum deprecatio, simul ac in iudicium uentu est? imò uerò quid aliud quàm uiui uidentes q[ui] (ut dicitur) ab hoste teterrimo obtorta gula trahimur? Cur igitur nos hæc ueritatis inuolucra, maiestatem etia[m] sapietiæ, si ad ma[n] num aspicias, præferentia, quasi uisa quædam per nebula[m], ut aiunt, primi somni concepta, despicari pergimus? nisi uerò hæc despicari non uidemur, qui iustitiæ diuinæ seueritatem non timemus, tum illis tot oraculis intetatam quotidie lectitandis, tum rerum euentibus prodigiosis & minacibus districtam, ad quæ non animaduertimus, nimirum tanquam ad inculcatas sanctiones antiquatæ iam legis aut obsoletæ auribus occallescentes. sed scilicet hoc illud est, omnis rationes nostras in benignitate & misericordia herili repositas habemus. Hac spe determina mancipia hilariter uitam ac nequiter agimus. Quin igitur accingimur ad eam benignitatem quoquo modo prouocandam? V idea[m] mus per superos immortales, ne contemptus hic sit potius diuinitatis, quàm meditatio quædam ueniæ consequendæ. Commenta certè sunt ista ueteratoris spiritus, qui primæ noxæ suasor & impulsor, in hanc errorum Odysseam genus humanum deduxit. quanquam impudens est aiq[ue] improba nostra hæc deprecatio, non causam perorandam meditantium, sed dissolutam misericordiam oscitanter implorantium: qui quidem ex uinculis scelerum & delictoru[m] unicuique nostrum causam esse dicendam sciamus, iudiciumq[ue] semel subeundu[m] prouocatione abscissa. Nunc quan= dò

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET we have enough evidence and proof, since some have not doubted to take care by their heads for what the lord promised, or threatened, while others have ordered that, with all their fortunes placed at risk, they should trust in his faithfulness; what reason is there why we, knowing and understanding, should rush headlong into offending him from whom there is no appeal, just as there is no intercession with him once judgment has come? Nay rather, what else is this than that we, while alive and seeing, are dragged, as it is said, by the most dreadful enemy with twisted throat? Why then do we keep despising these veils of truth, presenting even the majesty of wisdom, if you look closely, as though they were some visions through a mist, as they say, conceived in the first sleep? unless indeed we seem to despise them because we do not fear the severity of divine justice, both when it daily recites those many oracles unattempted by us, and when it is set forth by prodigious and threatening events, to which we pay no heed, just as though they were engraved sanctions of an already antiquated or obsolete law, growing hardened in our ears. But surely this is the point: we place all our calculations in our lord’s kindness and mercy. With this hope, slaves cheerfully live their lives and wickedly conduct themselves. Why then do we not gird ourselves to provoke that kindness in whatever way we can? May we, by the immortal gods, see to it that this is not rather contempt of divinity than some meditation on obtaining pardon. These things are certainly the inventions of an old and crafty spirit, who, as the persuader and instigator of the first sin, led the human race into this Odyssey of errors. Although this entreaty of ours is shameless and wicked, not of those meditating a plea to be argued, but of those sluggishly imploring a mercy without discipline: indeed, we should know that each of us must answer for the bonds of crimes and offenses, and that once judgment is undergone, appeal is cut off. Now when

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 717 dò unumquenq[ue] blandiri ignauiæ ac iniquitati suæ iuuat, uideamus quo iure, qua actione, qua formula cernere eam hæreditatem possimus, quam Christus dominus noster te= stamento illo suo in procinctu nuncupato, sequacibus sui reliquit. Si quis, inquit, uult post me uenire, tollat crucem suam. Hæredes suos futuros tollere crucem quemq[ue] suam, & se sequi è uestigio iussit: alioquin indignos hæreditate sua pronunciauit. Quibus uerbis quid aliud agit, nisi eis qui in album æternæ prouidentiæ referendi sunt, præscri= bit, ut per ea uestigia quæ ipse inter mortales agens im= pressit, æternam beatitudinem inuestigandam habeant, ut per huius seculi ærumnas atq[ue] inculpatæ uitæ salebras ad summam tranquillitatem & securitatem transeant? quæ legitima pars est hæreditatis quam Christus ipse famuliæ suæ sponondit, & adeundam reliquit. Hanc hæreditatem si summo & legitimo iure (quod ius quatuor tabularum < Quatuor Euâ- gelia significat> appellare possumus) adire iam nequimus (quandoquidem diuorum & beatorum reliquias quasi ossa gigantum he= roumq[ue] miramur, quorum similes nullos edunt ætates iam effætæ) at certè libentes faciamus ut formula quadam in= dulgentiore æternam bonorum possessionem aut petamus, aut postulemus. Id enim sanè esto perinde ac si legitimo & antiquo iure inter hæredes censeremur, siue summum ius dominus, id est euangelicu[m], seculis infirmioribus re= misit, siue potius ita nuc credi ex usu uitæ delicatioris est. Sed uideamus quæso ut secundum tabulas bonorum posses sionem petamus, quadoquidem nec iniustas eas tabulas nec inductas aut irritas esse nouimus. Neque uerò bonorum possessores crimus aut hæredes, & non commoda incom= modaq[ue] hæreditaria iure in nos transibunt, siquidem bo= norum appellatio in utranque partem ualet, etiam indul= gentiore

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 717 whereby everyone flatters his own sloth and injustice, let us see by what right, by what action, by what formula we may ascertain that inheritance which Christ our Lord, in that testament of his, proclaimed as he stood ready for battle, left to his followers. “If anyone,” he says, “wishes to come after me, let him take up his cross.” He commanded each and every one of his heirs-to-be to take up their cross and follow him in his footsteps; otherwise he pronounced them unworthy of his inheritance. By these words what else does he do, except prescribe to those who are to be enrolled in the book of eternal providence that, by those footsteps which he himself, living among mortals, marked out, they are to seek out eternal blessedness, so that through the hardships of this world and the roughness of an unblemished life they may pass on to the highest peace and security? This is the lawful portion of the inheritance which Christ himself promised to his household and left to be entered upon. If we can no longer enter upon this inheritance by the highest and most lawful right (which right we may call the right of the Four Tables, meaning the Four Gospels), since we now marvel at the relics of the divine and blessed as at the bones of giants and heroes, whose like no age now worn out produces, at least let us gladly see to it that by some more indulgent formula we either seek or claim the eternal possession of goods. For that indeed shall be as though we were counted among heirs by a lawful and ancient right, whether the Lord, that is, the gospel, has yielded the strictest right to weaker ages, or whether rather it is now to be believed thus, in keeping with a more delicate way of life. But let us see, I pray you, how we may seek the possession of goods according to the tables, since we know that those tables are neither unjust nor introduced or invalid. Nor indeed shall we be possessors of goods or heirs, and the conveniences and inconveniences of inheritance shall not pass to us by right, since the name of goods is valid in either sense, even more indulgently

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 719 dubitant? Quis non mente captos sacerdotes iudicare, qui modum utriusq; paginæ nullum esse arbitrantur, quu[m] ipsi maximè inita atque subducta ratione actum suum domino probare teneantur? At nunc pontificatui coenobiarchiam quasi coniugem adiungere, tam solenne apud nos coepit esse, ut mancus pontificatus aut cælebs alioquin esse uideatur, perinde atq; si semiuirum coniugem esse co[n]tendas, qui uxori pellicem non admouerit. Ego enim hæc in plerisque sacerdotibus tam inter se dissidere censeo, quàm coniugem et pellicem in hominibus profanis, etia[m] si de hac re iurisprudentium antiquorum responsa annos ferre, ut dicitur, hæc ætate non uidètur, mundo iam præcipiti. Quanquam quid aut confidentius admitti aut amentius potest, quàm eum diem non extimescere, quo dominus noster sententiâ laturus est de cuiusq; meritis, ijsde[m] ipsis conscriptis et assidentibus, et uitæ dissimilitudinem istis exprobrantibus, quos potestatis in nos suæ autores nobis laudant? In quo admirari subit hominum uæcordiam, uel dirum quendam furorem, qui successorio iure putant ad se à Christi pedissequis potestatem, non etiam sanctitatis et co[n]tinentiæ et submissorum spirituum necessitatem, transmissam et dela tam. Enimuero palmariu[m] illud, credo, apud deum inuentu[m], fiducia co[n]tracta antistitia retinendi, quæ inter se aliàs col liduntur titulis dissidentibus: uidelicet quasi perpetuæ fiduciæ non instar plenum habeant tituli legitimi, quod ad frue[n]da quide[m] sacerdotia pertinet, aut quasi impostura fieri possit diuinitati. Quid enim refert, mādati, an negocio rum gestoru[m], an quasi ex contractu teneantur, cum utraq; actio, bonâ fide agnoscere debeat? Proh dei hominu[m]q; fide[m], gratu[m] id esse prouidet[i]æ creda[m], ut qui uirile[m] operâ implere non uidètur, ter aut quater, et ultrà antistites appelletur? et qui < De iure successorio tractatus est in Pædectis, sub titulo de successor, edie. > < Alludit ad actiones bonæ fidei. >

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART II. HIS BOOK V. 719 Do they doubt it? Who would not judge priests to be out of their minds, who think there is no limit to either page, when they themselves are bound to justify their conduct to their lord by the most exact and carefully reckoned account? But now, to join a monastic superior to the episcopate as though a spouse has begun among us to be so customary, that an impaired episcopacy, or one otherwise celibate, seems to exist only in name, just as if you were to claim that a eunuch is a spouse, if he has not brought a concubine to his wife. For I consider these things, in most priests, to be as contrary to one another as wife and concubine among laymen, even if on this matter the responses of the ancient jurists do not seem in this age to carry weight, as they say, the world already hastening to its downfall. And yet what could be admitted either more presumptuously or more madly than not to fear that day on which our Lord will give sentence concerning the merits of each man, with the very men who approved and sat with him, and who reproach them with an unclerical way of life, those whom they praise as the authors of their power over us? In this matter one is moved to marvel at human folly, or at a certain dreadful madness, in that they think that by hereditary right power has been transmitted and handed down to them from Christ’s attendants, but not also the necessity of holiness, continence, and humble spirits. Indeed, that, I believe, is found as the chief thing before God: retaining an episcopate by a contracted tenure, when other titles clash with one another because they are inconsistent; as though the full force of legitimate titles, which concerns the enjoyment of priesthoods, were not sufficient under the guise of a perpetual trust, or as though deceit could be committed against divinity. For what difference does it make whether they are held by mandate, or by transaction of business, or as if from contract, since both actions ought to acknowledge good faith? O faith of God and men! I suppose it is thought pleasing to providence that one who does not seem able to fulfill a man’s work should be called bishop three or four times, and more than that? and who < The treatise on hereditary right is in the Pandects, under the title On Successors, edie. > < He alludes to actions of good faith. >

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET mi sensus humili serpere, uel uerius deorsum uergere ad inferos. Hæc dedecora, hæc mo[n]stra, ex religione recta & clarissima, & in coelum semper intenta, tolli, cum optimus quisq[ue] hodie & grauissimus primi, secundi, & ultimi sacer dotum ordinis poscit, & hoc unum in uotis habet, tum uerò interest exempli in uniuersum, rectè atq[ue] ordine constitui rem clericam & ecclesiasticâ, ne reliqui ordines in posterum tam grauiter opin[n]etur de ordine sanctissimo sacer dotu[m], cuius omnia facta, dicta, significata, magnopere pertinent ad exemplum. Atqui necesse est ut nostræ memoriæ antistitum licetia luxu diffluens & conspicua, stultitiâ pri scis exprobret, qui disciplinæ tenaces euangelicæ, uoluptæ tem ac diuitias procul summouerunt à contubernio suo: aut ut eorum sanctimonia impietatis istos insimulet ac ma[n] nifestos reddat, qui fortunæ magis quàm ueritati litare cu[m] pientes, religionem orthodoxam (quantum in eis fuit) in insulas relegarunt deliciaru[m] nescias. Quis enim est hodie quin sciat & prædicet eò seueritatem ecclesiasticâ, sanctitatem, maiestatem decidisse, ut quos disciplinæ exactores esse seuerissimos oportebat, omniumq[ue] officioru[m] arbitros & præitores ad pietatem religionemq[ue] pertinentiu[m], ij remissiorem uitam & licentiæ atq[ue] incuriæ plenam non modò amplecti, sed etiam souere tueriq[ue] uideantur? Hosce autem homines quis credat, quum hoc faciant, fidem bonam rectamq[ue] agnoscere? Quin & eò iam uenisse nos puto (dicam enim quod sentio) ut sine culpa fortasse is cessare nequeat, qui neglecta constituturus, conuulsa restituturus, incondita digesturus ab omnibus existimatur. Fit enim mirè interdum, ut publica expectatione, bonorumq[ue] & grauiorum opinione futuri, maior multo grauiorq[ue] persona summos honores gerentibus imponatur, quàm ut munere suo

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET my mind to creep humbly, or rather to lean downward to the underworld. These disgraceful things, these monstrosities, from the right and most radiant religion, ever turned toward heaven, are to be removed, since every best and most serious man today, among the priests of the first, second, and last order, asks for this, and has this alone in his vows; then indeed it matters, for the sake of example, that the clerical and ecclesiastical matter be rightly and in order established, lest the remaining orders in future think so gravely of the most holy order of priests, whose every deed, word, and sign greatly concern example. Yet it is necessary that the licentiousness of the bishops of our memory, overflowing with luxury and conspicuous, be reproached by the fools of old, who, holding fast to evangelical discipline, have driven pleasures and riches far away from their company: or that their holiness may accuse these men of impiety and make them manifest, who, eager to sacrifice more to fortune than to truth, have, as far as lay in them, banished the orthodox religion to the islands of delights, ignorant of restraint. For who is there today who does not know and proclaim that ecclesiastical severity, sanctity, and majesty have fallen so far that those who ought to be the most severe enforcers of discipline, and the judges and overseers of all duties pertaining to piety and religion, seem not only to embrace a more lax life, full of license and negligence, but even to favor and protect it? And who would believe that these men, when they do this, recognize good and right faith? Indeed, I think we have now come to this point —I will say what I feel— that perhaps he cannot cease without blame, who is thought by all to be one who will set right what has been neglected, restore what has been overturned, and put in order what has been disordered. For it often happens in a wonderful way that, through public expectation and the opinion of the good and serious, a much greater and more serious office is imposed on those bearing the highest honors than is possible for them in the discharge of their duty

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tectonica iam ratione dominici diuersorij maiestatem instaurare laboret priscis etiam modulis aut certè pristinis adhibitis. nam & ipse suffectus statim nutantem sanctuarij co[m]pagem celeri manu stabiliuit. sic enim res nata ferebat, ut structoru[m] manibus adhibitis, præsentissimi consilij tibicine fulciret, atq[ue] ordinis interim amplissimi co[n]cordia ueluti confibularet. Proh superi immortales, qui status ille fuit, qui decor rei clericæ, quæ religionis reueretia, quum omnia propè in hoc orbe, quà sacra, quà profana, uæ cordiæ frenis regerentur, fatali inclinatione mundi? quu[m] primigeniæ noxæ suas, or; à Christo quondam deiectus animoru[m] possessione, imò uerò scissa gaudens discordia palla, ultro citro commeans, furoris faces utrobiq[ue]; suggereret, & Romæ quasi in arce religionis incendiu[m] miseret? & hinc senatus stultitiæ & temeritatis (ut ingenuè fatear) illinc peruicaciæ inusitatæ ac fanaticæ frontem fronte co[n]terentes, ut ille prophetes inquit, decreta futilia impiaq[ue]; perscriberent in æde Bellonæ coacti? quu[m] cleri magister sanguinarius, effractis timoris diuini repagulis, feras (ut ita dicam) in populum, contumacem illum quidem (neque enim inficias eo) sed tamen populum domini, immutteret, & Gallorum partes earumq[ue] fautores diris execrationibus deuouens, scelere plusquam tragico orbem penè totu[m] religione solutum, in deuotos co[n]citaret? Id quod cum in religionem à populo (ut assolet) & pia nobilitate traheretur: mirum est quòd ij qui decretis utrinq[ue] interfuerat, uel eorum autores fuerant, religione alligari sese no[n] intelligebant: qui uti nam iam planè exoluti sint, tanto pietatis uulneri cicatrice nuc obducta Leonis prudetia. Enimuero si (quod omi[n]ari nolim) religionis ipsi uertici aliquid acciderit, uel sacri senatus pius ille impetus ita rela[n]guerit, ut extemporali semiru[m]

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET with architectural method now labors to restore the majesty of the lord’s lodging, even with ancient models or at any rate the old ones employed. For he himself, once appointed, at once with swift hand stabilized the trembling fabric of the sanctuary. For such was the state of affairs, that with the hands of builders applied, he supported it with the most immediate counsel, and meanwhile, by the concord of the most distinguished order, as though fastening it together with clasps. O immortal gods, what a condition there was, what dignity of the clerical estate, what reverence for religion, when nearly all things in this world, both sacred and profane, were governed by the reins of madness, under the fatal inclination of the world? When, after the first crimes of its origins, the one cast down long ago by Christ seized the possession of souls, indeed rejoicing in a torn cloak of discord, moving back and forth, it everywhere supplied the torches of frenzy, and in Rome, as though in the citadel of religion, kindled a fire? And then, with the senate’s stupidity and rashness on one side and, I confess openly, with an unusual and fanatical obstinacy on the other, they pressed brow against brow, so that, as that prophet says, they were compelled to inscribe vain and impious decrees in the temple of Bellona? When the master of the clergy, bloodthirsty, with the barriers of divine fear broken through, drove beasts, so to speak, against the people—that people indeed stubborn, I do not deny it, yet still the people of the Lord—and, denouncing with dire curses the partisans of the Gauls and their supporters, by a crime more than tragic stirred up nearly the whole world, freed from religion, against the devoted? And when this, as usual, was drawn by the people and by the pious nobility into religion: it is astonishing that those who had been present at the decrees on either side, or had been their authors, did not realize that they were bound by religion; and that, if they are now truly unbound, so great a wound of piety is now covered over by the scar of Leo’s prudence. For indeed if, which I would not wish to predict, anything should happen to the very summit of religion, or if that pious impulse of the sacred senate should so slacken, that by an extemporaneous...

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 723 semiruti fani reconcinnatione acquiescere in animum in= duxerit, nec sartum ac tectum cōtubernium domini præ= stare ad prisci perpetuiq[ue] edicti formulâ contenderit (dun taxat quantum ferre ratio huius ætatis potest, neque enim ad uiuum ulcera in corpore tam delicato resecanda ceseo) quid aliud quàm inani expolitione, aut tectorio quodam speciosi cōcilij, perlucentem ruinam interlitam esse teme= rarius rumor cauillabitur? Cuiusmodi culpam reprehesam esse ab Ezechiele scotino uate puto, capite decimotertio oraculorum suorum. Quid uinea domini? non ne ita dege= nerauit in labruscas, ut primo quoq[ue] tempore repassinan= da uideatur, & ex situ & carie negligentiæ, pastino quo= dam restituenda césuræ? Certè manum poscit ipsa & fla= gitat solertis & industrij uinitoris, qui palmutes fructua= rios & munifices à pampinarijs & inanibus interno= scat. Nam quum uel inscitia uel incuria pampinatorum, maxima adhuc quæque uitis ita in materiem inanem fron= desq[ue] eluxuriauerit, ut agricolæ non fructui, sed stirpi= bus consuluisse uideantur: factum est ut immunes pampi= ni plurimis singuli statuminibus non modò impedati, sed etiam impediti, omnia latè occuparent, uitibus que rectè exputatis & frugiferis locus in uinea non esset, aut ita certè locus præumbratis esset, ut statumine eas uel nullo uel infirmo uinitores adminicularentur, nec fructus eorum in solem prodire, & exemplo esse posset. Atque in hac deformitate culturæ, & penuria fructuarioru[m] palmi= tum, subsidiarij nuc rari submuttutur, qui quidem spem cer= ta[m] proximi foetus polliceri existimetur. Hæc igitur animad uertere etia[m] etiamq[ue] summum domini uillicum necesse est, et fale canonicæ césuræ ad eum modu[m] circu[m]cidere quæ una= quæq[ue] stirps ferre posse uideatur, ut in restibili uineto eam faciem Z 3

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 723 should resolve to be content with the restoration of a half-ruined sanctuary, nor should he contend that the lodgings of the master must be kept sound and weather-tight according to the form of an ancient and perpetual decree, at least only so far as the reason of this age can bear; for I do not think that ulcers should be cut out down to the living flesh in so delicate a body. What else will rumor, too rashly, taunt it with, than that a bright ruin has been merely smeared over with a vain polishing, or with some sort of plastering of a showy council? A fault of this kind, I think, was rebuked by the prophet Ezekiel Scotinus in the thirteenth chapter of his oracles. What of the Lord’s vineyard? Has it not so degenerated into wild brambles that it seems at the first opportunity to need replanting, and, because of neglect, decay, and rot, to require some kind of digging-over and restoration? Indeed, it calls for and demands the hand of a skilled and industrious vinedresser, one who can distinguish fruitful and generous shoots from useless and barren ones. For when, through either ignorance or carelessness on the part of the pruners, the greater part of the vine has luxuriated into mere woodiness and leaves, so that the farmers seem to have cared not for fruit but only for stalks, it has come about that the unfruitful canes, hindered not only by many props but even imprisoned by them, occupy everything widely, and the properly pruned and fruitful vines have no room in the vineyard; or at least the room is so shaded over that the vinedressers support them with props either none at all or too weak, and their fruit cannot come forth into the sun and serve as an example. And in this ugliness of cultivation, and this shortage of fruitful shoots, even the subsidiary nut-bearing shoots are now brought forth only rarely; these, indeed, are thought to promise a certain hope of the next crop. Therefore the lord’s chief steward must pay attention to these things all the more, and trim with the canonical blade in such a way as each stock seems able to bear, so that in a vineyard fit for restoration this appearance Z 3

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET facie agnoscamus, quæ no[n] abhorre dicatur ab ea forma quam dominum eiusq[ue] operarios uineæ colendæ prudetes olim instituisse notum est. Neque non eadem deformitas in agricolatione cernitur, et cæteris in partibus famuliæ domini. Iam primum latifundia ijs uillicis commuttutur, quorum delicatæ manus et ociosæ, callo nunquam obduruerunt stiua in sulco tenenda præsularis disciplinæ. Deinde operarum decurias in agrum inductas uidemus partim liberè licenterq[ue] spatiantes, partim opus arbitrarium nullo sub monitore facienteis. Horrida uerò culturæ facies, quu[m] in centuriali foecundoq[ue] aruo uides grandiores glebas obiacentes, ac scamna quædam cruda nullo uomere iterata doctrinæ probabilis, quæ agricola remissus et præuæricator trahmusit insubacta. Eiusmodi esse scimus sacerdotes quosdam primarios omnium artium imperitos et rudes, nullo animi ornamento excultos, nulla crate reru[m] aduersaru[m] aut molestaru[m] aut laboris occatos et subactos, ut ad frugè aliquam bonam uitæ sanctoris perueniret, qualesq[ue] Homerico uerbo inertia terræ pondera nos appellare possumus. Hic est enim ferme habitus, hæc simulitudo quorudam sacerdotum, de quibus nuc loquimur, qui in circunflueti opulentia saginati, ocoiq[ue] ac securitate marcentes, et uelut in coeno uoluptariæ uitæ luxusq[ue] redundantis obruti, ut inertes in aruo sulci qui limo obducti sunt, ne semen quide[m] sibi creditum reddu[n]t, nedum fructum afferunt cum foenore multiplici. Deus immortalls, cuiusmodi antistites eos esse, aut sacerdotes dicemus? quid animu[m] habere, quid pensi et cogitationis credemus? qua[m] æternoru[m] bonorum segetè ipsi ex hac sui aliorumq[ue] cultura demessum ire sperant? Laudet ipsi unum tantum harum reru[m] autorem, eorum quidem qui publica religione consecrati leguntur, et ego

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET let us recognize from the appearance itself something that would not be thought unlike that form which it is known the master and his prudent laborers of the vineyard once established for its cultivation. Nor is the same deformity not seen in farming and in the other parts of the lord’s household. First of all, estates are now entrusted to those stewards whose delicate hands and idle ones have never been hardened by the callus of keeping the plow in the furrow under the discipline of a supervisor. Then we see gangs of laborers brought into the field, some wandering about freely and licentiously, some doing tasks at their own whim with no overseer watching them. Truly a grim face of cultivation, when in a fertile field you see great clods lying about and certain crude patches, not turned over by any plow, left by no sound doctrine, which the lax and negligent farmer has dragged along unworked. We know that some leading priests are such men: ignorant and uncultured in all arts, formed by no adornment of the mind, untouched and unrefined by any sieve of adverse, troublesome, or laborious things, so that they might arrive at some good fruit of holy life; such men we may call, in Homeric phrase, the burdens of the earth, inert. For this is almost the condition, this the likeness, of certain priests of whom we now speak: fattened amid surrounding wealth, wasting away in ease and security, and as if sunk in the mire of a luxurious life and overflowing indulgence, they are like idle furrows in a field, covered with mud, which return not even the seed entrusted to them, much less bear fruit with multiplied increase. Immortal God, what kind of bishops shall we say they are, or priests? what mind shall we think them to have, what seriousness and reflection? what harvest of eternal goods do they themselves hope to reap from this cultivation of themselves and others? Let him who is reckoned among those consecrated by public religion praise one author of these things only, and I

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET causam dicentes. Miseri ipsi quidem, si apud supremu[m] di= scaptatorem nutiore transigi conditione censent: scelesti & deplorati, si illic omnino no[n] disceptari sperant. Qui si aliquando recordari possent diuino tribunali apparere toruum illud satellitium Minois & Rhadamanthi, poenas, furies, crinnyas & alastoras, eas ipsas animas captantes, quas in reatum impulerunt: certè quamvis animo excæcati & uæcordes, tam[m]e toto corpore cohorsceret. Solenne tamen regibus Fraciæ ferè fuit, rerum suarum summam ijs hominibus credere, quorum secus uel consulta uel admissa ipsi uindicare nequeant. Nostra ætas uidit unum in rerum actu summo liberóq[ue]; præfectum, qui à uinea domini procul agens, rationes imperij nostri ex sentetia ani mi sui perputabat, inscitè aut incommodè circuncidens: in quo actu aulicum omne ministerium ei subseruiebat. Hic uir quidem haud improbus fuit, animiq[ue]; haud degeneris, sed regendis fatis intentus, anginarium pyrum uorauit: unde Franci propemodum stragulati, ne queri quidem aut expostulare sunt ausi, quoad inter aulicos simul & uiuos agere ille desijt: qui etiam ipse cum in opulento fastu sese ingurgitauisset, haustum inde calicem erroris patriæ exitiabilis, nonnullis suorum amicorum successorumq[ue] propinauit: cuius utinam manibus omniumq[ue] supradictorum summus ille iudex secus admissorum gratiam ad extremu[m] fecerit. Sedenim (quod dicere coeperamus) status ciuitatis orthodoxæ è sede seueritatis & disciplinæ conuulsus, manum quædam Pæoniam poscit, ut aptè & placidè in eam reponatur, luxataq[ue] ecclesiæ mebra in artus suos aliquando redeant: sic fiet ut principes ecclesiæ no[n] auro obrÿzo, non argentea supellectili, non opimis obuentionibus, non numerosis titulis opum suarum magnitudinem metiatur, quæ

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET those speaking the cause. Wretched indeed are those who think that, before the supreme judge, the matter is handled on a less favorable condition; wicked and forlorn, if they hope that there it will not be disputed at all. For if at some time they could remember that before the divine tribunal there stands that grim train of Minos and Rhadamanthus, punishments, furies, crinnyas and alastors, catching those very souls which they have driven into guilt: certainly, however blinded and reckless in mind, they would nevertheless shudder in every limb. Yet it was almost customary for the kings of France to entrust the sum of their affairs to those men whose decisions or acts they themselves could neither overturn nor call to account. Our age has seen one man in the highest and free conduct of affairs, who, operating far from the vineyard of the Lord, was weighing the accounts of our empire according to the judgment of his own mind, clipping them clumsily or inconveniently; in which action all the courtly household served him. This man was indeed not bad, and not of a degenerate mind, but intent on governing destinies, he swallowed an anginarium pear; whence the French, as if nearly strangled, scarcely dared even to complain or remonstrate, until he ceased to act among the courtiers and the living alike: he himself also, when he had gorged himself with opulent display, poured from it a cupful of ruinous error for the fatherland, and handed it on to some of his friends and successors; may the supreme judge, for the sake of his hand and of all those aforementioned, deal otherwise with their offenses at the end. But now, as we had begun to say, the condition of the orthodox city, torn from the seat of severity and discipline, calls for a certain Paeonian hand, so that it may be properly and gently restored, and the dislocated limbs of the Church may at some time return to their own joints: thus it will come to pass that the princes of the Church will measure their greatness not by refined gold, not by silver plate, not by rich revenues, not by numerous titles of their wealth, which

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 733 quæ gazas regum prouocare, nô diuitias priscorum anti= stitum æmulari uidentur, sed bonis interioris hominis, sed copia doctrinæ, sed ijs animæ Christo desponsæ dotibus, quæ in cordis scriniolis tanquam in gazophylacijs mysti= ci sani conduntur. Etenim qui ad superos uiam non modò affectare, sed etiam alijs sternere munireq[ue]; uolunt existima ri, quiq[ue]; id omni titulo omniq[ue]; functione munerum suoru[m] profitentur: ij Christum diuinitatis emissarium, ac salutis humanæ sponsonisq[ue]; magnificæ sequestrem, necesse est ut sequantur, qui eam uiam primus secuit & aperuit: & se= quantur, si non euestigio, ut maiorum illi gétium pontifi= ces olim fecerunt, at certè prospectu quàm longissimo, mo dò ne obliquo, aut etiam diuersissimo: Hæc uia cum unicæ sit (una est enim tantum ueritas) eâ quoquo modo ingre= diendu[m] nobis est. nam & ipse præmonstrator supernè de= lapsus, non modò illac ire, sed etiam uenire eos iussit, quos in numeros æternos delectus sui retulit. Nuc uerò cum ab hac uia principes nostri orbis ordines profani iuxtà atq[ue]; initiati diuersissimè expatientur, quid inde sequatur, ne= mo præter eos non uidet: qui & oculis & auribus capti sunt, nec oraculorum prædicta, nec concionatorum moni ta exaudientes. Quæ (malum) autem insania est hanc er= rori publico indulgere patientiam? < In prauos Christi asseclas epi- scopos.> Ego ne ut credam fi= dem eos bonam agnoscere, qui sub exuuijs domini nostri, aram & sacra tenètes, & ipsum denique dominu[m] ex oscu= lantes, eiusdem ipsius placita & instituta floccipendant, eisq[ue] è diametro opposita pugnantiaq[ue]; amplectantur? As= seclæ & comites Christi dum inter homines agebat, qui= bus ille decedens è prouincia, uelut compertæ fidei mini= stris prouincias detulit, quoad in illis fuerunt, nauicula= riam solicitam factitantes, & procellis agitati, nihil sui habuisse,

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PART I. HIS BOOK V. 733 which seem not to vie with the treasures of kings, nor to emulate the riches of the ancient priests, but with the inward goods of the inner man, with abundance of learning, with those gifts of the soul espoused to Christ, which are stored in the secret chambers of the heart as in the mystic treasuries of a sound mind. For indeed those who wish to be thought not only to aspire to the path that leads to heaven, but also to prepare and pave it for others, and who profess this under every title and every function of their offices: these must needs follow Christ, the emissary of divinity and the mediator of human salvation and magnificent wedlock, who first cut and opened that way; and follow Him, if not at once, as those pontiffs of the elder nations once did, at least with the furthest possible outlook, provided it be not sideways, or even in a quite different direction. Since this way, being unique—for truth is but one—must be entered by us somehow or other. For even He who showed the way from above, when He came down, commanded not only that they should go that way, but also that they should come, whom He had enrolled among the number of His eternal elect. But now, since our rulers, the secular orders of this world, both profane and initiated alike, turn away from this way in entirely different manners, what follows from this no one fails to see except those who are blinded in both eyes and ears, hearing neither the prophecies of oracles nor the warnings of preachers. What madness, then, is this, to indulge such patience toward public error? <Against bishops who are perverse followers of Christ.> Am I to believe that they acknowledge the faith as good, who under the garments of our Lord, holding the altar and the sacred rites, and finally even kissing the Lord Himself, yet make light of His own commands and institutions, and embrace things directly opposed and hostile to them? The followers and companions of Christ while He lived among men, to whom, when departing from the province, He committed provinces as to ministers of proven fidelity, so long as they remained in them, making a business of careful seamanship and being tossed by storms, had nothing of their own,

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iore. Hoc autem Leonem decimum pontificum uerticè, & symphoniacorum domini chorostatem, præstare, cum moribus eius & doctrinæ, tum uerò auspicijs initi ab eo pontificatus conuenit: ut & ipse & amplissimus purpuratorum patrum Senatus, taquam in naui Apostolica iam expeditiore sedentes, canere turbæ nauticæ celeusma uideantur. Absit enim, absit inqua[m], ut quod de Iulio siue iure, siue iniuria creditum est, superis eum & mortalibus sucum factitare cogitasse, & concilij obtetu frustrari bonoru[m] & sapientium expectationem piam, id de eo quoque suspicemur pontifice maximo, qui difficilimo tempore, & rebus propemodum perditis & profligatis, omnium senioru[m] suffragijs renunciatus esse dicitur, prærogatiua tribu doctrinæ suffragantium, & indoli magnæ spei atq[ue] pontificiæ, idq[ue] ijs comitijs in quibus nec uitium ullum obuenisse fama est, nec obnuciationem ullam extitisse, aut intercessionem cuiusquam, quæ conspiranti patrum uoluntati posset quoquo pacto incommodare. O præsentissimam uim numinis, quam suffragia ineutes patres (ut upeantur) reuerendissimu[m], hausisse repentè credutur. Verùm id præcipuè homines tum stupebat, morem tato interuallo relatum seruamdi de coelo: atq[ue] id eo tempore, quu[m] id minimè futuru[m] quius existimaret. Adde quòd eius est, si cuiusqua[m], pontificij iuris constitutio, qui literarum studium quod iamdiu à publica quidem beneficentia per pontificum inscitiam incuriamq[ue]; frigebat, memorabili in omne æuum exemplo excitatum ire dictitatur. Atqui ego hunc decimum, claris olim rebus actis decumanum fore spero: quandoquidem ueteres omnia decumana, magna esse censuerunt. Is igitur cum deo beneuolente labantè sacrosancti ordinis maiestatem confirmabit, & priscum decus ac dignitatem clero popu

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Furthermore, this is fitting for Leo X, the head of the pontiffs and ruler of the choir of singers, both because of his character and learning, and indeed because of the auspicious beginnings of his pontificate under him: so that both he and the most distinguished Senate of the purple-clad fathers, as though seated in the more well-equipped Apostolic ship, may seem to be chanting the sailors’ call to the crowd. For far be it, far be it, I say, that what was believed of Julius, whether justly or unjustly, namely that he thought to make gain from the things of heaven and mortals and to disappoint, under the pretext of a council, the pious expectations of good and wise men, should also be suspected of that most eminent pontiff, who in the most difficult time, with affairs almost lost and ruined, is said to have been declared by the votes of all the senior cardinals, with the privilege of the suffrage of those agreeing in doctrine and of a great and papal hope, and that in elections in which, as report says, no flaw occurred, nor any negative vote, nor any intercession by anyone that could in any way inconvenience the united will of the fathers. O most immediate power of the deity, which the fathers entering into the voting are said suddenly to have drawn in, as they hoped, from the most reverend one. But what especially amazed men then was the custom of safeguarding by heaven, restored after so long an interval; and that at a time when almost no one would have thought it could happen. Add to this that the institution of the pontifical office belongs to him, if to anyone, who is said to have roused the study of letters, which for a long time had indeed been chilled by the public neglect and carelessness of the pontiffs, by a memorable example for all ages. And so I hope that this Leo the Tenth will one day be a Decuman in great deeds; since the ancients judged everything decuman to be great. Therefore, with God’s favor, he will restore the majesty of the most sacred order when it is wavering, and to the clergy the ancient glory and dignity

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET populoq[ue] restituet. Verumenimuero ut redeam ad id quod dicere institueram, quu[m] translatitij & penè vulgares pri= scæ ætatis census, ingetes hodie & penè inusitati existimè tur, mundo iam uergente ad pauperiem, ego demissi animi & angustæ mentis esse arbitror, toto (ut dicitur) pectore incumbere ad comparâdas opes, quum ea in re gloriâ aut famam in posterum nemo possit assequi, ac ne uoluptatem quidem nisi per transennam sentire. Nam ut hians auari= tia ingentia lucra cum summa deuorat uoluptate, sic ra= ptim deuoratorum saliua n[ost]uquam in os recursat: ut cibus etiam suauissimus in ingluuiem tràsmissus inexplebilè, nul lo delectat edètem regustatu: quo fit ut auaritiam ferè in= tendi uideamus pro portione quæstus. Quare in literatæ innocetia, ut olim, ita hodie, & uerioris uoluptatis et soli= dioris gloriæ maius & copiosius argumetum esse censeo. Siquidem homines ingenio medioci præditi, in sapientiæ inquirêda omnibus uestigijs monumentorum quæ maiores reliquerunt, quum in dies maiora ea inueniant, atque im= pressiora, uoluptate quoq[ue] sensim fruuntur acriore, etiam si inuëtis illis haudquaquam acquiescant: quum rerum hu manarum captus implere auidam mentem intelligendi ne= queat. eademq[ue] est ratio unicuique in memoria ingenij sui atq[ue] industriæ prodenda, qua nulla hodie nec eminentior nec diuturnior potest esse gloria. Auæris aute[m] & quæstua rijs quid aliud immodici quæstus faciunt, nisi curaru[m] acer= uum anxietatumq[ue] exaggerant: adeò qui magnarum opu[m] congeries struunt, malorum quoque sibi & perturbatio= num (ut diunt) liadas pariunt. Erant igitur philopluti diuitiarum amore perditi, quos Christus ut Crassianos no[n] Christianos limine suo repulit: uitæ suæ institutum admi= rentur si lubet ut beatum. Studium etiam literarum irri= deant

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G. BVD. OF ASSE AND he will restore it to the people. But to return to what I had set out to say: since transcribed and nearly common censuses of the older age are thought today to be huge and almost unusual, the world now tending toward poverty, I judge it to be a sign of a low spirit and narrow mind to devote oneself with all one’s heart, as they say, to acquiring wealth, when in this matter no one can attain glory or lasting fame, nor even feel pleasure except by the merest passing glimpse. For just as greedy avarice swallows great gains with the utmost pleasure, so the saliva of what has been hastily swallowed never flows back into the mouth: even food, however delicious, once passed into the stomach and made insatiable, does not delight the eater by tasting it again. Hence we see avarice almost increasing in proportion to gain. Therefore, in the innocence of letters, as once so today, I consider there to be a greater and more abundant source of truer pleasure and more solid glory. Indeed, men endowed with mediocre talent, in seeking wisdom through all the traces of the monuments left by our ancestors, since they discover greater and greater things each day, and more impressive ones, also gradually enjoy a keener pleasure, even if they by no means rest content with those discoveries; for the grasp of human affairs cannot fill the eager mind with understanding. And the same is true for each person in making known the memory of his own talent and industry, for no glory today can be more eminent or more lasting. But what else do the greedy and profit-seeking achieve by excessive gain, except that they heap up a mass of cares and anxieties? Indeed, those who build up piles of great wealth also bring forth for themselves, as they say, equal piles of evils and disturbances. Thus the lovers of wealth were ruined by their love of riches, whom Christ, as Crassians and not Christians, drove away from his threshold. Let them admire the order of their life, if they wish, as blessed. Let them also mock the study of literature.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 737 deant ut inane & iciunum, duntaxat no[n] quæstuosum, quæ Philologia nuncupatur. Nos enim nobis persuasimus, ijs incrementorum gradibus quibus multi hodie ad summas opes uel honores summos ungulis (ut dicitur) omnibus arrepentes euadunt, ascensum in coelum non arduum esse, ut uulgò dictitatur, sed præcipitem potius, ac uergentem deorsum. Mitto quòd Christus pauperum se uindicem & assertorem, diuitum reiectorem frequenti concione professus est. No[n] dico quòd interpoli humanitate per Christi sa cramentum, post eiuratum mundi fastum in purifica per= fusione lustralis eius aquæ, qua natura humana sibi nata= libusq[ue] restituitur, alia prorsus studia hominum esse co[n]ue= nit, quàm ut ad temporarium aliquod bonum spectare ui deantur. Ista non ad normam ueritatis, non ad exemplum Christi, non ad canonem uitæ per innocentiam agendæ nunc exigimus: scimus hanc rationem licentia temporum ita explosam esse, ut aures iam non habeamus ferendæ ue= ritati. Vt omnia hæc transmittam: non'ne etiam sensus hu= mani iudicio longè uidentur aberrare, qui titulosis nomi= nibus aucti, & nomenclatura uel honorum uel sacerdo= tiorum uel prædiorum feroces, quasi his cothurnis fortu= næ in uiros prægrandes euaserint, pusilli tamen esse quæ= siq[ue] ridiculi grallatores uulgò intelliguntur, utpote qui nullis aut paucis bonis suis atque animi locupletes esse no scantur? Atqui hoc ferè huius ætatis fert co[n]ditio in Fr[ati]ciæ præcipuè, ut homines singulari ignorantia præditi, sæpe etiam ingenti luxu perditi, summis ac multis honoribus præditi sint. Nam & illi ipsi si aut oculis aut mente quo= quo modo cernere germanam huius uitæ beatitudine[m] pos sent, uerasq[ue] diuitias, baud dubiè suam sortem defleret ut inopem & egentem. Cuius rei inter prudenteis compertæ. A a & confesse

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PART IB. HIS BOOK V. 737 so that they make it empty and barren, and at most not profit-seeking, that which is called Philology. For we have persuaded ourselves that by those steps of advancement by which many today, clinging with both hands, as the saying is, rise to the highest wealth or the highest honors, ascent into heaven is not steep, as is commonly said, but rather headlong and sloping downward. I pass over the fact that Christ, in frequent preaching, professed himself the defender and champion of the poor, the rejecter of the rich. I do not say that, after the arrogance of the world has been renounced, and after the cleansing pouring of that lustral water by Christ’s sacrament, by which human nature is restored to itself and to those things natural to it, it is fitting for men to have entirely different pursuits than such as seem to aim at some temporal good. We no longer demand these things according to the norm of truth, nor according to the example of Christ, nor according to the rule of life to be lived in innocence: we know this method has been so exploded by the license of the times that we no longer have ears for the truth that must be borne. To pass over all these things: do not even human senses seem far astray from judgment, when, having been enriched with pompous names and fierce with the nomenclature of either honors or priesthoods or estates, as if by these buskins of fortune they had escaped into very great men, they are nevertheless commonly understood to be tiny and ridiculous stilt-walkers, since they are known to be rich in no good things, or in few, either of theirs or of the mind? Indeed, such is almost the condition of this age, especially in France, that men endowed with extraordinary ignorance, often also ruined by enormous luxury, are yet furnished with the highest and many honors. For if even those men could somehow perceive with their eyes or their minds the true blessedness of this life, and true riches, without doubt they would mourn their lot as poor and needy. This is a matter known and acknowledged among prudent men. A a & confesse

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. temporum, & morum mutationes, diuisiones temporum & anni cursus, & stellarum dispositiones. Ex quibus uer bis nullus sensus cohæres elici potest. quid enim moru[m] mu tationi cum temporu[m] co[n]summatione? Quis autem no[n] per= cipit interprete[m] præter absurda[m] interpretatione[m], & cæsu= rarum confusionem, etia[m] æquiuocatione deceptu[m] in uerbo tropon, quod sola accentus distinctione solstitioru[m] & mo rum significat? Apud Originem v 1 1. homilia in Leuiticu[m], quæ ab Hieronymo uersa esse dicitur, ita legitur, Permu= tationu[m] uicissitudines, & co[n]uersiones temporu[m], anni cir= culos, & stellarum dispositiones. Sequitur in eade[m] editio= ne: Vim uentoru[m], & cogitationes hominu[m], Παληνομις ου= θηπων: quod ego sermocinationes uertissem, hoc est dispu tandi rationes. Quid? illud quale est capite secundo, ubi Epicureoru[m] sententia reprehenditur, qui interitu[m] animæ cu[m] corpore asserebant: in qua sententia Plinius Secudus fuit. οπι αυτοχεδιως εκενηθων, και μετὰ ταυτα ἔσομεθα μ[.]ς ουχ υπαρχαντες. οπι καπνος μι πνοῦ ἐν ἐισην μὴν, και θλίχος αυτη= της ἐν κινησει καρδιας μὴν, ου αυτοθεαδιτος τήρα κατα= σταί ου μα. id est, Quia temere geniti sumus, & posihac erimus uelut non existentes: quoniam fumus est spiritus in naribus nostris, & modica scintilla in motu cordis nostri, qua extincta corpus euadet in cinerem. Interpres noster uel ignorantia, uel supina emendandi exemplaris inertia lapsus, ita translulit, & cum securi sacri interpretes ita le gunt: Quoniâ fumus afflatus est in naribus nostris, & ser mo scintillæ ad commouendu[m] cor nostrum, quia extinctus cinis erit corpus. uidelicet quasi non δλίχος αυτης, sed δι λόγος, autor libri scripsisset. Illud non minus ridiculum capite duodecimo, Deuoratores sanguinis, & autores pa rentes animarum in auxiliatarum perdere uoluisti. Vbi A a 2 autores

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PART I. BOOK V. changes of times and customs, divisions of times and the course of the year, and arrangements of the stars. From these words no coherent sense whatever can be drawn. For what relation is there between the change of customs and the consummation of times? And who does not perceive that the interpreter, besides making an absurd interpretation and a confusion of headings, was also deceived by the ambiguity of the word tropon, which by a mere difference of accent signifies the solstices and customs? In Origen, vol. 1, homily on Leviticus, which is said to have been translated by Jerome, it is read thus: Vicissitudes of changes, and conversions of times, cycles of the year, and arrangements of the stars. In the same edition follows: The force of the winds, and the thoughts of men, Παληνομις ουθηπων: which I would have rendered “discourses,” that is, methods of disputing. What of that other passage in the second chapter, where the opinion of the Epicureans is refuted, who maintained the destruction of the soul together with the body; in which opinion Pliny the Younger was also. οπι αυτοχεδιως εκενηθων, και μετὰ ταυτα ἔσομεθα μ[.]ς ουχ υπαρχαντες. οπι καπνος μι πνοῦ ἐν ἐισην μὴν, και θλίχος αυτης ἐν κινησει καρδιας μὴν, ου αυτοθεαδιτος τήρα κατασταί ου μα. That is, Because we were rashly born, and afterward we shall be as if not existing: for the spirit in our nostrils is smoke, and a little spark in the motion of our heart, which being extinguished the body will pass into ashes. Our translator, either through ignorance or through a lazy carelessness in emending the exemplar, translated it thus; and yet with what confidence the sacred interpreters read it in this way: “For smoke is the breath in our nostrils, and the word of a spark to move our heart, because when it is extinguished the body will be ashes.” Clearly as though the author had written not δλίχος αυτης, but δι λόγος. That which is no less ridiculous in chapter twelve: “Devourers of blood, and authors parents of souls, you wished to lose in the helpers.” Where A a 2 authors

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET autores pro obtruncatores uersum est ignoratia linguæ. nî idem significat quod , licet aliqua[n]do autorem significet. Eodem capite, Tu aute[m] dominator uirtutis cum tranquillitate iudicas, & cu[m] magna reueretia disponis nos. . Sic uerti uere potuit, Tu potentiæ imperitans, ex bono & æquo iudicas, & cu[m] multa indulgentia regis nos. Quis enim unquam epijciâ tranquillitate[m] uertit? Hæc obiter adnotata sufficiu[n]t ad id quod nunc agimus. Sed Solomon rursus de sapientia loquès capite VIII. eiusdem libri, , id est, Initiatrix est enim scientiæ Dei, & inuentrix operum eius. qui locus itidè oscita[n]ter ab interprete trasactus est. Froinde si Solomon omniu[m] rerum humanarum diuinarumq[ue] intelligentissimus, sapientiam initiatricem scientiæ dei operumq[ue] eius inuestigatricem appellauit, & regia[m] opulentiam præ sapientiæ possessione aspernabilem esse dixit, atq[ue] etiam cum sapientia omnia bona sibi obuenisse quasi comitatum eius affirmat: quanto magis compendij studium posthabere debemus studio literaru[m]? siquidem hoc studiu[m] perducere nos ad intelligentiâ sapientiæ potest. Intelligentia autem admiratione[m] ciere solet, & admiratio desiderium eius inuestigandæ. at inuestigatio adptionem parit, & adeptio (ut quidam uocant) fruitionem. ita fructus adptionis beatos facit, in suprema sorte humani fastigij co[n]stitutos, quam Democritus Euthymiam uocauit, quasi dicas felicè & rectam animi constitutione[m]. cuius hanc summâ maximè esse dico, ut res omneis sensiles & caducas altissimamente calcemus, intel ligibiles

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET “authors” has been changed into “executioners” through ignorance of the language. For it does not mean the same thing, though sometimes it does mean “author.” In the same chapter, “You, O ruler of strength, judge with tranquillity, and with great reverence dispose of us.” Thus it could truly have been translated: “You, ruling over power, judge with goodness and equity, and with great indulgence govern us.” For who has ever translated “tranquillity” in this way? These remarks made in passing are enough for what we are now discussing. But Solomon again, speaking of wisdom in chapter VIII of the same book, , that is, “For she is the initiatrix of the knowledge of God, and the inventor of his works.” This passage has also been translated quite carelessly by the interpreter. Therefore, since Solomon, most knowledgeable of all human and divine things, called wisdom the initiator of the knowledge of God and the investigator of his works, and said that royal wealth is to be despised in comparison with the possession of wisdom, and even affirms that with wisdom all good things came to him, as though as her companion: how much more ought we to set the pursuit of brevity after the study of letters? since this study can lead us to an understanding of wisdom. But understanding is usually apt to arouse admiration, and admiration the desire to investigate it. But investigation produces attainment, and attainment (as some call it) enjoyment. Thus the fruit of attainment makes men blessed, placed in the highest rank of human eminence, which Democritus called Euthymia, as if you were to say a happy and right state of the mind. Of this I say the chief point is that we ought to trample underfoot all things sensible and perishable as far as possible, intelligible

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 741 ligibiles & æternas semper animo uolutemus. Id enim de mum est humani sacram[en]ti intelligentia[m] tenere, quum ani mum celsum & sublimem in reru[m] humanarum æstimatio= ne, demussum & supplicè in æterni boni postulatione ser= uamus. Hæc illa est humilitas, apud priscos posita ignomi= niæ loco, à Christo autem autore manans: cuius propria est illa functio in animo, ut quisq[ue] optimè sese noscat: quod dictum antiquitas ueritatis imprudens, < Nosse se-ipsum.> autori tamen deo consecrandum putauit. De hoc animi habitu cum innocetia coniuncto dici illud uerissimè potest, Ingrediturq[ue] solo, & caput inter nubila condit. Sperati porrò summi boni atq[ue] etiam promissi pignus hic nullum maius habere possumus, quàm illam euthymiam, donum haud dubiè diuinum, quo uitam illa[m] coeleste[m] quo= dammodo præsumunt quibus id diuinitus datum est: qui orbis est ex omnibus numeris humanæ felicitatis aptus, in sese semper uergens, id est in bona & sua & animi, non in externa pronus: aliud nec principium nec finem alium quærens in hoc seculo quidem, quàm in sese diuinitus positum. Hæc est in uitæ humana summi boni medulla, quam ueluti thesaurum in sacrario sapientiæ conditum, tot philosophorum classes omnem lapidem molientes (ut. est in prouerbio) inuenire nequiverunt. Existimabant enim non ex deo, sed ex sese ita aptum sapietem esse, ut in eo planè situm esset an ipse talis esset. Nos aute[m] ex sacris monumentis accepimus arbitrium tantum nostri iuris esse, < Liberum arbitrium.> rectam autem firmamq[ue] animi constitutionem muneris esse diuini, sed ita promiscui, ut nulli rectè atq[ue] ordine id pe tenti negetur. Huius summi boni formam habitumq[ue]; de= < Summu[m] bonu[m].> scribens ille sapientum (ut ita dicam) Plato, in parabolis ita inquit, Beatus homo qui inuenit sapientiam. Longitu= do A a 3

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 741 let us ever revolve in our mind things that are useful and eternal. For this is truly to hold the understanding of the human sacrament: when we preserve the mind high and sublime in estimating human affairs, and lowly and humble in the seeking of eternal good. This is that humility, which among the ancients was placed in the rank of disgrace, but which flows from Christ as its author: whose proper office in the mind is that each one may know himself best. That saying, though antiquity, unaware of the truth, thought fit to consecrate to God as the author, nevertheless meant it. Of this habit of mind, joined with innocence, that saying may most truly be spoken, And he walks on the ground, yet hides his head among the clouds. Moreover, we can have no greater pledge of the hoped-for and also promised highest good than that euthymia, undoubtedly a divine gift, by which they in some measure anticipate that heavenly life to whom it has been given by God: a state fitted in every respect to human felicity, ever turning inward upon itself, that is, upon what is good and its own, and upon the soul, not inclined toward outward things; seeking in this age neither another beginning nor another end than that which is divinely placed in itself. This is the substance of the highest good in human life, which, as a treasure hidden in the shrine of wisdom, the whole host of philosophers, laboring at every stone (as the proverb says), could not find. For they thought that a wise man was not so fitted from God, but from himself, so that it was wholly in him whether he himself was such. But we have learned from the sacred writings that free choice alone is within our power, whereas the right and steadfast constitution of the mind is a gift of God, yet given so generally that it is not denied to anyone who seeks it rightly and in due order. Describing the form and habit of this highest good, that wise man (so to speak) Plato says in parables, Beatus homo qui invenit sapientiam. Longitu= A a 3

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do dierum in dextera eius, & in sinistra illius diuitiæ & gloria. Ex quibus uerbis patet beatitudinem huius seculi in inuentione sapientiæ à prudentibus positâ esse. nec immerito. Longitudo enim uitæ atque anni uiuendi in dextera eius, & in sinistra eiusdem opulentia & gloria. Qui= bus uerbis Solomon significauit sapientiam & bonorum æternorum conciliatricem esse, quam ipse uitam appellat: & eorum bonorum quibus hæc uitæ censetur, quæ in si= nistra sapientiæ eiusdemq[ue] dei esse dicuntur, ut autor est <Anthypophora illis respondens qui literarum secularium studium dânant, ut nihil pertinens ad ueram philosophiâ.> Aretha in Apocalypsim hunc locum enarrans. Atenim hæc de sapientia in confesso sunt apud omneis qui se pro= batæ & ueræ persuasionis tenaces uideri uoluit. quis enim negare audeat quæ oraculoru[m] instar habent? Sed quæ nos hodie studia literarum uocamus, nihil eò pertinent. Quid enim literis priscis cu[m] studio sapientiæ, quæ à Christo genus ducit? Quare sapietiæ oracula in re nostra[m] uertere no[n] possumus: quibus per Mæandros multiplices secularium scriptorum discendi curriculum auspicantibus, ad nullam unquam metam labor euasurus est, ac ne ad legitimâ qui= dem aliquam aut frugiferam scientiam peruenturus: quip pe qui numerosæ aut disertæ orationis aucupio sensus o= mneis accommodantes, in luto semper hæremus lectionis illecebrosæ & blandientis, ex eorum (ut arbitror) nu= mero, quos grandiloquus ille uates Ezechiel cap. XXIII. Chaldæorum pigmentis & Babyloniorum lenocinijs ni= mium captos esse testatur, earum rerum usu animum pol= luisse uociferans, rebus que diuinis commentandis atque animaduertendis ineptum reddidisse. Quo loco ego ascé= sores equorum appellatos ab eo esse suspicor, qui eloquentiam uel metricam uel onerosam atque oratoriam, figu= ris que distinctam, nimuopere concupiscu[n]t, oratione pro= sa &

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Length of days is in her right hand, and in her left riches and glory. From these words it is clear that the blessedness of this age lies in the discovery of wisdom, as set forth by the prudent. Nor is this unjust. For length of life and years to live are in her right hand, and in her left the same abundance and glory. By these words Solomon signified that wisdom is the bringer of good things eternal, which he himself calls life: and of those goods by which this life is judged, which are said to be in the left hand of wisdom and of God himself, as the author says <An hypophora responding to those who condemn the study of secular letters, as though they had nothing to do with true philosophy.> Arethas, explaining this passage in the Apocalypse. But these things concerning wisdom are admitted by all who wish to appear steadfast in approved and true conviction. For who would dare deny what has the force of oracles? But what we today call the study of letters has nothing to do with this. For what has ancient letters to do with the study of wisdom, which takes its origin from Christ? Therefore we cannot turn the oracles of wisdom to our own cause: for those who, starting out through the many winding ways of learning from secular writings, will never labor to reach any goal, nor even to arrive at any lawful or fruitful knowledge; because, seeking the catch of a copious or eloquent discourse, we adapt all our senses, and always remain stuck in the mud of alluring and flattering reading, among the number of those, I think, whom that grandiloquent prophet Ezekiel in chapter XXIII testifies to have been much taken with the ointments of the Chaldeans and the seductions of the Babylonians, crying out that by their use of such things the mind has been defiled, and made unfit to ponder and observe divine matters. In this place I suspect that those who are called horsemen by him are they who greatly covet eloquence, whether metrical or burdensome and oratorical, and adorned with figures, prose speech and

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sa et pedetri non contenti sensamentis et coceptus sim pliciter indicare. Huic inertis segnitiæ patrocinio atque anthyphoræ nunc ut obiter respondeam, symbolicum illu[m] concionatorem excitabo, qui cap. v 11. concionis suæ ita inquit: Lustraui uniuersa animo meo, ut scirem, et co= siderarem, et quærerem sapientiam et rationem, et ut cognoscerem impietatem stulti, et errorem imprudetium. uel ut Græcè legitur, Circuiui ego et cor meu ut cogno= scerem et considerarem et quærerem sapientiam et cal culum, et ut cognoscerem impij amentiam et molestiam, et erraticum circuitum. < Quonu[m] modo philosophi ratione studioru[m] instituere debeant.> Dico igitur eos qui ad philos= phiam hodie studium suum collaturi sunt, sapientius esse facturos, si non à rudimentis literaru[m] statim ad eam tran= sierint, sed uelut gnaui ac strenui indagatores, per omnia omnis que disciplinæ monumenta sapientiam uestigaue= rint: no[n] ut ij solet hodie, qui sapientia[m] quæstui habere in= stituentes, temporis compendia sequuntur doctrinæ dispere[n] dio, quæ numerosissima pars est studentium in omni gene re disciplinæ. Vt enim aues in locum arduum subuolatu= ræ, non à solo protinus eum locum rectis lineis petunt, sed uolatu uerticoso eò commodius euadunt et facilius: sic animus humanus ad contemplationem sapientiæ melius per cochleam iustæ disciplinæ scandere et intelligentius potest, quàm si protinus ab infimo genere doctrinæ ad summum genus discendi compendio euaderet, scansilem disciplinaru[m] seriem transiliens. < Solomon Encyclopædiâ no[n] uit.> Hoc modo Solomon ency= clopædiæ gyro lustrasse se omnia ingeniorum monumen ta significat, ut ego quidem interpretor: nos'que hortari uidetur, ut per omnia philosophiæ secularis et priscæ do= gmata, uestigia sapientiæ siqua sunt (ut certè mulia sunt) colligere non grauemur, ac lucum saltumq[ue] opacum et A a 4 abstru

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and yet are not content simply to indicate sensations and concepts. To this patronage of slothful idleness, and to this anthypophora, let me now answer in passing by invoking that symbolic preacher, who in ch. v, verse 11 of his sermon says: “I surveyed all things with my mind, so that I might know, and consider, and seek wisdom and reason, and that I might know the folly of the impious and the error of the imprudent.” Or, as it is read in Greek: “I myself went around, and my heart, that I might know and consider and seek wisdom and calculation, and that I might know the madness and vexation of the impious, and the wandering circuit of error.” <How philosophers ought to be trained by the discipline of studies.> I say, then, that those who today are going to devote themselves to philosophy will act more wisely if they do not pass straight from the rudiments of letters to it, but rather, like diligent and energetic investigators, track down wisdom through all the monuments of every discipline; not as those usually do today, who, intending to make wisdom a source of profit, pursue shortcuts in learning to the ruin of instruction—a very large part of students in every kind of study. For just as birds that are to rise to a lofty place do not at once seek that place in a straight line from the ground, but reach it more advantageously and more easily by a circling flight, so the human mind, in its contemplation of wisdom, can better and more intelligently climb the spiral of proper discipline than if it were to pass directly from the lowest kind of learning to the highest by a shortcut, leaping over the climbable series of disciplines. <Solomon did not disdain encyclopaedia.> In this way Solomon, as I interpret it, signifies that he surveyed all the monuments of genius in the circuit of encyclopaedia; and he seems to exhort us that we should not refuse to gather, through all the doctrines of secular and ancient philosophy, whatever traces of wisdom there may be—and there are certainly many—nor the shady grove and

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET abstrusum in quo ipsa stabulatur magistra, iusta & perpeti indagine accurataq[ue] cingamus. sic fiet ut quum ad studia sanctiora & monum[en]ta sacrosancta peruenerimus, & uelut ad cubile ueritatis & sapientiæ propius accesserimus, iacentem quidem illam, sed inuolutam, certius agno scamus. Hac uia & ratione cum & commodior est & certior sapientiæ indagatio, tum uerò quum ad speculandam ipsam ex edito euaseris, uberior est multo constantior que contemplatio: nec tam facilè de gradu intelligentiæ & persuasionis certæ deijcietur, qui molli ascensu & anfractuoso euascrit, quàm is qui rectà per arduum assilijt uel arrepsit. Etenim per deum immortalem, quid aut præstantius esse ad doctrinæ maiestatem putamus, aut ad compertæ ueritatis fiduciam firmius & stabilius, quàm quum per infima mediaq[ue] studia ad culmen speculaminu[m] < Sectæ philoso phorum.> subuectus sis, nosse uel angustas porticus, in quibus Stoici sessitando & soritas aceruando ærumnosas contriuerunt ætates: uel excipulas amoenas ab illo uersuto animarum aucupe in hortis concinnatas, in quibus Epicureorum animi omni abstersa religione, uoluptate ad extremum uitæ deleniti sunt: uel erraticas & expatianteis ambulationes Peripateticorum, qui tantam uim disserendi in nugis consumpserunt: uel denique copiam ubertatem que dicendi in Academia illa à Platone nobilitata, odoranda tantum, non etiam tractanda aut propius aspicienda ueritate profusam? ut nunc eos omittam qui nihil constituendo, & de omnibus addubitando, annos bonos perdirerunt, quasi in Labyrintho philosophiæ commentandum esse constituissent. Sed quando harum rerum omnis que priscæ doctrinæ cognitio, uel oratione prosa uel metrica traditæ, sine Latinæ linguæ peritia comparari non potest,

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Let us carefully and thoroughly encompass the hidden matter of the axis, in which the mistress herself dwells. Thus it will come about that when we have reached the holier studies and the most sacred monuments, and as it were drawn nearer to the couch of truth and wisdom, we shall know that same truth more certainly, though lying there wrapped up. By this path and method, not only is the search for wisdom more convenient and more certain, but when at last you have climbed up to contemplate it from on high, the contemplation is much more abundant and much more steadfast: nor will he be so easily cast down from the height of understanding and certain persuasion who has ascended by a gentle and winding path as he who has leaped or scrambled straight up the steep ascent. For by immortal God, what do we think is either more excellent for the majesty of learning, or firmer and more stable for the confidence of established truth, than when, carried up through the lower and intermediate studies to the summit of speculation, < Sectæ philoso phorum.> you have come to know either the narrow porticoes, in which the Stoics, sitting and piling up sorites, wore away their toilsome lives; or the pleasant retreats, arranged in gardens by that wily bird-catcher of souls, in which the minds of the Epicureans, with all religion wiped away, were finally softened by pleasure to the end of life; or the wandering and roaming walks of the Peripatetics, who consumed so great a power of argument on trifles; or finally the abundance and richness of speech in that Academy made famous by Plato, pouring forth truth only to be smelled, not handled or viewed more closely?—not to mention now those who, by establishing nothing and doubting everything, wasted away good years, as if they had resolved that one must philosophize in a labyrinth. But since all knowledge of these matters and of the ancient doctrine, handed down either in prose or in verse, cannot be obtained without a knowledge of the Latin language,

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potest, quæ etiam ipsa Græcæ linguæ adiunctione fit lon= gè admuniculatior: hic discendi cursus certis mansionibus distinctus sit necesse est, quarum modum & rationem uel homunum propositum, uel ingenium, uel fortuna tempe= rat. Quare qui hunc orbem doctrinæ quodam rectæ ra= < Encyclop[ædia]dia.> tionis circino ita circunscripserit, ut uel augere uel con= trahere pro re nata, aut ingenij captu, aut uitæ denique instituendæ necessitate nouerit: is si intra eum orbem ita includat eloquentiam, ut per omneis eius partes æquali= ter fusam teneat, quasi in corpore sanguinem: is demum mihi uidebitur ad sapientiam inuestigandam uberrimum quoddam uiaticum atq[ue] etiam amplissimum attulisse. Ne= < Eloquentia.> que nunc de eloquentia illa mirifica loquor rerum omniu[m] tractandarum arbitra, quam fusiorem esse amplioremq[ue] uolunt quàm ut ulla circuncurrente linea præstitui aut definiri possit. Hoc ego instrumentum philosophiæ ex opibus (ut ita dicam) Chaldæorum atque Aegyptiorum coactum, præstantius esse arbitror ad uitam hanc etiam per uoluptatem (honestam quidem & probabilem) tran= sigendam, quàm diuitiarum cumulos quamlibet opulen= tos, no[n] Stoicis ipsos consectarijs, sed aulicis (ut nouimus) auctarijs aceruatos: adde etiam (si placet) & ad futu= ram uitam per gloriam illam adipiscendam: quæ mortuo= rum apud posteros memoriam in perpetuum renouat, cu[m] in manibus hominum libri eorum semper uersentur ui= uantq[ue], id est ingeniorum morumq[ue] simulachra tempore non peritura. Contrà autem diuitiæ etiam Persicarum aut Lydiarum æmulæ, quum in uita uel auæris anxiam so licitudinem, uel profusis ignomuniam, liberalibus etiam interdum stultitiam ab assentatoribus pariant: quid post mortem conferunt, nisi si (quod rarum est) in pias largi= tiones A a s

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it can, which is made all the more helpful by the addition of the Greek language: this course of study must necessarily be divided into fixed stages, the extent and plan of which is governed either by a man’s purpose, or his ability, or his fortune. Wherefore he who has so marked out this orbit of learning by the compass, as it were, of right reason, that he knows how to enlarge or contract it as circumstances require, or according to the learner’s capacity, or finally according to the necessity of the life to be fashioned: if such a one further includes eloquence within that orbit, so that he holds it spread evenly through all its parts, like blood in the body: he will then seem to me to have brought the most fruitful and also the most ample kind of equipment for the investigation of wisdom. Nor am I now speaking of that marvellous eloquence, mistress of all matters to be handled, which they wish to be so diffuse and extensive that no circumferential line can be set beforehand to define it. This instrument of philosophy, gathered, so to speak, from the resources of the Chaldeans and Egyptians, I judge to be more excellent for spending this life even in pleasure—honourable and respectable pleasure, to be sure—than heaps of riches, however abundant, piled up not by the pursuits of the Stoics themselves, but by the courtly accumulators, as we know; add also, if you please, for the attainment of the future life through that glory which forever renews the memory of the dead among posterity, when their books are always in men’s hands and alive, that is, images of their minds and characters not doomed to perish with time. On the other hand, wealth, though rival to Persian and Lydian treasure, while in life it produces either anxious concern in the greedy or disgrace in the prodigal, and sometimes also folly in the liberal through flatterers: what does it contribute after death, except, if it happens (which is rare), to pious gifts? A a s

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tiones erogationesq[ue] nusericordiæ exhauriantur? Omn[u]m (ut opinor) diuitum, Croesi & Midæ nomina multo de= cantatissima fuerunt: at ille calamitate & summo atque ignominioso uitæ discrimine magis quàm diuitijs incla= ruit: hic auribus asininis non aureis insignibus innotuit. < Croesus & Midas otacustæ.> Ex eo enim in prouerbium uenit, quòd multos otacustas, id est auricularios & emussarios haberet, rumorum capta tores, & sermonu[m] delatores, cuiusmodi habere solet prin= cipes mali, qui stimulante conscientia securi esse nequeu[n]t. < Pythius Bithynius. Diuitias eleuat.> Pythius Bithynius longè ditissimus hominum priuatoru[m] suisse memoratur, de quo superius diximus: is tamen muni ficentia inusitata magis quàm opibus celebratus est, qui platanum aurea[m] uitemq[ue]; illam insigne Dario Regi dona= uit: Xerxis copias, id est supra decies centena nullia ho= minum epulo suscepit, & insuper frumentum & stipen= dium exercitui quinque mensium pollicitus est, ut maxi= mo ex quinque filijs uacationem mulitiæ impetraret. Ob quam postulationem à Xerxe indignante hac poena bar= barica mulctatus est, filium ut suum occisum in duas par= tes dissectum asspiceret, cum inter ambas corporis partes ab utraque uiæ parte disiectas exercitus pertransiret: quæ calamitate maximè, Pythius fortasse nobilitatus est. Qui igitur fieri potest ut diuitiæ felices in hac uitæ possessores sui faciant, aut nobiles in postremum? Mihi quidem diui= tiæ nihil aliud quàm tragicum choragium uidentur esse, ad usum temporariæ scenæ à fortuna accommodatum. Quid enim esse dicas aliud uitam administratiuam, & in publico rerum actu positam, quàm scenam quandam ho= minum personatorum, operam suam & industriam po= pulo ostentantium, ludos (ut ita dicam) edente diuina pro= uidentiæ: Hoc igitur choragio, si rectè atq[ue] ordine actum quisq[ue]

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Should the distributions and almsgivings of mercy be exhausted? Of all the rich, as I think, the names of Croesus and Midas were most sung of: but the one became famous more for his calamity and for the supreme and shameful peril of life than for riches; the other became known not by golden but by asinine ears. < Croesus and Midas, eavesdroppers.> For from this it passed into a proverb, because he had many eavesdroppers, that is, ear-bearers and whisperers, catchers of rumors and informers of conversation; such as wicked princes are wont to have, who cannot be secure, conscience urging them on. < Pythius the Bithynian. He exalts riches.> Pythius the Bithynian is remembered to have been by far the richest of private men, of whom we spoke above: yet he was celebrated more for an unusual munificence than for his wealth, since he gave that plane tree and golden vine as a notable gift to King Darius. Xerxes’ forces, that is, more than a million men, he received at a feast, and in addition promised provisions and pay for the army for five months, in order that from his five sons he might obtain exemption from military service. For this request, Xerxes, angered, punished him with that barbaric penalty: he was to see his son, slain as if by his own act, cut into two parts, while the army passed between the two severed portions of the body on either side of the road; by this calamity Pythius perhaps became most renowned. How then can riches, while making their possessors fortunate in this life, make them noble at the last? For my part, riches seem to me to be nothing else than a tragic stage-setting, adapted by fortune for the use of a temporary scene. For what else would you say the active life, and life placed in public affairs, is, than a kind of stage of masked men, displaying their labor and industry to the people, while divine providence, so to speak, gives the show? In this stage-setting, therefore, if each person has acted rightly and in order

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 747 quisque suum peragant. sin secus eueniat, futurum esse dico ut malè ac damnosè cum eis fortuna egisse uideatur, quæ ut choragus temerarius & præposterus, eam ipsis personam imposuit, uel impegit potius, cui ferendæ non erant. Eorum igitur qui honestiores personas gerunt, cum plurimos in actu suo conturbare uideamus (ut apposito uerbo utar) eorum tædem errata nedum reliquamenta præstent necesse est ij uelut fortunæ ac temeritatis ministri, qui nulla publicæ charitatis ratione ducti, quum eos promouerent, fide sua etiam ipsos esse iusserunt. Sic enim fert ratio supremi ac posthumi ratiocinij, etiam si iu re moribus constituto fide eorum esse non solent apud homines. Tandem autem appello non seculum unum & alterum, sed lustrum unum fortasse aut summùm tria. Vita enim in potentatu diuturna esse non solet. Tandem igitur ratio cuiusque functionis & actus à Christo summo diuinicatis (ut ita dicam) institore, & generis humani creditore atque etiam foeneratore centesimario reposcetur. Etiam si Galliæ moribus (proh misera populi conditio) omnia atriensium errata, conturbamenta, reliqua, atque secus admissa, & quæcunque promi condi præmordent, suffurantur, compilant & interuertût, mediastini luunt. Na[m] quum sint ipsi ad omnia mandata non modò expositi, sed etiam dicto audientes, quicquid actores uel uicarij, promi uel suppromu non modò delirarint uel conturbarint, sed etiam quicquid acciderint, circunciderint, suppilaueerint, tametsi respublica ab ipsis actoribus idoneis & locupletibus suum seruare possit, tamen præstare solent. Et si peculium non habent (ô morem iniquissimum) nexum statim ineunt. sic magnis reis apud nos licet ob noxam plebem dedere, & alijs super alias pecunijs imperatis succidaneâ De magistratibus, & ijs qui indignos promouent.

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let each man perform his own part. But if it should turn out otherwise, I say that it will appear that fortune has dealt badly and ruinously with them, as a rash and perverse chorus-master has imposed upon them, or rather thrust upon them, that role which they were not able to bear. Therefore, of those who bear honorable offices, since we see that they are causing confusion for very many in the conduct of their affairs (to use the term appropriately), it is necessary that they should provide for them nothing but weariness, errors, indeed even the remnants of them, as if they were ministers of fortune and rashness; these, being led by no regard for public charity, when they promoted them, even commanded that these persons be bound by their word. For thus the reasoning of the supreme and final reckoning requires, even if by law and established morals their word is not ordinarily considered among men. But at length I mean not one age and another, but perhaps one lustrum, or at most three. For life is not usually long in power. At length, therefore, an account of each function and act will be demanded by Christ, the supreme and, so to speak, divinely endowed steward, and the creditor of the human race, and also their usurer at a hundred per cent. Even if in the customs of France (alas, wretched condition of the people) all the errors, confusions, leftovers, and other misconduct of the atrienses, and whatever things injure, pilfer, steal, and divert the goods of the storehouse, are borne by the underlings. For since they themselves are not only exposed to all commands, but also obedient to orders, whatever the actors or vicars, the promi or subpromi, have not only raved or thrown into confusion, but whatever they have happened to do, cut short, or pilfer, although the republic, through the fit and well-endowed actors themselves, can preserve its own property, nevertheless they are usually required to make it good. And if they have no private means (oh, most unjust custom), they immediately incur a bond. Thus, with us, great offenders may be handed over to the populace for the wrong done, and other sums of money exacted over and above by others, with a substitute On magistrates, and those who promote the unworthy.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET succidaneam culpæ suæ subdere. Expeditius enim id esse uisum est, quàm aut reos istos cothurnatos, aut eoru[m] fortunas pignerari: qui si crimen fateri aut culpam agnoscerere cogerentur, sacra utique opertanea in uulgus efferrentur, quibus nemo non initiatus esse solet eorum qui nutu[m] oculi summa quæque circuagunt, quiq[ue] linguis sauere no= runt in articulo, aut diris obstreper ejs quibus collibuit. Quæ causa fuit ut nonnulli aliquando inter reos recepti, patronos potentes inuenerint, à quibus impendenti supplicio et penè præsenti erepti, quæsitores etia[m] ipsos subinde fortunis euerterunt. O magnam, ô beatam, ô memorabilem gloria[m] illius Briarei, qui non modò legibus reos, et populi uotis, sed etiam loui et summæ curiæ raptim potuit excutere. Ob id (credo) facinus rectè manes eius co[n] ditos existimare debemus. Is ille fuit cui nullum unquam fortuna præter summum et ultimum obsequiu[m] negauit, quem Quæstorum ærarij natio ut deum Aesculanu[m] summa ueneratione coluit. Eius enim præsentissimo numine seruati sunt non pridem mancipes argentariam factitantium, quum ob repentinas quorundam diuitias opulentissima factio inuidia summa flagraret. Vt autem luculætius potentiæ suæ specimen ederet, reis primùm ampliatis, mox codicillos ueniales nouo exemplo inuito ac frem[m]eti principi extudisse dicitur, atque ita formulâ temperasse, ut nec deprehensi rei crimen agnoscere cogerentur, et iudices rei co[n]pertæ et co[n]uictæ, summi illius Curionis amicos, inter reos in posterum recipere uetarentur. Quo uelut euer riculo omnium delationum atq[ue] animaduersionum, tantâ impunitatis fiduciam feroci hominu[m] generi instaurauit, ut legibus hodie non teneri ea factio existimetur, cui princeps omnia co[n]credidit, ut pro qua sponsor semel et pro= bitatis

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to make another person bear the guilt in his place. For it seemed easier to do that than either to harass those tragic actors or to seize their fortunes; for if they were forced to confess the crime or acknowledge their guilt, the secret rites would surely be brought out into the public, rites with which every one of those is usually initiated who, by a nod of the eye, can survey all things, and who know how to hiss with their tongues at the critical moment, or to cry out dreadful threats at those whom they happen to dislike. This was the reason that some, once admitted among the accused, found powerful patrons, by whose help they were snatched from the punishment hanging over them and almost already at hand, and then in turn utterly ruined even the inquisitors themselves in their fortunes. O great, O blessed, O memorable glory of that Briareus, who could not only snatch away the accused from the laws and from the people’s prayers, but even from Jupiter and the supreme court with sudden force. For this deed, I believe, we ought rightly to think his shades are laid to rest. He was the man to whom Fortune never denied anything except her utmost and final obedience, the one whom the state of the Quaestors of the treasury worshipped with the highest reverence as a god, Aesculanus. For by his most immediate divine power were lately saved the dealers who made a trade of silver, when the richest party was burning with the highest envy over the sudden wealth of certain men. And that he might display his power more brilliantly, it is said that, after the defendants were first enlarged, he soon extorted venial warrants, by a new precedent, against the will and gnashing of teeth of the prince, and so shaped the formula that neither were the detected defendants forced to confess the crime, nor were the judges, in cases proved and convicted, permitted in future to admit among the accused the friends of that supreme Curio. By this little net, as it were, of all delations and punishments, he restored such confidence in impunity to that ferocious race of men that today it is thought that faction is not bound by laws, to which the prince entrusted everything, as for which he once stood surety and for whose probity

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 649 bitatis ex promissor interuenit petasatus ille Curio. Iure igitur moribus nostris constituto, non modò magnis reis, sed etiam sceleratissimis licet sordes suas in caput populi & in oculos ordinum excutere, atque eo amplius feras in plebem immittere, si earum frenutum in cauea sustinere nequeant: quo nullum unquam atrocius scelus Nero dici= tur excogitasse, nec tamen peregisse. Quid enim est aliud feras in plebem immittere, quàm Volones profligatissi= mos, nullo stipendio, sed fide tantum autoratos, per rura palâteis, bacchanteis, grassanteis, plebeculam tributis ex= haustam obterenteis, circumagere: nisi uerò eos circum= agere non uidentur, qui stipendio fraudatis (ô scelus ter capitale) liberum permittunt diripiendi arbitrium. At ue= rò iure perpetui edicti, quo edicto ad summum tribunal propediem ius dicetur, noxa caput sequetur. certè ordinu[m] ductores qui causas rerum male gestarum haud ita pride[m] dederunt, non modò addicti fortasse, sed etiam uincti da= buntur stygijs lictoribus, Gordijq[ue] nodo constricti, id est eo scelere quod ante diem extremum soluendum non cu= rauerint. Hi sunt enim ipsi qui noxam luculentam nocuis= se noscuntur, quos nunc plebis suspirantis miserescere non subit. qui, si leges ualerent in aulicos, actus utique eorum quos potentiæ suæ ampliandæ præficiunt institores, aut quos trâsueri ipsi acti propinquitatis amore promouent, noxis omnibus solutos liberosq[ue] præstare co geretur. Nuc quu[m] impune id faciunt, potentiæ suæ blandi[n]tur, nec qua[m] tumuis in rebus secularibus co[n]siderati, uidere hoc mentis oculis hebetibus & noctuinis que[n]t, uersura[m] se facere in= genti dispendio. Deus enim fortunatis hilaritate[m] sæpe, co[n] sceleratis & impijs impunitate[m] sæpissime foeneratur. Hoc est cur gaudeant, cur felicitate & potentia sua fruantur maximi

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 649 That bald-headed Curio intervened at the promise of immunity. By a right therefore established by our customs, not only the great criminals, but even the most wicked are allowed to shake off their filth upon the head of the people and in the sight of the estates, and, beyond that, to let wild beasts loose upon the common people, if they are unable to keep them restrained in their cage: than which Nero is said never to have devised a more atrocious crime, though he did not in fact carry it out. For what else is it to let wild beasts loose upon the populace than to range through the countryside the most desperate Volones, armed with no pay but only pledged by loyalty, roaming about, reveling, ravaging, and trampling the little people exhausted by taxes? Unless indeed they do not seem to be letting them loose, who, after cheating them of their pay (O crime three times capital), allow them the free choice of plundering. But under the law of the perpetual edict, by which edict justice will soon be administered at the highest tribunal, the penalty shall follow the head. Certainly the leaders of the order, who not long ago gave the reasons for acts ill done, will perhaps not only be delivered over, but even bound to the Stygian lictors, and constrained by the Gordian knot, that is, by that crime which they have not taken care to undo before their last day. For these are indeed the very men who are known to have done a glaring wrong to the injured, for whom the sighing people now do not even feel pity. If the laws were effective against courtiers, they would certainly be forced to make those free from all penalties and unbound whom they appoint as agents to extend their own power, or whom they themselves, driven by affection for kinship, promote. Now, when they do this with impunity, they flatter their own power, and, however prudent in worldly matters, they cannot see with their dull and night-blind eyes that they are making a great loss for themselves. For God often bestows happiness on the fortunate, but most often impunity on the guilty and the impious. This is why they rejoice, why they enjoy their prosperity and power most of all.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET maximè curiones Franciæ, quamobrè sese sortemq[ue] suam illam splédidam admirentur, & nos ciuili iure uiuenteis, atque in ordinem redactos, ex edito ipsi loco & legibus inaccesso despiciat. Quidni enim sibi placeant, quibus di= uinitus datum est ut boni iuxta ac mali meriti homines quos uisum sit, in illas Macaron insulas euocet quasi in coloniam suam, quas ipsi beatorum putat sedem esse per= petuam? Insulas istas ego actus primarum & secudarum partium in rerum publicarum administratione esse ceseo, in salo & iactatione ambitionis & cupiditatis sitas. Hac enim ratione tatum hominum beatores esse possunt, ut Fa uonio incosulti fauoris quos uelint uel homines uel famu= lias ex obscuris natalibus in locum illustrem sinuatis uelis prouehant: contraq[ue] quos oderint, aut qui eorum placitis & institutis incommodi esse uideatur; Aquilone quodam trasuerso procul ab emporio honorum disijciat, aut omni aura efferentis sese famæ suppressa, in uadis destitutos co= senescere sinant: & uerò si maior aliqua eos transuersos egerit offensio, insigni aliquo naufragio fortunis omnibus ut euertat. Dictata sunt ista aulicæ iurisprudentiæ, quam curia illa profitetur, non summo iure, non ex æquo & bo no iudicans, sed iure moribus illis constituto, atque ciuili aduerso ex diametro: cuius tame interpretes sunt maximè curiones & coryphæi, ad quorum mores & placita auli= ci quidam recocti iuris illius consultissimi responsa sua tem perant. Huius curiae illud esse institutum dicitur, ut de re= bus omnibus sacris, profanis, bellicis ac pacatis restringatur, de paucis ex consilij sententia statuatur: ut in maximo= rum curionum nô modò sententiam, sed etiam nutum ac uolutatem eatur: nec pedibus tatum traseatur, ut olim fie ri solebat in Romano Senatu, sed & manibus & uultu assension

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G. BVD. OF THE ASS, AND especially the curiones of France, why should they admire their own splendid lot, and look down on us, living under civil law and reduced to order, from their lofty place, inaccessible by laws? For why should they not flatter themselves, to whom it has been divinely granted that, equally as men of good and of evil merit, whomever they please, they may summon to those Macaronian islands as though into their own colony, which they think to be the perpetual seat of the blessed? I judge that those islands are the acts of the first and second parts in the administration of commonwealths, set in the sea and tossed by the waves of ambition and greed. For by this reasoning they can be the beatifiers of all men, so that by the favor of a favorable breeze, they may promote whomever they wish, whether men or families from obscure birth, to a lofty place, by spreading their sails; and, on the other hand, those whom they hate, or who seem to them troublesome to their opinions and institutions, they may cast far away from the harbor of honors by some crosswind from the north, or, with every breeze of swelling fame suppressed, leave them abandoned on the shoals to waste away; and indeed, if some greater offense drives them more violently astray, they may overturn all their fortunes by some notable shipwreck. These things are dictated by the courtly jurisprudence which that court professes, judging not by the highest law, not according to what is equitable and good, but by a law established by those customs, and directly opposed to civil law; of which, however, the chief interpreters are especially the curiones and coryphaei, to whose customs and opinions certain courtly men, re-cooked and most learned in that law, adapt their responses. The institution of this court, it is said, is this: that it is confined in all sacred, profane, military, and peaceful matters; that decisions are made on few things according to the opinion of the council; that one proceeds not only to the judgment of the greatest curiones, but even to their nod and will; and that one does not pass by feet alone, as used to happen in the Roman Senate, but also by hands and by a nod of assent

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET spectes celeritatem, hoc quidna[m] est aliud, quàm ueluti plau sum inanem per transennam mereri? Nam ut illud nutta[m], quòd grandi plerunq[ue] ætate, quòd uersatili scena, quòd lus brico ac præcipiti ferè proscenio prodeunt, certè quu[m] alij actores recenti gratia flagrates subierunt, necesse est exa cti ueteres ut facessant in cuneos aut in ordines, aut inter theatricum ministerium turpiter ut subseruiant. At istis de cælo sic deturbatis, confestim tartarus ipse Bis patet in præceps tantum, tenditq[ue] sub umbras, Quantus ad æthereum cæli suspectus Olympum. Etenim quum Latinè loquentium consuetudo eos olim in cælo esse diceret, qui omnium ore celebrarentur præpotentia, uel rerum egregiè gestarum gloria: ego quidè tragicos istos reges & temporarios, quum ex flagrâtissimæ gratiæ præcipitio decidirunt, in tantum frigus delabi ui= deo, ut penè exemptos ex memoria credas, è numeris que expunctos hominum nominatoru[m]. Ita fit ut in tartarum ri < Frigere in au- la.> gentissimum ruisse uideantur, cum ij qui nullo iam famæ plausu excipiutnr, Latinè frigere dicâtur. Quanta est autem eorum sublimitas, quanta eorum admiratio, quâtusq[ue] omnium suspectus, quum uelut fortuna succollante tolluntur: altero tanto maior est deorsum altitudo, quum ab eadem ipsa destituti, insultatium oculorum co[n]iectu (sic enim euenire ijs assolet) uelut quodam fascino exarescere uidentur. Tot enim niseros homines oculorum radijs lancinari necesse est, quot in hominum ipsi aspectus obuiam incurrerint, dum quisq[ue] ob præteritam obseruantiam non liberam, sed obnoxiam, poenas sibi deberi insolentiæ putat. Sed fateamur sanè, ut sunt humana, eos esse felices: tantummodo hoc exigamus, ut actus ipsi suos rectè ac decorè peragant, & quisque eorum uideat quid sui sit muneris, quam personam

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET If you look at their speed, what is this other than, as it were, to earn empty applause through a lattice? For although that saying is not false, that they usually emerge at an advanced age, on a shifting stage, on a slippery and almost precipitous proscenium, certainly when other actors, blazing with fresh favor, have taken their place, the old and seasoned ones must needs withdraw into the benches or ranks, or else shamefully serve in the theatrical machinery. But these men, thus hurled down from heaven, at once The underworld itself lies open, far below, and stretches beneath the shadows, As vast as the upward gaze from earth to the ethereal Olympian heaven. For when the custom of Latin speakers used to say that those were “in heaven” who were celebrated on everyone’s lips for their preeminence, or for their glory in outstanding deeds: I, indeed, see these tragic kings and men of the moment, when they have fallen from the steep of the most blazing favor, sink into such a chill that you would almost believe them erased from memory and struck from the rolls of human names. Thus they seem to have tumbled into a most enormous abyss of Tartarus, since those who are now received with no applause of fame are said in Latin to be “freezing.” But how great is their exaltation, how great their wonder, and how enormous the gaze of all upon them, when, as if lifted up by fortune’s support, they are raised aloft: so much the greater is the height downward when, abandoned by that very same fortune, they seem to wither under the stare of mocking eyes—for that is what usually happens to them—as if under some spell. For so many wretched men must be torn by the rays of eyes as there are those whom they themselves meet face to face among men, while each person thinks that, because of a former observance which was not free but burdensome, punishment is owed to him for their insolence. But let us frankly admit that, being human things, they are fortunate: only let us require this, that they carry out their own actions rightly and decorously, and that each of them see what belongs to his duty, what role

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 753 personam sustineat, quantum ab ea oneretur. Nunc autem cum ita mores inclinatos esse uideamus, partim ut ambitio & cupiditas, partim dissoluta disciplina grauitatem & ho nestatem è medio sustulerint, quis eos felices existimare possit? Nam quomodo non miser esse potest, qui in cothur no uel prætexta uel comitis personam uel supparasitantis induit, ut latus cingere maximi Curionis, & officiosus esse potetibus uideatur? At hoc factitari ab ornatissimo quoq[ue] uidemus, ut qui id no faciat, is aut absurdè uerecudus esse, aut refractarius, aut aduersis placitis prouidentiæ natus existimetur. Quid qui in pontificio cultu, & sacrosanctæ dignationis habitu scurrileis actus imitantur, & uelut in tragico amictu mimos & planipedes actitant? (nam id ita usitatum est, ut qui paulo modestiores sunt, & decori retinentes, ij & alijs inuisi sint, & magnam laudem à nobis hac una uirtute mereantur) num etiam illos felices esse di= cemus? Neq[ue] uerò alienam ipsi personam, ab illoq[ue] suo fastigio abhorrentem libetes & cupidi induunt, & eos sortis suæ aut pœnitet aut pudet, & non sunt planè miseri. Et hi sunt, quos hodie propemodum solos diuites esse diximus. Ita patet quid sequatur, si paulo argutiores esse pergamus. Linguis enim fauere necesse est, cum ad sacrosanctos uetum est. Quare, multo mihi fortunatius esse corum institutum uidetur, qui literis se toto, quàm qui opibus dederunt comparandis, duntaxat quibus Solomonis uotiliceat esse compotes, ut nec malesuada egestate eousq[ue] urgeantur, quò secus de uirtute atque honestate iudicent: nec rursus diuitijs redundantibus in cogitationes uanescant erraticas aut impias. Nam quum literarum peritia ad oblectationem frui, & uitæ per uirtutem ac decus agendæ tanquam instrumento B b uti

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PART IB. BOOK V. 753 how much the role is sustained by it, and how much burden it bears. But now, since we see manners so inclined, partly so that ambition and desire, partly relaxed discipline, have taken gravity and honesty away from the middle, who could think them happy? For how can he not be miserable, who puts on in cothurnus or praetexta the part of a companion or a flatterer, so that he may seem to gird the side of the great Curio and to be assiduous at feasts? Yet we see this practiced by every most polished person, so that whoever does not do it is thought either absurdly shy, or stubborn, or born contrary to the dictates of providence. What of those who, in pontifical dress and the habit of sacred dignity, imitate buffoonish acts, and, as though in tragic costume, perform as mimes and low comedians? (for this has become so customary that those who are a little more modest and retain decorum are both disliked by others and, by this one virtue alone, deserve great praise from us) shall we also say that they are happy? Indeed, they do not gladly and willingly put on another man’s role, one that is alien and at odds with that high station of their own, and they are either ashamed or weary of their lot, and are not altogether miserable. And these are the men whom today we have said are almost the only rich. Thus it is clear what follows, if we keep trying to be a little more subtle. For it is necessary to flatter tongues, when a sacred office has been entrusted. Therefore, a far happier plan seems to me that of those who devote themselves wholly to letters than of those who give themselves to acquiring wealth, only so that they may be able to enjoy Solomon’s prayer, namely that they may neither be pressed by a baneful poverty so far as to judge otherwise about virtue and honesty, nor again, with wealth overflowing, vanish into wandering or impious thoughts. For when skill in letters serves for pleasure, and for living one’s life by virtue and honor as though by means of an instrument B b to use

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET uti solent: tum eo amplius post huius uitæ cursum memoriam sui in æuum prorogare hac eadem facultate possunt. Quanquam hæc fortasse nauci facienda ducerem, nisi etia[m] præstantis doctrinæ adminiculis uti bonos & graueis uiros ita existimarem, ut contra temerarios casus celsi semper & recti esse pergerent, & aduersus fortunæ infestioris impetus animo præsentiore co[n]firmarentur, sicut ad humanas iniquitates eosdem ita se co[n]positos collectos q[ui] tenere par est, ut quicquid obuenerit, uelut decretum prouidentiæ æqui boni faciant. < Quis tenor studiorum tenendus sit.> Est autem is tenor studioru[m] mea[m] sententia tenendus, ut à carceribus discendi per spatiosum illud stadium disciplinarum quæ liberales dicu[n]tur, ad metam secularium literarum perueniant, & in flexu ne committant, ut aut acquiescendum esse, aut diutius hærendum putent, sed quò curriculum totum peragant, rursus à meta[m] ad carceres & ad emissarium, denuo aliud spatium no[n] currant, sed ingredi[n]tur & incedant: quod pronu[m] iam ipsum est, & spei bonæ plenu[m], salubrisq[ue] uoluptatis. etenim cu[m] in eo est spatio exhausti ia[m] laboris orbicularis fructus præsentarius, quu[m] uelut indagine cinctam ueritatem teneb[u]t, tum etiam multo maius præmium futurum æternumq[ue] speratur. < Basilius & Nazianzenus & alij Christianarum partium antesignani.> Est enim ea demum uera ratio philosophandi, non fallacem studiorum amoenitatem, non inane nomen beatitudinis persequens, sed recta & honesta uia ueram & solidam gloriam haud inauspicatò petessens. Hanc uia[m] quæ rendæ doctrinæ summu[m] illud par amicitiæ Gregorius & Basilius Græci, & eorum ætati suppares Hieronymus & Augustinus cu[m] tenuissent, & ante eos omnes Cyprianus & Lactantius, & deinde Hilarius, alijq[ue] multi antesignani partium Christianarum, maiorumq[ue] g[ene]tium theologi, quorum hodie responsis ad interpretationem diuini iuris utimur

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET as they are wont to do: then even more, after the course of this life, they can prolong the memory of themselves into eternity by this same faculty. Although I should perhaps think these things of little worth, unless I also considered it fitting that good and serious men should make use of the aids of outstanding learning, so that against rash accidents they might always continue to be lofty and upright, and against the attacks of a more hostile fortune they might be strengthened with a readier mind, just as in the face of human iniquities the same men ought to be so composed and gathered together that whatever may befall they make, as it were, a decree of providence, for the common good. < What course of studies should be followed.> The course of studies, in my opinion, is this: that from the starting gates of learning, through that spacious racecourse of the disciplines which are called liberal, they should come to the goal of secular letters, and at the turn they should not err by thinking that they must either come to rest or remain there too long, but, in order that they may complete the whole course, they should return again from the goal to the starting gates and to the spout, not run another stretch anew, but enter and proceed: for this, already by itself, is easy going, and full of good hope, and of wholesome pleasure. For when in that space the fruit of labor, now exhausted by the circular course, is more present, when they hold the truth, as it were enclosed by a net, then also a far greater reward is hoped for, an eternal one. < Basil and Nazianzen and other standard-bearers of the Christian party.> For this is at last the true way of philosophizing: not pursuing a deceptive pleasantness of studies, not an empty name of blessedness, but seeking by a straight and honorable path true and solid glory, not without good omen. This path toward learning, that supreme bond of friendship, was held by Gregory and Basil among the Greeks, and by Jerome and Augustine, their contemporaries, and before them all by Cyprian and Lactantius, and afterwards by Hilary and many other standard-bearers of the Christian parties, and the theologians of the older nations, whose responses we now use for the interpretation of divine law

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. utimur, ad extremum iudicio iam solido ad sacrosanctum ipsi studium sapientiæ, quasi ad buleæ Themidis oracula uenerunt, quam consiliatricè Latinè appellare possumus. Scire enim auebāt homines ingeniosi quo modo uiâ inire possent ad propositum finem, quasi in patriam ferentem, quam ciuitatem amplissimam esse constat nomine Vrano- polin, superis homunibusq[ue] communem, dūtaxat qui nihil in se impiè aut perfidè admiserint. In ea porrò regia[m] esse sapientiæ, quam prouidentiam antiqui Latini, ut Græci pronæcam uocitare uoluerunt: in qua numeris omnibus scientiæ atq[ue] intelligentiæ beatissimæ animi humani simul cum omni ministerio & stipatu diuinitatis fruuntur, cum ordinibus illis scilicet cælestibus inenarrabili ratione de- scriptis. Hos Esaias prophetiæ decus, argentum & auru[m] suum ad Christi obsequium cultumq[ue] testatur attulisse: quo uerbo tum rerum intelligentiam nullo errore concre- tam, sed ad puritatem excoctam, tum eloquentiæ nitorem splendoremq[ue] significat. Has enim illi prisci opulentas fa- cultates in scribendis eloquendis que rerum diuinarum enarrationibus consumperunt. Verùm hoc ijs probare non possumus, qui ignorantiæ patrocinantes, eloquen- tiam ut curiosam, à sacrisq[ue] studijs alienam, recusant, ob id semper inuisam inertiæ, quòd forulis omnibus antiquæ bibliothecæ excutiendis, ac diu multumq[ue] discendo, nul- lum ad quæstum ab ingenuis comparatur. At nos philo- sophiam argentea supellectili sacris operantem, augu- stius & amplius sapientiæ litare contendimus, quàm si sa- mijs aut plumbeis sacra libamina auspicetur & perege- rit. Quis enim in sacris, fictilibus uasis aut stanneis usus est, quum idem ipse argēteo instrumēto nō careret? Illud uerò rursus summopere uide[n]dum, ne quod sanctuario do- mini Bb 2

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PART I. BOOK V. we use, to the very end, a judgment now firmly grounded, toward the most sacred study of wisdom itself, as though they had come to the oracle of the belly of Themis, which we may in Latin call the council-giving one. For gifted men were eager to know in what manner they might enter upon a road leading to the goal set before them, as to a homeland, which is known to be a very great city called Urnopolis, common to the gods above and to men, provided only that they have admitted nothing impious or treacherous into themselves. In that city, moreover, is the royal seat of wisdom, which the ancient Latins, like the Greeks, wished to call providence: in which, by every measure, the blessed mind of human beings enjoys knowledge and understanding together with every ministry and retinue of divinity, together with those heavenly orders, described in an inexpressible manner. Isaiah, the glory of prophecy, testifies that he brought his silver and gold to the service and worship of Christ: by which word he signifies both understanding of things, refined free from all error, but brought to purity, and the brilliance and splendor of eloquence. For those ancient men spent these rich resources in writing and expounding accounts of divine matters. But we cannot prove this to those who, giving protection to ignorance, reject eloquence as something curious and alien to sacred studies, and therefore always hateful to idleness, because by ransacking all the shelves of the old library, and by learning much and long, no gain is acquired by the well-born. But we contend that philosophy, working in sacred things with silver utensils, renders worship to wisdom more august and more ample than if sacred libations were begun and completed with earthen or leaden vessels. For who ever used clay or pewter vessels in sacred rites when he himself lacked silver equipment? Yet it must again be most carefully observed, lest anything from the sanctuary of the Lord Bb 2

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 757 philosophia se cu[m] omni comm[m]etandi apparatu co[n]tulerit. Quod mihi perinde esse uidetur, atq[ue] si quis ex Floralium spectaculo ad Eleusinia mysteria transeat, & ueluti immi gret. Quicquid enim à uetustate sacrorum nostroru[m] ex= orte discimus, id ego prægredientem ac præcurrentem di= sciplinam esse iudico, ad ueram & theologicam philoso= phiam nos deducentem. Et eam ob rem à Græcis propæ= deumata dicta, id est ea documenta quæ præsciscere nos o= portet priusquam accedamus ad rerum grandiorum arca narumq[ue] cognitionem. Hoc porrò labore exhausto, uelut confecto sex dierum labore, tum demum sabbatismum do mino dicare moribus Christianis conuenit, & sanctuariu[m] sapientiæ iam seriatos adire. Ibi uidere est historiam mi= rificam, euentus uarios, carmina plusquam heroica & co= thurnata, conciones panegyricas, orationem figuratam ac uersicolorem, tropis distinctam, & formis sententiaru[m], o= mninoq[ue] locutionem humano captu augustioru[m] atq[ue] sub= limiorem. Adde symbola Pythagoricis multo argutiora, dicteria sentetiosa scotinis inuolucris sensuum implicata, ut profanas aures fugiant, ambagesq[ue] omne genus multi= pliciter inuolutas. Quid dicam omnem rerum naturam no[n] humano, sed diuino ingenio indicata[m] & apertam? omneis hominum mores, omneis sensus humanos brutosq[ue] expli= citos? res omnino capaces præstantissimarum mentiu[m], di= gnasq[ue] quibus non modò toto (ut dicitur) pectore incum= bere, sed etiam quibus illiuescere toto corpore atq[ue] inta= bescere debeamus. Huius ultimæ & summæ commentatio= nis maiestati, poëtica & oratoria oratio, copiáq[ue] omnis disserendi, eloquendiq[ue] ratio, concedat necesse est, ut huma ni captus altitudo ingenij fasces diuinis summittat monu= mentis & oraculis. Et quidem ita se fecisse uir summæ do= Bb 3 etrinæ Memorabilis locus. Minores ma= gistratus Ro= mæ maiorib[us] obuiam proce dentes, fasces suos summitte bant.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 757 philosophy, as soon as it has been joined with the whole apparatus of commentary. This seems to me to be the same as if someone were to pass from the spectacle of the Floralia to the Eleusinian mysteries, and, as it were, enter them. For whatever we learn from the antiquity of our sacred rites, I judge that to be a discipline going before and running ahead, leading us to true and theological philosophy. And for this reason the Greeks called them propædeumata, that is, those teachings which we ought to learn beforehand before we approach the knowledge of greater and more hidden things. When this labor has been brought to an end, as if after the completion of a six-day work, then at last it is fitting for Christian customs to dedicate the sabbath to the Lord, and to enter the sanctuary of wisdom, now after the appointed times. There one may see a marvelous history, various events, songs more than heroic and tragic, panegyric discourses, speech adorned and many-colored, distinguished by tropes and by forms of sentences, and altogether language more august and more sublime than human grasp can contain. Add symbols far more subtle than those of the Pythagoreans, sententious sayings wrapped in dark coverings of meaning, so that they may escape profane ears, and all kinds of intricately woven ambiguities. What shall I say of the whole nature of things, made known and laid open not by human but by divine intellect? Of all human morals, all human and brutish senses set forth plainly? These are things entirely worthy of the most excellent minds, and such that we ought not only to devote ourselves to them with our whole heart, as the saying goes, but even to become steeped in them with our whole body and to pine away in them. To the majesty of this ultimate and highest commentary, poetic and oratorical discourse, and the whole abundance of the art of speaking and arguing, must necessarily уступate, so that the height of human wit submits its fasces to divine monuments and oracles. And indeed a man of the greatest learning did so. Bb 3 etrinæ Memorable passage. The lesser magistrates at Rome, when they went out to meet the greater, used to lower their fasces.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Gregorius Nazianzenus. Ærinæ Gregorius Nazianzenus clara uoce testatur: cu= ius autoris exemplum imitari percupidè debemus, ne lite= raru[m] cognitione secularium quasi bacillo arundineo nixi, in ueritatis cognitione & uiæ philosophicæ progressu grauiter concidamus. Sed citetur testimonium locupletis= simi autoris ueritatis, et in literis secularibus in primis eru diti: qui uelut in literis diu multumq[ue] negotiatus & feli= citer, inueto tande[m] unione, & summu[m] boni tessera, per agrâ di fine[m] facere co[n]stituit, eumq[ue] liceri fluxarum rerum con= teptu, atq[ue] in eo uno postea acquiescere. Sic aute[m] ille ait, Munor [e]n[im] filior[um] [n]o[n]ne loqvor[um] pl[us], [n]o[n]us Autolim [n]o[n]n[us] te [n]o[n]u[m] illa[m] [n]o[n]n[us] e[ss]e[m] Autolim [n]o[n]n[us] te [n]o[n]u[m] illa[m] [n]o[n]n[us] e[ss]e[m] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] Sola fuit cordi nobis facundia, quantam Orbis eo a manus simul, occiduusq[ue] co[n]e[n]git Tractus, & illustres Græcorum gloriæ Athenæ: Sed simul ac tandem multo peperisse labore Contigit, ante pedes Christi afflictam ipse reliqui. Cedit enim summi sermoni numinis omne Humanæ mentis uarium ac uersatile uerbum. Quibus uerbis intelligimus uirum illum summo ingenio præditum, summè studio literaru[m] deditu[m], multam ac diu= turnam operam eloquentiæ & poëticæ dedisse: ad quaru[m] rerum amorem tota mente ferebatur: sed quum tandem ue= nisset ad studium sacræ philosophiæ, & sacramentum sa= lutis humanæ intelligere coepisset, cuius fuit unus Chri= stus interpres & antistes, illico ipsum illa omnia litera= rum ornamenta in conspectum domini abiecisse, uidelicet agnosc

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Gregory Nazianzenus. Gregory Nazianzenus clearly testifies in the passage of Aërina: whose example we ought to be most eager to imitate, lest, relying on the knowledge of secular letters as on a reed-like staff, we fall heavily in our knowledge of truth and in the progress of the philosophical life. But let the testimony of that most learned author of truth be cited, one who was especially well versed in secular letters: who, after long and successful involvement in letters, at length, having found the desired union and the token of the highest good, resolved to bring the course to an end, and thereafter to rest in the contempt of fleeting things, and in that one thing alone to find his peace. Thus, then, he says: Munor [e]n[im] filior[um] [n]o[n]ne loqvor[um] pl[us], [n]o[n]us Autolim [n]o[n]n[us] te [n]o[n]u[m] illa[m] [n]o[n]n[us] e[ss]e[m] Autolim [n]o[n]n[us] te [n]o[n]u[m] illa[m] [n]o[n]n[us] e[ss]e[m] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] Only eloquence was dear to us, as much as the world gathered at one hand, and the setting tract, and the illustrious Athens, glory of the Greeks: but as soon as at last, after much labor, it was granted to have borne fruit, I myself laid it down, afflicted, at the feet of Christ. For every varied and changeable word of the human mind yields to the discourse of the highest divinity. By these words we understand that that man, endowed with supreme genius and devoted with the greatest zeal to letters, gave much and long labor to eloquence and poetry: toward the love of these things he was borne with all his mind. But when at last he had come to the study of sacred philosophy, and had begun to understand the sacrament of human salvation, of which Christ alone was the interpreter and priest, straightway he cast all those ornaments of letters before the Lord's sight, namely, acknowledg

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 759 agnoscentem & animaduertentem, quicquid in literis Græ cæ philosophiæ ac philologiæ uidisset, longè id abesse à diuinis oraculis, atque à sermone ipsius diuinæ sapientiæ. Sacra enim scripta omnem haud dubiè elocutione mentis < De sacrosanctis scriptis.> humanæ uincere intellexit, quâlibetq[ue] figuris distinctam orationem, ac multiplici eloquio elaboratam, tamen præ diuini sermonis ui ac fulgore obscurari atque elanguescere. Ego quidem certè in ea sum opinione, ut existimè tropos oratorios multo sublimiores efficacioresq[ue] in sacra lectione inueniri, quàm in priscorum Græcorum Latino= rum'ue monumentis: posseq[ue] oratoria[m] phrasim fieri ea le= ctione multo locupletiorem. Sed id persuaderi ijs uix po= test, qui humanorum scriptoru[m] lepôre ac suauitate capti, horridi statim & refractarij styli lectione deterrentur. Neque uerò concinnitatem eloquentiæ in sacrosanctis li= bris requirere, sed uim sublimitatemq[ue] sententiarum con= sectari debemus: etiamsi haustos inde sensus, in scripta ue= nustiora transferre, & pigmentis externis reddere floridiore, nec ius nec fas prohibet. Præstantissimæ enim gem mæ, argento potius crassiusculo quàm auro includuntur obryzo, ne thecæ nitentis aspectus, quoquo modo perti= nere aut accedere ad æstimationem tam pretiosæ rei uidea tur. Et alioqui deus arcere profanos uoluit ab oraculis suis, qui orationis pigmeta, & elegatiæ lenocinia, no[n] sen= sus arcani & mystici nucleum eliciendu[m] putant. Hic autem existit illa Theophrasti querela de breuitate uitæ, quæ ue= lut in tyrocinio philosophiæ sanctioris flagrates animos destituit. I aprimu[m] Talthybius ille coelestis Esaias præco nio urbano & elegati, ac figuris illuminato, aduëtantis sa pientiæ & ueritatis sacramentu[m] uociferas, sacrisq[ue] (ut ita dicam) leporibus diuinisq[ue] salibus códitus & iucudus, à quo tandem Bb 4

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recognizing and observing that whatever he had seen in the writings of Greek philosophy and philology was far removed from divine oracles and from the speech of divine wisdom itself. For the sacred writings, without doubt, surpass every form of human expression, and whatever discourse is adorned with figures and worked up with manifold eloquence, yet is obscured and wanes before the force and brilliance of divine speech. For my part, I am certainly of the opinion that rhetorical tropes are found much more sublime and effective in sacred reading than in the monuments of the ancient Greeks or Latins; and that rhetorical phrasing can become much richer through that reading. But this can scarcely be persuaded to those who, captivated by the charm and sweetness of human writers, are at once deterred by the reading of a harsh and stubborn style. Nor indeed should we seek in the sacred books the smooth polish of eloquence, but rather pursue the force and sublimity of the thoughts; even if it is neither unlawful nor forbidden to take the ideas drawn from them and transfer them into more elegant writings, and to render them more flourishing with external embellishments. For the most excellent gems are set rather in somewhat coarse silver than in refined gold, lest the appearance of the shining setting seem in some way to match or approach the value of so precious a thing. And besides, God wished to keep the profane away from his oracles, those who think not of drawing out the hidden and mystical kernel of meaning, but only of the ornaments of speech and the blandishments of elegance. Here too arises that complaint of Theophrastus about the brevity of life, which, as it were at the very beginning of a more sacred philosophy, leaves fervent minds deserted. I, first, that heavenly Talthybius, Isaiah, with urban and elegant proclamation, and with figures illuminated, proclaims the sacrament of wisdom and truth as it approaches, and, seasoned with sacred (so to speak) charms and divine wit, and delightful, from whom at last Bb 4

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET dam geminus, utriusq[ue] naturæ particeps, utrunque testa= mentum diuinitatis, instrumentumq[ue] utrunque indagandi summi boni coniunxit, finem æui prisci cum principio re nouati mundi connectens, dierumq[ue] ipse antiquorum in= staurator, innocentiæ ferme priscæ mortales restituit. I am uerò sapientiam sequitur è uestigio suus ille hypophetes Paulus, uir ad unguem diuinæ manus factus, atq[ue] inter o= mnes ueritatis emissarios lectissimus, eius fani sapientiæ < Templu à Solomone conditum typus fuit ecclesiæ constituendæ.> architectus, cuius forma symbolica graphide antistes ille sapientiæ Solomon quondam deliniarat. I demq[ue] sacra sæ pientiæ ijs gentibus impertiuit, quæ antiquissimo decre= to mysterijs arcebantur ut indignæ ac profanæ. Hic est qui classico prædicandæ ueritatis edictum alterius natalis in Asia & Græcia tam strenuè & sublimiter, quàm clarè atq[ue] exaudibiliter promulgauit, ut qui mundi aut dæmo= nis mancipio hæreditario tenebantur, uelut altero matris enixu ingenui nasceretur, priscaq[ue] noxa soluti. Quid ille liber unus Euangelij Ioannis? non ne sacrarium penè to= tum ueritatis continet? Hic est ille seruus domini recepti= tius, qui sapientiæ ipsi super coenam incumbens, haustam diuino numine sapientiam, inenarrabili libello posterita= ti tradidit. Eiusdem Apocalypsin, id est annales reru[m] no= dum gestaru[m], quid aliud q[uæ] Parcaru[m] cōmentaria esse cen= seas? Illic enim effusa uaticinia omne[m] serie[m] fatoru[m], omnia prouidet[i]æ calendaria in posteru[m] continet, etia[m] si Oedipo (ut aiunt) cōiectore indiget. I ob aute[m] alumnus ille sapien tiæ, institutione[m] sacroru[m] cōtinet athletaru[m]: qui liber unus dramaticus ueluti spectaculum quoddam uisendum est, phi losophus consummatus & absolutus edens specimen sui. In eo fortuna plagis multiplicibus sæuiens, æquanimitas nusquam instanti urgenti que aduersariæ manus dans ac succumb

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET and a twin, partaker of either nature, joined both testaments of divinity, and both instruments of searching out the supreme good, connecting the end of the ancient age with the beginning of the renewed world, and himself the restorer of the old days, restored mortals almost to the innocence of former times. And indeed, after wisdom, there follows at once his own hypophetes Paul, a man made to the very nail by the divine hand, and among all the messengers of truth the most choice, the architect of that shrine of wisdom; the Temple built by Solomon was a type of the Church to be established, whose symbolic form that former high priest of wisdom, Solomon, had once outlined with his pen. And he likewise imparted sacred wisdom to those nations which, by the most ancient decree, were kept away from the mysteries as unworthy and profane. He it is who, with the trumpet-call edict for proclaiming the truth, so vigorously and sublimely, as well as clearly and audibly, promulgated in Asia and Greece the birth of another life, that those who had been held in hereditary bondage to the world or the devil were born, as it were, from the womb of another mother, free and released from their ancient guilt. What of that one book of the Gospel of John? Does it not contain almost the entire treasury of truth? He is that more intimate servant of the Lord, who, reclining on wisdom itself at supper, handed down to posterity, in an indescribable little book, the wisdom drawn from the divine power. What else would you think of the Apocalypse of the same writer, that is, the annals of things not yet accomplished, than as the commentary of the Fates? For there the outpoured prophecies contain every sequence of destinies, all the calendars of providence for the future, even if it requires Oedipus, as they say, to interpret them. But Job, that disciple of wisdom, contains an instruction for sacred athletes: that one book is dramatic and ought to be viewed like some spectacle, a consummate and complete philosopher setting forth an example of himself. In it fortune, raging with many blows, in no place gives way to the hand of the adversary pressing and assailing, but succumbs.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 763 succumbens, uelut in campo tolerantiæ & aduersitatis, infestissime committuntur. Quo ex agone tandem æquus animus uelut hieronices, certamunis uictor uerè sacri, ago= nothetæ dei iudicio meruisse præmium pronunciatur. Iam libri quinq[ue]; Mosis (ut rem à capite, quod dicitur arcessamus) cum sapientiæ architecturâ, atq[ue] opificis naturæ primordia, temporis incunabula, uitæ tyrocinium continet, rursus lustrationem orbis, sacroru[m] cerimoniarumq[ue] ritus, religionisq[ue]; natales & pietatis mirificè descriptos: iuris etiam gentium clementa, legumq[ue] fundamenta co[m]plectuntur, quibus humani mores diuinitus conformati sunt: tum uerò in illis prouidentia[m] planè est agnoscere, ex altissimo sinu diuinitatis se proferente[m], summi etia[m] boni adipiscendi ratione humano generi indulgentissimè exordiente[m]. Certè quidem Geneseos liber historiam quædam admirabilem refert, & ænigmaticam pollicitatione[m] prouidentiæ, augustioris cuiusdam fastigij natalem hominibus, immortalitatemq[ue]; beatissimam mortalibus parturientis. In his autem libris res arcanæ, à profanisq[ue]; mentibus abhorrentes, ita proditæ sunt diuina solertia, ut ad prosopopæiarum ueritatem, figurarum nouitate[m], affectuum mirifica[m] expressionem, accederet sublimitas sententiarum atq[ue] sensuum gemina tergeminaq[ue]; diuinis ingenijs interpretum enucleanda. Super omnia uerò est beatæ iamiam futuræ uitæ, si sapimus, securitatisq[ue] sempiternæ, & summo bono acquieturæ æstimatio, mirificè illa quidè in ijsde[m] multifariamq[ue]; sed è medio sumpto sermone adumbrata. Tanta spe interim animos tamq[ue]; certa perfundes ac pignerans, duntaxat fide bona lectitantium, res omneis ut temporarias cal care tantisper despicereq[ue]; cogat. His alijsq[ue] sacrosanctæ disciplinæ monumetis (nonnulla enim prætereo prudes) uidere

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PARTIB. HIS BOOK V. 763 falling down, as if in a field of endurance and adversity, they are most fiercely contended. From this contest at last the upright mind, like a hieronices, victor in the contest, truly priestly, is proclaimed by the judgment of God to have merited the prize. Now the five books of Moses (to begin, as they say, from the head) contain the architecture of wisdom, and the beginnings of the work of nature, the infancy of time, the apprenticeship of life; they likewise set forth the cleansing of the world, the rites of sacred ceremonies, and the birth of religion and of piety in a marvelous manner: they also embrace the first principles of the law of nations, and the foundations of laws, by which human customs were divinely formed. Then indeed in them providence is plainly to be recognized, emerging from the highest bosom of divinity, and most graciously initiating the human race into the means of attaining the highest good. Certainly the book of Genesis relates a history that is admirable in a certain way, and an enigmatic promise of providence, giving birth to mortals to the nativity of a more august estate, and to a most blessed immortality for humans. But in these books hidden matters, and things repugnant to profane minds, are thus handed down with divine skill, so that to the truth of personifications, to the novelty of figures, to the marvelous expression of the passions, there should be added the sublimity of thoughts and meanings, to be unfolded by the divine talents of interpreters in twofold and threefold measure. Above all, there is the estimation of the blessed life soon to be, if we are wise, and of eternal security, and of resting in the highest good, marvelously indeed indicated in the same writings in many ways; but with discourse taken from the middle. With such hope meanwhile you fill and pledge the minds, as far as those who read in good faith, that all things temporal compel them for a time to despise and to neglect. By these and other monuments of the sacred teaching (for I pass over some things prudently) to see

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET uidere est per nebula[m] captushumani ingenij, quæ præmia eos maneat, qui calcatis fortunis teporarijs & caducis, in expectationem summi boni spes omneis rationes q[ui] contulerunt. Sed quum tot ansas certissimæ doctrinæ nobis dederit prouidetia, mirum est quòd sapientiam tenere quasi lubricam, fluxam, euanidam, non possumus. Quid igitur in causa esse dicamus? utru[m] quòd spes præseruida in diem longiore sibi stipulari nequit, at sapientia labores & molestias repræsentans, præmia & lætitiam in futurum pollicetur? an potius quòd acreis sensus ad sensu percepta & concreta, hebetes ad intelligibilia & abstracta nobis natura dedit? Primum hoc dico, studij sapientiæ fructum etiam non aspernandum in hac uitæ repræsentari. Deinde summi boni expectationi non magis annos quàm annum, nec dies quàm diem, nec horas quàm horam cedere, ut ui= ceuersa (ô præcipitem & abruptu[m] uitæ situm) summi mali timori atq[ue] horrori. Semper etiam nos excubare ipsa sapientia iussit, & ad omne momentu[m] dici & noctis, accersentis nos fati præstolari uadimonium. Vt autem his copijs doctrinæ sacræ in corde hominis instructis, & tanquam in procinctu stantibus no[n] regna, non potestates, no[n] diuitiæ comparantur aut administrantur: sic omnes animi sensus suapte natura petulantes & contumaces, ita ad ob sequium rationis rediguntur, ut homo pacem & constantiam secum seruare possit: quod summum ipsum esse bonu[m] quum philosophia priscæ in uniuersum censuit, tum uerò Christus sapientiæ autor, parens & co[n]stitutor, extremu[m] elogium condens, legati loco quam amplissimi comitatui suo reliquit. Quâta igitur animi alacritate, quàm strenuè, quàm constanter incumbere ad supradictorum librorum lectionem debemus, & eo amplius ad eorum philospho= rum < Tranquillitas animi.>

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G. BVD. OF ASH AND It is difficult to see, as though through a cloud, by the human understanding, what rewards await those who, trampling underfoot temporal and perishable fortunes, have devoted all their hopes to the expectation of the highest good. Yet since Providence has given us so many sure indications of doctrine, it is astonishing that we cannot hold fast wisdom, as if it were slippery, fleeting, and evanescent. What, then, shall we say is the cause? Is it because hope, overhastened, cannot bargain for itself a longer day, whereas wisdom, presenting labors and troubles before us, promises rewards and joy in the future? Or rather because nature has given us keen senses for things perceived by sense and made concrete, but dull ones for intelligible and abstract things? First, I say this: the fruit of the pursuit of wisdom is not to be despised even in this life. Next, in the expectation of the highest good, years no more give way than a year, nor days than a day, nor hours than an hour, so that the whole of life is, as it were, the very opposite—O precipitous and abrupt condition of life!—the fear and terror of the greatest evil. Wisdom itself has also always bidden us keep watch, and day and night be ready to await the summons of fate, which calls us. But just as, when these supplies of sacred teaching have been furnished in a man’s heart and are, as it were, standing in battle array, neither kingdoms nor powers nor riches can be acquired or administered, so all the impulses of the mind, by their very nature unruly and stubborn, are brought under the obedience of reason, so that a man may preserve peace and steadfastness within himself. For when philosophy in ancient times judged this in general to be the highest good, then truly Christ, the author, parent, and founder of wisdom, setting the final seal upon it, left it to his followers as a most ample legacy in the place of an embassy. With what eagerness of spirit, then, with what energy, with what steadfastness, ought we to apply ourselves to the reading of the aforesaid books, and all the more to the reading of those philosophers < Tranquillity of the mind.>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 765 rum, qui amplis suis disertisq[ue] commentationibus, res figu rarum inuolucris conditas, in lucem eruere pijs enarratio nibus scriptionibusq[ue] contenderunt? Nam quicquid labo ris in literis & studijs secularibus consumpserimus, eius laboris largissimum fructum in illa lectione demetemus, si quidem desecato (ut dicitur) ingenio, si perpurgata m[anu]ete, si lotis denique pedibus ad id studium accessserimus. Illud enim literarum studium, ut rudimentu[m] discendi existima= re debemus, hoc ut progressum & fastigium. & quide[m] ex hoc scientiæ fonte perenni atq[ue] inexhausto, quamuis ma= gnifica, quamuis copiosa, quamlibet sublimis manare po= test oratio, si modo nobis stipendia quidem implere in u= troq[ue] eorum studio c[on]tigerit, in hoc uerò demum præmia sperare operæ nauatæ & emeritæ. Quid autem [con]tilitia scripta ad intelligentiam sacrosanctæ doctrinæ conferat, malo quum alijs, tum diuo Hieronymo credi ad magnum tunc oratorem Romanum scribenti, quàm mihi hoc arro= gare, ut demonstrare nitar. Tum primum aute[m] peruenisse nos ad illam euthymiam, philosophiæ antiquæ ut decanta tam, sic incognitam sentiemus, animos (ut ipsi aiebant) hu manos beata undiq[ue] securitate imbuentem, quum fiduciæ compertæ ueritatis, laborum omnium rationem constare nobis intelligimus. Hanc euthymiam Esaias uates elegan ti metaphora fiduciæ contuberniu[m] appellauit, in quo ani= mus humanus à rerum humanarum lectione & commen= tatione emeritus, reru[m] coelestium & æternarum contepla tione pascitur, delectatur, fruitur. Sed scilicet tot tætasq[ue] res no[n] capiunt angustiæ cordis humani, nisi curis turbu= lentis uacui, nec alias res agentis. Quantu[m] est autem in ea meditatione intelligere, philosophiam ante Christi aduen tum uelut planum quendam fuisse, uel præstigatorem in= genijs Euthymia. Vide Esaiam cap. 33.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 765 ...those who, with their ample and eloquent commentaries, have striven to bring to light, through pious explanations and writings, matters hidden under coverings of figures? For whatever labor we have expended in letters and secular studies, we shall reap the richest fruit of that labor in that reading, provided that we approach that study, as the saying goes, with the intellect sharpened, with the hand purified, and finally with washed feet. For that study of letters we ought to regard as the rudiment of learning; this, as its progress and its summit. And indeed from this ever-flowing and inexhaustible fountain of knowledge, however magnificent, however abundant, however lofty a discourse may flow, if only it shall happen to us to discharge our duties in each of those studies, and in this one at last to hope for the rewards of diligent and well-earned effort. But what contribution learned writings make to the understanding of sacred doctrine, I prefer to have Jerome believed on this point when he writes to the great Roman orator, rather than to claim this for myself by trying to prove it. Then for the first time we shall feel that we have reached that euthymia, so celebrated in ancient philosophy and yet so little known, which fills human minds, as they said, with blessed security on every side, when we understand that, with the assurance of recognized truth, the reason for all our labors stands firm for us. This euthymia the prophet Isaiah, by an elegant metaphor, called the fellowship of confidence, in which the human mind, having earned its rest from the reading and study of human things, is nourished, delighted, and refreshed by the contemplation of heavenly and eternal things. But indeed such and so great matters do not fit within the narrowness of the human heart, unless it is free from turbulent cares and engaged in no other business. And how great a thing it is, in that meditation, to understand that philosophy before the coming of Christ was, as it were, a kind of plain ground, or a trickster of minds Euthymia. See Isaiah chapter 33.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET genijs humanis uariè illudentem, cuius Dædalea commen ta atheos & uoluptarios, aliaq[ue] portenta sectarum excita uerunt? id quod Paulus ille uranognomon assertorq[ue] or= thodoxiæ, testatus est ad Colossenses scribens. Nos igi= tur germanam philosophiam religiose adire uenerabun= diq[ue] debemus, ut quum à lectione gētilitiorum scriptoru[m] quasi à uoluptarijs fabularum argumentis ad sapientiæ & ueritatis fanum semel accessserimus, ueluti studio iam serioso uernantes, senectutem priscæ ignoratiæ paulatim exuamus, ac nouum quendam & instauratitium homi= nem libentes induamus. Hæc enim una est disciplina huma næ naturæ magistra, quæ hominis gubernacula exculpe= re stolidis sensibus potest, & intellectui ac menti tenenda porrigere & moderanda, etiam si naturæ ui atque impe= rio appetitus est proreta. Quare homines qui non bonis tantum externis, sed etiam æternis student, hoc uidere e= tiam atq[ue] etiam oportet, ut quod nautæ prudentiores fa= cere dicitur, ut sacram quandam ancoram ad extremum salutis subsidium habeant: hoc ipsi inutari contendant, contraq[ue] turbidiorum affectuum æstus, & iactationes for tunæ, lectione sacra uelut ancora passim ac semper utan= tur. Hoc enim retinaculo, ac rationis subsidio, sæuiente tempestate ita nos firmare conuenit, ne transuersi in sco= pulos noxiæ alicuius offensæ, aut in uada curarum exter= narum uento quodam cupiditatis repentè rapiamur. Proh deus immortalis, est ne aliquis tam aduersis placitis pro= uidentiæ natus, duntaxat eorum qui Palladis sacramen= to bona fide dixere, qui quum hæc animo accuratè repu= tauerit, desultoriamq[ue] fortunæ uicissitudinem perpende= rit, ac uitæ humanæ breuitatem: non Croesi & Midæ di= uitias, Tantali que (ut aiunt) talenta pro nihilo ducenda præ De contemnendis diuitijs præstudio sapientiæ.

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G. BVD. ON THE PREFERENCE FOR THE ONE AND THE MANY who play in various ways with human minds, whose Daedalian contrivances have stirred up atheists and pleasure-seekers, and other monsters of sects? This is what that Paul, the observer of the heavens and defender of orthodoxy, testified when writing to the Colossians. Therefore we ought to approach true philosophy reverently and with devotion, so that when once, through the reading of pagan writers, as if from the enticing plots of tales, we have come to the sanctuary of wisdom and truth, we may then, as if now grown serious in our studies, gradually put off the old age of former ignorance, and willingly put on a certain new and renewed man. For this alone is the discipline that teaches human nature, which can wrest the reins of man from foolish senses, and hand over to intellect and mind what is to be held and governed, even though by nature’s force and command desire is the pilot. For this reason, those men who seek not only external goods but also eternal ones ought to see this again and again: that, as wiser sailors are said to do, they should have some sacred anchor as their final help for safety; this they themselves should strive to imitate, and against the surges of turbulent emotions and the tossings of fortune, they should use sacred reading everywhere and always, as if it were an anchor. For with this restraint and support of reason, when the storm rages, it is fitting to strengthen ourselves so that we may not be driven off course onto the rocks of some harmful offense, or into the shallows of external cares, suddenly snatched by some wind of desire. O immortal God, is there anyone so born to opinions contrary to providence, apart from those who have spoken in good faith from Pallas’s sacrament, that when he has considered these things carefully in his mind, and weighed the changeability of fortune and the brevity of human life, he would not count the riches of Croesus and Midas, and the talents of Tantalus, as they say, as nothing? On the despising of riches, for the zeal of wisdom.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. præ solida philosophantium felicitate iudicet: & eos qui opum externaru[m] possessione in medio posita, quasiq[ue] in= ter homines cupiditate & auaritia præditos cōtrouersa, ad ultimum uitæ diem fortuna disceptante contendunt, non dico de precaria possessione rerum, atque in fortu= næ mancipio ditioneq[ue] posita, sed de asini (quod Græci dicunt) umbra uel litigare, uel laborare, uel sese misere afflictare? Ego uerò etiam (id quod ijdem Græci in pro= uerbio dicunt) omnes istos thesauros non in cellulis cor= dis, sed in promptuarijs Fortis fortunæ & temeritatis con ditos, carbones tandem rectè existimanti uisum iri con= tenderim. In quibus enim bonis maximè mens humana nimia sui diffidentia imbuta, iure gentium & ciuili con= tra naturam recepto, parare sibi præsidium subsidiumq[ue] consueuit, eorum bonorum affluentium ope non tam adus uari diuites pleru[m]q[ue], quàm aduri quis no[n] uidet? Num quis hoc nescire potest, quosdam aliquando uæsana stimulan= te cupiditate per fas nefasq[ue] census suos auxisse? cuius or= dinis esse dicuntur, quos exenteratores Reip. uocant: & eos ipsos tamen, ut fuit aliquando Reip. nostræ constitu tio, religiose adiri oportebat, si quid æqui boniq[ue] à prin= cipe (ô summâ indignitatem) impetrandum haberes. Hoc genus exagitat hiantis auaritiæ peruigil & inquies cogi tatio quæsitis iam semper aliquid acquirendi: ob quod eâ prisci poëtæ Alecto uocauerût, nomine sane apposito & congruenti, furiaru[m] unam esse dictitates, quas inter mini= steriu[m] Orci dedicauerunt. & ego beatos eos putem, quos cōsceleratis animis ditatos esse sciam? Sed sint uel fuerint tam hominu[m] felicissimi, quàm omnium fortunatissimi atq[ue] opulentissimi esse uel fuisse noscuntur: num ideo eoru[m] illi sortem suspicere & æmulari debent, qui à philosophia di= dicerint

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. shall judge by the solid happiness of philosophers; and those who, with the possession of external wealth placed in the middle, as it were between men endowed with desire and avarice, contend to the very last day of life while fortune herself decides the case, not, I say, over the precarious possession of things, and over what is placed in the power and dominion of fortune, but over an ass’s shadow, as the Greeks say, are they to fight, or toil, or miserably afflict themselves? For my part, I would even contend that all those treasures, as the same Greeks say in a proverb, are laid up not in the chambers of the heart, but in the storehouses of bold fortune and rashness, and will at last seem to a rightly judging mind to be but coals. For in those goods in which the human mind, imbued most greatly with distrust of itself, is accustomed, by the law of nations and civil law accepted against nature, to provide for itself protection and support, who does not see that by the aid of such abundant goods men are more often not so much enriched as burned? Can anyone not know this, that some, at times, driven by mad desire, have increased their estates by right and wrong alike? of which class, it is said, are those whom they call the disembowelers of the Republic; and yet even to approach these very men, as was once the constitution of our Republic, had to be done reverently, if you had anything just and honorable to obtain from the prince (O supreme indignity). This kind of thing is stirred up by the sleepless and restless thought of greed, already gaping for always acquiring something else; for which reason the ancient poets called her Alecto, a name indeed apt and fitting, and declared her to be one of the Furies, whom they dedicated among the servants of Orcus. And should I think blessed those whom I know to be enriched by wicked souls? But let them be, or have been, as happiest of men, and as the most fortunate and most wealthy of all they are known to be, or to have been: should those men therefore look up to and emulate their lot, who have departed from philosophy

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET dicerint, ijs tandem cum Orco rationem esse habendam? Mitto nunc spintrias aulicos (ut ita appellem) improbè ingeniosos, ex genere æruscatorum: qui rerum noxia= rum inuentores, acuti & solertes uideri populari paupe= rie non uerentur, dummodo in aula innotescant, nihil pen si habentes. Iam uerò Sisyphidas illos quàm beatos esse dicemus, qui etheloduliæ mancipati (sic enim appellatur spontanea seruitus) saxum illud ambitionis irrequieto la= bore subuoluunt, non modo humeris & ceruice, sed e= tiam præcordijs & uertice? Saxum, inquam, illud præ= graue & asperum, quod interdum ab aulæ summo gradu in medium relabitur, & nonnunquam ad ultimum, tam præposter a plerunq[ue] fortunæ improbitate, ut in illa scho= la ima summis ingenia non modo permixta uideamus, sed etiam superposita. Miseram uitæ sortem, atque ut cætera suauem esse fateare, eo quidem certè grauem ingenuis ani mis, & propemodum enecantem, quòd ambientium na= tio, quasi ex histrionio genere oriunda, semper persona= ta uidetur & gesticulatrix esse. Hæc autem molestia am= bitus comes, sensus etiam degeneres & obnoxij, actusq[ue] per omnia liberalissimi, introspicienti patent: ijs qui pri= more rerum aspectu acquiescunt, non item patent. Siqui= dem ut aulicæ potetiæ strepitus & fastu & comitatu fre= quenti beatus, uibranti quodâ fulgore oculos contuentes præstringit, & præ admiratione sui coronas circunsusas summouere specie luculenta uidetur: sic si trans splendo= rem inanis tectorij perspicere possis, uel liberos eorum actus intra scenam populo iam non seruientes uidere, ibi tum ibi tristia omnia, ac lurida anxietate scatentia appa= rent, prorsus ut tetri ergastuli speciem illic uideas inge= nuis & candidis moribus inaccessi. Verum (ô lubricum ambitionis

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET and if they should say that in the end even with Orcus account must be taken? I pass over now the courtly spintriae (if I may so call them), shamelessly ingenious men, of the tribe of petty hawkers: who, as inventors of noxious things, do not shrink from seeming sharp and clever to the common sort in poverty, so long as they become known at court, caring for nothing. And now, indeed, shall we call those Sisyphids happy, who, enslaved to ethelodulia (for so voluntary servitude is called), roll that stone of ambition with unwearied labor, not only with shoulders and neck, but also with breast and head? That stone, I say, very heavy and rough, which sometimes slides back from the highest rank of the court into the middle, and sometimes even to the lowest, so often by the perversity of fortune in an inverted order, that in that lowest school we see minds not only mingled with the highest, but even set above them. A miserable lot of life, and, if you admit that the rest is pleasant, certainly burdensome to noble minds, and almost deadly, because the tribe of sycophants, as though sprung from the race of actors, seems always masked and gesturing. And this annoyance, companion of ambition, along with debased and servile senses and actions in every respect most free, is laid open to one who looks closely; it is not laid open to those who are satisfied with the first appearance of things. For just as the noise and pomp of courtly power, made happy by its frequent train, dazzles the eyes of those who gaze at its glittering brilliance, and by a kind of shining splendor seems to dispel the crowns that surround it through admiration of itself: so if you could look through the glitter of the empty covering, or see their free actions within the stage, no longer serving the people, then there, yes there, all things appear sad and seething with lurid anxiety, just as you would see there the aspect of a grim prison inaccessible to noble and pure morals. Yet, O slippery thing of ambition

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ambitionis errorem) quid illud esse dicam, quòd cordati alioquin uiri, nec cupiditate transuersi, quum id quod di= ximus, & dicant & sentiant, uinculaq[ue] ergastuli excipu= losa prouideant: fit tamen, si propius adire detur, in ea se scientes prudentesq[ue]; ut induant, quum tamen id ipsi maxi mè fugitare uideâtur? Vtrum quòd immemores in re præ= senti fiunt? an potius insinuantes in locu[m] illecebrosum, o= culis & sensibus & mente capiuntur? utrum stulta fiducia freti, quasi exuendi nexus ratione teneant, periculu[m] fæce= re incognitæ rei uolunt? & eas plagas inire, quæ mihi te= naciores Vulcanijs illis uidentur, quæ Martis Venerisq[ue]; stupru[m] irretiuisse dicuntur? quas Homerus in Odyssea tra= <Vide Homeru[m] in octauo Odysseæ.> didit nec oculis perceptas, nec solutiles, nec ui quantalibet fuisse eluctabiles. Scilicet ille est error æternus mentis hu= manæ, quæ carceres ambitionis transiliës, non percipit ita pronum esse id stadium ad medium usq[ue]; spatium, & inde ad metam sensim arduum, ut illic nullo sufflamine procur= rentes bigæ contineri, hic urgeri ad metam nulla conten= tione possint. tum demum aurigans altior iam spiritus se= ra intelligentia docetur nullum modu[m] aut finem ambitio= nis esse, quum semel rationis frenos momorderu[m] cupiditas & elatio præceps, quasi Aethon & Podargus equi duo iugales. His enim bigis Genius ille lucifugus (quem apposi tissimo, nisi fallor, nomine Laoplanum appello, quasi mun di totius popularem impostorem) sapientes multos huius seculi per theatrum Reipub. administrandæ plausibili spe cie transuebit, & sæpe transuersos rapit. Sed ut apud Ho merum Vulcanus Martem & Venerem irretitos, omnium deoru[m] oculis subiecisse narratur, ut de ijs quisq[ue]; superum sentetiam ludicram & cauillatoriam ferret, illi[us]; in rebus Veneris deprehensi, poenas stupri penderent, in co[m]plexu C c obscoe

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What shall I call that error of ambition, that men who are otherwise sensible, and not led astray by desire, when they say and think what we have said, nevertheless foresee the shackles and the pestilent bonds of the prison-house; and yet, if they are allowed to draw nearer, knowingly and deliberately step into them, although it seems that they are most eager to avoid that very thing? Is it because they become forgetful in the present circumstance? Or rather because, as they insinuate themselves into the alluring place, they are caught by the eyes, by the senses, and by the mind? Or, trusting in foolish confidence, do they suppose that they hold by reason a means of slipping free, and so choose to run the risk of an unknown affair? And do they enter those pitfalls which seem to me more binding than those very fetters of Vulcan, said to have entangled the adultery of Mars and Venus? Those which Homer in the Odyssey described as not perceived by the eyes, not loosened, and not escapable by any strength whatsoever. Surely this is the eternal error of the human mind: it leaps over the dungeons of ambition, and does not perceive that the course is so downhill up to the middle stretch, and from there gradually uphill to the goal, that there the chariots, with no brake to hold them back, cannot be restrained, while here they cannot be driven to the goal by any exertion. Then at last, when the spirit, now on higher ground, is taught by sober understanding, it sees that ambition has no limit or end, once desire and reckless arrogance have bitten the reins of reason, like the pair of yoked horses Aethon and Podargus. For with these chariots that lucifugous Genius—whom, if I am not mistaken, I call by a most fitting name Laoplanus, as though the public deceiver of the whole world—will carry many wise men of this age across the theater of public affairs under the plausible appearance of administering the republic, and often drags them astray. But as in Homer Vulcan is said to have exposed Mars and Venus, entangled, before the eyes of all the gods, so that each of the gods might pass a mocking and gibe-filled judgment on them, and so that they, caught in the matter of Venus, might pay the penalty for adultery, in the embrace of the obscenely...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 773 obstringere, ut in omni parte Reipub. uirtus libero motu uel habitu uersare se nequeat: usque adeo administratiuæ uitæ & prætextatæ ratio, moribus hominum iniquè com= parata est, nisi uirtus sibi semper instans, aduersus insidias eiuscemodi excubet. Ita fit, ut toga ciuilis in uniuersum, modum suu[m] uel classem supergressa, & alienæ culpæ con= tagione uel imbuta uel aspersa, maiestatem retinere sui ho noris uix putetur. Hæc causa uiros cætera egregios, in of fensionem sæpe iudicij popularis primorumq[ue] imp[er]egit. Hi autem & huiuscemodi errores sunt eorum hominum, qui Mineruam sapientiæ præsidem potentemq[ue], non in Athe næo (ut ita dicam) sed in Larario uenerantur & colunt. <Minerua in Athenæo, non in Larario colenda.> Nam Athenæum, id est ædem Mineruæ, ego instrumentu[m] utrunq[ue]; fidei nostræ esse puto, in quo nos sapietiam quæ= rere oportet, & uenerari repertam: non ut ij homines fa= ciunt, qui sensu humano freti, omnia sibi consulta domi, id est in suopte sensu esse confidunt, quos erroris luculenti fre no se & alios sæpe rexisse compertum est. Vt igitur uiris prudentibus & doctis ad rerum publicarum administra= tionem accedere, & honores magistratusq[ue]; gerere ac pe= tere interdum laudabile est & magnificum, contráq[ue], hæc omnino repudiare & auersari, inertis fortasse aut ignaui animi iure existimetur esse (id enim fert omnino ratio di= sciplinarum ciuilium) sic toto (quod aiunt) coelo (ut appo sitè loquar) errare mihi uidetur, qui se ambitioni uæcordi quasi equo effreni furentiq[ue]; uehendos permiserunt. ij sunt autem qui nullo certo uitæ degendæ atq[ue] instituendæ con= silio feruntur, sed quò eos cunq[ue] impetus tulit, & quâ for tunæ temeritas aditum præbuit & transitum, inconsulto feruore rapiuntur. At qui huiuscemodi nubigenas illos suis se crediderim, quos poëticæ fabulæ Centauros nonunaue= runt, CC 3 <Centauri.>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 773 to bind, so that in every part of the Commonwealth virtue cannot move about or act with free motion: so far has the ordering of administrative and public life been unequally contrived by the manners of men, unless virtue, ever watchful over itself, keeps guard against such snares. Thus it comes about that the civil toga, having overstepped its proper limit or rank, and either infected or besprinkled with the contagion of another’s fault, is scarcely thought able to retain the majesty of its honor. This cause has often driven men otherwise distinguished into the offense of popular judgment and of those in authority. But these and errors of this kind belong to those men who worship and honor Minerva, the patron and powerful goddess of wisdom, not in the Athenæum (so to speak), but in the Lararium. <Minerva in the Athenæum, not in the Lararium, is to be worshiped.> For the Athenæum, that is, the temple of Minerva, I think is for both instruments of our faith, in which we ought to seek wisdom and to revere it when found; not as those men do, who, relying on human sense, trust that everything is arranged for them at home, that is, in their own judgment, and whom it has been found that the bright bridle of error has often ruled, both themselves and others. Therefore, just as for prudent and learned men it is sometimes praiseworthy and noble to approach the administration of public affairs and to hold and seek offices and magistracies, but on the other hand to reject and shun these things altogether may rightly be judged the mark of a lazy or slothful mind (for this is altogether what the discipline of civic life requires), so it seems to me to be an error altogether of another kind, as the saying is, to the farthest degree—for, to speak aptly—to have allowed themselves to be carried by reckless ambition, as by an unbridled and raging horse. These are, indeed, those who are driven by no fixed plan for the conduct and ordering of life, but wherever impulse has carried them, and wherever the rashness of fortune has opened an approach and passage, they are swept along by ill-considered fervor. But I should think that those cloud-born men of this kind are the ones whom the poetical fables called Centaurs, CC 3 <Centauri.>

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET runt, homines quosda[m] semiferos, in equos desineteis. Quo figmento quid aliud quàm eos homines significari putemus, qui ex humanis ac compositis sensibus in ferociâ tandem equinâ degenerant? cuiusmodi illos esse uidemus, qui rebus secundis insolescêtes, mox è potestate rationis exeunt sensibus moderantis. Tum ciuilitatis ac pristinæ sortis obliti, eos qui in suo ordine sese continent, aut qui moribus municipalibus æquo animo uiuunt & eo acquiescunt quod sors ciuilis tulit, & natalium modus, aspernatur, & uelut à se propulsant serino calcitratu. Hos stimulat non calcar æmulæ uirtutis ad decus aliquod eximium secundo rumore comparandum (quod incitamentu[m] esse solet generosis mentibus ad publica munera capessenda, aut ad susci pienda magna egregiaq[ue] facinora) sed inanis quæda[m] aura uel popularis uel aulica, qua processus sui uela sinuari futiles homines gaudent atq[ue] triumphant: ob id fortasse Centauri appellati, quasi inani aura instincti, nec solidam ipsi nec ueram gloriam consectantes. Quin & ipsis parètem esse aiunt euanidam quandam nubem, eorum (ut interpretor) indicem uanitatis, ipsam pro Iunone Ixioni eoru[m] genitori suppositâ ludibrio memorabili. Est enim Iuno deæ præses (ut antiqui uoluerunt) legitimi ueriq[ue]; potentatus atq[ue] honoris. Proinde ualeant isti Ixionidæ literarum studij & philosophiæ derisores, & in amplexus se effundat uitæ sibi deamatæ. Nos enim literaru[m] amore præoccupati, riuales eorum esse nequimus, ut imaginario reru[m] secundaru[m] fructu certissima bona mutemus, quæ à philosophiæ amoenissimo studio manare didicimus. Vt autem hederæ procerissimam quanq[ue] arborem complexa, non antè eam dimittit, quàm sensum exuctam & uiuido humore exhustam ad tabem necemq[ue]; perduxit nexu tenacissimo: sic in- genia

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET they become, certain men half-wild, degenerating into horses. What else are we to think this figure signifies, than those men who, from human and well-ordered feelings, at last degenerate into horse-like ferocity? Such are those whom we see, when prospering in fortune, grow insolent, and soon pass out of the rule of reason, which moderates the senses. Then, forgetting civic life and their former lot, they despise those who keep themselves within their own rank, or who live with even temper according to municipal customs and rest content with the civil condition and the measure of their birth, and, as though driving them away from themselves, kick at them with a serf’s hoof. These men are spurred not by the spur of rival virtue to win some outstanding honor by favorable report—for that is usually the incitement that drives noble minds to undertake public offices, or to take up great and excellent deeds—but by some empty breath, whether popular or courtly, by which frivolous men rejoice and triumph as their sails are swelled with their own advance. For this reason perhaps they are called Centaurs, as though stirred by empty air, pursuing neither solid nor true glory. Indeed, they say that even their father had for his share a certain evanescent cloud, the emblem, as I interpret it, of their vanity, set in place of Juno herself, to Ixion, their father, as a memorable mockery. For Juno is the goddess who presides, as the ancients wished, over lawful and true power and honor. Therefore let those sons of Ixion, the mockers of the study of letters and philosophy, depart, and let them pour themselves into the embraces of the life they love. For we, preoccupied by the love of letters, cannot be their rivals, so as to exchange the most certain goods for an imaginary fruit of worldly success, when we have learned that from the most delightful study of philosophy flow those goods. But just as ivy, clasping the tallest tree, does not let it go until, with its most tenacious binding, it has drained it of sap and consumed its living moisture, and brought it to decay and death: so also minds

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET pliora munera sibi suisq[ue]; impetrare noscantur, no[n] summa eos animi æquitate muneribus aulicis asseruire? De ijs, ut arbitror, silendu[m] est (ne sacrosanctam existimatione lædamus) qui augustam illam causiam non uitæ sanctitate, non illæsæ famæ commendatione, non probabili aliquo co[n]silio mereri, sed aulici ambitus decennali seruitute, sed amplissimi honoris sugillata reuerentia, sed fastus & insolentiæ spiritu instigante aliquando uisi sunt. O rem præclaram, & Christianis institutis congruentem, honorem sacrificu[m] aulicis officijs mereri. Absit aute[m] ut id aut dicam aut sentiam, quod quida[m] incômodè faceti cauillantur, aulam solere Gallicam scurras albatos rasosq[ue]; circunferre, qui etiam ludibrio haberi se nec ignorent, nec ægrè ferant. Illud certè præterire nequeo, quod uidimus, nondum planè co[n]ploratis < In co[n]petitores sacerdotiorum factiose dimicantes. > pontificibus epitaphios illis agonas in aula quasi parentalia certamina ab istis excitari, non ludicros, sed capitales, tam aduerso rumore, ut puderet nos audire. Vtinam aute[m] huius culpæ rei arcesserentur, qui in omni uitæ parte uitium aut peccandi licentiâ profitentur. Sed quid illis futurum est, qui frontem præ seueritate obducere non desinunt, & turpiu[m] facinorum exempla prodere non erubescunt? & < In eos qui sacras sibi puncias petunt ante tempus decessionis. > post hæc etiam simulatio fallere nos sperabit? Mitto nunc sectoria[m] eorum improbitatem, qui exuuias sacras non modò uiuentium, sed etiam stantium ambulantiumq[ue]; petunt, quandoquidem magnorum uirorum autoritas huic crimini ut alijs obtenditur. Reuertar ad illos purpuræ cædidatos, qui obscuris sæpe natalibus orti, & nullo ingenij ornameto præditi, regibus æquales uideri, eoru[m]q[ue] amici maximi uocitari cupiunt. Quid enim est quod tantopere iam admiremur < De galeris pur purcis. > beatulas illas causias, quæ sordere in Francia præ multitu[m] dine gestantiu[m], eoru[m]q[ue]; leuitate uide[n]tur, qui ne in sacrosanctis

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET they are known to obtain more favors for themselves and theirs; is it not by the highest fairness of spirit that they enslave themselves to court favors? Of these, I think, silence must be kept (lest we wound a sacred reputation), who are seen to try to merit that august office not by the sanctity of life, not by the recommendation of an untarnished reputation, not by any honorable counsel, but by ten years’ servitude in courtly ambition, by the slighting of the greatest honor, by the goading spirit of pride and insolence. O noble thing, and in keeping with Christian principles, to merit honor by sacrificial court offices. But let it be far from me either to say or to think what some, with ill-timed wit, jestingly complain of: that the French court is accustomed to carry about buffoons in white and shaved masks, who neither are ignorant nor resent being treated as objects of mockery. That at least I cannot pass over, which we have seen, while the bishops were not yet fully bewailed, < Among those who fight factionally in competition for ecclesiastical offices. > funeral games, as it were, for them, being stirred up in the court as parental contests by these men, not comic but deadly, with such a hostile clamor that it made us blush to hear. Would that those charged with this fault should be accused, who in every part of life profess vice or license to sin. But what will become of those who never cease to cloak their brow with severity, and do not blush to reveal examples of shameful deeds? And < Against those who seek holy vestments for themselves before the time of retirement. > after this, will even disguise still hope to deceive us? I omit now the predatory wickedness of those who seek the sacred spoils not only of the living, but even of those who are standing and walking, since the authority of great men is used as a shield for this crime, as for others. I return to those purple-clad men, who, often born of obscure lineage, and endowed with no ornament of talent, desire to seem equal to kings and to be called their greatest friends. For what is it that we should now admire so much < About purple hats. > those little white caps, which are seen to grow shabby in France from the multitude of those wearing them and from the lightness of those who, even in sacred things

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 777 Ætis quidem & uisendis gestaminibus augusti uel uenera[n]di esse possunt? Pridem id decus, ut eximium & opimum, re= galibus tantum extis promitti uidebatur, ut decebat: nunc munorum etiam honorum auspicijs & plebeiæ fortunæ non negari uidetur, ex quo inauratis cornibus hostiæ pas= sim litare coeperunt. < Victimas inauratas significare puto preciu[m] tanti honoris cu[m] uenalis esse coepit.> Quis enim hos iam magnopere su= spiciat, qui haud ita pridem unum uiderit dibapha pur= pura seroceni æmula candoris beatissimi, quum cohortem ipse purpuratam quocunq[ue]; post se traheret, inter eos tam eminens, quàm inter galeritas upupas? Species igitur nunc eadem & dignatio, autoritas ad populu[m] non eadem. Neq[ue] uerò in uniuersum honoribus autoritas sua restituetur & maiestas, priusquam sordidis aut pusillis ingenijs summæ decora uirtutis petere fas esse desierit, & sacrosanctos amplissimosq[ue]; ordines rerum nostraru[m] summa nundinari, capitale esse coeperit: quod utrunque nobis uidere utinam mox contingat. Summa autem disputationis eò pertinet, ut intelligatur eorum gloriam qui summum bonum in lo= culis conditum esse putant, uel fascibus aut infu[n]lis maioru[m] auspiciorum adhærere, mortuis illis superstitem esse non posse, ijsdemq[ue]; sæpe morientibus, aut gradu potentiæ de= iectis (quod mortis instar ciuilis putatur esse) pro sperata gloria infamiam agnasci, aut certè perpetuam ignomini= am. Eius rei quum innumera sunt antiquitatis documenta, tum uerò recentia proferre nunc exempla possemus, si id ad rem pertineret. < Integri status no[n] decedit, cui post morte crima objiciu[n]tur.> Quotu[m] enim quemq[ue]; uidimus aut me= minimus istorum integra persona atque integro statu de= cessisse (ut iuris uerbo loquar) qui nihil no[n] uiuetes honori tribuerunt? Porrò autem ut fugacissimus semper splendor est gloriæ pigmentis adumbratæ: sic ueræ, eminentis & expressæ claritas, nulla carie, nullo situ uetustatis exole= C c 5. scit. Et

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PART IV. OF HIS BOOK V. 777 Can these things indeed be august, or worthy of being worn and gazed upon? Formerly that distinction, as something exceptional and rich, seemed to be promised only to royal bloodlines, as was fitting; now it seems not even denied to the honors of magistracies and to plebeian fortune, since gilded victims have begun everywhere to be sacrificed. <I think gilded victims signify the price of an honor that, when it began to be for sale, became so great.> For who would now greatly admire these things, when not long ago he saw one man in double-dyed purple, a rival of the whiteness of Serica, while he himself, trailing after him a purple-clad cohort in whatever direction, stood out among them as much as a hoopoe among helmeted birds? The outward appearance, then, is now the same, and the dignity; but the authority among the people is not the same. Nor indeed will authority and majesty be restored to honors in general, before it shall have ceased to be allowed for sordid or petty minds to seek the insignia of the highest virtue, and before it shall begin to be accounted capital crime to traffic in the most sacred and most distinguished orders of our state for profit, as at a market: may we soon be granted to see both these things. But the whole argument tends to this point: that it may be understood that the glory of those who think the highest good lies hidden in high offices, or that it clings to fasces or to the fillets of ancestral auspices, cannot survive those dead men, and that, when they themselves often die or are cast down from their rank of power (which is thought to be a kind of civil death), infamy is found in place of the glory they had hoped for, or certainly everlasting disgrace. There are innumerable ancient proofs of this matter; and indeed we could now bring forward recent examples, if that were relevant to the point. <A man's good standing does not fail when accusations are brought after his death.> For how many have we ever seen, or can remember, to have departed this life with their character intact and their standing intact—to speak in legal terms—who assigned nothing not to honor while they were alive? Moreover, just as the splendor of glory, when painted over with ornament, is always most fleeting: so true, eminent, and vivid brightness, with no decay and no stain of age, fades away no more. C c 5. It

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 781 scilicet hæc homines in terram in eiusq[ue] uiscera cernui & < Alcinoi Apologus apud Homerum.> intenti, Alcinoi (ut dicitur) apologum esse credunt, aut Arimaspea carnina, res illa quidem uisendas, sed à nullo uisas enarrantia: eosq[ue] Phæacas esse putant, qui animi bonis capti, eô spes omneis suas referat, quò nemo uiuus accessit, & unde nemo redijt. Sic plagiarius ille dæmonarches lucifugis emissarijs animos humanos solicitans, à doctrina philosophiæ abducit, & uelut ex Iouis quondam liberatoris præsidijs, sic à præceptis Christi deductos & abstractos, aulico nexu adstringit, ut omni religione liberet. Inde illa præclara axiomata aulicacademiæ, In eos semper mores uergere, in quos aula prona sit. Corpore & anima aulicæ potentiæ asseruiendu[m] esse ei quidem, qui aliquo in numero esse uelit. Fortunatos magis quàm probos obseruandos atq[ue] colendos esse. Eum demum rectè in officina aulica perpolitu[m] esse, qui omneis numeros simulationis teneat. Impudentia[m] & dissimulatione[m] præsentissima duo numina uiris acribus & industrijs esse. Odia & simultates in loco ponendas esse, uicissimq[ue] resumendas. Nunquam offensionem condonandam nisi fortunatis esse. Inimicos in articulo oppressos ad internecionem proculcare. Tum illa plutacademica in æde Plutonus inter oracula consecrata, Qui rem facere uelint, diuinis præceptis aliquatisper obaudiendu[m] esse. Tanti esse unu[m]quenq[ue]; qua[m] tum possidere uideatur. Qui pauperiè fugere per fas nefasq[ue] ne[m]ciat, ijs superos no[n] dubiè iratos atq[ue] aduersos esse. Malè de se hæredibusq[ue] mereri, qui religiosè rem ampliat. Strenuissimi cuiusq[ue] hominis atq[ue] ingeniosissimi esse, penates suæ gētis architectari uel promouere quàm potest amplissimè, in eisq[ue] rem augere quàm cumulatissimè. Qui in hac uitæ inter armetarios censi sint, in futura etiam su- bulcos

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PART OF HIS BOOK V. 781 namely, these men, with eyes cast down toward the earth and its bowels, and intent upon them, believe it to be, as is said, Alcinous’ tale, or the Arimaspean poem, a thing indeed worth seeing, but telling of things seen by no one; and they think that they are the Phaeacians, who, captivated by the goods of the mind, refer all their hopes thither, where no living man has ever gone, and from where no one has returned. Thus that plagiarist prince of demons, enticing human minds by his emissaries who shun the light, draws them away from the doctrine of philosophy, and, as once from the protection of Jupiter the Liberator, so too from the precepts of Christ those who have been led and dragged away he binds with courtly fetters, so that he may free them from all religion. Hence those famous maxims of the court academy: that one must always bend toward those morals to which the court is inclined. That body and soul must be enslaved to courtly power by anyone who wishes to count for something. That the fortunate rather than the upright are to be regarded and honored. That he alone is truly polished in the court workshop who possesses every art of dissimulation. That shamelessness and dissembling are the two most immediate deities for active and industrious men. That hatreds and enmities must be stored up and, in turn, resumed. That an offense is never to be forgiven except to the fortunate. That enemies, when caught in the moment, are to be trampled to destruction. Then those plutocratic teachings, consecrated among the oracles in the temple of Pluto, that whoever would achieve success must for a time obey divine precepts. That each man is as much worth as he seems to possess. That those who know not how by right or wrong to escape poverty are beyond doubt hated and opposed by the gods. That he does ill for himself and his heirs who religiously increases his estate. That it belongs to the most energetic and most ingenious man to build up or advance the household gods of his own race as magnificently as he can, and in them to increase his property as abundantly as possible. Those who are numbered among the armorers in this life, in the life to come also are to be counted among the offspring of

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET bulcos fore. Primarum enim classium homines in altissimo quoque ordine coelitum pro portione beatos ac diuos fore credunt. His & huiuscemodi proloquijs & enunciationibus homines in Plutonis porticu philosophantes, dogmata mirifica adstruunt, in quorum assiduis commentationibus ego nullam erroris inter capedinem & uacationem esse puto. Etenim quum timor domini autor nobis esse debeat omnium rerum expetendarum atq[ue] fugiendaru[m] (nam absq[ue] eo digitum tantum exere, & peccabis, ut inquit ille) quo nam modo rationis habenis reguntur, qui plus fortunæ & temeritati casuum, quàm ueritati atque pietati tribuunt? in quos inuehens Esaias sacrorum uatum facilè princeps, fortunæ eos mensam apposuisse testatur, ac super eam libasse. Aut quî conuenit eam uitam hallucinaticem non esse atq[ue] offensatricem, quæ per densissimam caliginem rerum humanarum ingredies (quam uitam aulicam esse dico) nulla prælucente face sapientiæ nec doctrinæ salubris, rapidè promouetur: At qui sapientiæ præcepta & monita nemo satis sine oraculis nouit: & eorum oraculorum antistes est philosophia. Ita patet sine philosophis aut sine philosophia uitam rectè institui ac commodè non posse. Quum enim mens humana, quæ principatu[m] animæ tenet, iudicium rerum facere sine sensibus corporeis emissarijs suis nequeat: illi autem partim suapte stoliditate hallucinates, partim ab noxio genio, circulatore ipso & archiplano solertissimo, circunuenti, rerum sensiliu[m] species falsò ad eundem principatum deferant: fit ut mens in arce humani corporis sedens, nec cauendas res nec adnuttendas iudicare probè, sciteq[ue] possit agnoscere. Accedit, quòd prouidentia, quos in albu[m] illud suum atq[ue] æternu[m] retulit, eos fortunis interdum euersos, alioqui quoq[ue] malè multatos exer

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET bulcos fore. For people of the first classes believe that even in the highest order of the heavenly beings there will be blessed and, in proportion, divine men. By such and similar preambles and declarations, men philosophizing in Pluto’s porch establish marvelous doctrines, in the constant study of which I think there is no interval either for error or for leisure. For since the fear of the Lord ought to be the author to us of all things to be sought and avoided (for without it, merely put out your finger and you will sin, as that man says), by what means are those governed by the reins of reason who ascribe more to fortune and to the rashness of events than to truth and piety? Against such men Isaiah, the chief of the sacred prophets, readily testifies that they have set Fortune’s table before them and have poured out libations upon it. Or how does it fit that that life should not be delusive and offensive, which, passing through the thickest gloom of human affairs (which I call the life of the court), advances rapidly with no torch of wisdom or salutary learning shining before it? But no one knows the precepts and warnings of wisdom sufficiently without oracles; and philosophy is the priestess of those oracles. Thus it is clear that life cannot be rightly and properly ordered without philosophers or without philosophy. For when the human mind, which holds the principate of the soul, cannot make judgment about things without the bodily senses, its messengers; and when those senses, partly through their own stupidity deceived, partly surrounded by the harmful genius, the very cunning juggler and chief deceiver, falsely convey the appearances of sensible things to the same principate, it comes about that the mind, sitting in the citadel of the human body, cannot properly and intelligently recognize either what is to be avoided or what is to be approved. Moreover, Providence, those whom it has brought into its own white and eternal company, sometimes sees driven down by fortune, and otherwise afflicted in various ways.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quodq[ue] propositum saluberrimumq[ue] detorques: erit ne seculo nostro tempus, quando homines suo magis ac pro= prio censu, & dotibus à te profectis, quàm fortuita pos= sessione rerum fluxaq[ue] publicè censebuntur? Neque enim ante id tempus futurum uidetur ut solidæ germanæq[ue] uir= tutes in Francia elucescat, quam tu in delicijs habere exi= stimaris. At qui antehac raras prodeunteis in publicum ui= dere nobis licuit: etiam si in umbraculis secessus & pri= uatæ uitæ latuisse credimus. unde factum hisce paucis an= nis, ut per omnes ordines illa quæ dicuntur catorthoma= ta, apud nos requirerentur, id est præclara quædam uirtu= tis exepla, numeris omnibus officij publici absoluta, quasi officia in administradaR epub. ad amussim uirtutis directa & emendata. Nam cum in paucis familijs seminarium bea torum haberemus atq[ue] copiosoru[m], quid mirum est si inuisa publicè uirtus, ab ijsq[ue] è proscenio exacta, qui choragium nostrum in potestate sua improbè tenuerunt, post scenam latere uoluit, aut in cuneos se stipare promiscuè sessitan= tium? quandò nec ei stare in medio licebat per temporum iniquitatem, nec in ordinibus sedere promptum erat per sordes omnia nundinantium. Falsò igitur literarum stu= diosos nonnulli criminantur ut umbratili uitæ marcentes, ut in luce atque celebritate torpentes, ut rebus gerendis honoribusq[ue] inutiles. Nam qui in solem prodire, & aula[m] interuisere sine conteptu sui literaru[m]q[ue] suggillatione ne= quibat, non inuiti faciebant fortasse, ut in exhedras & por ticus, & in omnia uirtutis et philologiæ diuersoria se co= ferret, quasi in præsidia quæda[m] philosophiæ amoenissima. Neq[ue] enim tum innocenter actuosum esse, nec gratuitò lice bat, integraq[ue] existimatione in publicu[m] prodire, ut quidè erat hominu[m] opinio. At uerò ijde[m] ipsi si mox fortasse edictu[m] principis

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET and you divert what has been proposed, most salutary as it is: will there not be in our age a time when men will be publicly esteemed more for their own and proper worth, and for the gifts that come from you, than for the accidental possession of goods and the empty wealth of public reputation? For it does not seem that before that time there will be in France a shining forth of solid and genuine virtues, such as you are thought to keep in your favor. Yet those who in former times were permitted to appear rarely in public we have been able to see: even if we believe they had hidden themselves in the shades of retirement and private life. Hence it has come about in these last few years that throughout all estates those things which are called catorthomata have been sought among us, that is, certain splendid examples of virtue, complete in every point of public duty, as though offices in the administration of the republic were directed and corrected exactly by the standard of virtue. For since in a few families we had a seedbed of the blessed and of the wealthy, what wonder is it if virtue, hated in public and driven from the stage by those who have wickedly kept our troupe under their control, chose to hide behind the scenes, or to crowd itself among the mixed ranks of indiscriminately seated spectators? Since neither could it stand in the middle because of the injustice of the times, nor was it easy to sit among the ranks because of those who traffic in everything for gain. Some therefore falsely accuse students of letters, as though wasting away in a shadowed life, as though languishing in light and celebrity, as though useless for affairs and honors. For those who could not go forth into the sun, and visit the court without contempt for themselves and for letters, would perhaps do so unwillingly, in order to betake themselves to lecture-halls and porticoes, and to all the resorts of virtue and learning, as if to certain most delightful refuges of philosophy. For then it was not permitted to be actively engaged in innocent pursuits, nor even freely to appear in public with one’s reputation intact, as men supposed. But those same very men, if soon perhaps by an edict of the prince

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 785 principis exierit (paulisper enim ariolari iuuat) ut homines iam non prædijs, non supellectili, no alijs pignoribus obnoxijs fortunæ, sed cultu atque ornamento ingenij, & mundo (ut ita dicam) non muliebri, sed uirili censeantur, in quibus nihil licet fortunæ pignerari: ijsdem inquam ipsi caput illico prolaturi sunt non abiectum, no abditum, no demissum, sed aduersus fortunæ & temporum iniquitate[m] ut conditum, sic erectum, quos nonnulli opinione falsa du et[i]ti, gaudere nunc putant blattarum contubernio: & qui tum non nescij eorum improbitatis qui fatorum uim modumq[ue] in Francia temperabant, boni tamen consulebant studio se literarum, auocamento Reipub. amoenissimo, distineri: ij si aditus publicos patere uirtuti senserint in posterum, ad professionem sui no inter proletarios, sed inter mente cordeq[ue] censos co[n]tinuò coibunt, omniq[ue] instrumento uitæ ciuilis per uirtutem agendæ: tumq[ue] illi classici fortasse ludibrio habebuntur, qui nullum testem locupletem aut fide dignum esse credunt, qui non idem copiosus sit, opibusq[ue] circunfluens. Neque uerò philosophia lucifuga est, neq[ue] iners, neq[ue] otij gaudens ueterno, neq[ue] desediosè sellularia, ut multi criminantur: neq[ue] non ipsa rebus gerendis uacare potest, & foresnia induere, prætextataq[ue] uideri, cum tempus ita tulit, & deus eam ad id prouocat: sed dissimulationem, sed foedam assentatione[m], sed desultorias amicitias, anniuersariasq[ue] morum mutationes auersatur: nec sub comico uultu tragicas simultates occulit: quibus rebusnostro te[m]pore in aula maximè quæsita est autoritas, & retenta. Quemadmodum autem Socrates olim philosophiam è coelo in urbes deuocauit, & coëgit de rebus ad ci uilitatem pertinentibus disputare, sic philosophos quosda[m] rebus gerendis idoneos, in forum ingredi aliquando & in publicum D d Philosophi rei pub. administradæ no inepti, & ger[en]dis magistratibus accomodati.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 785 if it should have gone forth from the prince (for it is pleasing for a little while to conjecture) so that men are now no longer reckoned subject to spoils, not to furniture, not to other pledges of fortune, but to the cultivation and adornment of intellect, and to a world, if I may so say, not womanly, but manly, in which nothing may be mortgaged to fortune: then I say they themselves will at once bear their head not cast down, not hidden, not hanging low, but, against the injustice of fortune and of the times, as it were set upright; these men, whom some, led astray by a false opinion, think now to delight in the company of moths; and who, though not unaware of the wickedness of those who in France were regulating the force and measure of fate, nevertheless thought it good that they should be diverted by zeal for letters, the most delightful allurements of the commonwealth: if they perceive that public avenues lie open to virtue hereafter, they will straightway come together to the profession of themselves, not among the proletarii, but among those counted by mind and heart, and with every instrument of civil life to be managed by virtue; and then perhaps those learned men will be held up to ridicule who believe that no witness is sufficiently wealthy or worthy of trust unless he is likewise rich in abundance and overflowing with possessions. Nor indeed is philosophy a hater of light, nor idle, nor delighted by the torpor of leisure, nor seated in sloth, as many accuse it; nor can it not even be free for action, and put on public dress, and appear to be in official garment, when time so requires, and God prompts it to that end: but it rejects dissimulation, foul flattery, transient friendships, and yearly changes of character; it does not conceal tragic enmities under a comic face: by such means authority in our time has been chiefly sought, and retained at court. But just as Socrates once called philosophy down from heaven into cities, and compelled it to dispute about matters pertaining to civic life, so certain philosophers fit for affairs, to enter the forum at times and into public D d Philosophers not unfit for administering the commonwealth, and suited for the conduct of magistracies.

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bat, & populus obmurmurabat? quum summæ cupiditatis & licentiæ omni lege pudoreq[ue]; solutæ uirus, lenta contagione manans, omnes penè bonos mores & honestos paulatim imbuisset? deniq[ue]; cum in ea quæ à cura reru[m] humanarum diuinarumque curia (ut opinor) appellata est, ita sibi quisque gentilibusq[ue]; curaret, & solicitus esset, ut maximus quisq[ue]; curio maxima incuria maiestatis publicæ ac diuinæ teneri crederetur? ijq[ue]; maximè negotia reipublcæ populoq[ue]; faesserent, quos caput & fortunas opponere pro populo decebat, ac uitæ etiam discrimine intercedere, ne quid grauius aut turpius in remp[ublica] decerneretur? Hæc enim omnia cum nostra ætas & meminit & uidit, tum uerò aliàs plerunq[ue]; imperij nostri felicitati incommoda fuerunt. Cumulus aute[m] indignitatis fuit, quum iam eò uentum esset, ut nauclerus tantæ nauis fatali incuria, uel fiducia potius incôsulta, nec in prora, nec in puppi sederet: ac ne impendente quidem tempestate nautarum officia uicesq[ue]; < Nouissima tepora regis Ludouici significantur.> recognosceret: nec qui ad clauum sedebant, rerum communium iacturam ad se pertinere magnopere arbitra rentur, docti iam olim ex naufragio fragmentu[m] arripere: certumq[ue]; etia[m] nauclero ipsi esset extremâ potius necessitæ tem expectare, quàm nouo supplemento prora puppimq[ue]; propemodum iam inanes explere. Quum charitate frigente, hiante maximè auaritia, ardente inuidia & simultate, languete pietate, exolescete sceptroru[m] pristina maiestate, ia[m] nec superi nec mortales extrema deformitatis exempla ferre possent. Hæc et huiusmodi alia ideo frequetius in hoc opere memunisse mihi subijt, quòd homines ipse queribundos idetide[m] meminerâ, eas res ætate nostra Fraciæ co[n]tigisse, quæ gêtè bello paceq[ue]; clarissimâ, in ordine degeneru[m] so cordiuq[ue]; populoru[m] coëgisso uidebatur: siue id culpa unius Dd 2 contigit

Transcription: Translated (English)

but, and the people muttered? when a spirit of the utmost greed and license, loosened by every law and by shame, had gradually infected almost all good and honorable customs with a slow contagion spreading far and wide? Finally, when in that body which, as I suppose, was called the senate charged with the care of human and divine affairs, each man looked to himself and his own clan so much that the greatest men were thought to have the greatest neglect for the public and divine majesty? And those who ought to have exposed their heads and fortunes for the people, and even to have intervened at the risk of their lives, to prevent anything more grave or shameful from being decreed in the republic, were the very ones who most busied themselves with the affairs of the republic and the people? For all these things, since our age both remembers and has seen them, have also often been harmful to the happiness of our empire in other respects. The height of indignity, however, came when matters had reached the point that the helmsman of so great a ship, through fatal negligence, or rather reckless confidence, sat neither in the prow nor in the stern; and even when a storm was threatening, he did not inspect the sailors' duties and shifts: nor did those who sat at the helm think it much concerned them that the common affairs were being lost, having long ago learned from shipwreck to seize the fragments; and it seemed certain to the helmsman himself too that he should wait for the utmost necessity rather than fill the almost empty prow and stern with a new supplement. When affection was growing cold, greed especially gaping wide, envy and discord burning, piety languishing, and the former majesty of the scepters fading away, neither gods nor mortals could any longer endure such examples of extreme disgrace. I therefore took it upon myself to mention more frequently in this work these and similar things, because I had often heard men complaining that these matters had happened in our own age in France, which, celebrated in war and peace, seemed to have been placed among degenerate and dissolute peoples: whether this happened through the fault of one man <The latest times of King Louis are meant.>

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET contigit, siue fatali inclinatione rerum. Atqui maior esse nulla potuit indignitas, quàm summa nobilitate & doctrina à gubernaculis inclytæ gentis deiectis, quasi flosculis regiæ coronæ decussis, homines haud clara sorte natalium ortos, summa, infima, et media in potestate habere, qui nec ius nec fas nec æquum bonuq[ue] nossent, nec bonis æquisq[ue] omnino bene cuperent, triaq[ue] tantum illa uerba fari possent, do, dico, addico: quum regni opulentissimi bona, qui= bus collibitum esset ita dilargirentur, ut sibi necessitudini= busq[ue] suis bellissimum quicque reciperent, reliqua præcer perent. Vnde contigisse uidemus, ut in gurgustijs quidam nati educatiq[ue], domos ac stirpes architectati sint grandiorum penatium æmulas: quæ triduo excitatæ, publicoq[ue] di spendio expolitæ, haud scio an mox collapsuræ sint, si summus tandem Iupiter in membranas coelestes respexerit, ut est in Græcorum prouerbio: id est, si merita cuiusq[ue] ex actis diuinitatis & commentarijs supernis recognouerit. Nuper autem quum res nostræ in eo ferè statu essent, prob suprema prouidentia, quod nam nobis documentum potentiæ, fluxæq[ue] felicitatis dedisti? Na quu[m] hæc po= simul scriberentur à nobis, simul liber sub prælis sorum supra dimidiam partè exactus esset, ecce ca= : Ianuarijs sublato rege Ludouico (cuius utinam cu[m] nibus deus gratiosè & clementer egerit) tanta uno die utatio rerum facta, ut qui prius digito coelum attingere posse sperabam minus humi serpere, demissoq[ue] animo uiderentur tribus lacrymis (ut assolet) sed ueris & inte & deplorare. usque adeo occasus quidem nunc spes est uniuersorum) noxius uisus est. sideratos esse di= nia ad se cu[m] fortuna trahebat, ut ferè

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASSE ET it happened, whether by a fatal inclination of events. Yet no greater indignity could have existed, than that, noble lineage and learning having been thrust from the helm of the illustrious nation, as though the blossoms of the royal crown had been struck down, men born of no distinguished condition should hold power over the highest, the lowest, and the middle ranks, who knew neither law nor right nor what is just and good, and who had no goodwill at all toward the good and the just, and could utter only those three words: I give, I say, I assign; while the goods of a most wealthy kingdom were so lavished at their whim that they snatched the very best for themselves and their dependents, and seized the rest beforehand. Whence we see it has come about that certain men born and raised in hovels have constructed houses and lineages rivaling the grander household gods; these, raised up in three days and embellished at public expense, I know not whether they will not soon collapse, if at last the supreme Jupiter should look into the heavenly tablets, as is in the Greek proverb: that is, if he should review each man’s merits from the divine acts and heavenly records. Recently, moreover, when our affairs were in nearly that state, by supreme providence, what lesson of power and fleeting fortune did you give us? For while these things were being written by us, and while the book itself had already been carried through the press more than halfway, behold, on the ... of January King Louis having been removed (may God deal graciously and mercifully with him), so great a change in affairs took place in a single day that those who had previously seemed to be able to touch the sky with a finger now were seen to creep more upon the ground, and with lowered spirit to bewail with three tears, as is the custom, but true and heartfelt tears. So far indeed was the downfall of all things now thought to be harmful, since he was dragging to himself the star-struck by fortune, that almost ...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. serè est solêne in uicissitudine huiuscemodi reru[m]. In uniuer sum autè is erat habitus animorum et uultuu[m], diuturnas ut sordes reip. excussas esse crederes, ut in luctu hilaria sanè festiua celebrare uideremur. Secutus est unus & alter dies per munificentiâ & benignitate[m] transacti iam diu desuetas, quu[m] rex nouus idem primus Franciscus, sed regere iam < Frâciscus rex.> diu eruditus, ac populo charissimus, tyrocinium regni faciens, ingenij sui specimen ordinibus præberet salutatum coëuntibus. In quo sceptrorum auspicatu, quum ipse inte[m] tissimè obseruarem, uerba multa auduii feliciter ominosa, signaq[ue] adnotaui: quæ si ratum nobis auspicium no[n] faciat ad id quod publica uice optamus & speramus, non uideo quid posthac mentes humanæ augurari debeat, aut quando nobiscum prouidentia in gratiam reditura sit. Certè in funere tripudium solistimu[m] fuit, & festa frons reip. quicquid inde præsagiendum fuit. Nam & ante triduu[m] fulme[m] læuum per totam propè Franciam extiterat, quod antè nemo meminerat eo tempore ne in uno quidem loco accidisse: omninoq[ue]; ea tunc hominu[m] còstans erat opinio, hactenùs expiata nostra esse peccata, Franciciq[ue]; regni maiestatem suo genio restitutam. Post id prodigiu[m] una & altera nox intercesserat: uenit ad me homo mihi & affinitate co[m]iunctus, & amicitia summa deuinctus, Franciscus Deloinus, regius consiliator in prima & honoratissima decuria < Frâciscus Deloinus.> curiæ cètenariæ, inter primos Iurisconsultorum his & literis & studijs maximè & fauens & incumbens. Is quu[m] me in hoc opere ualde intentu[m] offendisset, cuius fine[m] urgebam, ne impressores opus accelerantes mihi anteuarteret, institit mecu[m] hac de re còtendere, non tâ quod à me ea de re dissentiret, ut postea intellexi, quàm ut mecu[m] disserêdo, ab nimia me auocaret scribêdi còtétione. incaluerat enim mihi D d 3

Transcription: Translated (English)

It was already late enough for a solemnity in such a change of circumstances. Altogether, the temper of minds and faces was such that you would have thought the long-standing stains of the commonwealth had been wiped away, so that in mourning we seemed truly to be celebrating joyful festivals. One day followed another, spent in generosity and kindness long unused, when the new king, Francis himself, the first of that name, but already long trained in ruling, and most dear to the people, gave the orders a specimen of his own character as he made his first trial of kingship and received their salute. At this inauguration of the sceptres, while I myself observed it most attentively, I heard many words of happy omen and noted signs; if these do not make the auspice we desire sure for the public turn of events which we hope for, I do not see what hereafter human minds ought to predict, or when Providence is to be reconciled with us. Certainly in a funeral there was a leap of joy, and the republic wore a festive face, whatever must be foretold from that. For even three days before, a left-hand thunderbolt had appeared over nearly all France, something no one remembered ever having happened in a single place at that season before; and at that time the steady opinion of men was that our sins had now been expiated and the majesty of the French kingdom restored by its own genius. After that prodigy one or two nights had passed: there came to me a man bound to me both by kinship and by the closest friendship, Francis Deloinus, royal councillor in the first and most honorable bench of the court of the centenary, among the foremost of jurists, and greatly favoring and devoting himself to these studies and to letters. When he found me much engaged in this work, whose end I was pressing on, lest the printers, by hurrying the book on, should outstrip me, he insisted on contending with me about this matter, not so much because he differed from me on it, as I later understood, but that, by discussing with me, he might divert me from an excessive zeal for writing. For I had grown heated in the matter.

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mihi animus præsentium tûc reru[m] indignitate meditanda. tum uelut proludens, quum ponè stans uidisset quæ scribe bam, Ohe, inquit, odiosè facis atq[ue] refractariè, qui tempori & fortunæ animum accommodare non labores. Quid enim tantopere studium hoc sapietiæ aut liberalis omnino doctrinæ exosculare, quod frigere nunc in aula tu quæreris, ignorantiæ patrona? Inania enim nunc nomina uide[m] mus doctrinæ & uirtutis algere, & studia literarum damnosa amantibus sui esse. Quid mirum? inquam, quum & ea quæ de superis inferisq[ue] tradu[n]tur, quæq[ue] tot sacris monumentis, tot oraculis, tot sanctarum animaru[m] eologijs contestata sunt, uix tertius quisq[ue]; istorum non argumenta tantum dramatica esse putet, si quidem hominum mentes ex habitu gestuq[ue]; serioso, non ex sermone tantum specioso æstimentur: tantu[m] abest ut huius te[m]poris aula doctrinæ & uirtutis amore teneatur. Tum ille, Quin igitur Budææ utilitati consulis? eorumq[ue] exeplis admoneris, qui magno ætatis oleiq[ue] dispendio ingenu[m] atq[ue] animu[m] literaru[m] studio excolendu[m] cesseru[n]t? præsertim quu[m] tu ipse clamites Gallica ingenia stare in hac scena no[n] posse, nisi alios hellanodicas (sic enim, ut arbitror, appellatis ingenioru[m] iudices) Francia nostra nacta sit. An tu aliter censes, inquam, qui scias quosdam rerum arbitros, nostratium hominum ingenia laudare non solere nisi more fascinantiu[m]? à quibus cu[m] beneficij loco peteretur ut linguis tantu[m] fauerent, ut quon dam solebat in sacris Harpocrates: non satis illi quidem habuerunt, quos meritos non nescirent, testimonio suo fraudasse, nisi etiam eos premerent apertissimè. Quando igitur, inquit, inanis studiorum messis hactenus ferè decoxit in Fracia, & nunc maximè ingenioru[m] flos esse tibi frugi perdus uidetur, quin aliud interim consiliu[m] ipse capis e re nata

Transcription: Translated (English)

My mind was occupied with meditating on the indignity of the present circumstances. Then, as if beginning in play, when he had seen me standing behind him writing, he said: “Ho there, you are acting annoyingly and obstinately, since you do not try to accommodate your mind to time and fortune. For why should you so highly prize this zeal for wisdom, or for liberal learning in general, when you complain that it now freezes at court, you patroness of ignorance? For we now see empty names of learning and virtue growing cold, and studies of literature becoming ruinous to those who love them. What wonder is it,” I said, “when even those things that are handed down concerning the gods above and below, and that have been attested by so many sacred monuments, so many oracles, so many testimonies in the praises of holy men, are scarcely believed by anyone here to be anything more than theatrical fictions, if indeed men’s minds are judged not from serious bearing and gesture, but from speech alone in its fine outward show? So far is this age’s court from being governed by love of learning and virtue.” Then he said, “Why then do you not consult Budaeus’s usefulness, and take warning from the examples of those who, at great cost to their age and oil, have given up cultivating a noble and generous spirit through the study of letters—especially since you yourself cry out that Gallic talent cannot stand on this stage unless our France has found other hellanodicae (for so, I think, you call the judges of talent)? Or do you think otherwise,” I said, “you who know that certain arbiters of affairs are not accustomed to praise the talents of our countrymen except by a kind of spell? When, as a favor, it was asked of them only that they should favor languages, as Harpocrates once used to do in sacred matters, they were not satisfied merely to have deprived of their testimony those whom they knew to be deserving, unless they also openly oppressed them. And so,” he said, “since the empty harvest of studies has by now almost completely fermented in France, and now above all the flower of talent seems to you to have been wasted and spoiled, why do you not meanwhile take some other counsel yourself, in accordance with what has arisen?”

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seruntur: deinde (id quod rei caput est) cum omneis opes nostras, omneis spes & copias non in ædem Saturni, sed in arcem Mineruæ coniecisse nos memunerimus, quid est quamobre magnopere angamur, ne in dispendium tande[m] locularium studioru[m] cursus exeat? mirum uerò quin in co[m]pendium quæstumq[ue] luculentu[m]. At qui ego præclaru[m] esse puto, ne strigmenta quidè clarissimu[m] certaminis seruare uo luisse, nedum oleum et operà nos doleam in eo perdidisse: tantu[m] abest ut locularia ista co[m]moda respiciam, & est diuina benignitate unde studiosam ætate[m] tolerare possimus, non modò ex horto, sed etiam è macello. Sed fac esse improbiorem fortunam, quid tum? subsidium rei familiaris à parsimonia non sordida aut pudenda, sed honesta & libe rali petemus. hoc enim præstabilius esse putamus, quàm ut fortunatorum fastui philosophiæ nunc alumni lenocinari sustineant. Equidem ex literaru[m] studio didici philosophia[m] suffugium esse tutissimum atq[ue] amoenissimu[m] inter optima[m] conscientiam destitutis, & iniquissimam fortunam. habet enim, habet inquam illa tolerantiam æquanimitate conditam pro anodino calamitatum. Hic amor, hæc amoenæ nobis mansio, hoc studium iucundissimum, quàm prudenter à nobis susceptum, nunc no[n] disputo, quando istis lucripetis approbare id nequeo, constanter quidem certè & obnixè retentu[m]. Mirum uerò (ut nunc ex æquo tecu[m] procul ab arbitris & familiariter agam) nisi tu aliquo ambitionis illicio captus es, qui hoc mihi consilium seru[m] et indecoru[m] afferas: quanqua[m] aliud fert fortasse uitæ tuæ ratio, quæ in celebritate summorum uirorum uersans, & ostetationi necessario subseruiens, libera prorsus esse & intacta ab ambitione no[n] potest: ad quam alioquin quoq[ue] procliuum esse te animaduertisse uideor, natura magis quàm iudicio. Dd 5 quare

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Next it is sown; then, since the chief point of the matter is this: when we have committed all our resources, all our hopes and means, not to the temple of Saturn, but to the citadel of Minerva, what reason is there why we should be greatly distressed lest the course of our studies should at last run to expense? Surely it is rather likely to turn to profit and a handsome gain. But I think it a noble thing not even to have wished to preserve the very chaff of the most renowned contest, much less to grieve that we have in it lost our oil and labor; so far am I from considering those petty comforts. And by divine kindness there is wherewith we may support a studious life, not only from the garden but even from the market. But suppose fortune be more hostile; what then? We shall seek support for our household affairs from thrift—not sordid or shameful, but honorable and generous. For we think this is preferable to philosophers’ pupils now stooping to flatter the pride of the fortunate. Indeed, from the study of letters I have learned that philosophy is the surest and most delightful refuge for those deprived of the best conscience and buffeted by the harshest fortune. For it has, I say, that endurance, tempered by equanimity, as a remedy for calamities. This love, this pleasant home of ours, this most delightful pursuit—how wisely I have embraced it, I do not now discuss, since I cannot commend it to those money-seekers; but I have certainly and steadfastly held to it. Surely then—as I now speak with you on equal terms, far from bystanders and in a friendly way—unless you have been caught by some lure of ambition, since you bring me this counsel, which is servile and unbecoming. Yet perhaps the course of your life is different, for living amid the company of eminent men, and necessarily ministering to display, it cannot be wholly free and untouched by ambition: to that, moreover, I seem to have observed you inclined, more by nature than by judgment. Dd 5 why

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quare mea quidem causa licet de hoc negotio in utramq; (ut aiunt) ut coquiescas: facilior autem hac de re ratio est cum ijs qui doctrinâ & literaru[m] peritiam quæstui passim habendam esse censent. nam ego à studio philosophiæ ho norarium fortasse esse petendum, non idem operæ precium duco, si tamen ipsa per sese no[n] satis putatur esse. Est enim, est huiuscemodi philosophia, multa ut in ea plerunq; desit derentur, sed pauca flagitentur. In quo uitæ instituto, mi= nimo iure fortunæ bona nostra possidemus, & decessionis diem cessisse è prouincia à deo nobis iniuncta nunquam no[n] existimamus: æquitas autem animi, & mens paucis co[n] tèta, reliquiq; affectus animi, comites philosophiæ, in quo alio uitæ genere æquè inueniuntur? Super omnia est ob= firmata semper ratio aduersus supremam necessitatem, ani núq; præsentia excubans ad obeundu[m] æquanimitur uadi= monium mortis. Philosophiam semper uocamus no[n] uanâ, non tumidam, non disputationibus rerum naturalium ela= tam co[m]mentatricem, non matica & squallore insignem, ac sese populo uenditante[m]: sed sapietiæ illu[m] amore, quê Græ ci uranoscopum dicu[n]t, quasi in coelu[m] semper arrectu[m], ea= rum reru[m] indagatore[m], quæ no[n] persuasione gentium à ma= ioribus tradita, non co[m]mentis & speculaminibus humanæ rum mentiu[m] constant, sed quæ elogijs diuinis & oraculis testata sunt, humanu[m] captum excedentibus. Vt autem qui peregre proficiscuntur, quu[m] ad urbes aliquas sermone ho minum celebratas uenerunt, eos quos appellant xenago= gos adhibent, qui eos ad loca urbium earum memorabilia[m] deducant, resq; uisendas cuiusq; loci demonstret, quo mo do hodie Venetijs urbe inclytæ factitari uidemus (quotus enim quisque id non facit eorum peregrinorum qui co= gnitionis cupidi, succisuas horas rebus agendis detra= hunt

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET which, indeed, for my part, I may be allowed to discuss this matter in either way, (as they say) so that you may be at ease: however, the reasoning on this point is easier with those who think that knowledge of doctrine and of letters should be sought after everywhere for gain. For I myself perhaps consider that some reward ought to be sought from the study of philosophy, but I do not think the same price should be paid for labor, if indeed the thing itself is not considered sufficient in itself. For there is, there is such a philosophy, in which many things are usually lacking, but few things are required. In this manner of life, by the least right of fortune we possess our goods, and we never think that the day of departure has passed from the province assigned to us by God: but a mind at peace, and a spirit content with little, and the remaining affections of the soul, companions of philosophy, in what other kind of life are they found equally? Above all there is always a steadfast reason against the supreme necessity, and a mind present and watchful in order to meet the burden of death with calmness. We always call philosophy not vain, not swollen, not a compiler exalting itself by disputations about natural things, not marked by dirt and squalor, and selling itself to the people: but the love of that wisdom which the Greeks call uranoscopos, as if always fixed on heaven, an investigator of those things which do not rest on the persuasion of nations handed down by our ancestors, not on the inventions and speculations of human minds, but on those things which have been witnessed by divine sayings and oracles, surpassing human understanding. And just as those who travel abroad, when they have come to some cities celebrated in human speech, employ those whom they call xenagogo, who lead them to the noteworthy places of those cities and point out the things to be seen in each place, in the same way today we see this practiced at Venice, that most famous city (for how many of the foreign travelers who are eager for knowledge do not do this, withdrawing the hours they have at their disposal from affairs to be done

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 795 hunt) sic homines in hac uitæ pergrinanteis, studio literarum uti decet quasi quodam xenagogo, si ijs quidem ipsi natalibus orti sint, aut aliàs idonei qui eas res uisant & speculétur, quæ cognitu quàm maximè dignæ existimantur. Quanquam huiusmodi institutio, quam antiqui liberalem ideo appellauerunt, quòd & ciues ciuiliores, & ho mines humaniores facit, ad uitâ istam ualet quasi peregre transigendam hilarius & comodius. philosohia autem illa sublimipeta (quam ob id docti & pij uiri uranophrontem uocauerunt) non modò xenagogos, sed etiam eo amplius psychagogos Christianis esse solet. eius enim studium animas à cogitatione rerum sub sensum cadentium concretarumq[ue] abductas, ad sublimium & coelestium rerum speculatione subuehit, mirificisque; eius studij illectametis eò tandem perducit, quò animæ suapte natura & conditione uergunt. Hoc unum studium soli deo se probat, nec ut aliæ studia literarum, populo se uenditat. Agedum Francisce, compone nunc cu[m] hac tranquillitate uitæ aulicam turbulentiam, istorumq[ue] beatoru[m] obnoxiam obseruantiam, ad quam tu me hortaris: & aude quamuis argutus & discertus, unum ultrà uerbu[m] addere. 1amprimum (quando quidè tu muhi ut dicitur, bilem co[n]calescisti) in illa conuenarum ciuitate, uel apolidum potius, qui sine lare, sine sedibus uiunt: quonam tandem pacto rectè uitæ institui potest? nisi uerò co[n]poni rite penates possunt, & uitæ ratio rectè atq[ue] ordine in eo loco constitui, ubi colluuius ambitionis, cupi ditatis, simulationis, imposturæ, curiositatis delatoriæ, fraudis ueteratoriæ, inuidiæ fascinatoriæ, superbiæ tianicæ, fastus deniq[ue] & impotentissimæ insolentiæ, diuersorium habet, & co[m]mune conuenticulum: ubi nunquam supremis curis locutus est, nunquam rebus ultimis consulere uacat

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PART I. OF IT, BOOK V. 795 Thus men, while journeying through this life, should make use of the study of letters as a kind of xenagogue, if indeed they are born to those pursuits, or if there are others fit to visit and examine those things which are judged most worthy of knowledge. Although this kind of training, which the ancients therefore called liberal, because it makes both citizens more civil and men more humane, serves this life, since it is to be spent as though abroad, to be passed more cheerfully and more comfortably. But that higher philosophy—which for that reason learned and godly men have called uranophronis—serves Christians not only as a xenagogue, but also, and even more, as a psychagogue. For its study draws souls away from thought of things that fall under the senses and are material, and lifts them up to the contemplation of things sublime and heavenly, and by the wondrous allurements of that study finally leads them to that to which souls by their own nature and condition tend. This one study approves itself to God alone, and does not, like the other studies of letters, advertise itself to the people. Come then, Francis, set now against this tranquillity of life the turbulence of the court, and that burdensome observance of the blessed ones to which you urge me; and though you are clever and eloquent, dare to add one word beyond this. First of all—since you have, as the saying goes, warmed my bile—how, in that city of strangers, or rather of the homeless, who live without household gods and without settled abodes, can life be rightly ordered at all? For unless the household gods can truly be arranged, and the plan of life rightly and in due order established in that place where there is a gathering of ambition, greed, simulation, deceit, inquisitive talebearing, crafty fraud, bewitching envy, tyrannical pride, and finally the most unbridled insolence and arrogance, which has its lodging and common meeting-place there; where no one ever has leisure to speak of the highest concerns, and never has time to deliberate about the last things.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET uacat, in æternumq[ue] prospicere. Visendus uerò cõuentus, in quo stropharum opifices, noxiarum reru[m] (ut uocatur) spintriæ, nec dicendi censendiq[ue] artifices, nec iusti iniustiq[ue] prudentes, primas sæpe & secundas summa indignitate < Elogium uitæ aulicæ.> serunt. Hic est enim aulicarum rerum status, aut certe fuit memoria nostra, ut est opinio cõstans inter prudetiores: qui quandiu futurus sit, in manu est prouidentiæ. Ecquis est autè honestatis amans, & cõpositæ uitæ, qui non modò sine molestia, sed etia[m] sine rubore possit in eo comitatu uideri, in quo omnium sententijs iri moris est in potentiorum laudem, dignorum iuxta indignorumq[ue]; in quo rumo < Criminaaulici conuentus.> rum aucupes, criminu[m] cõsarcinatores, auræ temerariæ ca ptatores, assentandi artifices, bladitiaru[m] magis quàm eloquentiæ gnari, in omne obsequendi necessitatem sese industriamq[ue]; suam potentiæ uenditantes, diuini cultus uel nescij uel negligentes, hominu[m] uiuentium inter diuos relatores: officiosi & comes, atq[ue] etiam elegantes acresq[ue] esse dicuntur: ueritatis autem tenaces, curam honestatis atq[ue] integritatis antiquissima[m] habentes, liberalioris institutionis retinentes, pudori in primis cõsulendum esse atq[ue] existimationi ducentes, aut rustici, aut tardi, aut socordes iudicantur? Quis enim aut edictoru[m] coelestium prudens, aut interdictoru[m] metuens, no[n] prorsus ineptire inter aulicos sem per uisus est, aut etiam delirare? Quare in eo licentiæ & errors gurgite demersi, nec in cælu[m] postea suspiciu[n]t, nec unqua[m] inde ita existunt, ut emersisse uideantur. id quod clarissimis quotidie exemplis innotescit. Prorsus quidem (inquit ille) si ita in ambitu[m] & fastum sese ingurgitarint, ut regressus ipsis ad uitam ciuilem postea liber non sit, aut sui obliti sint: cuiusmodi nonnullos helluones honoris & pecuniæ nouimus, quoru[m] hians perditæq[ue] cupiditas quæren

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET to be vacant, and to look ahead for eternity. Indeed, the court is worth seeing, in which makers of tricks, the “spintriae” of harmful things, as they are called, and neither craftsmen of speaking nor of judging, nor men wise in what is just and unjust, often take the first and even the second places, to the greatest disgrace. < Elogium uitæ aulicæ.> For this is the condition of courtly affairs, or at least it was in our memory, as there is a constant opinion among the more prudent: and how long it will last is in the hand of providence. Who is there, lover of honesty and of a well-ordered life, who could not only without annoyance, but even without shame, be seen in that company, in which it is the custom, according to everyone’s judgment, to go in praise of the powerful, equally of the worthy and the unworthy; in which rumor-mongers, < Criminaaulici conuentus.> carriers of accusations, gatherers-up of faults, seekers after reckless favor, artifices of flattery, more skilled in blandishments than in eloquence, selling themselves, their diligence, and their whole readiness to serve to power under every necessity of obedience, either ignorant of divine worship or neglectful of it, tellers of the living among the gods: they are said to be obliging and sociable, and even sharp and elegant; but those who hold fast to the truth, who keep the care of honesty and integrity as something most ancient, who retain a liberal education, who think modesty especially and reputation must be consulted, are judged to be either rustic, or dull, or sluggish. For who, whether prudent in regard to the heavenly edicts, or fearing the prohibitions, has not always been seen to behave quite foolishly among courtiers, or even to rave? Therefore, sunk in that whirlpool of license and error, they neither afterward look up to heaven nor ever rise from it in such a way that they seem to have emerged. This is made clear every day by the most obvious examples. “Certainly,” he says, “if they have so plunged themselves into ambition and arrogance that afterward there is no free return for them to civic life, or if they have forgotten themselves: such as we have known some gluttons of honor and money, whose gaping and desperate greed is seekin

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET num tu præstò eris auriga cum uoles, qui mihi moderere? Sed fac me tecum sentire, & in hac re quoq[ue] autore te, ut in plerisq[ue] alijs, uti uelle: quì fieri tande id posse putas, ut qui moribus municipalibus non modò imbutus est, sed etiam in ijs ita callum obduxit, adeo contraxit habitum, planè ut fingi denuo aut reformari non possit, qui etia[m] ut in prouerbio est uernaculo, ia[m] maduit, & cõtractus est: is ut ad aulicos ritus nunc afformare sese, aut certè assimulare ementiriq[ue]; aulicum hominem possit? Hoc enim perinde esse puto, atq[ue] si me natura uerecundum, iubeas exuto statim pudore fronte acriter perficare ad summâ impudentiam. quod quemadmodu[m] tueri possis, ipse certe no[n] utdeo, præsertim qui me à teneris (quod aiunt) unguiculus noueris. Verum esto, frontem quoquo modo perficare potero: etiam ne sermonem ita affingere, ut fronti iam duriori sermo quoq[ue] adulterinus cõmentitiusq[ue] subseruiat? Hæc alijs quàm prona sint nescio, mihi certè habitus illos gestusq[ue] & flexus corporis sermonisq[ue] non tenenti, nec alioquin etiam gnaro figuratæ istius aulicæq[ue] urbanitatis, siquado inter illos Logodædalo loquor aut flexiloquos, identidem solæcismum admittere cõtingit, etiam si lepidus esse aut disertus loquitando mediter. no[n] enim numeros assequi possum aulicæ istius elegantiæ, quæ suam quandam palæstram habet, anniuersaria mutatione mestruaq[ue]; eua= riantem: sine cuiusperitia moueri, aut proloqui nemo non inconcinne potest, risumq[ue] (ut opinor) in circulis ciere. Iam uerò uestem illam ancipitem, aulico utique homini penula magis necessariam, an tu habile esse censes philosphiæ alumnis? Quid? cothurnis illis aulicis quemadmodum pares esse possumus? Theramenes illos à te intelligi uolo, qui ita temperare officia, ita iura amicitiæ interpre= tari

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G. BVD. OF THE ROSE AND when you are ready to be a charioteer at will, who is to guide me? But let me agree with you, and in this matter too, as in most others, I am willing to follow your lead: how do you think it can possibly happen that someone who has not merely been imbued with municipal habits, but has so thoroughly hardened himself in them, has contracted the habit so completely, that he absolutely cannot be refashioned or remade, who also, as the native proverb has it, is already soaked and shriveled—how can such a man now adapt himself to courtly manners, or at least feign and counterfeit a courtier? For I think that is just the same as if, being by nature modest, you should command me, after stripping away all shame at once, to swagger boldly into utter shamelessness. How you yourself could defend that I certainly do not see, especially since you have known me, as they say, from my tenderest nails. But be it so, I may somehow contrive to harden my brow: am I also to fashion my speech so that, for a brow already made harder, speech too may serve up something adulterated and fabricated? These things I do not know how easy they may be for others; for my part, certainly, since I do not possess those habits, gestures, and inflections of body and speech, nor am I otherwise skilled in that fashioned courtly urbanity, if ever I speak among those Logodaedali or smooth-tongued fellows, I keep falling into a solecism again and again, even if I try to practice being witty or eloquent in conversation. For I cannot master the rhythms of that courtly elegance, which has its own training-ground, changing yearly and monthly; without knowledge of which no one can move or speak without awkwardness, and, I think, stir up laughter in company. And now, indeed, that doubtful garment, more necessary to a courtier than a philosopher’s disciple, do you think it suitable? What? How can we be a match for those courtly buskins? Theramenes—I want you to understand those by that name—who know so well how to regulate obligations, how to interpret the rights of friendship

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 799 tari nouerunt, ut inter simultates exercenteis ipsi utrinq; gratiam summam ineant, quum neutris plenum germa= numque officium exhibeant. Hæc & alia permulta eius institutionis documenta, quum nec tenere satis possim, ingenij fortasse refractarioli uitio, nec in ore sedeant Ro= manæ affecto mancipato que facudiæ, per me licet ut alij natura sciti & elegates, illustreis se & beatos faciant in uita tenebricosa: me uerò lubentè curia illa nunquam te= nebit, quum etiam si maximè cupiam, ne longo quidem usu suum facere & perpetuum possit. Quin & ut im= perare muhi possim istos Fortisfortunæ consiliatores co= lere, stipare, & eorum fastidia perpeti (neque enim aut turpe esse credo eos homines obseruare, quibus apud principem gratia flagrare splendere que contigit, si non eosdem ad populum & ordines infamia atq; inuidia fla= grare uideamus: nec ita me hebeti ingenio esse puto, ut non id efficiam, si uelim, quod omnibus obuium est & pronum) ut igitur istos beatores hominum liberali qua= dam obseruantia prosequi possim, non tamen eorum ri= ualis esse uelim, ut eam quoque uitam adamem, quam ipsi consentis (ut dicitur) manibus amplexantur. siqui= dem ut est hodie & plerunque aulicarum rerum status & facies, uix tertius quisque hominum rationem habere fu= turæ uitæ atque æternæ uidetur. Vsqueadeo uæsanus ille amor honorum & diuitiaru[m], ex cordes homines immemo= resq; reddit. Prorsus certè (inquit ille) si quidè est nimius. tibi enim hac de re assentior, ut meministi sæpe me tecum disputare solitum. etenim cum in corde hominis religioni nostræ auspicato initiati, persidere amor rerum diuina= rum debeat, atque etiam deus ipse humanæ animæ spon= sus quasi in thalamo, sic in corde cum pacta sibi anima acquie < Curia aulica ex cordes homines facit. >

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They know so well how, amid the quarrels they themselves are stirring up on both sides, to win the highest favor, when they perform full brotherly duty to neither side. These and very many other proofs of that institution, since I can scarcely keep them in mind—perhaps because of a somewhat stubborn temperament, and because Roman eloquence, fashioned to serve, does not sit in my mouth—let others, naturally gifted and elegant, make themselves illustrious and happy in a dark life; but for my part that court will never willingly hold me, since even if I most desire it, long usage could not make it its own and permanent. And if I could command myself to cultivate, throng around, and endure the disdain of those counsellors of Fortune, that is not because I think it shameful to observe those men in whose favor with the prince it has happened to blaze and shine, if we do not see the same men blazing with infamy and envy before the people and the estates; nor do I think myself so dull-witted that I cannot accomplish, if I wish, what is open and easy to all. Therefore, so that I may accompany those makers of blessed men with a certain liberal respect, I would not, however, wish to be their rival, nor to love that kind of life too, which they—agreeing, as they say—embrace with both hands. For as things stand today, and for the most part the condition and aspect of court affairs, hardly a third man seems to take thought for the future life and for eternity. So utterly does that insane love of honors and riches make men mindless and forgetful. “Quite certainly,” said he, “if indeed it is excessive. For in this matter I agree with you, as you remember I have often been accustomed to discuss with you. For since in the heart of a man solemnly initiated into our religion there ought to dwell love of divine things, and God himself, as it were the spouse of the human soul, ought to abide in the heart, together with the soul pledged to him and at rest in the bridal chamber… < The courtly court makes mindless men. >

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET acquiescere (hoc enim poscit Christiani hominis sacram[en]tum in prima lustratione susceptum) is certè cor habere non uidetur, qui mentem ad captu rerum coelestiu[m] natam, ac dei co[m]sortium, ad co[m]moda fortunæ & externa ita trâs= fert, ut nunquam apud deum, ac ne apud homine quidem ipsum homo esse uideatur, id est, sua negotia & propria æternaq[ue] curare, sed alias res agere, de externis ut anti= quioribus præcipue laborare. Etenim scelerati illi spiri= tus, Orci emissarij, earu[m] sæpe reru[m] sequestres (ut uidetur) atq[ue] interuentores, quæ in aula transiguntur, ambitionis et cupiditatis affectibus uelut uncinis cardiulcis corda ho minu[m] etiam doctissimoru[m] è sede sua euellunt, ut exemplis luculentis post memoria[m] tuam meamq[ue] cognitu[m] est. adijciu[n]t enim subdoli instinctores suauitatè quæredi, et uoluptate[m] honores assequendi, cu[m] quibus uelut catapotijs, quæ ano= dyna uocant medici, hamus ille cardiulcus, id est, eximedo cordi aptus, nullo sensu uoratur. At uerò philosophia ui= tæ instituendæ magistra, cordatos homines reddit, huma ni etia[m] ipsa alioquin animi excitatrix ad uirtute[m] capessendam. Istos autem aulicæ disciplinæ alumnos, hamo iam de= uorato, & pernicie intus grassante, uidemus futuri æui se curos, malis suis indormire somnu[m] Epimenidis: nec antè, quàm uadante in crastinu[m] uiatore mortis, quicquam sum= mæ & ultimæ curæ animo agitare: tunc trepidos illos ui= deas, uel uerius stupidos, disiecta uasa sua uelut in tumul= tu colligeteis: & ut serò fortasse quoquo modo resipiscen teis, sic nodum Adrastiæ legis formulâ intelligenteis, qua formula causam ipsi ad summum tribunal dicturi sunt. Hæc est enim iustitiæ summæ seueritas, ex bono illa qui dem atq[ue] æquo iudicans, sed nequaquam ex iure gentium nato, non ex humani sensus placitis, non è principum ordinum

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G. BVD. OF ASH AND to acquiesce (for this indeed is what the sacrament of the Christian man, received in the first lustration, demands) assuredly does not seem to have a heart who transfers a mind born for the apprehension of heavenly things, and for the fellowship of God, to the conveniences of fortune and external matters in such a way that he never seems to be a man, either before God or even before men themselves; that is, to attend to his own business and proper and eternal concerns, but to do other things, and especially to be occupied with externals as if they were more important. For those wicked spirits, the emissaries of Orcus, often the agents and intermediaries, as it seems, of those affairs that are transacted in the court, with the passions of ambition and greed like hooks, wrench even the hearts of the most learned men from their seat, as has been made clear by illustrious examples after your memory and mine. For the crafty instigators add that honors should be sought with sweetness and pleasure; and with these, like the pills which physicians call anodynes, that heart-hook is swallowed without any sensation, that is, something fit to take out the heart. But philosophy, the mistress of the ordering of life, makes men wise-hearted, and is also itself an awakener of the mind toward virtue, since it is human. Those pupils of courtly discipline, however, with the hook already swallowed and destruction gnawing within, we see, secure about the future age, sleeping through their evils the sleep of Epimenides: nor before, when the traveller of death is on the way to tomorrow, do they agitate in their minds anything of the highest and final concern; then you would see those men, or rather the stupefied ones, gathering up their scattered vessels as if in confusion: and, perhaps only too late, recovering themselves somehow, thus understanding the knot of the law of Adrastia in the form of a legal formula, by which formula they themselves will have to plead their case before the supreme tribunal. For this is the severity of supreme justice, judging indeed from the good and the equitable, but by no means from the law of nations as it was born, not from the dictates of human feeling, not from the orders of princes

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET < Philosophia loco & tepore ad res geredas p[er]dire ex umbraculis debet.> et humanioris institutionis ratio, multa temporum con= ditio, multa ingenium cuiusq; et captus, et naturæ de= xterioris aptitudo ad hoc, ad illud genus uitæ uersatilis, quum res hoc familiaris postulauerit. quæ omnia obserua= re debent (ut opinor) literarum studiosi, ne studium ipsi ignauum, aninu tantum et uoluptatis instituisse causa, no[n] etiam ad subsidium uitæ accommodasse uideantur. Hoc quum Cato, cum Brutus ille Ciceroni probatus, cum Se= neca, cum alij permulti literarum eruditione præditi fa= ctitarunt, ut à studioru[m] secessu ad celebritatem rerum ad= ministrandarum transirent: tum etiam publicarum hodie rerum interest magnopere: quin et ad priuatarum ima= ginum claritatem, et nominis cuiusque gentilitij illustra= tionem, id ipsum suapte ui maxime ualere solet: etiam si nunc friget temporum iniquitate, ut tu antea questus es ipse. Proinde ut Crassus orator ille nobilitatus elogijs Ci= ceronis, in eiusdem autoris dialogis inquit, se quum hono= res antiquo more reprehensandi singulorum peteret (sic enim tum ferebat ambiendi ratio) solitum esse à se Scæuo= lam socerum suum iuris consultum grauissimum dimittere, cum ei ita diceret, se aliquantisper esse uelle ineptum: sic si olim aut propediem tempus existat, quum uiri doctrina eleganti perpoliti, inter aulicos agere honestè ac commo dè possint, cur non etiam libentes faciant ut quod mori= bus ciuilibus conuenit, pace philosophiæ ad aliquot an= nos uerecundè suscipiant, ad aliudq; institutum uitæ non nigrent, sed commeent? id quod si fieri per occasionem oblatam bona philosophiæ uenia nequit, quid causæ est tandem quin literarum studiosi, ut caudices marcidi, tan= tum in tenebris fulgeant? Enimuero Budæe, ut philoso= phiæ studiosi circuferre philosophiam mansionatim ne= queunt: sic ab literaru[m] ipsi amore quasi quodam Lysania

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G. Budaeus on De Asse and on time. “Philosophy ought, at the proper place and time, to come forth from its cloisters to the conduct of affairs.” And the practice of a more humane education, the varied condition of times, each man’s character and capacity, and the fitness of a more versatile nature for this or that way of life, when the matter in question has required it, all these things should, I think, be observed by students of letters, lest they seem to have devoted themselves to study in a lazy spirit, only for amusement and pleasure, and not also to have adapted it to support life. This, as Cato, as that Brutus approved by Cicero, as Seneca, and very many others endowed with learning, practiced, in order to pass from retirement in study to prominence in the administration of affairs; and today it is of the greatest importance even in public matters: indeed, for the glory of private houses and the ennobling of each family name, the same thing is usually of very great force by its own power, even if now, because of the harshness of the times, it grows cold, as you yourself have previously complained. Therefore, just as that famous orator Crassus, celebrated by Cicero’s praises, says in the dialogues of the same author that, when he sought honors according to the old custom by recommending individuals (for this was then almost the practice of canvassing), he was accustomed to dismiss his father-in-law Scaevola, a most distinguished jurist, when he said to him that he wished to be somewhat indiscreet for a little while; so if ever, now or soon, there should arise a time when men polished by elegant learning can conduct themselves honorably and suitably among courtiers, why should they not also gladly do what is fitting to civil manners, and, in the peace of philosophy, undertake it modestly for some years, and not turn away from another way of life, but move between the two? And if this cannot be done through a favorable opportunity granted by philosophy, what reason is there at last why students of letters should, like withered stumps, shine only in the dark? Indeed, Budaeus, as students of philosophy cannot carry philosophy about from place to place, so from their love of letters themselves, as though by some Lysania...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 803 comite nunquam derelinquuntur, qui molestias omneis in= suetæ uitæ discutit. Peractis autem stipendijs honestæ am= bitionis, quæ nullo ipsa certo numero præfiniuntur, sed a= lia quadam ratione modum suum sortiuntur: tum demum philosophia receptui cauens, iterum sibi reddit homines, quasiq[ue] natalibus, sic ingenio restituit, quos aut ambitio ciuilis, aut cupiditas non improbata in claris ingenijs, li= berali seruituti ac temporariæ mancipauerant. Quòd si refractaria illa uitæq[ue] insensa philosophia uiri gaudentes studiosi, inexpiabili odio dissidere cum ratione ciuili au= licæq[ue] perseverarint, quid aliud quàm in mantica Crate= tis (ut diunt) extremum fati uadimonium expectare di= centur? Hæc est mea hac de tota disputatione sententia, quam tu fusius ipse (ut opinor) atq[ue] eloquentius dixisses: ego censentis more & deliberantis, ut in curia summa so= lemus, non exornantis more dixi. Quasi uerò (inquam) tu leuiter hanc artem dicendi attigeris, in qua tibi iam par esse non possum, ut uideo: ut nisi te studium istud iuri ni= miopere teneret, in quo tu matutinas horas promeridia= nasq[ue] collocas (nec immeritò, ferè enim primarij uiri eo studio inclæruerunt) scribendi nobis occasione[m] facilè præ= repturus fueris. Vnus tu autem à regno hoc condito in= uentus es, qui modum in ea re tenere possis, quæ modum nullu[m] nouit, annos & dies ut præstituas stipendijs cupidi= tatis æra in comitatu principali merentis: & rursus cum emeritam ipsam quoquo modo senseris, uelut causariæ aut ueteranæ missionem à ratione ut imperatrice postu= les. Quis uerò post hominum memoriâ missionem antè ab aula postulauit, quàm uno ipse aut altero stipendio ære dirutus fuit? quasi uerò ratio ambitionem & cupiditatem exautorare possit, quas liberum abitrium sacramento ita obstrui E e 2 Lysanias co- mes, tristiæ discusor. In mātica Cra teris philoso- phari. Côtra aulicos qui ratione & honestatem re- ceptui canenti non audiunt.

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PART IB. BOOK V. 803 never leave the company of one who dispels all the troubles of an unaccustomed life. But when the honorable campaigns of ambition are completed, which are determined by no fixed number, but obtain their own limit by some other reckoning: then at last, philosophy, taking care for retreat, gives men back to themselves once more, and, as if by birth, so by character restores those whom either civil ambition, or desire not discreditable in noble minds, had consigned to a liberal and temporary servitude. But if that refractory and life-hating philosophy, with men given to enjoyment and study, should persist in an irreconcilable hatred against civil and courtly reason, what else will they be said to await than, as they say, in Crates’ knapsack, the final pledge of fate? This is my opinion on the whole discussion, which you yourself, I think, would have stated more fully and more eloquently: I have spoken in the manner of one giving counsel and deliberating, as we are accustomed to do in the highest council, not in the manner of one who adorns his speech. As though, I say, you had only lightly touched this art of speaking, in which I now can no longer be your equal, as I see: unless that study of yours were not so greatly holding you in the law, wherein you spend your morning and afternoon hours alike (and not undeservedly, for nearly the foremost men have become famous through that study), you would easily have forestalled for us the opportunity of writing. But you alone, from the founding of this kingdom, have been found who can keep measure in that matter which knows no measure, setting years and days beforehand for the wages of desire, while serving in the prince’s retinue: and again, when you have somehow felt that the very term of service is fulfilled, you demand from reason, as mistress, the discharge of your veteran or term-expired service. Indeed, who, within human memory, has ever before demanded discharge from the court, before he himself was stripped by one or two campaigns of his pay? as though reason could dismiss ambition and desire, when free will has been so bound by oath E e 2 Lysanias, a companion, the dispeller of sadness. To philosophize in Crates’ knapsack. Against courtiers who do not heed reason and the call of honesty to retreat.

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obstrinxit, ut nô milites illæ quidè, sed deuotæ potius dici debeant. Cedo nunc unum igitur quem uel in præcipiti canitie missionem impetrasse fateamur: nam multos numeris expunctos ipsi nouimus, qui nunc falsò inter causarios uoluntariosq[ue] profitentur, periti autem rerum nouerunt missionem eos detrectanteis exautoratos esse, quibus frustra fucum ipsi factitare nituntur. Proinde Deloine aut tu ex sentetia animi non loqueris, aut parum nosse uidere naturam & pellaciam eius belluæ, quam uulgus hominum Androsphinx. Curiam, perspicaciores autem Androsphingem uocitant, cuius ambages dissoluere si aulicarum rerum homines co-sultissimi nequeunt (quotus enim quisq[ue], ut dixi, explicare semel ab eis se potuit?) quo modo temerariu[m] non est eam rem arbitrij nostri futuram existimare? Mitto nunc quòd si eius uitæ dies atros ac candidos numeres, multis partibus maiorem illorum numerum inuenies, etiam si eos tantum spectes, qui potentiæ successu obseruantiam omnium ad se trahunt, nedum si unum è multis consideres, quibus angustè & incommodè tentorium habere in castris tumul tuarijs illis non statiuis necesse est, in quorum manipulis similes nostri si sacramento adacti sint, centuriari solent. Atqui (inquit) sic existimo, uiru[m] literaru[m] uerè studiosum, honestatis amantem, & dei metuentem, nunquam ita de-prehensum, ita indagine quamlibet apta, nixa, arctaq[ue] cin etum esse, quin liberum arbitrium à philosophia uindice hominum & assertrice, commonefactum & excitatu[m], eas plagas (ut aiunt) ipsi summissuru[m] sit, quibus nonnulli per-ditè ambitiosi circunclusos esse se fingunt, nullo interlaplu exituq[ue] relictio. Hic etiam tu autem delicias facies, & fortuita hospitia angustaq[ue] causabere, homo credo uitæ uagæ & peregrinæ insolens: ceu uerò nesciam Italiam te & urbem

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He has bound it so that those, surely, are not to be called soldiers, but rather devotees. Come now, name but one man whom we can admit to have obtained his discharge even in extreme old age: for we ourselves know many, struck off by the rolls, who now falsely profess to be among the dismissed and the volunteers; yet those who understand such matters know that they were cashiered because they refused discharge, and that all the while these men try in vain to impose upon them. Therefore, Deloine, either you are not speaking from the conviction of your heart, or you seem to know too little of the nature and craftiness of that beast which ordinary people call the Androsphinx; more discerning men call it the Curia. If even the most experienced men of court affairs cannot unravel its intricacies — for how many, as I said, have once been able to explain themselves out of them? — how is it unreasonable to suppose that this matter will lie within our own judgment? I say nothing now of this: if you count the black and white days of its life, you will find the number on the one side far greater, even if you look only at those who, through success in power, draw to themselves the deference of all; let alone if you consider one among many, for whom it is necessary to have a tent narrowly and inconveniently in those mobile camps, not in fixed ones, among whose companies men like ours, if once brought under the military oath, are usually enrolled as centurions. And yet, he says, I hold this: a man truly devoted to learning, loving honesty and fearing God, can never be so trapped, so enclosed, however fitting, forceful, and close the net may be, but that free will, awakened and stirred up by philosophy, the defender and champion of mankind, will itself yield up those blows, as they say, with which some men, driven by desperate ambition, pretend that they are hemmed in, with no passage or escape left. Here too you will make excuses, and plead accidental lodgings and cramped quarters, I suppose, being a man unused to a wandering and foreign life: as though I did not know Italy and the city...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 807. quid in foro tuo possim (tuum autem uoco, in quo primaria esse autoritate te dicunt homines doctissimu) sed ut siquid ad intelligentiam enarrationemq; iuris uestri ciuilis communisci aliquando & afferre in medium possim, quod ex ea penu prompterim quæ uobis iurisprudentibus usualis esse non solet (cuiusmodi nonnulla in Annotationibus nostris scripsimus in Pandectas editis, & iterum fortasse scribemus, siquando eò animum retulerimus) id totum iudicio tuo tuiq; similium submitto: sic te uicissim decebat amicitiæ saltem iure, doctrinæ mihi fasces in ea re summit tere, qua in re non ætatulam quidem (quod uehementer doleo) sed ætatis bonam partem te stimulante contruii, etiam si ui maiore ingenij tu in eadem ipsa re nos superare uideare. quippe ius hoc poscere amicitiæ nosti, ut inter disserendum simulata interim & affectata uel infantia uel inscitia, ab amico uinci te patiare: cum si nihil de contentione remittas, possis animum eius ægritudine non leuiter sauciare. Itaq; quandò te nihil mihi (ut uidebam) condo[n] naturum, uincere alia ratione non poteram, non inuitus ipse feci ut acriore altercandi uelitatione te è statu peruicacis facundiæ depellerem: quæ copiosius ipsa mihi semper uidetur atque compositius uerba uobis iurisconsultis non usitata fundere, quam ut è libris tantum iuris haustum esse quis eam credat. Quanquam haud admodum lubens facio ut eam tibi facultatem tantam concedam, homini in alijs studijs occupatissimo, quam omnium difficilimè artium comparari co[n]tendere tecum soleo. Sedenim id penè muto quod nuper de te affirmaueram. Ambitiosum esse te natura diceba, non proposito: nunc natura ab ambitione abhorrere te, uel uerius ab ambitu, dico, non item fortasse proposito. Nemo est enim omnium quos noui ingenio & decti E c 4

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 807. what I may be able to do in your forum (your forum, I say, in which men most learned declare that you hold the chief authority); but if I can at some time contribute something toward the understanding and exposition of your civil law, and bring into the open something which I have drawn from that storehouse from which such things are not ordinarily familiar to you jurists—some of which I have written in our Notes published on the Pandects, and perhaps shall write again, if ever I turn my mind to it—all that I submit to your judgment and that of those like you. In return, it was fitting that you, at least by the right of friendship, should lay aside your authority in favor of mine in that matter, in which I have labored not indeed a little while only—which I greatly regret—but the better part of my age, though you seem to surpass us in the same matter by greater force of intellect. For you know that friendship demands this right, that while debating, you should allow yourself to be defeated by a friend, even if he merely feigns and affects either childishness or ignorance; for if you do not yield anything in the contest, you may wound his spirit not a little with pain. Therefore, since I saw that you would concede nothing to me, I could not overcome you by any other means; and so, not unwillingly, I myself did what was necessary, by a sharper skirmish in argument, to drive you from the position of obstinate eloquence: this seems to me always to pour forth more abundantly and more aptly words not customary to you jurists than one would believe could have been drawn from books of law alone. Although I do this not altogether gladly, in that I concede to you so great an ability, you who are occupied with many other studies, I am accustomed to contend with you, as with one among the arts most difficult to acquire. But in truth I now change almost what I had recently affirmed about you. I used to say that by nature you were ambitious, not by design; now I say that by nature you are averse to ambition, or rather to vainglory, though perhaps not by design. For there is no one of all whom I know in talent and learned... E c 4

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET & doctrina præditos, qui minus te prehensare homines, aut colere potentes, & omnino numeros implere ambitus iusti atq[ue] efficacis aptus sit. siquidem oportet eos qui hoc scitè facere uolunt, quo iure quæq[ue] iniuria morigeros se spondere postulantibus, ad festiuosq[ue] uultus semper esse fi- ctos & compositos, etiam si probi uiri esse animo obfir- mauerint. Alioquin frustrari nemo potest aut deuorare molestiam adeuntium, æqua, iniqua, expedita, perplexa, improbè postulantium, quorum in odium & iurgiu[m] etiam incidas necesse est, quasiq[ue] in campo & inter comitia of- fendas atq[ue] impingas, si quid æqui boniq[ue] non obsequiose dixeris. Ita qui ritus eius disciplinæ tenere uelit, hunc ne- cesse est duplicem quam uocant philosophiam & ancipi- tem nosse, ut exotericus ipse sit & esotericus, nec idem intestinus homo sit & externus. Sermo tantum speciosus & urbanus, ac uultus blandus & festiuus inter se non di- screpent. Ad hanc autem disciplinam, & alias quas homi- nes ambituros percallere oportet, cum parum te docilem semper animaduerterim, miror cur tibi in mentem uene- rit Aristippi meminisse, quem omnis (ut inquis ipse) decuit status & color & res: quasi uersabile mihi sit, & tibi cu[m] uoles futurum sit ad ista ingenu[m]. Quo modo aute[m] tu non ineptam sententiam hanc tueris contra tuum institutu[m], qui quu[m] non ignores illic hominu[m] iudicia atq[ue] etia[m] proposita ferè esse corruptissima, eis tame[n] suadeas in eo co[m]uentu esse uiuendu[m], qui in simplicitate & candore moru[m] spes omnes suas repositas habeat? Neq[ue] enim mihi ludibudi sunt ocu- li, quibus in occursu & in circulis isti uenustuli gratiosi esse didicerunt: nec lepores illos urbanitatis aulicæ noui, quibus pro illecebris logodædali ad aucupandâ famâ sci- tæ comutatis & emerendâ ututur. Quu[m] ille rursus sermone[m] excepisset, < Alludit ad exo tericam disci- plinâ & acroa- maticam, cuius meminit Cic- ero in quinto de Finib[us] & Cels- ib[us] undeuice- simo.>

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...and endowed with doctrine, who are able to take hold of men less, or court the powerful, and altogether fill out the number and scope of a just and effective ambition. For it is necessary that those who wish to do this skillfully should know by what right, and by what wrong, they may promise compliance to those who ask, and should always be ready with festive looks, feigned and composed, even if they have resolved in their hearts to be honest men. Otherwise no one can avoid being deceived by, or swallowing, the annoyance of those who come seeking favors, whether fair, unfair, easy, or perplexing, and of those who make shameless demands, whose hatred and quarrels one must inevitably incur, as though one were jostling and colliding in an open field and amid elections, if one says anything not obsequious in the matter of what is right and good. Thus whoever would observe the rules of that discipline must know what philosophers call the double and ambiguous philosophy, so that he himself may be both exoteric and esoteric, and the inward man and the outward man may not be the same. Only the speech should be elegant and urbane, and the countenance flattering and festive, and these must not differ from one another. But for this discipline, and for others that men who seek advancement ought to master, since I have always observed you to be somewhat unteachable, I wonder why it should have occurred to you to mention Aristippus, whom every condition and every color and every circumstance suited, as you say yourself: as though this were something that could be altered in me, and as though it would naturally be there for you whenever you wished. How then do you defend this not at all foolish opinion against your own plan, you who, though you do not ignore that men’s judgments and even their intentions there are for the most part utterly corrupt, nevertheless advise them to live in that sort of assembly which rests all its hopes upon simplicity and purity of morals? For my eyes are no toys, by which those little charming fellows have learned to be pleasant in encounters and in circles; nor do I know those graces of courtly urbanity, with which, as bait for catching fame, they are cunningly turned and employed as rewards. When he had in turn received the speech, < Refers to exoteric discipline and acroamatic discipline, which Cicero mentions in the fifth book of the De Finibus and Celsus in the nineteenth.>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 809 excepisset, egoq[ue] non desuturus sententiæ meæ mihi uide= rer, amicoq[ue] in eo non cessurus: ecce tibi nûcius regiæ mor tis, qui disputatione nostram abrupit consternatione subi= ta. Post aliquot aute[m] dies cum cum domi offendissem ocio= sum (interuisere enim sæpe inuicem solebamus) continuò ut assedimus, Ecquid, inquit, Budæe aliud tibi in mentem uenit de disputatione nostra? an in sententia permanes? Vides enim triduo eam mutationem rerum factam, ut iam alius omnino sensus publicæ mentis existat, diuersiq[ue] mo= res esse inolituri putentur, ut ferè omnia circumagit & plurima inuertit regni noui exortus. Certè uox famæ pu= blicæ iucundissima ad aures omnium ferme ordinum ue= nit natali huius regni. At qui eò, inquam, penè euasimus, ut non facundia tantum tibi huius disputationis palmam, sed etiam rerum euentus fortasse daturus sit. nam si festis huius principatus auspicijs, rerum gerendarum progressus re= sponderit, erit utiq[ue] cur uirtus & doctrina excant ex um= braculis, & ferre solem, ut dicitur, pulueremq[ue] non renu= ant. Id adeò licet ex præteriti & præsentis temporis con tentione æstimare. Quum enim antè orba respublica sum mis magistratibus esset, maximaq[ue] munia partim uicarijs operis obirentur, partim omnino non obirentur, primum nihil nec rectè satis nec ordine (id quod necesse erat eue= nire) fiebat, deinde uelut abdicatis uel abrogatis magistra tibus, informis ac destituta Respub. iniurijs intestinis exter nisq[ue] exposita et obuia iacebat. Cuius indignitatis causam nunc magnopere non inquireo. id tantum dicam quod fama circunfert, in duas ipsa sententias diuisæ: Partim hominum culpam à uertice ipso arcessebant, qui bona magis uolun= tate, quàm strenua & cordata solertia fuisse à multis exi= stimatur: Partim ad actores ipsos rerum, dispensatoresq[ue] E e 5 copiar

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PART III. HIS BOOK V. 809 had been spoken, and I, not intending to depart from my own opinion, and not to give way to my friend in this matter, behold, a messenger of the king’s death interrupted our debate with a sudden consternation. After some days, when I had found him at home at leisure—for we were accustomed often to visit one another—no sooner had we sat down than he said, “What say you, Budæus, has anything else come into your mind about our discussion? Or do you still remain of the same opinion? For you see what a change in affairs has been made in three days, so that now a wholly different spirit of the public mind is thought to prevail, and different customs are likely to take root, since the rise of a new kingdom turns almost everything about and inverts very much. Certainly the most welcome voice of public rumor has come to the ears of nearly all ranks on the birthday of this kingdom. But we, I say, have almost escaped to such a point that this debate may perhaps give the palm not only to your eloquence, but also to events themselves. For if, under the auspicious beginnings of this principate, the progress of affairs corresponds, there will certainly be reason why virtue and learning should come out of their hiding-places and, as the saying is, bear the sun and the dust without refusing them. This may indeed be judged from a comparison of the past and present time. For when the commonwealth before was left destitute of its highest magistrates, and the greatest offices were partly discharged by deputies and partly not discharged at all, at first nothing was done either with sufficient correctness or in due order, as was bound to happen; then, as though the magistrates had been abdicated or abolished, the shapeless and abandoned Republic lay exposed and open to internal and external injuries. I do not now inquire much into the cause of such disgrace. I shall say only what rumor spreads abroad, that opinions were divided into two. Some traced the fault to the very top, to men who, it is believed by many, were rather well-intentioned than vigorous and prudent in their diligence; others to the actual agents and managers of affairs...” E e 5 copies

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copiarum, summum crimen referebant, qui hebetes iam oculos domini non uerentes, nec ab auribus eius magnopere metuëtes, quas obfirmatæ obaudientiæ cera obstructas esse confidebant, in libera administratione summæ rerum remissi fuisse dicuntur, & in tumultu securi (sic enim homines tum sobrij loquebantur) aut nimium sese in arduis consulentes, ut prudentes dictitabant. Commune autem utrisq[ue] crimen ab hominum sermone illud erat, quòd orbæ rerum summæ tutores ut suspecti postulari non poterant, cum honorarij ex diadematico genere adhibiti nulli esset, qui custodes saltem administrantium in speciem esse uiderentur. Ex quærerum deformitate (ut parcissimè loquar) secuta est ea Francici nominis suggillatio, quæ sine insigni mutatione rerum discuti non poterat. Affuit igitur precibus non publicis, sed populi duntaxat, ut speramus, tuteclare numen Franciæ, quum Calendis Ianuarijs Rex socer fato functus Franciscum nobis Regem æquo animo reliquit, ut filiam quoq[ue] suam Reginam relinqueret. Proh superi immortales, quid hic primum, quid postremum exequar? Iampridem Calendæ Ianuariæ quid non polliceri ad instaurandam rei Fræcicæ formam ac dignitatem uidentur? quo die strenæ uice, aurea (ut antiquo uerbo loquar) fortuna ad eum regem trahiuit, qui & corpore & animo implere uices summi imperatoris possit, ut si quis unquam maiorum. Deinde nominis eius omen non ne certam spem præmonstrat illustrandæ gloriæ nostræ, cum à códito hoc imperio Franci nunc primùm de suo uocabulo denominatum habere regem coeperint? Iam uerò manus illæ cinetri ces summorum magistratum, non ne militum mentes afflictas insolita ignominia, humiq[ue] propemodum serpentes ordinum omnium animos, triduo ita erexerunt, ut altiores etiam

Transcription: Translated (English)

They brought the greatest charge against the commanders of the troops, who, no longer fearing the dim eyes of their lord, nor greatly dreading his ears, which they were confident were stopped with the wax of a stubborn obedience, are said to have grown remiss in the free administration of the supreme affairs of state, and, in the turmoil, careless; or else, as prudent men then used to say, over-cautious in difficult matters. But the common charge against both, as people’s talk had it, was this: that guardians of the realm when it was bereft could not be called into suspicion, since no honorary men from the royal household had been appointed, who might at least seem to be the keepers of those in office. From the ugliness of affairs, I say as mildly as I can, there followed that reproach against the French name, which could not be dispelled without an important change in affairs. Thus the prayer was granted, not to public entreaty, but to that of the people alone, as we hope, to the protecting deity of France, when, on the Kalends of January, the King, our father-in-law, having paid his debt to fate, left Francis to us as king with a calm mind, even as he left his daughter as queen. O immortal gods, where shall I begin, and where end? What indeed do the Kalends of January not seem to promise for the restoration of the form and dignity of the French state? On that day, in place of New Year’s gifts, golden fortune, as I may use the ancient word, was transferred to that king who, both in body and in mind, could discharge the office of supreme ruler, as if he were one of the greatest of our forefathers. Then too, does not the omen of his name itself give us a certain hope of the brightening of our glory, since, under this founded empire, the French have now for the first time begun to have a king named from their own title? And moreover, did not those gray-haired hands of the highest magistrates lift up the spirits of the soldiers, crushed by unfamiliar disgrace and almost crawling on the ground, and the minds of all orders, in such a way within three days that even higher...

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mentio eius incidit. Prorsus, inquam, rectè opinaris, si quidem ipse aliquid possim dicendi facultate. neque enim est aut fuit unquam hominu[m] quisquam, cui secundum pa= rentes plus me debere existimarem, etiam si nihil est aut fuit quod ei acceptum referre possem, ut qui eo tempore mortuus sit, quo mihi absenti & propemodum inuito o= ptimè cupere ac magnificè coeperat. Ita fortuna, cui nihil adhuc præter ocium literarium debeo, obstitit ne illius be neficia calendarium meum implerent uel augerent. Tu e= nim nosti frustra me ab eo nuncijs & literis eius chiro= graphis accersitu[m], cum ego quidem ualetudinem tum mihi incommodissimam excusarem, ille autem existimaret per detrectationem ualetudinarium me esse, & falsò causa= rium, & iterum me admonens ægrè ferret ignauo me li= terarum studio animum maioris fortunæ despondisse. Eo me ille maximè nomine increpitans (ô uirum summa lau= de dignum) quòd eam ignominiæ notam & literis & suo tempori inurerem, quasi docti homines neglecti tùm uide= rentur & abiecti, cum tamen eo tempore nulla arte homi= nes memorabili præditi, opima interdum decora opinio= ne doctrinæ temeraria ferrent. Gratum est autem mihi quòd eius uiri nunc memoriam refricas, nunquam non ui= ris bonis iucundissimam: cuius utinam tam uerè imitato= rem hunc Antonium spoponderis, quàm ego libèter hanc stipulationem ab eodem ipso fecerim, si liceat. ad quod etiam eum suapte sponte animatum esse fama est. id qui= dem certè decet. In utroque enim eorum, ingenij ac for= tunæ partes ita æque fuerunt, ut utri plus debuerit ille, hic nunc debeat, uix constituere possis. Ille summo magistratu honorificentissimè delato non petenti, accersitus, statim eò cuasit, unde altius subuchi non poterat. hic nihil non facilè

Transcription: Translated (English)

his mention fell. Quite so, I say, you judge rightly, if indeed I have any ability at speaking. For there is not, nor ever has there been, any man whom I should think myself more indebted to than a parent, even if there is nothing, or never was anything, that I could return to him as a debt, since he died at that time when, though absent and almost against my will, he had begun most eagerly and magnificently to wish me well. Thus fortune, to which I owe nothing so far except literary leisure, prevented his benefits from filling or enlarging my account. For you know how in vain I was summoned by him through his messengers and letters and written messages, when I excused myself on the grounds of a state of health then most inconvenient to me, while he, however, thought that I was pretending to be an invalid and falsely making excuses, and again warning me was distressed that I, with a slothful devotion to letters, had given up my mind to a greater fortune. That was the very thing for which he rebuked me most severely—O man worthy of the highest praise—that I should brand both letters and his own time with the stigma of disgrace, as though learned men seemed neglected and cast aside then, when in truth at that time men endowed with no memorable art often carried off rich honors by the rash opinion of learning. But it is pleasant to me that you are now reviving the memory of that man, never not most delightful to good men: would that you had promised me this Antonius as a truly faithful imitator of him, just as I would gladly have made that same pledge to him himself, if it were allowed. It is said too that he was of his own accord inclined to this. And indeed that is fitting. For in both of them, the parts of genius and fortune were so evenly matched that it is scarcely possible to decide to which of the two he owed more, the former or the latter. He, when the highest magistracy was most honorably conferred upon him though he had not sought it, was summoned and immediately ran to that point from which he could not be lifted higher. This man easily does everything not

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET facilè & scansim assecutus est, quò togæ prætextæ aspirare ius fuerit. uerùm ille præstantissimi ingenij ornamentis instructus, & fortunæ adminiculis erectus, quum fato concessisset, memoriam sui magistratus clarissimam reliquit atq[ue] testatissimam: hic eandem sortem adeptus, quid in extremo eodemq[ue] summo uitæ actu sit gesturus, quod fastigium laudis ante actis uitæ partibus additurus, adhuc in expectatione est. Quare (quod est in prouerbio prisco) hic magistratum uertex, qualis sit ipse uir, mox ostendere rit. Nunc quoniam tu tantopere me urges, causam haud dico quin doctrinæ & uirtuti ex secessu prodeundum sit, & generosa ambitione documentum sui dandum, uel iratrio regiæ, uel in aula interiore, si pateat eis aditus: non etiam si inter miscellaneam turbam possint quous modo irrupere aut arrepere. Hoc tamen exigam, ut doceas, cæteris in partibus rempublicam ita esse co[n]stitutam, ut illis uelut matronis quibusdam pudicis & honestis, tutò & sine pudoris suggillatione sese proferre liceat in publicum. Scilicet, inquit, ab armatis istis metuis, qui nescio qua fama excitati, primas & secundas parteis suas hoc rege sperant fore. Ego autem accinctos uiros ita rerum potituros arbitror, si non plus armis quam consilio tribuant. cuius rei argumentum duco ab ipso loricatorum uertice, quem omnium uotis expetitum princeps rei summæ militari præfecit. < Dux Borbonianæ magister equitum.> Nempe ducem, inquam, Borbonianum dicis? Illum ipsum, inquit, superi boni quem uirum, quantum principem, quam magnum futurum ductorem, si numini diuino, ut speramus, res Fræciæ cordi fuerint? At qui, inquam, memuni quum auspicando regno princeps Cancellario statim creato, hunc Magistrum equitum absentem tum dixisse, ut uotis hominum & famæ flagitanti satisfaceret: quanta omnium

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET easily and almost without effort attained that to which he had the right to aspire to the toga praetexta. But that man, furnished with the ornaments of most outstanding genius and raised up by the aids of fortune, when he had yielded to fate, left behind a very illustrious and well-attested memory of his magistracy: this man, having obtained the same lot, what he will do in that final and at the same time highest act of life, what height of praise he will add to the parts of life already lived, is still awaited in expectation. Wherefore, as the old proverb says, this magistracy will soon show the man himself, what sort of man he is. Now since you press me so hard, I do not deny that for doctrine and virtue one ought to come forth from retirement, and to give proof of oneself by noble ambition, either in the royal court or in the inner court, if access to them is open: not even if they can somehow break in or sneak in among the mixed crowd. Yet I shall require this much: that you show that in the other parts the commonwealth is so constituted that they may safely present themselves in public, as though they were certain chaste and honorable matrons, without any stain upon modesty. “Certainly,” he said, “you are afraid of those armed men, who, stirred up by some report or other, hope that their first and second parts will be theirs under this king. But I, for my part, think that armed men will take control of affairs if they assign no more to arms than to counsel.” The proof of this I take from the very summit of the armored men, whom the prince, desired by the prayers of all, has placed in charge of the chief military command. <The Duke of Bourbon, master of horse.> “Surely,” I said, “you mean the Duke of Bourbon?” “That very man,” he said, “the good gods know what a man, what a prince, what a great commander he will be, if, as we hope, the affairs of France have been dear to the divine power? But I remember,” I said, “that when the prince, on his accession to the kingdom, immediately appointed a Chancellor, he then said that this Master of Horse, though absent, ought to be named so as to satisfy the wishes of men and the demand of fame: how much of all”

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altiorem excitatum, si modò qui summam rerum tenebût, hoc intelligere, intellectumq[ue] meminisse poterunt, Mineruæ quàm Bellonæ numen maius ac præsentius semper ab Alexandro Magno Romanusq[ue] ducibus existimatu[m] esse, qui imperia ipsi maxima ac clarissima omnis æui condide runt. Vt enim magister equitum dux summus, & Polemar chi creati uiri decora multa militiæ meriti, quasi optiones eius allecti, bellicis in rebus speciem quandam magnifica[m], & tanto imperio dignam præbebunt, rectè atque ordine constituentes omnia: sic in rebus pacatis consiliarios adhiberi necesse est earum rerum administrandarum prudentes, quæ procul à classicis transiguntur, aut ipsos bellicarum rerum cōsultos quasi quosda[m] Nestores utraq[ue] facultate pollere: id quod fieri nequit, si literatos oderint, aut spreuerint. Magno enim errore regibus olim nostris ac summæ nobilitati persuasum est, Galliæ campos naturam, Martis (ut aiunt) orchestram esse, non etiam Musarum odeum uoluisse, in quo regum ac ducum gesta clarissimè celebrantur. Qua de re quoniam multa in præcedentibus libris diximus, non necessarium hic habeo longius re prosequi. Proinde fastigium principale nihil generosius instituere, nihil augustius uelle potest, quàm ut rebus bellicis quasi in tumultu constitutis, literarum studiosos excitare quamplurimos cōtendat, partim à cōsilijs ei futuros, muneraq[ue] togata ac ciuilia obituros, partim res nostras monumentis literarum illustraturos: id quod Alexander Magnus quu[m] maximè exoptaret, uix assequi potuit: ob quod Achillem felicem identidem appellabat, cui cōtigisset ipsi post mortem Homerum præconem rerum suarum habere. Reges autem nostri ne Chærilos quidè suarum reru[m] scriptores habuerunt, ut qui nihil existimarent literas perti- nere

Transcription: Translated (English)

...more highly awakened, if only those who hold the supreme power of affairs can understand this and, having understood it, remember it: that the divinity of Minerva has always been judged greater and more present than that of Bellona, by Alexander the Great and by Roman commanders, who founded for themselves the greatest and most illustrious empires of every age. For as the master of horse, the supreme commander, and the men appointed polemarchs, who have earned many honors in war, drawn as it were like subordinates to his side, will present in military matters a certain magnificent appearance worthy of so great an empire, arranging everything rightly and in order: so in times of peace it is necessary to employ as advisers men prudent in administering those matters which are handled away from the battlefield, or even those skilled in war themselves, as it were certain Nestors, endowed with both abilities: and this cannot be done if they hate or despise men of letters. For by a great mistake it was once persuaded to our kings and to the highest nobility that the fields of France were by nature, as they say, the orchestra of Mars, and not also meant to be the odeum of the Muses, where the deeds of kings and leaders are most splendidly celebrated. On this matter, since I have said much in the preceding books, I do not think it necessary to pursue it further here. Therefore the chief aim can devise nothing more noble, nothing more august, than to strive in the midst of military affairs, as it were set in turmoil, to awaken as many men of letters as possible, some of whom may serve him in counsel and perform civil and administrative duties, others of whom may illuminate our affairs with literary monuments: something which Alexander the Great, though he especially desired it, could scarcely achieve; for which reason he repeatedly called Achilles fortunate, since it had befallen him to have Homer as the herald of his deeds after death. But our kings did not even have Chærilus as writers of their deeds, since they thought that literature had nothing to do with them.

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nere ad memoriam sui suorumq[ue] æternitati prodendam. qua temporum incuria factum, ut res eoru[m] gestæ, & instituta patria, autorum silentio sepulta sint, uel ita memoriæ prodita, ut autores pudendos magnarum rerum laudare uereamur. Quam gentis nostræ ignominiam si reges & proceres satis æstimare potuissent, præclarè cum uiris literatis hactenus actum esset. Verumenimuero quando ea quæ ad hunc principatum pertinent, nunc primum ineuntem, nô tam in commendatione ac laude posita sunt, quàm in coniectura atq[ue] expectatione, sustinendum nobis ulterius iudicium ad progressum usq[ue] rerum magnifico iucundóq[ue] omine inchoatarum: ne si quid secus acciderit (quod ominari nolim) aut in rebus secundis atque plausibilibus proceres mandragoram (ut fit) biberint, præproperè ipsi occasionem res inexploratas laudandi admirandiq[ue]; arri puisse uideamur. Quod quum dixissem, & ille annuisset, hæmpto hoc colloquio sermonem alium quæsiui= mus. Eam autem disputationem nostram simul animi causa huic operi attexenda[m] esse du= xi, simul ut monumentum esset æter nû (ut spero) amicitiæ nostræ. Deloinus enim et Budæus insigne par amicoru[m] in hac urbe exi stimatur esse. FINIS. Ff 2

Transcription: Translated (English)

for preserving the memory of himself and his descendants for eternity. Through what negligence of the times it has come about that their deeds and their native institutions have been buried in the silence of the authors, or have been handed down to memory in such a way that we are ashamed to praise the authors of great things. If the kings and nobles of our nation could have estimated this disgrace sufficiently, matters would long since have been handled splendidly with learned men. But since the things that pertain to this principality, now first beginning, are placed not so much in commendation and praise as in conjecture and expectation, we must continue our judgment further, up to the progress of affairs begun under a magnificent and pleasant omen: lest if anything should turn out otherwise (which I would not foretell), or if in favorable and applauded circumstances the nobles should, as often happens, have drunk mandrake, we should seem to have too hastily seized the occasion for praising and admiring matters unexplored. When I had said this, and he had assented, after this conversation we sought another subject of discourse. And I judged that this discussion of ours should be attached to this work both for the sake of amusement, and also so that it might be a memorial of our friendship, which I hope is eternal. For Deloinus and Budaeus are considered in this city to be an outstanding pair of friends. FINIS. Ff 2

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altiorem excitatum, si modò qui sum hoc intelligere, intellectumq[ue] memini uæ quàm Bellonæ numen maius ac Alexandro Magno Romanisq[ue] du qui imperia ipsi maxima ac clarissi runt. Vt enim magister equitum du chi creati uiri decora multa militiæ eius allecti, bellicis in rebus speciem et tanto imperio dignam præbebunt constituentes omnia: sic in rebus p[er] hiberi necesse est earum rerum admi tes, quæ procul à classicis transigum rum rerum cõsultos quasi quosda[m] tate pollere: id quod fieri nequit, si spreuerint. Magno enim errore re summæ nobilitati persuasum est, Ga Martis (ut aiunt) orchestram esse, odeum uoluisse, in quo regum ac du celebrantur. Qua de re quoniam libris diximus, non necessarium hic sequi. Proinde fastigium principale nihil augustius uelle potest, tumultu constitutis, liter lurimos cõtendat, partim togata ac ciuilia obituros antis literarum illustratur us quu[m] maximè exoptaret, chillem felicem identidem ost mortem Homerum pr ege autem nostri ne ptores habuerunt, ut

Transcription: Translated (English)

uplifted to a higher level, if only I could understand this, and I remember having understood it, than the divinity of Bellona, greater even than Alexander the Great and the Roman leaders, who themselves governed the greatest and most famous empires. For just as a master of horse, men of noble birth chosen for command, drawn by many glories of military service, will in military matters present an appearance worthy of so great a command, arranging everything: so in civil matters it is necessary to count among those who take part in them men who are far removed from the trumpet-call, as if certain experts in affairs, to possess worth; which cannot happen if they despise them. For by a great error it has been persuaded to the highest nobility that Ga... is, as they say, the orchestra of Mars, a hall he wished for, in which kings and dukes are celebrated. On this matter, since we have spoken in the books, it is not necessary to follow it here. Therefore the principal height can wish for nothing more august; with disturbances established, let it strive for very many letters, partly destined to die in civic and public life. When he most especially desired it, Achilles was happy again and again after death Homer pr... but our forebears had no...

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ERVM IGNIVM OPERE TVR. inistrationis publicæ egritas ardua 774 sionales 448 escens tristis magis am hilaris Aristoni cebat 612 bia pro noibus in nu andiratione 131 in aula quid sit 96 Romanarum ma= centia 332. 334 um munera 173 poliuchi 412 ptus in prouinciam re 322 gypti abundantia 311 gypti administratio 389 Aegyptiorum opes 309 Aenigmatu & problematu inuicè pponendoru apæ 389 antiquos fo'suctudo 499 108 Acoli in aula 792 491 Acolidæ 432 Acrarium

Transcription: Translated (English)

ERVM IGNIVM OPERE TVR. public administration egritas ardua 774 sionales 448 escens tristis magis am hilaris Aristoni cebat 612 bia pro noibus in nu andiratione 131 in the hall, what it is 96 of the Romanes ma= centia 332. 334 um munera 173 poliuchi 412 ptus in the province re 322 abundance of Egypt 311 administration of Egypt 389 the wealth of the Egyptians 309 of riddles and problems to be set against one another apæ 389 old custom 499 108 Acoli in court 792 491 Acolidæ 432 Treasury

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INDEX. Alienum æs militum suorum Alexander omne dis soluit 423 Alphestæ homines dicti 3 Aluus 618. ut sistatur 396 Amasis, qui et Pharao 511. 512 Ambientiu molestiæ 768 Ambitio, & dinundinatio in pontificibus & cæno=biarchis 706 Ambitio honesta 802. 805. 814 Ambitio tenacissima est 775 Ambitionis cæcitas 715 Ambitiosoru stultitia 769. 770 Ambitus foenus intedit 346 Ambitus lex 363 Ambitus Romæ inges erat ob magistratuum com=moda 345 Amentum 83 Amicorum perfidia 430 Amicorum locupletator Au gustus 354 Amoebei citharcedi quæstus 242 Amor sui, & charitas publi ca, non bene couen. 437 Amphora, eius forma & ca= pacitas 513. 514. 516. 517. 548. 552. 609. 667. Amphora uini 551. 552 Amphora, octaua pars mo=diij Parisiensis 672. 677 Amphora quinquagenaria 608 Amphoteroplus 117 Amymones 228 avræsværs 205 Anadyomene Apellis 205 Anagnostarum seruoru pre tium 235. 340 Anantapodoton 747 Anaphora 38 Anatocismus antiquis usi=tatus 678 Androsphinx 804 Angelus Politianus 37. 513. 517 Angli cu Gallo affinit. 437 Animaduertedus locus 681 Anima corpus exire solita 781 De Anima, Aristotelis libri præstantissimi 202 Animæ definitio 37 Animæ humanæ humiliatio 729 Animæ in dei manu per ba=ptisma mancipatio 464 Hb Anime

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INDEX. Alexander paid all the debts of his soldiers 423 The people called Alphestae 3 Belly 618. to be restrained 396 Amasis, who is also called Pharaoh 511. 512 Annoyances from intrusive people 768 Ambition, and the bargaining of bishops and abbots 706 Honest ambition 802. 805. 814 Ambition is most tenacious 775 Blindness of ambition 715 The folly of ambitious people 769. 770 Ambition stirs up usury 346 The law against bribery 363 Bribery in Rome was immense on account of the advantages of public office 345 Amentum 83 The treachery of friends 430 Augustus enriched his friends 354 The earnings of cithara-players 242 Self-love and public charity do not agree well 437 Amphora, its shape and capacity 513. 514. 516. 517. 548. 552. 609. 667. Amphora of wine 551. 552 Amphora, the eighth part of a Parisian modius 672. 677 Amphora quinquagenaria 608 Amphoteroplus 117 Amymones 228 avræsværs 205 The Anadyomene of Apelles 205 The price of slaves who were readers 235. 340 Anantapodoton 747 Anaphora 38 Compound interest, customary among the ancients 678 Androsphinx 804 Angelus Politianus 37. 513. 517 The affinity between the English and the French 437 A passage to be noted 681 The soul accustomed to leave the body 781 On the Soul, Aristotle’s most excellent books 202 Definition of the soul 37 The humiliation of the human soul 729 The soul’s surrender into the hand of God through baptism 464 Hb Anime

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Animæ partes duæ, ira & ratio 63 Animam mortalem asserentes 739 Animus æquus 718 Animus et anima differ. 43 Animi cultura nunqua[m] frustra est 589.590 Animi humani capacitas 147 Animi recta cõstitutio 740 Annonæ ratio apud Parisinos 634 Annotations in Pandectas 4.54.807 Ab Annulis cõparatio 453 Annulus aureus, equestris ordinis indicium 239 Annuli aurei gestandi ius 270. tres ab Hannibale Carthaginem annuloru[m] modij nussi 553 Annulorum primum uestigium 269.270 Antæus 458 Antiochia 491.492 Antiquos perinde atq; nos errare potuisse 26 Antonius à prato cancellarius 812 Antonius Musa medic. 570 Antonius triuuir 235.309. 311.312.314.315.317. eius copiæ in bello Actia co 656. facics in nomi=smate 164 Apamia urbs 479 Apartilogia 291 Apellis præstatia 204.205 341.779 Appellico Teius 342 Aphrodisium 652 Appianus historicus Græcus 214. eius tēpora Appiani locus 123.302. 305.317.341 Apitij luxus perditissimi 243. eius exitus Apion Polyhistor 500 Apirocalia 89 Apocalypsis Ioannis, Par=carum commentariu[m] 762 Apocalypsis loc. 405.620 Apolides 795 Apollonia, signandæ pecu=niæ officina 402 Apri solidi apponi sol. 232 Aquæ chrysalcæ mira uis 265 Aquis abunda[n]s Roma 370 Ara Lugdunensis 402 Arabiæ felicitas 416 Arabiam Augustus oppu=gnauit 322

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The two parts of the soul: anger & reason 63 Those asserting the soul to be mortal 739 Even-mindedness 718 Mind and soul differ. 43 Education of the mind is never in vain 589.590 The capacity of the human mind 147 The right constitution of the mind 740 The system of provisions among the Parisians 634 Annotations on the Pandects 4.54.807 Comparison from rings 453 The golden ring, token of the equestrian order 239 The right to wear the golden ring 270. three from Hannibal From Carthage, the standard of rings 553 The first trace of rings 269.270 Antaeus 458 Antioch 491.492 The ancients could err just as we do 26 Antonio da Prato, chancellor 812 Antonius Musa, physician 570 Triumvir Antonius 235.309. 311.312.314.315.317. his resources in the Actian war 656. appearance on a coin 164 The city of Apamea 479 Apartilogia 291 The excellence of Apelles 204.205 341.779 Appellico of Teos 342 Aphrodisium 652 Appian, Greek historian 214. his time Passage in Appian 123.302. 305.317.341 Apicius' most ruinous luxury 243. his end Apion the Polyhistor 500 Apirocalia 89 The Apocalypse of John, commentary on the Parcae 762 Passage in the Apocalypse 405.620 Apolides 795 Apollonia, mint for coinage 402 Boars; solidi to be added 232 The wonderful power of aqua chrysalca 265 Rome, abundant in waters 370 The altar of Lyon 402 The happiness of Arabia 416 Augustus campaigned against Arabia 322

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INDEX. Arabum tributum 379 Arbela uicus 431 Arbitrium, nostri iuris est 741 Arbores in quincuncem digestæ 49 Arborum ingens pretium 155.333 Arces ciuitatum Palladisaeræ 90 Archidicasles 390 Archontius uulnerarius medicus 197 Argenteus quo Christus di uenditus 636 Argentea uasa 332 Argentum granallium 266 Argentum impermixtu purissimumq; 267 Argentum hominibus Romanis auro celebratius fuit 271.356 Argentum in nummo'ne an in supellectile melius ha=beatur 432 Argentum no aurum imperabat Romani uictis abs se gentibus 270.489 Argentum optimum, Parisi num & cineraceu 265 Argentum purum 664 Argentum quando signatu 107.636. eius nota Argeti ad aurum analogia 268 Argento cælato insignes multi 366 Argentisodinæ memorabiles 393 Argentinus deus 748 Argumentatio 743 Argyranche 533 Argyrocopium 260.402 Argyrocopiorum pyxides 268 Arietes talentares 399 Arietum pretium in Bætica 399 Aristeas Proconnesius poëta ibidem Aristides 291 Aristippei 291 Aristippea schola 771 Aristophanis locus 581 Aristoteles Alexandri præceptor 92 Aristoteles in uerbo philosophico lapsus 46 Aristoteles innumera uolu mina conscripsit 202 Aristoteles magno paucit[us] los libros emut 293.341 H h 2. Aris

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INDEX. Arab tribute 379 Arbela, a village 431 Arbitration, is within our right 741 Trees arranged in a quincunx 49 The great value of trees 155.333 The fortresses of Palladisian cities 90 Archidicasles 390 Archontius, a wound surgeon 197 The silver for which Christ was sold 636 Silver vessels 332 Granulated silver 266 Purest silver, unmixed 267 Silver was more celebrated among the Romans than gold 271.356 Whether silver should be preferred in coin or in household goods 432 The Romans, when they had conquered peoples, demanded silver, not gold 270.489 Best silver, Parian and ash-gray 265 Pure silver 664 When silver is stamped, its mark 107.636. eius nota Silver in relation to gold by analogy 268 Many distinguished by chased silver 366 Memorable silver mines 393 Argentinus, a god 748 Argumentation 743 Argyranche 533 Argyrocopium 260.402 Boxes of silversmiths 268 Ram-talents 399 The value of rams in Baetica 399 Aristeas of Proconnesus, poet ibid. Aristides 291 Aristippeans 291 The Aristippan school 771 A passage from Aristophanes 581 Aristotle, teacher of Alexander 92 Aristotle, mistaken in a philosophical term 46 Aristotle wrote innumerable volumes 202 Aristotle, with few books, changed [them] 293.341 H h 2. Aris

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INDEX. Aristotelis & Theophrasti libri magno uenditi 341.342 Armigeri serui pretium 159 Arpēnum Latina uox 525. 527 Arpennum Parisinum 525. eius proportio ad iuge= rum Romanum 527 Arpennorum oblocatio in Francia 526 Artemidori locus 237 Artis pretium olim in cæla turis 358 Artes in pretio olim quæ= dam, quæ nunc euiluerut 199.204.341 Artes liberales unde dictæ 795 Artium inuentio & absolu tio 3.4 Artificia antiqua 358 Arura 493 Aruum 526 Aschematistos oratio 22 Asia 306.313.379.380. eius fertilitas 390 Asia deuicta, luxuria Ro= mam inuasit 315 Asiæ 20. millia talentum im perata 306 Asiaticorum mira uexatio 314 Asina Reatina 155 Asinarum lactis usus 411 Asinus memorabilis 155 Asini Arcadici, & Reatini 157 Aspectus quadrā talis, nona genarius &c. 30 Aspectus astronomici 30 Aspendius citharædus 74 As, qui et Assis, unde dictus 12.632 As, libra & pòdo idem 12 As & assis dipondius 632 As, libralis nummus 48 As nummulus 106 As nostra moneta 620. eius partes hodiernæ 664 As æreus erat, non argenteus 148 Assis partes 9.664 Assis partes etiam mensuras haustum in bibendo si- gnificant 563 Assis in partes, res omnis fa cilè diuiditur 24 As Budæi uelut mathemati ca ratione co[m]pactus 198. historiæ uelut uicem præ stet 158 Asses mille, ualebant aureos decem 363

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INDEX. Aristotle’s and Theophrastus’s books sold for a great price 341. 342 Armigeri slaves, price 159 Arpēnum, a Latin word 525. 527 Arpennum Parisiensium 525. its proportion to the Roman iugerum 527 Letting of Arpennors in France 526 A passage of Artemidorus 237 The price of art formerly in carving 358 Arts formerly prized, some of which are now cheap 199. 204. 341 The liberal arts, whence so called 795 The invention and perfection of the arts 3. 4 Ancient works of art 358 Arura 493 Aruum 526 Aschematistos speech 22 Asia 306. 313. 379. 380. its fertility 390 Asia conquered, luxury invaded Rome 315 20,000 talents imposed on Asia 306 The amazing oppression of the Asiatics 314 A she-ass from Reate 155 The use of she-ass’s milk 411 A memorable ass 155 The Arcadian and Reatine asses 157 A quadrantal aspect, a nonagenary, etc. 30 Astronomical aspects 30 An Aspendian cithara-player 74 As, also called Assis, whence so named 12. 632 As, libra and pondo are the same 12 As and assis, a dipondius 632 As, a libra coin 48 As, a small coin 106 As, our money 620. its modern parts 664 As was of bronze, not silver 148 Parts of the assis 9. 664 The parts of the assis also signify the measure of the draught in drinking 563 Into parts, everything is easily divided 24 As, by Budæus, as it were compacted by a mathematical ratio 198. let it serve as a kind of substitute for history 158 A thousand asses were worth ten gold pieces 363

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INDEX. Asses sextantarij 638 Asses stipendiarij 699 Asses quos Plinius intelligat 152 Asses unciales 699 Assipondium 12 Assyria 491 Assyriorum regnu[m] 487. ue= 327. nomisma 163. operæ tustissimum omniu[m] 500 Atanoxa 591 Atele 547 Athena, cognomen 195 Athenæi locus 294 Athenienses classarijs opibus excelluisse 656 Atheniēsiu[m] aduersus Aeginætas odium 375 Atheniensium census 527 Atheniensium classes 530. 535. & deinceps Atheniensium diuitiæ 531 Atheniēsium prouētus 533 Athenienses tribus 136 Atlantes in columnis 320 Attali hæreditas Romanis inutilis 315 Attegiæ 251 Attribui 385 Auaritia mira 395. eius ardor 767 Aucupatio 100 Auium sermone humano uo calium pretium 159. 160 Augustale Alexandri 428 Augusti commentarij 330. congiaria 324. facetiæ 361. 505. genitura 164. gesta 321. legiones 28. 327. nomisma 163. operæ publica 328. reuerentia ac cultus 327. sobrietas in cibo & potu 567. ui= ctoriæ 322. & deinceps. triuphus Actiacus 642. testamentum 101. 327 Augusti tempora 354. eius seculo opulentia ærarij Romani 319. 700 Augusto perpetui imperij potestas delata 320 Augustorum pluralitas Ro manam re perdidit 659 Aula imposstrix 96 Aulæ elogiu[m] et crimina 796 Aulæ inescatio 772 Aulæ cōsulta ut sæpe extor queantur 64 Aulæ pernicies 96 Aulæ secreta oppidanis in= cognita 435 Aulæ potetu[m] designationes 730. 751. deiectio[n]es 752. Hb 3 Aulam

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET facilè & scansim assecutus est, quò togæ prætextæ aspirare ius fuerit. uerùm ille præstantissimi ingenij ornamentis instructus, & fortunæ adminiculis erectus, quum fato concessisset, memoriam sui magistratus clarissimam reliquit atq[ue] testatissimam: hic eandem sortem adeptus, quid in extremo eodemq[ue] summo uitæ actu sit gesturus, quod fastigium laudis anteactis uitæ partibus additurus, adhuc in expectatione est. Quare (quod est in prouerbio prisco) hic magistratum uertex, qualis sit ipse uir, mox ostende rit. Nunc quoniam tu tantopere me urges, causam haud dico quin doctrinæ & uirtuti ex secessu prodeundum sit, & generosa ambitione documentum sui dandum, uel irs atrio regiæ, uel in aula interiore, si pateat eis aditus: non etiam si inter miscellaneam turbam possint quouis modo irrupere aut arrepere. Hoc tamè exigam, ut doceas, cæteris in partibus rempublicam ita esse costitutam, ut illis uelut matronis quibusdam pudicis & honestis, tutò & sine pudoris suggillatione sese proferre liceat in publicum. Scilicet, inquit, ab armatis istis metuis, qui nescio qua fama excitati, primas & secundas parteis suas hoc rege sperant fore. Ego autem accinctos uiros ita rerum potituros arbitror, si non plus armis quàm consilio tribuant. cuius rei argumentum duco ab ipso loricatorum uertice, quem omnium uotis expetitú princeps rei summæ militari præfecit. Nempe ducem, inquam, Borbonianum dicis? Illum ipsum, inquit, superi boni quem uirum, quantum principem, quàm magnum futurum ductorem, si numini diuino, ut speramus, res Frāciæ cordi fuerint? Atqui, inquam, memini quum auspicando regno princeps Cancellario statim creato, hunc Magistrum equitum absentem tum dixisse, ut uotis hominum & famæ flagitanti satisfaceret: quantæ omnium Dux Borbonianæ magister equitum.

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G. BVD. OF ASSE ET easily and almost without effort attained the point to which the right to aspire to the pretexta robe would extend. But that man, endowed with the ornaments of the most outstanding talent and elevated by the supports of fortune, when he had yielded to fate, left behind a most illustrious and most attested memory of his magistracy; this man, having obtained the same lot, what he is going to do in the final and highest act of his life, what pinnacle of praise he will add to the earlier parts of his life, is still awaited in expectation. Therefore, as the old proverb says, “such as the man is, so will the magistracy reveal him.” Now, since you press me so hard, I do not deny that doctrine and virtue ought to come forth from retirement, and that a noble ambition should give proof of itself, either in the royal antechamber or in the inner court, if access to them is open: yes, even if they can somehow break in or force their way among the mixed crowd. This, however, I shall require: that you show that in the other parts the commonwealth is so constituted that those men may safely and without any stain upon their modesty come forth into public, as if they were certain chaste and honorable matrons. “Of course,” he said, “you are afraid of those armed men, who, stirred up I know not by what rumor, hope that under this king their first and second ranks will belong to them. But I think that armed men will hold power only if they give no more weight to arms than to counsel. The proof of this I take from the very head of the armored men, whom the prince, at the prayers of all, appointed to the supreme military command.” “You mean the Bourbon duke, I suppose?” “That very man,” he said, “whom, may the gods bless us, what a man, what a prince, what a great commander he will be, if, as we hope, the affairs of France have been dear to the divine power! Yet I remember,” I said, “that when the prince, on his accession to the kingdom, had immediately appointed the Chancellor, he then said of this Master of Horse, who was absent, that he was doing so to satisfy the wishes of men and the demands of public fame: how great the expectations of all…” Duke of Bourbon, Master of Horse.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 815 omnium lætitia, quàm certa spes, quamq[ue] magnifica expe [con]tatio per omne genus hominu[m] excitata sit. Quis enim rei summæ constitutionem non speraret, qui censuram militarem, magistratum desitum & penè obliteratum, reuocatam uideret? Deinde cuius prudentiæ fuit, quàm rectæ uoluntatis, regem ut primo quoq[ue] tempore, sic non tumultuariè, non properè, eum ducem ense quidem illum Dictatorio, uerùm illi hæreditario cingere, quem claris documentis cognitum, fama iandudum auguratrix, & prærogatiua uota omnium ordinum designauerant? Magnum erat per se censuram armorum, quasiq[ue] regimen restituisse morum militarium. Nomen enim ipsum eius honoris multum habet reuerentiæ ad disciplinam rei militaris utcunq[ue] retinendam: sed maius multo fuit ei duci iniungere, qui generis splendore augustus, moribus generosis insuper uenerandus, belli pacisq[ue] artibus æquè pollens, in prætexta, in paludamento uisendus, in consessu, in procinctu cordatus, domi & militiæ, in urbe & sub signis gratiosus, Martis (ut Ita dicam) & Palladis suffragia tulisse uidebatur. Atque equidem Deloine nunc in memoriam mihi uenit eius temporis quod hisce annis uidimus, quum tu rebus afflictis mæstus, tanquam præsciscente animo diceres, te uiam primam salutis uidere, si dux Borbonianus summæ rei militaris admoueretur. Nam quum autoritas multum, tum morum maiestas plurimum, in ductoribus exercituum va lent: quibus hic dono quodam Palladis præditus est. < Tutelares regni uirtutes.> Eum uerò omneis uirtutes habere dictitabas huius regni tutelares, aut certè præ se ferre: quas esse, pietatem in primis aiebas, & religionis reuerentiam, prudentiam, contientiam, liberalitatem, magnanimitatem, & consulendi peritos prudentesq[ue] solertiam, quæ regum maximorumq[ue] ducum

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 815 how great the joy of all men was, how certain the hope, and how magnificent the expectation aroused among every class of people. For who would not have hoped for the establishment of the highest affairs, when he saw the military censorship, a magistracy long discontinued and almost obliterated, restored? Then whose prudence was it, whose right intention, to set up the king, at the very first opportunity, and not in a turbulent or hasty manner, to gird that leader with the Dictatorial sword indeed, but with one inherited by him, whom clear proofs had made known, whom foretelling fame had long before presaged, and whom the prior votes of all the orders had designated? It was in itself a great thing to have restored the censorship of arms, as it were the rule of military discipline. For the very name of that office has much reverence for the maintenance, in whatever way, of military order; but far greater was it to entrust it to that leader, who, august in the splendor of his lineage, moreover venerable in noble character, equally skilled in the arts of war and peace, to be seen in the toga, in the military cloak, prudent in council, prudent in battle, gracious at home and in the army, in the city and under the standards, and who seemed to have won the support, so to speak, of Mars and Pallas alike. And indeed Deloine now comes to my mind in remembrance of that time which we have seen in these recent years, when you, distressed by affairs in adversity, as though with a mind foreseeing the future, were saying that you saw the first road to salvation, if the Bourbon duke were brought near to the highest command of the army. For while authority counts for much, the majesty of character counts for most of all in commanders of armies; and this man is endowed with a certain gift of Pallas. You used to declare that he truly possessed all the virtues that are the guardians of this kingdom, or at least showed them clearly: those virtues, you said, were especially piety and reverence for religion, prudence, self-control, generosity, magnanimity, and the skill of wise and experienced counsel, which belongs to the greatest kings and commanders.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET altiorem excitatum, si modò qui summam rerum tenebût, hoc intelligere, intellectumq[ue] meminisse poterunt, Mineruæ quàm Bellonæ numen maius ac præsentius semper ab Alexandro Magno Romanisq[ue] ducibus existimatu[m] esse, qui imperia ipsi maxima ac clarissima omnis æui condide runt. Vt enim magister equitum dux summus, & Polemar chi creati uiri decora multa militiæ meriti, quasi optiones eius allecti, bellicis in rebus speciem quandam magnifica[m], & tanto imperio dignam præbebunt, rectè atque ordine constituentes omnia: sic in rebus pacatis consiliarios adhiberi necesse est earum rerum administrandarum prudentes, quæ procul à classicis transiguntur, aut ipsos bellicarum rerum cōsultos quasi quosda[m] Nestores utraq[ue] facultate pollere: id quod fieri nequit, si literatos oderint, aut spreuerint. Magno enim errore regibus olim nostris ac summæ nobilitati persuasum est, Galliæ campos naturam, Martis (ut aiunt) orchestram esse, non etiam Musarum odeum uoluisse, in quo regum ac ducum gesta clarissimè celebrantur. Qua de re quoniam multa in præcedentibus libris diximus, non necessarium hic habeo longius re prosequi. Proinde fastigium principale nihil generosius instituere, nihil augustius uelle potest, quàm ut rebus bellicis quasi in tumultu constitutis, literarum studiosos excitare quamplurimos cōtendat, partim à cōsilijs ei futuros, muneraq[ue] togata ac ciuilia obituros, partim res nostras monumentis literarum illustraturos: id quod Alexander Magnus quu[m] maximè exoptaret, uix assequi potuit: ob quod Achillem felicem identidem appellabat, cui cōtigisset ipsi post mortem Homerum præconem rerum suarum habere. Reges autem nostri ne Chærilos quidè suarum reru[m] scriptores habuerunt, ut qui nihil existimarent literas perti- nere

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET raised to a higher pitch, if only those who hold the supreme power of affairs can understand this, and, having understood it, remember it: that the power of Minerva has always been judged greater and more present than that of Bellona by Alexander the Great and by the Roman commanders, who themselves founded the greatest and most glorious empires of every age. For just as the master of horse, the supreme commander, and the men appointed as polemarchs, having earned many distinctions in war, as though chosen as his adjutants, will present in military matters a certain magnificent appearance, worthy of so great an authority, arranging everything rightly and in order: so in peaceful affairs it is necessary to employ as counselors men prudent in administering those matters which are conducted far from the clash of arms, or to have the very men experienced in military affairs, as it were certain Nestors, endowed with both abilities—something which cannot happen if they hate or despise men of letters. For by a great error it was once persuaded to our kings and the highest nobility that the fields of France are, as they say, the training ground of Mars, but not also the hall of the Muses, in which the deeds of kings and commanders are celebrated most gloriously. On this matter, since we have said many things in the preceding books, I do not think it necessary to pursue it further here. Therefore nothing can be more noble for the leading authority to establish, nothing more august to desire, than, when military matters are as it were set in uproar, to strive to awaken as many students of letters as possible, partly so that they may be available to him as counselors, and may perform tasks of the toga and of civil office, partly so that they may illuminate our affairs with literary monuments: something which Alexander the Great, though he most ardently desired it, could scarcely attain; for which reason he repeatedly called Achilles fortunate, because it had befallen him to have Homer as the herald of his deeds after death. But our kings did not even have Chærilus as the writer of their affairs, since they thought that literature had nothing to do with them.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 819 here ad memoriam sui suorumq[ue] æternitati prodendam. qua temporum incuria factum, ut res eoru[m] gestæ, et instituta patria, autorum silentio sepulta sint, uel ita memoriæ prodita, ut autores pudendos magnarum rerum laudare uereamur. Quam gentis nostræ ignominiam si reges et proceres satis æstimare potuissent, præclarè cum uiris literatis hactenus actum esset. Verumenimuero quando ea quæ ad hunc principatum pertinent, nunc primum ineuntem, no[n] tam in commendatione ac laude posita sunt, quam in coniectura atq[ue] expectatione, sustinendum nobis ulterius iudicium ad progressum usq[ue] rerum magnifico iucundóq[ue] omine inchoatarum: ne si quid secus acciderit (quod ominari nolim) aut in rebus secundis atque plausibilibus proceres mandragoram (ut fit) biberint, præproperè ipsi occasionem res inexploratas laudandi admirandiq[ue]; arri puisse uideamur. Quod quum dixissem, et ille annuisset, hæmpto hoc colloquio sermonem alium quæsiui= mus. Eam autem disputationem nostram simul animi causa huic operi attexenda[m] esse du= xi, simul ut monumentum esset æter nu[m] (ut spero) amicitiæ nostræ. Deloinus enim et Budæus insigne par amicoru[m] in hac urbe exi stimatur esse, FINIS. F f 2

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here for the purpose of handing down to eternity the memory of himself and his family. Through the neglect of these times, it has come about that the deeds of our people and the institutions of our country have been buried in the silence of their authors, or handed down to memory in such a way that we are ashamed to praise the authors of great achievements. If kings and nobles had been able to value sufficiently this disgrace of our nation, things would by now have been splendidly conducted with men of letters. But since the matters that concern this principality, now first entering upon its course, are not so much placed in commendation and praise as in conjecture and expectation, we must further endure judgment on the progress of things begun under a magnificent and pleasant omen: lest, if anything should turn out otherwise (which I would not wish to foretell), or in prosperous and applauded affairs the nobles should have drunk mandrake, as the saying goes, we should seem to have hastily seized the occasion of praising and admiring things unexamined. When I had said this, and he had assented, we took up another conversation. This discussion of ours I judged should be attached to this work both for the sake of the matter itself, and also as a lasting monument, as I hope, of our friendship. For Deloinus and Budæus are thought to be an outstanding pair of friends in this city. FINIS.

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POSTMARK NO 1800

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POSTMARK NO 1800

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INDEX. Aerarium Romanum 384 Aerarium Romanum Cæsar ui persfregit 318 Aerarium Romanu in æde Saturni erat 793 Aerarij Romani copiæ 182.183.184. Aerarium sanctius à Cæsare expilatum 187 Aes alienum Cæsaris dictatoris 214 Aes auro et argento misce batur 338 Aes graue 108 Aes quado primùm, et qua nota signatum 148.330 Aeris appellatione As intel ligitur 149 Aeris dena millia 129.130 Aeris grauis poena 107 Aeris grauis tempus seu col latio 698 Aeris nota 620 Aeruscatores 768 Aesopus histrio 237 Aesopi diuitiæ 704. quæstus 243 Aesopi duo, pater et fil. 241 Aesopi patina 137. 158. 171.241.412 Aetheris summa pars, Minerua intelligitur 90 Aethiopiam arma Romano rum penetrarunt 322 Africæ fertil. triticea 679 Agnatum 805 Agri uncia 17 Agricolatio d[omi]ni 725.726 Agricolaru ignauia 681 Agrorum cessatio 526 Agrippæ opera in ædilita= te 369 Alæ 79 Alæ lusus immensi precij 409 Albana, quæ aduoræ 300 Albana, spauaui 389 Alcinoi apologus 381 Alexandria, emporium lo= cuples 387.392 Alexa[n]der polyhistor Alexa[n]a. Magnus Hom. et Pindari studiosus 92.201 uinosus 576. eius augusta le et prætoriu castrese. 428. eius co[n]uiua 290. in nuptijs luxus 426. et de= in. Susiani thesauri 420. 423. imperium 383. co= piæ 383. munificentia 426. sublimis animus 432. opes 432 Alexadrocolaces 426.427 Alieni

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INDEX. Roman treasury 384 Roman treasury, broken open by Caesar 318 The Roman treasury was in the temple of Saturn 793 The resources of the Roman treasury 182. 183. 184. The sacred treasury plundered by Caesar 187 The debt of Caesar the dictator 214 Bronze mixed with gold and silver 338 Heavy bronze 108 Bronze, when first, and with what stamp marked 148. 330 By the term aes, as means ass 149 Ten thousand asses of bronze 129. 130 Penalty of heavy bronze 107 Time or contribution of heavy bronze 698 Mark of bronze 620 Coiners 768 The actor Aesopus 237 The riches and earnings of Aesopus 704. 243 The two Aesopuses, father and son 241 The dish of Aesopus 137. 158. 171. 241. 412 The highest part of the ether, understood as Minerva 90 Weapons penetrated into Ethiopia of the Romans 322 Africa, fertile in wheat 679 Related by agnation 805 An acre of land 17 Agriculture of the master 725. 726 The negligence of farmers 681 The fallow of fields 526 Agrippa’s works in the aedileship 369 Wings 79 A game of immense price for the wings 409 Albana, which aduoræ 300 Albana, spauaui 389 The apologue of Alcinous 381 Alexandria, a wealthy emporium 387. 392 Alexander the Polyhistor Alexander the Great, a lover of Homer and Pindar 92. 201, wine-loving 576; his august camp and praetorian camp 428; his banquet 290; in weddings, luxury 426; and afterward, the treasures of Susian 420. 423; empire 383; resources 383; generosity 426; lofty spirit 432; wealth 432 Alexandrocolaces 426. 427 Another

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INDEX. Animæ partes duæ, ira & 311. 312. 314. 315. 317. ratio 63 Animam mortalem asserentes 739 Animus æquus 718 Animus et anima differ. 43 Animi cultura nunqua[m] frustra est 589. 590 Animi humani capacitas 147 Animi recta cõstitutio 740 Annonæ ratio apud Parisinos 634 Annotations in Pandectas 4. 54. 807 Ab Annulis cõparatio 453 Annulus aureus, equestris ordinis indicium 239 Annuli aurei gestandi ius 270. tres ab Hannibale Carthaginem annuloru[m] modij nussi 553 Annulorum primum uestigium 269. 270 Antæus 458 Antiochia 491. 492 Antiquos perinde atq; nos errare potuisse 26 Antonius à prato cancellarius 812 Antonius Musa medic. 590 Antonius triuuir 235. 309. eius copiæ in bello Attia co 656. facies in nomi=smate Apania urbs 479 Apartilogia 291 Apellis præstatia 204. 205 341. 779 Appellico Teius 342 Aphrodisium 652 Appianus historicus Græcus 214. eius tēpora Appiani locus 123. 302. 305. 317. 341 Apitij luxus perditissimi 243. eius exitus Apion Polyhistor 500 Apirocalia 89 Apocalypsis Ioannis, Par=carum commentariu[m] 762 Apocalypsis loc. 405. 620 Apolides 795 Apollonia, signandæ pecu=niæ officina 402 Apri solidi apponi sol. 232 Aquæ chrysalcæ mira uis 265 Aquis abunda[n]s Roma 370 Ara Lugdunensis 402 Arabiæ felicitas 416 Arabiam Augustus oppu=gnauit 322

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INDEX. Two parts of the soul, anger & 311. 312. 314. 315. 317. reason 63 Those asserting the soul to be mortal 739 Even-minded spirit 718 Spirit and soul differ. 43 The cultivation of the mind is never in vain 589. 590 The capacity of the human mind 147 The right constitution of the mind 740 The system of provisioning in Paris 634 Annotations in the Pandects 4. 54. 807 Comparison from rings 453 Gold ring, insignia of the equestrian order 239 Right to wear a gold ring 270. three from Hannibal Carthage, the measure of rings, not new 553 First trace of rings 269. 270 Antæus 458 Antiochia 491. 492 The ancients could err just as we do 26 Antonius à Prato, chancellor 812 Antonius Musa, physician 590 Antonius, triumvir 235. 309. his forces in the Attian war co 656. appearance on the coin Apania, a city 479 Apartilogia 291 The excellence of Apelles 204. 205 341. 779 Appellico of Teius 342 Aphrodisium 652 Appian, a Greek historian 214. his times Appian's passage 123. 302. 305. 317. 341 The most ruinous luxury of Apicius 243. his end Apion Polyhistor 500 Apirocalia 89 Apocalypse of John, commentary by Parcae 762 Passage in the Apocalypse 405. 620 Apolides 795 Apollonia, mint for coinage 402 Boars to be placed, solid coins 232 The wondrous power of chrysalc water 265 Rome abounding in water 370 Altar of Lugdunum 402 The felicity of Arabia 416 Augustus attacked Arabia 322

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INDEX. Aristotelis & Theophrasti libri magno uenditi 314 341.342 Armigeri scrui pretium 159 Arpènum Latina uox 525. 527 Arpennum Parisinum 525. eius proportio ad iuge= rum Romanum 527 Arpennorum oblocatio in Francia 526 Artemidori locus 237 Artis pretium olim in cæla turis 358 Artes in pretio olim quæ= dam, quæ nunc euiluerut 199.204.341 Artes liberales unde dictæ 795 Artium inuentio & absolu tio 3.4 Artificia antiqua 358 Arura 493 Aruum 526 Aschematistos oratio 22 Asia 306.313.379.380. eius fertilitas 390 Asia deuicta, luxuria Ro= man inuasit 315 Asiæ 20. millia talentum im perata 306 Asiaticorum mira uexatio 157 Asina Reatina 155 Asinarum lactis usus 411 Asinus memorabilis 155 Asini Arcadici, & Reatini 157 Aspectus quadrâ talis, nona genarius &c. 30 Aspectus astronomici 30 Aspendius citharædus 74 As, qui et Assis, unde dictus 12.632 As, libra & pòdo idem 12 As & assis dipondius 632 As, libralis nummus 48 As nummulus 106 As nostra moneta 620. eius partes hodiernæ 664 As æreus erat, non argenteus 148 Assis partes 9.664 Assis partes etiam mensuras haustuum in bibendo si- gnificant 563 Assis in partes, res omnis fa cilè diuiditur 24 As Budæi uelut mathemati ca ratione co[m]pactus 198. historiæ uelut uicem præ stet 158 Asses mille, ualebant aureos decem 363

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INDEX. Aristotle’s and Theophrastus’s books sold for a great price 314 341. 342 The price of armor for a slave 159 Arpènum, a Latin word 525. 527 Arpennum of Paris 525. its proportion to the Roman iugerum 527 Letting of arpens in France 526 A passage of Artemidorus 237 The price of art in the art of engraving formerly 358 The arts, some of them once highly valued, are now cheapened 199. 204. 341 The liberal arts, from what they are so called 795 The invention and perfection of the arts 3. 4 Ancient crafts 358 Arura 493 Aruum 526 Aschematistos, a speech 22 Asia 306. 313. 379. 380. its fertility 390 Asia conquered, Roman luxury invaded 315 20 thousand talents imposed on Asia 306 The remarkable vexation of the Asiatics 157 The Reatine she-ass 155 The use of donkey’s milk 411 A remarkable donkey 155 The Arcadian and Reatine donkeys 157 An aspect of fourfold nature, ninefold, etc. 30 Astronomical aspects 30 An Aspendian cithara-player 74 As, also called Assis, whence so named 12. 632 As, the same as libra and pondo 12 As and assis: a dipondius 632 As, a libral coin 48 As, a small coin 106 Our as, our coin 620, its present-day parts 664 An as of bronze, not of silver 148 Parts of the assis 9. 664 Parts of the assis also signify measures of drink in drinking bouts 563 Since the as is divided into parts, every thing is easily divided 24 The as of Budæus, as it were compounded by a mathematical method 198. let it perform the place, as it were, of history 158 A thousand asses were worth ten gold pieces 363

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INDEX Asses sextantarii 638 Asses stipendiarii 699 Asses quos Plinius intelligat 152 Asses unciales 699 Assipondium 12 Assyria 491 Assyriorum regnu[m] 487. ue= 327. nomisma 163. opera tustissimum omniu[m] 500 Ata noxa 591 Atele 547 Athena, cognomen 195 Athenæi locus 294 Athenienses classarijs opi= 656 bus excelluisse 656 Atheniēsiu[m] aduersus Aegi= 527 nætas odium 375 Atheniensium census 527 Atheniensium classes 530. 535. & deinceps 531 Atheniensium diuitiæ 531 Atheniēsium prouētus 533 Athenienses tribus 136 Atlantes in columnis 320 Attali hæreditas Romanis inutilis 315 Attegiæ 251 Attribui 385 Auaritia mira 395. eius ar= 767 Aucupatio 100 Auium sermone humano uo calium pretium 159. 160 Augustale Alexandri 428 Augusti commentarii 330. congiaria 324. facetiæ 361. 505. genitura gesta 321. legiones 28. 327. nomisma 163. opera 328. reuerentiæ testamentum 101. 327 Augusti tempora 354. eius Augusto perpetui imperij potestas delata Augustorum pluralitas R O Aula imposterix 96 Aulæ elogiu[m] et crimina 796 Aulæ inescatio 772 Aulæ co[n]sulta ut sæpe extor queantur 64 Aulæ pernicies 96 Aulæ secreta oppidanis in= 435 cognita 435 Aulæ potetu[m] designationes 730. 751. deiectio[n]es H h 3 Aulam

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INDEX. Aulæ auersatur Budæus 799 Aulicacademiæ axiomata 779. 781 Aulica curia excordes homines facit 799 Aulica uitæ quatenus sapienti adeunda 801 Aulica felicitas 75. simulatio 770. 771. 773 Aulicæ curiæ tumultus & inquietudo 771. 772 Aulici antistites seu pontifices 753. sacerdotes 712 Aulici recocti 750 Aulici spintriæ & ærusatores 768 Aulicorum depulseru[m] exerationes 96 Aulicorum institutio 779. 781 Aulicoru[m] miseria 780. 804 Aulicorum quorundam audaritia & improbitas 435 æcitas 715 Aulicoru[m] seruitus 771. 772 Aulicorum uacillatio 798 Aulicos curioses taxat 250. 251. 455. 803 Auletes Cleopatræ pater 387 A. Gellij locus 292. 620 Aurata 227 Aureæ cõpædes Darij 432 Aurea domus Neronis 409 410 Aurea fortuna 810 Aurelius imp. 257 Aureus integer, solidus dictus 661 Aureus Romanus 238 Aurei æstimatio 150 Aurei æstimatio in iure 661 Aurei pecude uillosa signati 264 Aurifices Parisienses 358 Aurifodinæ præstantissimæ 393. 396 Aurum duodeuicenariu[m] & uicenarium 274 Aurum in templi Solom. ædificationem expensum 475. 476. Aurum Persæ in thesauris habere studebant 432 Aurum purum probum suu[m] 786 Aurum quantumcunq[ue] purum, aliquid habet tamen alieni metalli 266. 267 Aurum Tolossanum 397 Auri bonitas in quatuor & uiginti caracter indicaturæ consummatur 264 Auri & argenti sparsio

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INDEX. Budæus turns away from the court 799 Axioms of the court academy 779. 781 The court makes men heartless 799 How far court life is to be approached by the wise 801 Court happiness 75. dissimulation 770. 771. 773 Tumult and unrest of the court 771. 772 Court prelates or bishops 753. priests 712 Refined courtiers 750 Courtiers, buffoons, and sharpers 768 Curses of the expelled courtiers 96 Training of courtiers 779. 781 Misery of courtiers 780. 804 Greed and wickedness of certain courtiers 435 Blindness 715 Servitude of courtiers 771. 772 Vacillation of courtiers 798 He censures curious courtiers 250. 251. 455. 803 Auletes, father of Cleopatra 387 Passage in A. Gellius 292. 620 Aurata 227 Golden fetters of Darius 432 Nero's golden house 409 410 Golden fortune 810 Emperor Aurelius 257 Aureus, called whole, solidus 661 Roman aureus 238 Value of aurei 150 Value of aurei in law 661 Aurei stamped with the image of a woolly sheep 264 Parisian goldsmiths 358 Very rich gold mines 393. 396 Twelve- and twenty-scruple gold 274 Gold expended on the building of Solomon's temple 475. 476. The Persians were eager to have gold in their treasuries 432 Pure and genuine gold 786 However pure gold may be, it nevertheless contains something of alien metal 266. 267 Tolosan gold 397 The goodness of gold is shown in the twenty-fourth carat and completed in assaying 264 Sowing of gold and silver

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cos 438.439 Beroaldus 98.568 Berossus historicus 498 Berytus Syriæ 325 Bes 16.564 Bessale 20 Betonica 573 Bibedimos antiquorum in conuiuijs 563 Bibendi ratio ac mēsuræ a= p[ro]ud Paris. 564.568.569 Biblioru[m] editio uulgata 738 Biblicorum librorum uelut argumenta 762 Bibliotheca Græca Latinaque 329 Bibliotheca Luculli 225. eius luxus ibidem 329 Bicogius Cicero M.F. 570 Bigati nummi 637 Bis et uicies sestertium à Nerone profusum 410 Blondus 337.634.701 Bæotius seu Bossellus Gallicus 518 Bona sua quo titulo possideat ecclesiast. 706.707 Bos nummus 207.624 Bossellus Gallicus 518 Bosselli 552 Cès ἰπι ἡλωτης Cîchκεν, pro= 624 uerbium 624 Boum pastus 562.563 Britannia Romanorum ue= etigalis 386 Britannia una legione in of ficio continebatur 326 Brochus 615 Bruti tēpore signata nomi= smata non extare 544 Bucephali pretium 292.110 men 293 Budæus ad honores sæpe prouocatus 813 Budæus an à Mineruæ ca= stris ad Iunonis præsidia transeat 790.798 Budæus mathematica me= thodo libros hos conse= cit 198 Budæus primus Gallos ab ignoratiæ ac stupiditatis calumnia uindicat 83 Budæus se ipso præceptore usus 54.196 Budæus simulandi nescius, et pudentissimus 798 Budæi ac Deloini dialogi= smus 789 Budæi ardor in literas 797. auiditas in uetustoru[m] no mismatu[m] exp[er]esione 696 candor

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cos 438.439 Beroaldus 98.568 Berossus, the historian 498 Berytus of Syria 325 Bes 16.564 Bessale 20 Betonica 573 Bibedimos, among the ancients at banquets 563 the method and measure of drinking by prudence of Paris 564.568.569 the Vulgate edition of the books of the Bible 738 as it were arguments of the books of the Bible 762 Greek and Latin library 329 Library of Lucullus 225. its luxury there 329 Bicogius, Cicero M.F. 570 Bigati coins 637 twenty-two hundred sestertii squandered by Nero 410 Blondus 337.634.701 Bæotius, or Bossellus Gallicus 518 concerning the title by which one possesses one's goods in the church 706.707 Bos coin 207.624 Bossellus Gallicus 518 of Bossellus 552 Cès ἰπι ἡλωτης Cîchκεν, proverb 624 word 624 feeding of oxen 562.563 Britain was tributary to the Romans 386 Britain was maintained by one legion in duty 326 Brochus 615 that in Brutus's time no coined money remained 544 the price of Bucephalus 292.110 men 293 Budæus often called to honors 813 whether Budæus should pass from the camps of Minerva to the defenses of Juno 790.798 Budæus composed these books by the mathematical method 198 Budæus first vindicates the French from the slander of ignorance and stupidity 83 Budæus, having used himself as his own teacher 54.196 Budæus, ignorant of dissimulation and most modest 798 Budæus and Deloini, dialogue 789 Budæus's ardor for letters 797. eagerness in expressing the ancient coins 696 candor

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INDEX. Candor, atq[ue] adeo labor 666.190. coiectura optima ac pertinax 134. constatia in hoc opere 702. de dictis suis fiducia 558. 587. de se sponsio 146. 166. deprecatio ad lectores 586. diligentia in ueritatis indagatione 552. 558. 571. exclamatio co[n]tra iniquitatè te[m]po. 783. in castigando fides 186. in patria pietas 80. 81. modestia 292. 355. 356. Sammaurianu[m] præd. 52. ualetudo 797. 813. apolo gia uelut de Plinij reprehensione 590 Budæi uxor ac liberi 797 Bulca themis 755 Busta Gallica 440 C Clitera, quæ nota 249 Caccus Parisinus 610 Caducorum iura 300 Cadus 580. 608 Cælatores 358 Cælatores insignes 356 Cælatores et inclusores quo utantur auro 274 Cælaturæ precium 332 Calendarium 111 Cæsariati, testons 665 Cæsar corruptor animosis simus 224. 359. 364 Cæsareæ urbes 327 Cæsaris animus subl. 219 Cæsaris clementia 178 Cæs. dictatoris numis. 163 alienu[m] æs 214. 218. animus 364. monarchia 381. donatiuum 307. furtum 223. corruptelæ 224. liburnicæ 655 Cæs. mortui pecunia 317 C. Domitius 333 C. Furius Cresinus 686 Caius princeps, ultra modu[m] prodigus 403. 407 Calderini lapsus. 108. 130. 244. 568 Caligulæ profusio 103. 403. 415 Cambyses 378 Cancellaria Rom. 731 Cancellarius Franc. 811 Cancellarius Guido à Ru[n]p[er]forti 448. 812. D. Antonius à Prato ibidem Cancellarij munus 811 Canon 300 Canon frumentarius 603 Canones pontificij 731 H h 5 Cano

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INDEX. Candor, and so labor 666. 190. best and persistent conjecture 134. constancy in this work 702. confidence in what he said 558. 587. guarantee about himself 146. 166. apology to readers 586. diligence in the investigation of truth 552. 558. 571. exclamation against the injustice of the times 783. fidelity in correcting 186. piety toward his native land 80. 81. modesty 292. 355. 356. Sammaurianus the elder 52. health 797. 813. apology, as it were, concerning Pliny’s criticism 590. Budæus’s wife and children 797. Bulca themis 755. Busta Gallica 440. C Clitera, which is a mark 249. Caccus Parisinus 610. Rights of the caducous inheritances 300. Cadus 580. 608. Engravers 358. Engravers of distinction 356. Engravers and inlayers, for what they use gold 274. Price of engraving 332. Calendar 111. Cæsariati, testons 665. Cæsar, corrupter, most spirited 224. 359. 364. Cities of Caesar 327. Caesar’s mind exalted 219. Caesar’s clemency 178. Cæs. dictator’s coinage 163. foreign bronze 214. 218. mind 364. monarchy 381. donative 307. theft 223. corruption 224. liburnicæ 655. Cæs. deceased’s money 317. C. Domitius 333. C. Furius Cresinus 686. Caius princeps, excessively prodigal 403. 407. Calderini’s error 108. 130. 244. 568. Caligula’s extravagance 103. 403. 415. Cambyses 378. Roman Chancellery 731. Chancellor of France 811. Chancellor Guido of Ru[n]p[er]forti 448. 812. D. Antonius of Prato there likewise. Chancellor’s office 811. Canon 300. Grain canon 603. Pontifical canons 731. H h 5 Cano

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INDEX. Canonizati publica religio Catasta obseruatiæ illib. 85 ne consecrati 726 Catastrophe, exitus fab. 79 Capelus 371 Catenæ Vulcaniæ 769 Capito Cossutianus 189 Cato Cypriâ gazam Ro= Capitolinus inter classicos mam deportauit 351 autores nô habedus 144 Catoniana censura 385 Capricorni nota in nomis= Catonis censura 161.162. mate 164 234 Caractæ in auro 264 Catonis locus restitutus Cardiaci 565.566 594.605 Cardinales aulici 776 Catorthoniata 784 Cardinales et episcopi im= Causarij milites 588 pune peccent 732 Cedrina stemmata 73 Cardinaliu[m] insolentiâ atq; Cellæ 55 arrogatiâ pstringit 776 Celoneum 253 Cardines Mathematici 31 Celsilo.557.564.565.616 Cardiulcus cor euelles 800 Celtiberorum gens nume= Cardo 13 rosa & diues 395 Caroleus nummus 664 Cemmeni montes 396 Carolei fortes nummi Aqui Cenchrites uinum 573 tanici 659 Census Atheniensium 527. Carolei Parisini dextantes 540 rectè uocentur 621 Census equestris & senato Carthaginiësia metalla 393 rius 102.169.170.193 Caruba in auro 264 Census olim maximus 148 Cassij et Bru. donatiu[m] 310 Census opes hominum ar= Castigatoris munus sæpe guebat 689 præstat Budæus 14 Census primæ classis Ro= Castrata siligo 600 manæ 634 Castor et Pollux iudicioru[m] Césus pro modo, tributum præsides 199 Romæ cōferebatur 385 Census

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INDEX. Public religion of the canonized; observance of the catasta, unblemished 85 not consecrated 726 Catastrophe, the end of a fable 79 Capelus 371 Chains of Vulcan 769 Capito Cossutianus 189 Cato carried Cyprian wealth to Rome 351 Capitolinus not to be had among the classical authors 144 Catonian censorship 385 The mark of Capricorn in a name= Cato's censorship 161.162. mate 164 234 Characters in gold 264 Cato's locus restored Cardiacs 565.566 594.605 Court cardinals 776 Catorthoniata 784 Cardinals and bishops sin with impunity 732 Causarij soldiers 588 The insolence and arrogance of the cardinals 776 Cedrine stems 73 Cardines Mathematici 31 Cellars 55 Cardiulcus, the heart-ripper 800 Celoneum 253 Cardo 13 Celsilo.557.564.565.616 Caroleus coin 664 The people of the Celtiberians, numerous and rich 395 Strong coins of Caroleus Aui Cemmeni mountains 396 tanici 659 Cenchrites wine 573 Carolei Parisini dextantes 540 Census of the Athenians 527. should rightly be called 621 Census equestris and senato Carthaginian metals 393 rial 102.169.170.193 Caruba in gold 264 Census once greatest 148 Donative of Cassius and Brutus 310 The census gathered the wealth of men 689 Office of the critic is often more useful than Budæus 14 Census of the first class of Rome 634 Castrated wheat 600 The census, by way of measure, was levied at Rome 385 Castor and Pollux, patrons of trials 199 Census

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INDEX. sibile ap[er]d[m]udanos 506 Christi & eius comitatus cum nostris pontificibus comparatio 709 Christi ex[em]plar qui se eius uicarios nobis ingeru[n]t, nusqua[m] sequuntur 313 Christi natiuitas 328 Christi præceptoru[m] co[n]tem ptores arguit 728 Christi preciu[m] à Iuda æstimatum 636 Christi testamentum 717 Christo nato census Roma norum capitum 328 Christo ratio tandem reddenda 780 Christi sp[er]o[n]si aduersus spon sam suam Ecclesiam indignatio 729 Christiani hominis cor, tha lamus dei 800 Christia. athletæ typus 762 Christiani autores excellenti tissimi 754 Christianissima Fr[ati]ac. 707 Christophorus Longolius 660 Chrysammos 777.394 Chrysitis 777 Chrysoplysium 265 Chrysoplytes Paris. 265 Chus 572.575 Cibarius panis 597 Cibi ac potus rationem si= bi constare uolebat. Au= gustus 569 Cicero et Plin. humana Mi nerua scripsere 46 Cicero fugiens quantum pe cuniæ dono ab Attico ac ceperit. 340 Cicero Gabinio reconciliatus 388 Cicero meritò à Græcis ac= cusatus 24 Cicero ob accusatione Ver ris male audiuit 127 Cicero philosophiæ rudis non erat 47 Cicero prouinciam depo= suit 350 Cic. quanti habitarit 335 Cicero tenuis habitus 705 Ciceronis caput amputatu[m] quanti repensum 342 Ciceronis cum Roscio con tentio 237 Ciceronis entelechia 33 Ciceronis erratum in Ca= tone 560 Cic. facetum dictum 335 Cice

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INDEX. sibile ap[er]d[m]udanos 506 Comparison of Christ and his retinue with our pontiffs 709 Those who thrust themselves upon us as his vicars never follow Christ’s example 313 Christ’s nativity 328 Christ rebukes the despisers of the teachers 728 The price of Christ, estimated by Judas 636 Christ’s testament 717 The census of the Roman heads after Christ was born 328 An account must finally be rendered to Christ 780 The indignation of Christ the bridegroom against his bride, the Church 729 The heart of a Christian man, the temple of God 800 A type of the Christian athlete 762 Most excellent Christian authors 754 Most Christian Fr[ati]ac. 707 Christophorus Longolius 660 Chrysammos 777.394 Chrysitis 777 Chrysoplysium 265 Chrysoplytes of Paris 265 Chus 572.575 Common bread 597 He wanted his rule for food and drink to be self-contained. Augustus 569 Cicero and Pliny wrote by human Minerva 46 How much money Cicero, fleeing, received as a gift from Atticus 340 Cicero reconciled with Gabinius 388 Cicero deservedly accused by the Greeks 24 Cicero got a bad name because of his accusation of Verres 127 Cicero was no novice in philosophy 47 Cicero laid down his province 350 How much C[icero] lived for 335 Cicero of modest household 705 How much was paid for Cicero’s head when it was cut off 342 Cicero’s dispute with Roscius 237 Cicero’s entelechy 33 Cicero’s error in Cato 560 A witty remark of C[icero] 335 Cice

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INDEX Ciceronis filius temulentia inclytus Cistophori 209 Ciceronis oratio pro domo sua 336. pro lege Manilia Citrinarum mensarum precium 250 Ciceronis locus pro Cecina 15. pro Cluëtio 144. in Epistolis 338. 345. in Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in lege Agraria, seu contra Rullum Ciuitatem Ro. imperatores Romani dabant 354 Ciceronis locus pro Cecina 15. pro Cluëtio 144. in Epistolis 338. 345. in Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in lege Agraria, seu contra Rullum Classes ciuium Rom. 529 Ciceronis locus pro Cecina 15. pro Cluëtio 144. in Epistolis 338. 345. in Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in lege Agraria, seu contra Rullum Classis olim prima apud Romanos 148 Ciceronis locus pro Cecina 15. pro Cluëtio 144. in Epistolis 338. 345. in Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in lege Agraria, seu contra Rullum Classis primæ census 634 Ciceronis locus pro Cecina 15. pro Cluëtio 144. in Epistolis 338. 345. in Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in lege Agraria, seu contra Rullum Classis Xerxis 646 Ciceronis locus pro Cecina 15. pro Cluëtio 144. in Epistolis 338. 345. in Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in lege Agraria, seu contra Rullum Claudius Isid. diues 178 Ciceronis locus pro Cecina 15. pro Cluëtio 144. in Epistolis 338. 345. in Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in lege Agraria, seu contra Rullum Claui denaru libraru 658 Ciceronis locus pro Cecina 15. pro Cluëtio 144. in Epistolis 338. 345. in Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in lege Agraria, seu contra Rullum Clauicula Archimedis 650 Ciceronis locus pro Cecina 15. pro Cluëtio 144. in Epistolis 338. 345. in Rascio 144. 289. pro Sex. Roscio 125. 126. 132. 136. 144. in de Vniuersitate Ciceronis nomisma 163 Cic. opulentia unde 338 Cic. stomacho ferre 83 Ciceroni sua eloquentia au risera erat 341 Ciceronis uillæ 337 Ciceronem lapsum esse nil miri 46 Ciceronem perstringit 34 Cimeliarchium 172 Cineraceu argen. 265. 266 Cocoru precium 246. 247 Ciceronem lapsum esse nil miri 46 Cocle Syria 498 Ciceronem perstringit 34 Cœlu, & esse in coelo 752 Cimeliarchium 172 Cohortes in legionib. 700 Cineraceu argen. 265. 266 Cœnarecta 628 Circus maximus à Cæsare extructus 359 Cœna Vitelliana 412

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INDEX Cicero’s son, famed for drunkenness Cistophori 209 Cicero’s speech on his house, 336. On the Manilian Law Price of citron tables 250 Cicero’s passage in Pro Cecina 15. Pro Cluentio 144. In the Letters 338. 345. In the Grain Law 176. 515. 520. 521. in the Agrarian Law, or against Rullus How the Roman emperors gave Roman citizenship 354 Cicero’s passage in Pro Cecina 15. Pro Cluentio 144. In the Letters 338. 345. In the Grain Law 176. 515. 520. 521. in the Agrarian Law, or against Rullus Classes of Roman citizens 529 Cicero’s passage in Pro Cecina 15. Pro Cluentio 144. In the Letters 338. 345. In the Grain Law 176. 515. 520. 521. in the Agrarian Law, or against Rullus The first class among the Romans 148 Cicero’s passage in Pro Cecina 15. Pro Cluentio 144. In the Letters 338. 345. In the Grain Law 176. 515. 520. 521. in the Agrarian Law, or against Rullus The census class of the first rank 634 Cicero’s passage in Pro Cecina 15. Pro Cluentio 144. In the Letters 338. 345. In the Grain Law 176. 515. 520. 521. in the Agrarian Law, or against Rullus Xerxes’ fleet 646 Cicero’s passage in Pro Cecina 15. Pro Cluentio 144. In the Letters 338. 345. In the Grain Law 176. 515. 520. 521. in the Agrarian Law, or against Rullus Claudius Isid. rich 178 Cicero’s passage in Pro Cecina 15. Pro Cluentio 144. In the Letters 338. 345. In the Grain Law 176. 515. 520. 521. in the Agrarian Law, or against Rullus Keys of a thousand-denarii book 658 Cicero’s passage in Pro Cecina 15. Pro Cluentio 144. In the Letters 338. 345. In the Grain Law 176. 515. 520. 521. in the Agrarian Law, or against Rullus Archimedes’ little key 650 Cicero’s passage in Pro Cecina 15. Pro Cluentio 144. In the Letters 338. 345. In Rascio 144. 289. Pro Sex. Roscio 125. 126. 132. 136. 144. in De Universitate Cicero’s coinage 163 Cicero’s wealth whence 338 Cicero’s stomach to bear 83 Cicero’s eloquence was to him a laughing-stock 341 Cicero’s villas 337 Cicero falling being nothing strange 46 Cicero is struck at 34 The treasury of curiosities 172 Ashen silver 265. 266 Price of coco-nuts 246. 247 Cicero’s falling being nothing strange 46 Cocle Syria 498 Cicero is struck at 34 Heaven, and to be in heaven 752 The treasury of curiosities 172 Cohorts in legions 700 Ashen silver 265. 266 Dining rooms 628 The Circus Maximus built by Caesar 359 Vitellian dinner 412

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INDEX. Denarius drachmalis 122 Denarius diurnus 633 Denarius numus 48.107 Denarius & drachma idem 212.284 Denarius, idem & scrupulus 166 Denarius in auro 255. eius denor 265 Denarius noster 664 Denarius nunquam æreus 637 apud Romanos 637 Denarius Romanus 633 Denarius stipediarius 699 Denarij æstimatio 637. per fectio 12. p[ro]dus Denarij & sestertij æstima 175 Denarij mille, centum aurei 632 Denarij quales fuerint 207 Denarij unde dicti 640 Denarijs quaternis sester = 47.48.632 dius ualet 121 Deunx in poculis 564 Deus non fallitur 436 Dextans 24 Diabolus rerum aulicarum 800 serè sequester 800 Diaboli astutia 783 Dianæ sacerdos opulentissi 781.782 mus 348 Dianome 632 Dicæodotes 389 Dichalcum 622 Dictatorius ensis 815 Didrachmu[m] 207.622.691 Didrachmus aureus 258 Diffundi uina 611 Diem manibus dicere 666 Digitus 16.517 Digitis argutis, puocare 79 Dij maiores gētium, & se = 82 Diuolopop 48 Dionysiocolaces 426.427 Diobolaris 624 Diobolum 623 Dioscoridis locus restitutus 573 Dioscuri Castor & Pollux 797 Dipondius nummus bilibris 47.48.632 Discendi murus ardor 512 Disceptator summus Chri = 732 Discipulorum Christi stupi 635 ditas 635 Distichum hordeum 562 Ditescere cupientium insti = 781.782 tutio 781.782

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effusa 398 Auri ad argētum analogia uendita 268.271.401 ἀυλὸχειρ Auri admiratio 625 Auri indicatura 264.402 Auri appellatioe indignu[m], B quod infra dodratem sit Babylonia 275 Babylonis ædificatio Auri apud priscos rara mē 488 tio 355 Auri cælaturæ rara mentio Babylonicum talentu[m] 356 Babylonicum talentum & Auri libræ Romanæ pretiu[m] Euboicum 264 Bagoæ Persarum Auri in libra quot sint cera Carævænsel tia 264 Auri pernicies 625 Auri pretium 262 Auri pretiu[m] no[n] in arte nuc, 761.800 sed in materia est 358 Auri ramenta 393. segma 401 Auri summa nota 266 Auri ubicunq; mixti aut co[m] Batus fusi, separandi ratio 265 Auri unciæ pretium 263 Auro olim Roma non abun fertilitas dabat. 269.270 Auro opertu[m] theatrum 194 aut [th]eus 740 Autolyci 792 Autoritas co[m]sulatus magno uendita 704 aut[o]χειρ 740 Autopyrum 597 B Babylonia 491 Babylonis ædificatio 487. 488 Babylonici agri fertilitas 680 Babylonicum talentu[m] 472 Babylonicum talentum & Euboicum 372 Bagoæ Persarum 74 Carævænsel 397 Baiularium pondus 478 Ballux 394 Baptismatis uis 264.737. 761.800 Barsine, Darij filia 425 Barutus, quæ et Beryt. 325 Basilius & Nazianzenus æquales 755 Batus 613 Bætica Turdetania 392 Bætica Hispaniæ 326. eius fertilitas 393 Beatitudo quomodo inuesti ganda 717 Beli ætas 487 Bella no[n] decere ecclesiastie Hh 4

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Spilled 398 Gold to silver, analogy sold 268.271.401 Admiration of gold 625 Indication of gold 264.402 Unworthy of the name gold, because it is below the weight of a drachma B Babylonia 275 Building of Babylon 488 Among the ancients, rare mention of gold 355 Rare mention of gold engraving Babylonic talent Babylonic talent & 356 Euboic 264 Price of a Roman libra of gold Bagoas of the Persians Caravansary 264 The amount of gold in one libra 625 Destruction of gold 262 Price of gold 761.800 The price of gold is not in the art, but in the material 358 Shavings of gold 393. segma 401 Notable sum of gold 266 How to separate gold wherever mixed or fused Batus Price of an ounce of gold 265 In ancient Rome there was not an abundance of gold. Fertility 269.270 Theater covered with gold 194 or [th]eus 740 Autolycus 792 Authority of the consulship sold for a great price sold 704 aut[o]χειρ 740 Autopyrus 597 B Babylonia 491 Building of Babylon 487. 488 Fertility of the Babylonian fields 680 Babylonic talent 472 Babylonic talent & Euboic 372 Bagoas of the Persians 74 Caravansary 397 Porter’s weight 478 Gold dust 394 The force of baptism 264.737. 761.800 Barsine, daughter of Darius 425 Barutus, also called Beryt. 325 Basil and Nazianzen were contemporaries 755 Batus 613 Bætica Turdetania 392 Bætica of Spain its fertility 326. eius 393 Blessedness, how it is to be pursued 717 Age of Bel 487 Wars do not befit the Church Hh 4

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tos 438.439 Beroaldus 98.568 Berossus historicus 498 Berytus Syriæ 325 Bes 16.564 Bessale 20 Betonica 573 Bibedimos antiquorum in conuiuijs 563 Bibendi ratio ac mēsuræ a= p[ro]ud Paris. 564.568.569 Biblioru[m] editio uulgata 738 Biblicorum librorum uelut argumenta 762 Bibliotheca Græca Lati=náque 329 Bibliotheca Luculli 225. eius luxus ibidem 329 Bicōgius Cicero M.F. 570 Bigati nummi 637 Bis [etc] uicies sestertium à Nerone profusum 410 Blondus 337.634.701 Bæotius seu Bossellus Gal=licus 518 Bona sua quo titulo possi=deat ecclesiast. 706.707 Bos numimus 207.624 Bossellus Gallicus 518 Bosselli 552 Cès ἰπὶ γλῶτης CîCηκην, pro= 624 uerbium 624 Boum pastus 562.563 Britannia Romanorum uce[n]tigalis 386 Britannia una legione in of ficio continebatur 326 Brochus 615 Bruti tēpore signata nomi=smata non extare 544 Buccphali pretium 292. no men Budæus ad honores sæpe prouocatus 813 Budæus an à Mineruæ ca=stris ad Iunonis præsidiæ transeat 790.798 Budæus mathematica me=thodo libros hos consecit 198 Budæus primus Gallos ab ignoratiæ ac stupiditatis calumnia uindicat 83 Budæus se ipso præceptore usus 54.196 Budæus simulandi nescius, [etc] pudentissimus 798 Budæi ac Deloini dialogi=smus 789 Budæi ardor in literas 797. auiditas in uetustoru[m] no mismatu[m] exp[er]esione 696

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tos 438.439 Beroaldus 98.568 Berossus the historian 498 Berytus of Syria 325 Bes 16.564 Bessale 20 Betonica 573 Bibedimos among the ancients at banquets 563 Rules and measures for drinking by Paris. 564.568.569 The vulgar edition of the Bible 738 As it were arguments of biblical books 762 Greek and Latin library 329 Library of Lucullus 225. its luxury there 329 Bicōgius Cicero M.F. 570 Bigati coins 637 Twice [etc.] twenty times a hundred thousand sesterces spent by Nero 410 Blondus 337.634.701 Bæotius, or Bossellus the Frenchman 518 How one may hold one’s own property by what title in ecclesiastical matters 706.707 Ox money 207.624 Bossellus the Frenchman 518 Bosselli 552 Ce’s ἰπὶ γλῶτης CîCηκην, pro= 624 verb 624 Pasturage of oxen 562.563 Britain as tribute-paying to the Romans 386 Britain was maintained with one legion in service 326 Brochus 615 That in Brutus’ time no coins stamped with his name exist 544 Price of Bucephalus 292. no men Budaeus often called to honors 813 Whether Budaeus should pass from the camps of Minerva to the guard of Juno 790.798 Budaeus composed these books by the mathematical method 198 Budaeus first vindicates the French from the slander of ignorance and stupidity 83 Budaeus, having used himself as his own teacher 54.196 Budaeus, unskilled in dissembling, most modest, etc. 798 Budæus and Deloini dialogue 789 Budaeus’s ardor for letters 797. eagerness in the investigation of ancient coins 696

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INDEX Candor, atq[ue] adeo labor Cæsariati, testons 665 666.190. co[n]iectura optima ac pertinax 134. consta[n]tia in hoc opere 702. de dictis suis fiducia 558. 587. de se sponsio 146. 166. deprecatio ad lectores 586. diligentia in ueritatis indagatione 552. 558. 571. exclamatio co[n]tra iniquitatè tèpo. 783. in castigando fides 186. in patria pietas 80. 81. modestia 292. 555. 556. Sammaurianu[m] præd. 52. ualetudo 797. 813. apolo gia uelut de Plinij reprehensione 590 Cæs. corruptor animosis= simus 224. 359. 364 Cæsareæ urbes 327 Cæsaris animus subl. 219 Cæsaris clementia 178 Cæs. dictatoris numis. 163 alienu[m] æs 214. 218. animus 364. monarchia 381. donatiuum 307. furtum 223. corruptelæ 224. liburnicæ 655 Cæs. mortui pecunia 317 C. Domitius 333 C. Furius Cresinus 686 Caius princeps, ultra modu[m] prodigus 403. 407 Calderini lapsus. 108. 130. 244. 368 Caligulæ profusio 103. 403. 415 Cambyses 371 Cancellaria Rom. 731 Cancellarius Franc. 811 Cancellarius Guido à Ru- peforti 448. 812. D. An- tonius à Prato ibidem 811 Cancellarij munus 811 Canon 300 Canon frumentarius 603 Canones pontificij 731 H h 5 Cano 731

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Index Candor, and therefore labor Caesariati, testons 665 666.190. best and persistent conjecture 134. constancy in this work 702. confidence in his own words 558. 587. pledge about himself 146. 166. plea to readers 586. diligence in the investigation of truth 552. 558. 571. outcry against the injustice of the times. 783. fidelity in correcting 186. piety toward his country 80. 81. modesty 292. 555. 556. Sammaurian priest 52. health 797. 813. apology, as it were, for Pliny's criticism 590 Caes. corrupter most bold 224. 359. 364 Caesarean cities 327 Caesar's mind, subl. 219 Caesar's clemency 178 Caes. dictator's numis. 163 foreign money 214. 218. mind 364. monarchy 381. gift 307. theft 223. corruption 224. Liburnian ships 655 Caes. dead man's money 317 C. Domitius 333 C. Furius Cresinus 686 Caius princeps, excessively prodigal 403. 407 Calderini's blunders. 108. 130. 244. 368 Caligula's extravagance 103. 403. 415 Cambyses 371 Roman Chancellery 731 French Chancellor 811 Chancellor Guido of Ru- peforti 448. 812. D. An- tonius of Prato there 811 the office of chancellor 811 Canon 300 grain canon 603 papal canons 731 H h 5 Cano 731

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INDEX. Canonizati publica religio 726 ne consecrati 726 Capelus 371 Capito Cossutianus 189 Capitolinus inter classicos 189 autores no habedus 144 Capricorni nota in nomis= 164 mate 164 Caractæ in auro 264 Cardiaci 565.566 Cardinales aulici 776 Cardinales et episcopi impune peccent 732 Cardinaliu[m] insolentiâ atq[ue] arrogatiâ p[er]stringit 776 Cardines Mathematici 31 Cardiulcus cor euellès 800 Cardo 13 Caroleus nummus 664 Carolei fortes nummi Aquitanici 659 Carolei Parisini dextantes rectè uocentur 621 Carthaginiësia metalla 393 Caruba in auro 264 Cassij et Bru. donatiu[m] 310 Castigatoris munus sæpe 14 præstat Budæus 600 Castrata siligo 199 Castor et Pollux iudicioru[m] præsides 199 Catasta obseruatiæ illib. 88 Catastrophe, exitus fab. 79 Catenæ Vulcaniæ 769 Cato Cypriâ gazam Romam deportauit 351 Catoniana censura 385 Catonis censura 161.162.234 Catonis locus restitutus 394.603 Catorthoniata 784 Causarij milites 588 Cedrina stemmata 73 Cella 55 Celoneum 253 Celsilo.557.564.565.616 Celtiberorum gens numerosa & diues 395 Cemmeni montes 396 Cenchrites uinum 573 Census Atheniensium 527.540 Census equestris & senatoriis 102.169.170.193 Census olim maximus 148 Census opes hominum arguebat 689 Census primæ classis Romanæ 634 Cēsus pro modo, tributum Romæ cōserebatur 385 Census

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INDEX. Public religion of canonized persons 726 not consecrated 726 Capelus 371 Capito Cossutianus 189 Capitolinus among the classical authors 189 authors not to be had 144 Mark of Capricorn in names = 164 mate 164 Characters in gold 264 Cardiacs 565.566 Court cardinals 776 Cardinals and bishops may sin with impunity 732 The insolence and arrogance of cardinals constrains [them] 776 Mathematical cardines 31 Cardiulcus pulls out the heart 800 Cardo 13 Carolean coin 664 Strong Carolean coins of Aquitaine 659 The Parisian Carolei should rightly be called half-drachms 621 Carthaginian mines 393 Caruba in gold 264 Donative of Cassius and Brutus 310 The office of censor often 14 Budæus performs [it] 600 Stripped spelt 199 Castor and Pollux, presiders of trials 199 Catasta, observance unblemished 88 Catastrophe, the ending of the play 79 Vulcanian chains 769 Cato carried Cypriot treasure to Rome 351 Catonian censure 385 Cato's censure 161.162.234 Restored passage of Cato 394.603 Catorthoniata 784 Soldiers for causes 588 Cedrine genealogies 73 Cell 55 Celoneum 253 Celsilo.557.564.565.616 The Celtiberian people, numerous and rich 395 Cemmeni mountains 396 Cenchrites wine 573 Census of the Athenians 527.540 Census of the equestrian and senatorial orders 102.169.170.193 The census was once very great 148 The census revealed men's wealth 689 Census of the first Roman class 634 A tax was collected at Rome according to one's means 385 Census

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INDEX. sibile ap[er]t[er] mudanos 506 Christi et eius comitatus cum nostris pontificibus comparatio 709 Christi ex[em]plar qui se eius uicarios nobis ingeru[n]t, nusqua[m] sequuntur 313 Christi natiuitas 328 Christi præceptoru[m] co[n]tem ptores arguit 728 Christi preciu[m] à Iuda æstimatum 636 Christi testamentum 717 Christo nato census Roma norum capitum 328 Christo ratio tandem reddenda 780 Christi sp[eci]osi aduersus spon sam suam Ecclesiam indignatio 729 Christiani hominis cor, tha lamus dei 800 Christia. athletæ typus 762 Christiani autores excellenti tissimi 754 Christianissima Fr[ati]ac. 707 Christophorus Longolius 660 Chrysammos 777.394 Chrysitis 777 Chrysoplysium 265 Chrysoplytes Paris. 265 Chus 572.575 Cibarius panis 597 Cibi ac potus rationem si= bi constare uolebat Au= gustus 369 Cicero et Plin. humana Mi nerua scripsere 46 Cicero fugiens quantum pe cuniæ dono ab Attico ac ceperit. 340 Cicero Gabinio reconciliatus 388 Cicero meritò à Græcis accusatus 24 Cicero ob accusatione Ver ris male audiuit. 127 Cicero philosophiæ rudis non erat 47 Cicero prouinciam depo= suit 350 Cic. quanti habitarit 335 Cicero tenuis habitus 705 Ciceronis caput amputatu[m] quanti repensum 341 Ciceronis cum Roscio contentio 237 Ciceronis entelechia 33 Ciceronis erratum in Ca= tone 560 Cic. facetum dictum 335 Cic

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INDEX. sibile ap[er]t[er] mudanos 506 The comparison of Christ and his retinue with our pontiffs 709 The example of Christ, whom those who thrust themselves upon us as his vicars never follow 313 The nativity of Christ 328 He exposes the contemners of Christ’s precepts 728 The price of Christ estimated by Judas 636 Christ’s testament 717 The census of the Roman heads taken when Christ was born 328 An account is at last to be rendered to Christ 780 Christ’s indignation against his beautiful bride, the Church 729 The heart of a Christian man, the chamber of God 800 The type of the Christian athlete 762 The most excellent Christian authors 754 Most Christian Fr[ati]ac. 707 Christophorus Longolius 660 Chrysammos 777.394 Chrysitis 777 Chrysoplysium 265 Chrysoplytes Paris. 265 Chus 572.575 Common bread 597 Augustus wanted his diet and drink to be regulated 369 Cicero and Pliny wrote by human ingenuity 46 When Cicero fled, how much money he received as a gift from Atticus. 340 Cicero reconciled with Gabinius 388 Cicero rightly accused by the Greeks 24 Cicero got a bad reputation because of the accusation against Verres. 127 Cicero was not unversed in philosophy 47 Cicero laid down his province 350 How much Cicero was worth 335 Cicero had a modest household 705 How much was paid for Cicero’s head after it was cut off 341 Cicero’s dispute with Roscius 237 Cicero’s entelechy 33 Cicero’s mistake in Cato 560 A witty remark by Cicero 335 Cic

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INDEX Cænæ Apitianæ 243 Cænobiarcha uulgo abbas 711 Coincius aurifex 266 Colossensiu[m] epistola 766 Collimare 670 Collineatio ibidem Columbarum pretia 159 Columella Senecæ blanditur 687 Columellæ ætas 17. 18. 19. 681 Colum. locus 109. 228. 675 Comagene 491 Comenda, fiducia 710. 720 Commercia finitimaru[m] gentium precium auri intendunt 262 Commercia nationes nobiles faciunt 495. 496 Commana regio 348 Commodi imperatoris adoptatio 330 Concionatoris lepidi dictu[m] aduersus imperitos episcopos 720 Conciones maximo ære redemptæ 704 Cocordiæ simulachru[m] 257 Confarreare 730 Congiariæ Augusti 324 Congiarius cadus 607 Congius 617 Congij diuersa acceptio Consulum & prætoru[m] Ro manorum potestas 347 Contignatio 30. coenatio= num capax in naui 651 Contumaciæ mulcta 632 Conuiuæ Alexandri et Per sarum regum 294 Conuiuarum ingens numerus 435 Copiæ Romanæ 102 Copiæ bellicæ Franc. 444 Coraxi populus 399 Cornel. Tacitus scriptoru[m] uecordissimus 503. 504 Cornel. Taciti locus 141 Coronatus 163 Coronati Cruciati 259 Corpus organicum 38 Corruptio ac sordes mira= bilis 364 Corui humano sormone uo cales 171 Coruus 613 Coticularium aurum 274 Cotulæ 547. 572 Cræsi diuitiæ 379 Cramesinum 191 Crassus

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INDEX Cænæ Apitianæ 243 Cænobiarcha, commonly abbot 711 Coincius, goldsmith 266 Epistle to the Colossians 766 Collimare 670 Collineatio ibid. Prices of doves 159 Columella flatters Seneca 687 Columella’s age 17. 18. 19. 681 Colum. passage 109. 228. 675 Comagene 491 Comenda, trust 710. 720 Trade of neighboring peoples raises the price of gold 262 Trade makes nations noble 495. 496 Commana, region 348 The adoption of Emperor Commodus 330 Witty saying of a preacher against ignorant bishops 720 Preachings bought at great cost 704 Image of Concord 257 Confarreation 730 Augustus’s gifts of grain 324 A large cask of wine 607 Congius 617 Different meanings of congius The power of the consuls and praetors of the Roman people 347 Contignation 30. dining-room capable in a ship 651 Penalty for obstinacy 632 Banquet of Alexander and the kings of Persia 294 Great number of guests 435 Roman forces 102 French military forces 444 The people of the Coraxi 399 Cornel. Tacitus, most learned of writers 503. 504 Cornel. Tacitus, passage 141 Crowned 163 Crowned Crusaders 259 Organic body 38 Corruption and amazing filth 364 Crows, speaking with human voice 171 Raven 613 Cutting-tool gold 274 Measuring cups 547. 572 Crœsus’ wealth 379 Cramesinum 191 Crassus

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INDEX. Crassus orator 802 Crassi auaritia 216. diuitiæ 179. 575. 596 Crastini cura 592. 593 Cratetis in mantica philoso phari 803 Cruciati coronati 259 Curia aulica excordes ho= 799 mines facit 717 Crux sua cuiq; tollêda 717 Cubus 514. 517 Cubici numeri 516 Cubiculum regis Persarum 430 quàm opulentum 430 Culeus 607. 612 Culeus Parisinus 674 Culeus trimodius 657 Culci duplæres 654 Cunnus, ignauiæ symbolu[m] 511 Curia unde dicta 787 Curionis æs alienum 224. 361. conciones 704. cor. ruptela Curtij locus 420. 421. 431 Cyathus 552. 565. 582 Cyathus Demetrij & Anti goni 567 Cyathi amic. et amoris 567 Cyathi plura apud Græcos 566 nomina 566 Ad Cyathum stare 566 Cyathis potus suos metia= bantur antiqui ibidem Cyathissare quid sit 567 Cybi 606 Cybium ibidem Cypri opulentia 350 Cypria gazæ publicata 351 Cyprianus & Lactan. 754 Cyria doxa 772 Cyrus rex 488. 489. eius opes D 237 Dactylotheca 368 Dæmonum obseruatio, ut animam præsidio uacuâ inuadant Damascena Syria 491 Damasci gazæ 419 Darici slateres 483 Darius Alexandro filia cu[m] dote opima obtulit 431 Darius Histaspis F. 371 Darius primus 418 Darius ultimus 419 Darij Persarum regis lu= xus Dar. miserabilis exitus 430 Dauid quando fuerit 486 Dauid oratio ad primores tribuum 486

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INDEX. Crassus, orator 802 The greed of the Crassi, riches 179. 575. 596 Care for tomorrow 592. 593 Crates in the wallet, a philos opher 803 Coronated with torments 259 The courtly household makes men senseless 799 Every one must carry his own cross 717 Cube 514. 517 Cubic numbers 516 The king of the Persians' bedroom 430 how splendid 430 Hides 607. 612 The Parisian culeus 674 Tri-modius culeus 657 Double culci 654 Cunnus, symbol of laziness 511 From where the Curia got its name 787 Curio's debt 224. 361. conciones 704. cor. ruptela Place of the Curtii 420. 421. 431 Cyathus 552. 565. 582 The cyathus of Demetrius and Anti gonus 567 Cyathi of friendship and love 567 There were many names for the cyathus among the Greeks 566 566 566 To stand at the cyathus 566 The ancients measured their drinks by cyathi there ibidem What cyathissare means 567 Cybi 606 Cybium ibidem The wealth of Cyprus 350 The public treasures of Cyprus 351 Cyprianus and Lactan. 754 Cyria doxa 772 King Cyrus 488. 489. his wealth D 237 Dactylotheca 368 The observance of demons, that they may invade a soul left without protection Damascene Syria 491 The treasures of Damascus 419 Daric staters 483 Darius offered Alexander his daughter with a rich dowry 431 Darius, son of Hystaspes 371 Darius the First 418 Darius the last 419 The luxury of Darius, king of the Persians xus Wretched end of Darius 430 When David lived 486 David's speech to the leading men of the tribes 486

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INDEX. tribuum 482 Dauidis diuitiæ 471.472. 474 Dauidis & Solomonis o= pes 491 Dauidis encomium 760 De asini umbralitig. 767 Debitisse implicantium in= sania 362 Debitoris magni culcitra 360 Decarchiæ 321 Decemprimatus ibidem Decies sæpe absol. ponitur pro decies sestertio 130 Decies centena 244 Decies sestertium, & dena sestertia 130.244.531 Decij Laberij quæstus 242 Decoctores in iudicium uo cabantur 512 Decumanu[m] frumentu[m] 520 Decumanus limes 13 Decumana o[mn]ia magna 735 Decussare 14.15.163 Decussatio 12 Decussis 12.15 Decussis noster 665 Dedere ob noxam 747 Defrutarium 613 Deiotarus rex à Pompeio honoratus 348 Delicijs hic frui non possumus, & Christi hæredes esse 718 Deloinus 789 Deloini eloquentia, iurisq[ue] peritia 803. modestia Demensum 594 Demetrius Poliorcetes 647 Demetrij cyathus 567 Demetrij liberti diuitiæ 218 Demetrij naues 649 Demetrij Phalerei profusio 533 Demosthenes Laidis proca citatem exhorruit 293 Demosthenis facultates 541 542.prudetia seu astutia 538. siletiu[m] magno redeptum 533. sordes Demosthen. locus 112.287. 539.545.546.628 Demosthenis oratio de mureribus trierarchiæ 534 Demosthenis pater opulen tus 546 Demostheni muleta indicta 629 Denarius 148 Denarius

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INDEX. tribes 482 David's riches 471.472. 474 David's & Solomon's wealth wealth 491 David's encomium 760 On the shadow of the donkey 767 Of debtors implicating in insanity 362 Debtor's great blanket 360 Decarchies 321 Decemvirate there Often ten times absolutely placed for ten sesterces 130 Ten hundred thousand 244 Ten sestertiums, and ten sestertia 130.244.531 Decius Laberius' earnings 242 Men driven into court for debt were summoned 512 Decuman grain 520 Decuman boundary 13 All things decumana 735 To cut across 14.15.163 Crossing 12 Decussis 12.15 Our decussis 665 To surrender for wrongdoing 747 Defrutarium 613 Deiotarus the king was honored by Pompey honored 348 We cannot enjoy delights here, and are Christ's heirs to be 718 Deloinus 789 Deloinus' eloquence, and skill in law skill 803. modesty Demensum 594 Demetrius Poliorcetes 647 Demetrius' cup 567 Demetrius' freedmen's riches 218 Demetrius' ships 649 Demetrius Phalereus' extravagance 533 Demosthenes shuddered at Laidis' promiscuity 293 Demosthenes' resources 541 542. prudence or cunning 538. silver bought at great price 533. filth Demosthenes' passage 112.287. 539.545.546.628 Demosthenes' speech on the expenses of the trierarchy 534 Demosthenes' father wealthy 546 A fine imposed on Demosthenes 629 Denarius 148 Denarius

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INDEX. Diues qui primus nominatus, creditoribus suis decoxit 178 Diuites soli apud Athenien ses censebantur 340 Diuitum exempla 746 Diuitum reiector Christus, pauperum assertor 737 Diuitiæ Claudij Isidori Crassi 178 Diuitiæ cur ecclesiasticis attributæ 713 Diuitiæ magnæ citò partæ, auaritiæ indicium 216 Diuitiæ præ sapientiæ studio co[n]tenendæ 766.767 Diuitiæ priuati hominis memorab. 692. & deinc. Diuitiæ uniuscuiusq[ue] olim à censu notæ erant 689 Diuitiarum contemptor Bu dæus 791 Diuitiarum eleuatio 746 Diuitiarum exemplum Lentulus Augur 355 Diuitiarum hodiernaru[m] cu[m] priscis collatio 703 Diuitiarum infelix exemplum 746 Diuitiarum terrenaru[m] abusus 767 Diuitijs inhi[n]ates taxat 705 Docti & prudentis an sit rempub. administrandam suscipere 773 Docti ut in aula degat 802 Doctorum hominu[m] frigus 720. secessus 786 Doctis resp. capessenda 816 Doctrinæ co[m]medatio 472 Δωφειημιον 48 Dodrans 16.20.47.48 Dodrans pollicis 20 Dodrantes lucere 24 Δοικιμαδεις 545 Dolium 610 Doliu[m] quadragenaru[m] 609 Domus P. Clodij ingentis pretij 360.363. Domus quanti Romæ loca=retur annua mercede 337 Domus Romanæ 332 Domus Caligulæ & Neronis 364 Domus aurea Neronis 409 Domorum Romanaru[m] pretia 332 Domus significatio 547 Donatiu[m] Antonij 309. Au gusti 324. Cæsaris 307. Cassij & Bruti 310. Hædriani 330. Pompeij 305 Dotata

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INDEX. The rich man, first so named, went bankrupt with his creditors 178 Only the wealthy were counted among the Athenians 340 Examples of the rich 746 Christ, rejecter of the rich, champion of the poor 737 The wealth of Claudius Isidorus Crassus 178 Why riches were attributed to churchmen 713 Great riches acquired quickly, a sign of avarice 216 Riches are to be reckoned below the pursuit of wisdom 766.767 Riches of a private man, memorable 692. and following In ancient times the wealth of each person was marked by his census 689 Budaeus, contemner of riches 791 The raising up of riches 746 The example of Lentulus the Augur’s riches 355 Comparison of modern riches with ancient 703 Unhappy example of riches 746 The abuse of earthly riches 767 He reproves those who hanker after riches 705 Whether it is fitting for a learned and prudent man to undertake the administration of the commonwealth 773 That the learned man should live at court 802 The coldness of learned men 720. seclusion 786 The commonwealth to be undertaken by the learned 816 A comforting of learning 472 Δωφειημιον 48 Dodrans 16.20.47.48 Dodrans of a finger 20 Dodrantes shine 24 Δοικιμαδεις 545 A cask 610 A forty-measure cask 609 The house of P. Clodius, of immense value 360.363. How much a house in Rome was rented for annually 337 Roman houses 332 The houses of Caligula and Nero 364 The golden house of Nero 409 The prices of Roman houses 332 Meaning of domus 547 A gift from Antony 309. from Augustus 324. from Caesar 307. From Cassius and Brutus 310. Hadrian 330. Pompey 305 Endowed with a dowry

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INDEX. Dotata Megalia 631 Dotium apud priscos exiguitas 631 Drachma 15.16.18.116.206 637 Drachma apud Græcos æreæ non erat 637 Drachma & denarius idem 162.180. eodem pondere 149 637 Drachma, et pōdus & num mum significat 124 Drachma, merces diurna 692 692 Drachma Aeginæa & Attica 375 Drachma Attica 165.623 375 Drachma Romana, & Attica, grossus à nostris dicitur 166 Drachmæ æstimatio 645 Drachmæ centu[m] libra[m] num mariam faciunt 162 Drachmaru[m] myriades Græ ci usurpant no[n] nummorum 135 Drachmalis usura 113 Dramaticum poëma 22 Dromades cameli 420 Drypetis Hephæstiois uxor 425 425 Ducatoru[m] pretiu[m] 168.624 624 Ducenarij iudices 278 Ducu[m] maxima laus 815.816 Duella 15 Dulciaria 602 Duodecies festertium, cen[sus] sus Senatorius 129 Duodecimus denarius 112 Dupondius 12 Duracina persica 154. eoru[m] 12 pretium 252 Dux Borbonianus 814 Dynamis 38 Dynastæ 320 Ecclesia ægrotans 729 Ecclesiæ humiliatio 722. 723.729. firmitas 707. 734 734 Ecclesiam malè nunc administrari ab ijs q[uæ] illi præsunt 726 Ecclesiastici quam ratione[m] reddant, qui se non rectè gerunt 715 Ecclesiastici quo titulo sua[m] bona possideant 710 Ecclesiasticorum redituum dispensatio 734 Ecclesiasticorum uitia detegit 707.708 Ecclesiasticam re constitui 1 i 2 omnium 707.708

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INDEX. Dotata Megalia 631 The smallness of the dotium among the ancients 631 Drachma 15.16.18.116.206 637 The drachma among the Greeks was not bronze 637 Drachma and denarius are the same 162.180. of the same weight 149 637 Drachma, and weight and coin signify 124 Drachma, daily wage 692 692 Aeginetan and Attic drachma 375 Attic drachma 165.623 375 Roman and Attic drachma is called grossus by us 166 Value of the drachma 645 One hundred drachmas make a libra numaria 162 The Greeks used myriads of drachmas, not of coins 135 Interest on a drachma 113 Dramatic poem 22 Camels of the dromedary type 420 Drypetis, wife of Hephaestion 425 425 Price of the ducat 168.624 624 Judges of two hundred 278 Greatest praise of the dukes 815.816 Duella 15 Sweets 602 Twelve times a sestertium, senatorian census 129 Twelfth denarius 112 Dupondius 12 Duracina peaches 154. their 12 price 252 House of Bourbon, Duke 814 Power 38 Dynasts 320 The Church afflicted 729 Humiliation of the Church 722. 723.729. firmness 707. 734 734 The Church is now badly administered by those who preside over it 726 How ecclesiastics are to render an account, those who do not govern themselves rightly 715 By what title ecclesiastics possess their goods 710 Administration of ecclesiastical revenues 734 Exposes the faults of ecclesiastics 707.708 The ecclesiastical state restored to order 707.708

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INDEX. omnium interest 722 Echeneis, remora 772 Eclecta quæ dicatur 342 Exsancti, id est superordinati 179 Exthnagogos 48 Exmodius 582 Exmodus 182 Edictu perpetuu[m] 715.749 Eduardei Nobiles, nummi 776 Anglici 261.659 Elogium Gallorum 86.92 Eloquentia Ciceron. auri- 776 fera 341 Eloquentia ignaris tantum 755 inuisa 755 Eloquentia, publicè necessaria 745.778 Eloqvetiæ æstimatio 200. 201. lenocinia 742. præmia Eloquentiæ nomine prudentiam & sapientiam uete res complectebantur 91 Emblemata 357 Emmelia 723 Eniaphaχuor 48 Eniaphiop 581.582 Encyclopædia 745 Ensis mysticus, excommunicatio 439 Entelechia 33.38.39.43 Enthusiasmos 90 Epanaphora 31 Expectorare 447 Ephori historici ignorantiæ 496 Epicataphora 32 Epicurei 744 Epidecatum foenus 118 Epilogus huius operis 701 Episcopatus abbatijs iungentes arguit 719 Episcopi aulici 461.462. Episcopi no[n] temere pro ma[n] 732 lè gestis multentur 732 Episcopos & potifices ma[n] 733 los taxat 733 Episcoporum & antistitu[m] comitatus 734.712 Episcoporum priscorum à nostris discrimen 722 Epistates 594 Epistolæ ad Atticum, uice historiæ sint 339 Epitaphij agones 776 Epobelia 545 Equestris census 98 Equites plus quàm pedites semper accipi[n]t in mili- 305 Ensis mysticus, excommuni- 305 ticatio 305 Equites seu hippeis apud 305 Athenienses 531

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INDEX. Equitum stipendium 700 Equi sarcinarij 550 Equorum ascensores apud Ezechielem 743 Equorum apud Iudæos pretium 478 Equorum pastus 562 Equorum uiatoriorum demensum 549 Equos binos olim habebat equites milites 479 Erasistratus medicus 203 Erinnys 592 Erratorum ueniam qua fiducia præsumat Bud. 196 Eschematismenos oratio 21 Esaias, sacroru[m] uatum Homerus 488. 727. 759 Ethelodulia 768 Ethnicorum etiam scripta nos ad theologicam philosophiam deducunt 757 Ethologiæ 457 Euangelica lex non abrogatur contraria consuetudine 594 Euangelica philosophia 761 Euangelium irritum non erit 715. 717 Euangelij loca explic. 632 Euangelioru[m] foecuditas 780 Euboicum talentu[m] 372. 376 Eustochia 670 Euthanasia 778 Euthymia 740. 765. 778 Eutropij ætas 679 Exclamatio in tepora 783 Excommunicationes Iulij 11. pontif. max. 441 Exegematicum poema 22 Exegetes 390 Exortiuhora 31 Expensa 107 Externorum opera apud Gallos 67. 89 F Fabulæ priscis historijs permistæ 494 Facultatibus lapsi senatores à principibus subluati 199. 704 Fascinantium more laudare 790 Fauere linguis 753. 790 Felicitas Galliarum 399 Felicitati modus ponendus 72 Ferociam præ se ferentes excussis uultus sordibus 94 Fertilitas soli memorabilis 679. 690 Fertilitas agri Parisini 681 I i 3 690

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INDEX. Stipend of horsemen 700 Pack horses 550 Riders of horses in Ezekiel 743 Price of horses among the Jews 478 Feeding of horses 562 Ration for traveling horses 549 Knights once had two horses 479 Erasistratus, physician 203 Erinys 592 With what confidence Bud. presumes pardon for errors 196 Eschematismenos, speech 21 Isaiah, the Homer of the sacred prophets 488. 727. 759 Ethelodulia 768 The writings even of the heathen lead us to theological philosophy 757 Ethologia 457 The evangelical law is not abolished by contrary custom 594 Evangelical philosophy 761 The Gospel will not be made void 715. 717 Passages of the Gospel explained 632 The fruitfulness of the Gospels 780 Euboic talent 372. 376 Eustochia 670 Euthanasia 778 Euthymia 740. 765. 778 The age of Eutropius 679 Exclamation in the temples 783 Excommunications of Julius II, pontifex maximus 441 Exegetical poem 22 Exegetes 390 Exortiuhora 31 Expense 107 The works of foreigners among the Gauls 67. 89 F Fables mingled with ancient histories 494 Senators, fallen from office, restored by princes to their positions 199. 704 To praise in the manner of enchanters 790 To favor with tongues 753. 790 The felicity of the Gauls 399 A limit must be set to felicity 72 Displaying a fierceness with the grime of their countenances brushed off 94 Remarkable fertility of the soil 679. 690 Fertility of the Parisian countryside 681 I i 3 690

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INDEX. Geneseos liber 763 Genethliacoru[m] uanitas 502 Genialis pax 502 Gentilium scripta quid ad uersati sacram doctrinam conferant. 765 Genitiui plurales syncopata = cè posuerit in nominibus nummorum 131 Geodæsiæ 19 Georgica Vergilij 23 Germania octo legionibus per myriades drachma = obtenta Romanis 392 Germanorum militum biba Græcorum recentia esse omnia 498. nec ab his historiæ fide petendâ ibidè citas 571 Germanorum naues 657 Geryones tergeminus 783 Gigantes terrigenæ 707 Gigantum pedes 772 Glaunæ iis adunæs 623 Gloria huius uitæ uera & expressa 745.777 Gomor 594 Gorgiæ Leotini honos 200 Græcalingua quid Latinæ se præstet 37 Græcæ linguæ studiosi olim Grossus Galli 88 Græcæ linguæ commenda = Grossi Curij tio 34 Græcarum literarum auto = Guido à Rupeforti cancelarius

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INDEX. Book of Genesis 763 Vanity of birth-festivals 502 Nuptial peace 502 What the writings of the Gentiles contribute to sacred doctrine 765 How he has placed syncopated plural genitives in the names of coins 131 Geodesy 19 Vergil's Georgics 23 Germany held by the Romans with eight legions 392 Drunkenness of German soldiers 571 German ships 657 Triple-bodied Geryon 783 Earthborn giants 707 The feet of giants 772 Glaunae iis adunæ 623 True and exact glory of this life 745.777 Gomor 594 The honor of Gorgias of Leontini 200 What the Greek language offers to Latin 37 Those formerly devoted to the Greek language 88 Recommendation of the Greek language 34 Author of Greek letters Guido of Rupeforti, chancellor

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INDEX Hieron. sapientia Solomonis non uertit suam redimentes 240 Hicrosolyma 493. capta Histrionicæ artis precium 237.243 494 Homeri ætas 481.494 Hicrosolymitanus ager sterilis Homeri locus de talento 481 Hilarius Homeri locus alter 625 Hippas Homeri studiosus Alexa[n]der 527.528 Hippotrophium memorabile Macedo 92.201 Hiræ rex, de quo in Biblijs, Homo uersatilis 808 Suron apud quosdam uocatur Homines uiliores 597 Hirij piscinæ Hominu[m] census Romæ 177 Hispani & Galli historicis olim incogniti Hominu[m] ordines uarij 596 Hispaniæ opulentia Homo exterior & interior Hispaniæ reditus opimi consonare debent 780 392 Honor precarius 43 Historia animalium Arist. magno uendita Honorarium aduocatorum 662.663. magistratuum 353 Historia Herodoti Hoplitæ milites 541 Historia memorabilis Hora exortiua 31 Historiæ fab. comistæ Horatianus planus 770 Historiæ ueritas ab Aegyptijs & Chaldæis requirenda Horatij locus 59.98.775 Horoscopus 31 Historicorum quorundam maleuolentia in Iudæos & Christianos Hospitij tessera 730 Humana stoliditas 729.730 Humanæ fortunæ uicissitudo 445 Humanæ metis error 769 Histriones magno libertate Humani animi capaci. 147 Humani

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INDEX Jerome. The wisdom of Solomon does not turn those redeeming their own 240 Jerusalem 493. captured The price of the art of acting 237.243 494 The age of Homer 481.494 The field of Jerusalem barren Homer's passage about a talent 481 Hilarius Another passage of Homer 625 Hippas Alexander, a student of Homer 527.528 Memorable Hippotrophium Macedo 92.201 The king of Hira, of whom in the Bible, Versatile man 808 by some called Suron Worse sorts of men 597 Hirii pools The census of men at Rome 177 Spaniards and Gauls once unknown to historians Various orders of men 596 The wealth of Spain The outward and inward man The rich revenues of Spain ought to be in harmony 780 392 Precarious honor 43 Aristotle's History of Animals, sold for a great sum Fees of advocates 662.663. of magistrates 353 The history of Herodotus Hoplite soldiers 541 Memorable history Dawning hour 31 Mixed fables of histories Horatian plain style 770 The truth of history must be sought from the Egyptians and Chaldeans Passage in Horace 59.98.775 Horoscope 31 Malevolence of certain historians toward the Jews and Christians Token of hospitality 730 Human stupidity 729.730 Vicissitude of human fortune 445 Error of human limits 769 Actors with great freedom Capacity of the human mind. 147 Human

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INDEX. Iugerum 17. eius mensura L 17.524 Iugerum quadratum 524 Iugerum seu arpennum Pa risinum 525 Iuliu secundu Pont. Max. perstringit 439.724 Iuno quæ intelligatur 90. 774 Iupiter in membranas suas respiciens 788 Ius aulæ moribus constitu= tum 750 Ius distributium 459 Ius gentium 800.prætoriu 628. summum 750 Iuris canonici libri 731 Iustitia diuina 800.eius se= ueritas 716 Iustitia quando uera fuerit 487 Iustit. uia quæ dicatur 721 Iustinus martyr philoso= phus 40.501 Iustini locus 432 Iuuenalis locus 97 Ixionidæ 774 K Kαναργια 545 κατὰς συνοις 203 καναδιδης 366 L Laberius poëta 170 Lactaria 602 Lactes 46 Lagoena 517.619 Laidis meretricis procaci= tas 297 Lampridius inter classicos autores non annumeran dus 143.145 Lampridij locus 661 Lances argenteæ memora= bili pondere 332 Larem salutare ibidem Latina lingua, discipula linguæ Græcæ 35 Laurentij Vallæ laus 556. eius lapsus 376.583 Læzarus Baysius 315 Legionis unius stipendia annua 700 Legiones Rom. 326.327 Legiones quadraginta 102 Legiones XLIII. sub Au= gusto 325 Legiones rarò plenæ 310. plenæ 328 Lentuli auguris opes 355. 705.eius mors 355 Leo decimus Pont. Max. 441.725.723.735 Leotini agri decumæ 522.

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INDEX. Iugerum 17. its measure L 17.524 Iugerum quadratum 524 Iugerum, or Parisian arpennum 525 Iulius Secundus, Pont. Max. briefly treated 439.724 Juno, who is meant 90. 774 Jupiter looking into his own writings 788 Law of the court established by custom 750 Distributed law 459 Law of nations 800. praetorian law 628. supreme law 750 Books of canon law 731 Divine justice 800. its severity 716 Justice, when it is true 487 What way is called justice 721 Justin the martyr, philosopher 40.501 A passage of Justin 432 A passage of Juvenal 97 The Ixionids 774 K Kαναργια 545 κατὰς συνοις 203 καναδιδης 366 L Laberius, poet 170 Lactaria 602 Lactes 46 Lagoena 517.619 The shamelessness of the courtesan Laïs 297 Lampridius is not to be counted among the classical authors 143.145 A passage of Lampridius 661 Silver dishes of memorable weight 332 To greet the household god there Latin language, disciple of the Greek language 35 Praise of Laurentius Valla 556. his mistakes 376.583 Læzarus Baysius 315 Annual stipend of one legion 700 Roman legions 326.327 Forty legions 102 Forty-three legions under Au- gustus 325 Legions rarely complete 310. complete 328 The wealth of the augur Lentulus 355. 705. his death 355 Leo the Tenth, Pont. Max. 441.725.723.735 The tithe of the Leontine fields 522.

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INDEX. Libræ argenti preciu[m] 167 Libræ diuisio 165 Libras aut Pondo Romani 467.468 de numerata pecunia uix dicant 181 Libella 106.107 Libripendes 107 Liburnicæ C. Cæsaris ce= drinæ 655 Lingonensis ager auri fe= rax 400 Lirani interpretis somniu[m] 692 Literæ ab Hebræis inuen= tæ 497 Literarum fructus in illis ipsis est 85.754 Literarum humaniorum ca lumniatoribus respon= det 742 Literaru[m] numero æquaban tur calices bibentiu[m] in hi larioribus conuiuijs 563 Literarum peritiam Gallis asserit 56. cur tandiu in Gallia iæcuerint 83 Literarum precium atq; ho nos 200 Literæ unciales 21 Literati cur apud aulicos in precio no[m] fuerint 469 Literatis ac doctis imperi= tos et indoctos præferri grauiter fert Budæus Literæ 572 Liturgiæ 537 Lituus 720 Liuij epitome, corrupta in quibusdam 643 Liuij locus 142.207.209. 210.211.271.284.285. 379 λοχαρί 307 Locus aiaduertendus. 454. 505.545.682.758.805 Logodædali aulici 798 Locoru[m] status mutari 486 Locoru[m] uocabula in sacris literis ex alijs autoribus no[n] agnoscuntur 486 Logodædalus Proteus 291 Logos, filius dei 761 Lollia Paulina 100 Lollius Paulinus 173 Longolius 660 Loquedi libertate pecunia uenalem habentes 624 Loricatorum uertex 814 Loti arbores preciosæ 334 ad Lotophagoshærere 756 Lucæ Euang. locus 595 Lucani locus 349 L. Crass

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INDEX. Pound of silver, price 167 Division of pounds 165 Pounds or Roman pondo 467.468 they scarcely speak of ready money 181 Libella 106.107 Libripendes 107 Liburnian ships of C. Caesar drinae 655 The field of the Lingones, rich in gold 400 The dream of the interpreter Liranus 692 Letters invented by the Hebrews 497 The fruit of letters is in those same people 85.754 He answers the slanderers of the humanities 742 The number of letters was equated with the cups of those drinking at more festive banquets 563 He ascribes knowledge of letters to the Gauls 56. why they lay so long in Gaul 83 The price and honor of letters 200 Uncial letters 21 Why the learned were not held in esteem among courtiers 469 Budæus is deeply offended that the learned and educated are put after the unlearned and the ignorant Letters 572 Liturgies 537 Lituus 720 Livy’s epitome, corrupt in certain places 643 Livy’s passage 142.207.209. 210.211.271.284.285. 379 λοχαρί 307 A passage to be noted 454. 505.545.682.758.805 Courtly wordsmiths 798 The situation of places changes 486 The names of places in sacred writings are not recognized from other authors 486 Court wordsmith Proteus 291 Logos, Son of God 761 Lollia Paulina 100 Lollius Paulinus 173 Longolius 660 People having freedom of speech for hire for money 624 The crest of the cuirassed men 814 Precious lotus trees 334 to cling to the Lotophagi 756 A passage in the Gospel of Luke 595 A passage in Lucan 349 L. Crass

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INDEX. L. Crassus orator 333.334 L. Flori tempus 642 L. Scipioni peculatus obiectus 255 Lucus memorabilis 425 Lucullus subita iniquitate fortunæ destitutus 349. eius diuitiæ 225. luxus ibid. otium 350 Ludouici XI. dictu de opulentia regni sui 457. eius & Mariæ Anglicæ con nubium 463. eius ultima tempora & mors 787. 788.808.809 Ludus, id est, schola proban di nomismatis 273 Luerij Aruerni diuitiæ 398 Lugdunus urbs 396 Lugdunese argyrocopium 402. ars ibidem Lunæ coitus, interluniu[m] 24 Luscinarum precia 159 Lusitanici aurei uncial. 695 Lusus aleæ immensus 409 Lutetiani soli fertilitas 690 uide Parisinus ager. Luxuria prodigiosa 414 Luxuria RO. 193.232.315 Luxus capitalis Romæ non erat 190 Luxuries terræ mirab. 690 Lydij lapidis usus 264 Lysanias comes, tristitiæ discussor 803 M M, quæ nota fuerit 249 Macedones inter Græc. 89 Macrobij locus 238.246. 305 Macrochir Darius, Longi=manus 418 Maduit iam, & contractus est, prouer. Gall. 798 Magi, Persaru[m] sapietes 91 Magiæ uanitas 506 Magiriscus 357 Magister equitum, loricatorum uertex 814.818 Magistratus bene gerendi difficultas 808 Magistrat. monitores 805 Magistratum inuicè reue rentia apud Rom. 757 Magistratum Romanoru[m] commoda 345.350 Magist. in prouincias profecturis dari solita 352 Magistratus improbos ta= xat 446 Magni dicti sunt reges Per sarum 489 Magnif

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INDEX. L. Crassus, orator 333.334 L. Flori period 642 L. Scipio accused of peculation 255 Memorable grove 425 Lucullus, deprived by sudden unfairness of fortune 349. his riches 225. luxury ibid. leisure 350 Louis XI., said of the opulence of his kingdom 457. his and Mary of England, connubium 463. his final times and death 787. 788.808.809 Ludus, that is, school for testing coinage 273 The riches of the Arvernian Luerii 398 Lugdunum, city 396 The Lugdunese mint 402. art there Conjunction of the moon, interlunium 24 The price of nightingales 159 Lusitanian gold, of an ounce 695 Immense game of dice 409 Fertility of the Parisian soil 690 see Parisian field. Prodigious luxury 414 Roman luxury 193.232.315 Capital luxury was not in Rome 190 Wonders of the earth, luxuries 690 Use of the Lydian stone 264 Lysanias, companion, dispeller of sorrow 803 M M, what mark it has been 249 The Macedonians among the Greeks 89 Passage in Macrobius 238.246. 305 Darius Macrochir, Long-hand 418 It has already softened and contracted, French proverb 798 The Magi, the sages of the Persians 91 The vanity of magic 506 Magiriscus 357 Master of horse, head of the mailed 814.818 Difficulty of governing magistracies well 808 Magistrates, advisers 805 The respect paid to magistrates among the Romans 757 The advantages of the Roman magistracies 345.350 It was customary to give magistracies to those setting out for provinces 352 It taxes wicked magistrates 446 The great were so called, the kings of Persia 489 Magnif

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INDEX Magnificentia ueteru[m] multo erat nostra hodierna amplior Marlianum prædium 326 Mars & Venus Vulcanijs uinculis irretiti 344 Mars ultor 329 Martialis epigramma ex= plicatum 130 Massiliense gymnasium 86 31 Massilienses dotes 632 Martiani locus 406 Matthæi euangelistæ locus 633.680.691 31 Mathematici cardines 31 Mathematicoru[m] mos in de= monstrationibus 198 Matrimonia quæ concilia= uit Alexander Mac. 425 Medicus uulnerarius 197 Medicoru[m] improbitas 197 Medicorum pondera 556 Medicoru[m] præmia memora bilia 102.195.203.341 Medicos multos esse quàm paucos, cur melius habi= tum est 197 Medimnus 515.516.518.522.523 197 Medimnus, mimna apud Gallos 615 Medium intestinum 45 Megalia dotata 631 Kk Mellita

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INDEX The magnificence of the ancients was much greater than our own today Marlianum estate 326 Mars and Venus entangled in Vulcan's chains 344 Mars the avenger 329 Martial's epigram explained 130 Massilian gymnasium 86 31 Massilian gifts 632 Martian's passage 406 The passage of the Evangelist Matthew 633.680.691 31 Mathematicians' cardinal points 31 The custom of mathematicians in demonstrations 198 Marriages arranged by Alexander the Great 425 Surgeon 197 The wickedness of doctors 197 Doctors' weights 556 Memorable rewards of doctors 102.195.203.341 Why it was considered better to have many doctors than few 197 Medimnus 515.516.518.522.523 197 Medimnus, mimna among the Gauls 615 Middle intestine 45 Endowed Megalia 631 Kk Mellita

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INDEX. Melita quæ dicâtur 415. Mesopotamia 492 602 Mesuraniu[m] hypogeon 31 Melophori 428 Metalla auri in Gallia 396. Mennonia regia 420 nunc exhausta 400 Memorabilis historia 510. Metallis abundat Hisp. 932 511. 512 Metallorum reditus ingens Menander Ephesius historicus 500 395 Mendacij obiectione ut Ci Metella uxor Syllæ 368 cero eluserit 335 Metreta & cadus 580 Mensorum uocabula 16 Michael Bodetus 400 Menstruæ usuræ 114 Mictum poëma 22 Mensuraru[m] cõsideratio 513 Millia apud Græcos simpli Mensuræ regiæ 552 citer dicta, drachmarum Mensuræ Parisienses 552. intelligenda 289 610. retinet uocabula antiqua 615 Millia æris 148 Mensurarum & ponderu[m] Mille æris 153 et uasoru[m] reciproca probatio 599. 604 Mille asses, aurei decê 363 Mentis à uultu dissonâtia, Mille millia auri 483 supplicium graue 778 Mille denarij 238 Merces ingenia exacuit 88 Mille nummu quantum uæ Merces pretiosæ 388 leant 168. 169 Mercurius, Christus 761 Mille talenta 298 Mercurius institor est quæstus 706 Millia & sestertia idem significant, eademq[ue] notæ Meretricum pretium 624 scribuntur 373 Meritare 236 Milliartus, millionum mulio 405 Mercé insula & urbs 486 Myllies centena millia, myriadu[m] myriada sign. 405 Merulæ lapsus 108 Millio numerus 215. 405 Mesenterium 45 Militare stipendium 645 Militaris disciplinæ instau=

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INDEX. Melita, as it is called 415. Mesopotamia 492 602 Mesuraniu[m] hypogeon 31 Melophori 428 Gold mines in Gaul 396. Royal Mennonia 420 now exhausted 400 Memorable history 510. Spain abounds in metals 932 511. 512 Great income from metals Menander of Ephesus, historian 500 395 Objection of falsehood by which Ci Metella, wife of Sulla 368 Cero evaded 335 Metreta and cadus 580 Names of measurers 16 Michael Bodetus 400 Monthly interest 114 Mictum poem 22 Consideration of measures 513 Thousands among the Greeks, simply Royal measures 552 called, to be understood as drachmas 289 Parisian measures 552. Thousands of bronze 148 610. retains ancient names 615 A thousand bronze 153 Reciprocal verification of measures and weights and vessels 599. 604 A thousand asses, ten aurei 363 Disagreement of the mind with the face, A thousand thousand gold 483 severe punishment 778 A thousand denarii 238 Wages sharpen talent 88 How much a thousand coins are Precious wages 388 worth 168. 169 Mercury, Christ 761 A thousand talents 298 Mercury is a dealer in profit 706 Thousands and sestertii mean the same thing, and are written with the same marks 373 Price of harlots 624 Milliartus, a mule of millions 405 Meritare 236 Myllies, a hundred thousand; myriad signifies a myriad 405 Mercé island and city 486 Million as a number 215. 405 The fall of the thrush 108 Military pay 645 Mesentery 45 Military discipline restored=

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INDEX. Mulli piscis inges pretium Nati intra pomæria 454 97.245.412.673. Naturale corpus 38 Mulctæ antiquæ Romano= Nauis magnitudo ac uastia= rum tas miranda 647.648. Mulctarum modus 626.628 650.653 Mundus alius Romæ Naues antiquorum 657 Munerum præstandorum mos Naues onerariæ 656 apud Romanos Nauium priscarum cum no= Muræna stris collatio 645 Murenarum ingens nume= Nautica usura duplex 117 rus atq; adeò pretium 228 Nautici foenoris exemplum Muris pretium in fame 116 Mutianus Næxiæzenus et Basil. 754 Myrias Necuerò 182 Myrias myriadum, Græ= Nectarites uinum 577 cis maximus numerus est Negotiatorum cõsensus in 405 auri pretio 262.263 Myriades drachmarum, quid Nemesis Adrastia 84 ualeant Nequam 253 Myriades Græcorum Nero magiæ studiosus 506. 295 senatum castrat 703. quæ= Myrtites uinum ti funeratus 132. theatrum 578 auro operuit 408 Mythistoria Neronis alea, domus 101. 494 409. impietas aduersus N Christianos 502. prodi= Nabucodrosorus, Nabu galitas 162.410.414. stat chodonosor tuta 386. 490 Nestores in rep. 818 Nabuchodonosoris occasio Nicolai Perotti erratum 161 ad Iudæam inuadendam Nitocris regina 489 487 Nobi N N

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INDEX. Price of the mullet, enormous Those born within the city walls 454 97.245.412.673. Natural body 38 Ancient fines of the Romans Greatness and vastness of ships wonderful 647.648. 650.653 Measure of fines 626.628 Another world at Rome Ancient ships 657 Custom of the gifts to be offered among the Romans Merchant ships 656 Moray eel Comparison of ancient ships with ours 645 Great number of moray eels and indeed their price 228 Double nautical interest 117 Price of mice in famine Example of nautical usury 116 Mutianus Næxiæzenus and Basil. 754 Myrias Necuerò 182 Myrias myriadum, the greatest number among the Greeks is 405 Nectarites wine 577 Myriads of drachmas, what they are worth Consensus of merchants in the price of gold 262.263 Myriads of Greeks 295 Nemesis Adrastia 84 Myrtites wine 578 Worthless 253 Mythistory 494 Nero, devoted to magic 506. castrates the senate 703. having been buried in the Quæ... the theatre covered with gold 408 N Nero's gambling, house 101. 409. impiety against Christians 502. prodigality 162.410.414. statue 386. Nabucodrosorus, Nabuchodonosor Nestors in the republic 818 490 Nicolaus Perotti's error 161 Occasion of Nabuchodonosor invading Judea 487 Queen Nitocris 489 N Nobi N N

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INDEX. Nobiles Anglici numi 261 Nobilitas ac eruditio mutua ope nixæ 65 Nobilium culpa iacent literæ 65 Noctuam Athenas, prouerbium 623 Nomades & Nomadum ore uiuere 771 Nomentanus ager 689 Nomu. i. præfecturæ 372 Nomina ab asse & uncia deriuata quid signis. 620 Nomina uasorum 49 Nomophylacium 811 Nomophylax 448 Nonismatis extenuatio ac imminutio 658.664 Nomismata Franciæ prisca 659 Nomismata prisca 256. eorum usus fructus olim legebatur 259 Nomismata aurea Budæo expensa 162.255.662 Nomismatum priscoru[m] abrogatio pernitiosa 665 Nomismatum signandoru[m] institutum 665 Nonagenarius aspectus 30 Non sine Theseo facta esse memorabilia gesta, ut intelligatur Normanica pomaria Nonussis Nos numerus sumus Nosse seipsum, operæ pretium maximum Notæ antiquorum tam in numeris quàm in denarijs & sestertijs Noxa primigenia Noxa, quæ & Ata Numerandi ratio apud pri scos Latinos Græcosq[ue] Numerus maximus apud antiquos Numeri apud autores deprauati Numeri apud Plinium sæpe mendorsi Numerorum antiquæ notæ Numerorum corruptionis in autoribus occasio Nummarias, & eam concernentia Numaria ratio aliquando mutata Kk

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INDEX. English noble coins 261 Nobility and learning supported by mutual aid 65 Through the fault of the nobles, letters lie neglected 65 To Athens the owl, proverb 623 Nomads & to live by the mouth of nomads 771 Nomentanum field 689 Nomu. i. prefectures 372 What names derived from an as and an uncia signify 620 Names of vessels 49 Nomophylacium 811 Nomophylax 448 Diminution and reduction of coinage 658.664 Ancient coinage of France 659 Ancient coinage 256. its use was once counted as income 259 Golden coins expended by Budæus 162.255.662 The harmful abolition of ancient coins 665 The institution of stamping coins 665 Ninetieth aspect 30 Not done without Theseus memorable deeds, so that it may be understood Norman orchards Nonussis We are a number To know oneself is the greatest worth Ancient signs, both in numbers and in denarii and sestertii Original evil Wrong, which also Ata The method of counting among the ancient Latins and Greeks The largest number among the ancients Numbers corrupted in authors Numbers often mistaken in Pliny Ancient signs of numbers The occasion of corruption of numbers in authors Matters concerning coins, and related matters The monetary system sometimes changed Kk

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pretium 670.678 217.704 Opobalsami pretium 673 Palmus 16.21.517 Optimus maximus 728 Paludati duces 93 Opus materiam decuplo superans 357 Paludes patinarum 414 Orationes suas Cicero eme dabat 127 Padeclariæ annotatioes 54 Oratoriæ artis docedæ quæ stus 200 Panesicium Parisiense 595 Panis tria genera 597 Panis ciuilis 597 Panisquotidie absum[m]edi ab Orea 610 Orchestra 456 uno homine modus 596 Ordinum ductores ratione deo reddituri 749 Panes & obson. ex au. 403 Organicum corpus 38 Panes Græcanici 603 Orosij locus 318 Panes Iulij pot. Max. 602 Orti Parisienses 690 Panepistem[um] Politiani 517 Otacustæ 746 Pannonica seditio 698 Ou[m] μυτι 182 Pantheræ astus 174 Ou[m] μυτι πρὸς τὸν διονοομ 282 Papiæ leges multæ 151 Ouis mascul. generis 625 Paralipomenon locus 431 Oues chrysomallæ 458 Parasanga 419 Oxybaphus 352 Parægû sæpe fit iustum opus 55 P Parisiensis præfecturæ ui= Pæoniamanus ibid. neta 687 Palacæ 394 Paleæ 394 Parisini agri ferti. 681.690 Palæ & paleolæ auri 393. 394 Parmenio si essem, pecuniâ Palæmon grammaticus 685 quàm gloriam malle, Ale Palæstina 491 xandri dictum 431 Palympestos 207 Parrhisia Gallorum 183 Pallad. & Miner. num[m]e 89 Parricidarum poena 612 Palladiu[m] regni Fræciæ 706 Parthi 323 Pallatis liberti diuitiæ 104 Kk 4 Par[th]y

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price 670.678 217.704 Price of opobalsam 673 Palmus 16.21.517 Optimus maximus 728 Paludati commanders 93 Work surpassing the material tenfold 357 Marshes of the dishes 414 Cicero used to sell his speeches 127 Notes on Padeclariæ 54 Teaching the art of oratory, what is 200 Parisian Panesicium 595 Three kinds of bread 597 Civil bread 597 Bread consumed daily by Orea 610 Orchestra 456 one man, measure 596 Leaders of the orders, to give account to God by reason 749 Breads & provisions from the AU. 403 Organic body 38 Greek breads 603 Orosius, passage 318 Breads of Julius Pot. Max. 602 Parisian gardens 690 Panepistem[um] of Politian 517 Otacustæ 746 Pannonian sedition 698 Ou[m] μυτι 182 Panther's trick 174 Ou[m] μυτι πρὸς τὸν διονοομ 282 Many laws of Papiæ 151 Male sheep, of the masculine gender 625 Passage in Paralipomenon 431 Golden-fleeced sheep 458 Parasanga 419 Oxybaphus 352 A fault is often made into a just work 55 P Parisian prefecture, vi= Pæonia, manuscript, there neta 687 Palacæ 394 Paleæ 394 Parisian fields ferti. 681.690 Gold palæ and paleolæ 393. 394 If I were Parmenio, to prefer money Palæmon, grammarian 685 to glory, a saying of Alexander 431 Palestine 491 Parrhisia of the Gauls 183 Palympestos 207 Punishment of parricides 612 Pallad. & Miner. num[m]e 89 Parthians 323 Palladium of the kingdom of France 706 Kk 4 Par[th]y Freedmen of Pallatis, wealth 104

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INDEX. Persarum uia regia 419 Persepolis regiæ Persarum 797 excidium 420 Perses semiasinus 488 Persica duracina 554. ga= das ex umbraculis prodi za 421. tributa 378 Persicaru[m] opum ab Alexa[m]. Philosophia Christ. captarum summa 423 Persicarum præfecturarum thodoxa persuasio tributa 376 Persicum talentum 472 Persidis regionis immunitas 378 Persij locus 12 Personalia munera 329 Perscribere quid sit 317 Persuasio orthodoxa 756 Pertica Parisina 324. 325 Pes in numeris 10 Pes in mensuris 16. 317 Petra urbs 322 Pharao à Mose uexat. 501 Pharao aliâs Tecmosis dictus ibidem Pharao Amasis etiam dictus 311 Philadelphi naues 649 Philhellenes Galli 88 Philippei nummi 274. 659 Phippei stateres 483 Philologia 389 Pholologia, Budæi amica Philopatoris nauis 649 Philosophia ad res gerenda das ex umbraculis prodi re dcbet 802 Philosophia Christ. 766 Philosophia collimans, or= thodoxa persuasio 556 Philosophia cordatos facit 800 Philosophia duplex 808 Philosophia ethnica 766 Philosophia propriè appel lata 794 Philosophia uera 766 Philosophiæ libertas 804 Philosophiæ placita omnia cōplexus Solomon 760 Philosoph. studiu[m] miru[m] 512 Philosophiæ uigilantia 801 Philosophiam homini ne= cessaria esse 782 et dein. Philosophi in aulam cōmi= grent, atq; ad remp. ad= munistrandam 802. 803 Philosophi reipu. gerendæ non inepti 785 Philosophi respublicas ad= ministrantes 802 Philosophi ut studia sua in= K k 5 situant

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Persian royal road 419 Persepolis, capital of the Persians 797 destruction 420 Perses, half-ass 488 Persic duracina 554. ga= comes forth from arbors za 421. taxes 378 sum of the Persian spoils taken from Alexan[der] Philosophia Christ. captured 423 prefectures of the Persians thodoxa persuasio taxes 376 Persian talent 472 immunity of the region of Persis 378 Persij, place 12 personal services 329 what it is to set forth in writing 317 orthodox persuasion 756 Parisian rod 324. 325 foot in numbers 10 foot in measures 16. 317 Petra, city 322 Pharaoh tormented by Moses 501 Pharaoh, otherwise called Tecmosis ibid. Pharaoh, also called Amasis 311 Philadelphus' ships 649 Philhellenes, Gauls 88 Philippean coins 274. 659 Phippean staters 483 Philology 389 Pholology, friend of Budæus Philopator's ship 649 Philosophy for carrying out affairs comes forth from arbors must be 802 Christian philosophy 766 philosophy aiming at orthodox persuasion 556 philosophy makes men prudent 800 double philosophy 808 pagan philosophy 766 philosophy properly so called called 794 true philosophy 766 the freedom of philosophy 804 all the tenets of philosophy embraced by Solomon 760 marvelous study of philosophy 512 the vigilance of philosophy 801 philosophy to be necessary for man 782 et dein. philosophers should be admitted into court, and for administering the commonwealth 802. 803 philosophers not unsuitable for governing the commonwealth 785 philosophers administering republics 802 philosophers, as they direct their studies K k 5

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INDEX. stituant 743 Pphilosophoru sectæ 744 Phlegon historicus 506 Phoenice 491 Phoenicia aliquando dicta Palæstina Iudææ 497 Phoenices negotiator. 496 φοροι, uectigalia 303 Phylarchi 320 Pictarum tabularum precio 203 Picturæ honor ibidem Pincerna 567 Pinta 616. Pinta Parisina 552 Pyræum 537 Piscinæ memorabiles 227 Piscinarij insignes 227 Pistoria opera 602 Pitharchici Franci 301 Planipedes ex nimi 753 Planus Horatianus 770 Platanus uitisq; aurea 429 Platonis de uniuersitate liber Latinus à Cicerone factus 15 Pleb. miseria 435. 747. 751 Plinius ab o[mn]ibus annotatur 590. autor excellentiss. 358. an Dioscoride legerit 574. è medicoru[m] libris multa hausit 556. interdu[m] memoriæ defectus 25. Li= uiu[m] sequitur 643. nonun= quam secu[m] pugnat 554 Plinij collectanea quæti po tuerint uendi 342 Plinij corruptio 254. 591 Plinij corruptelæ coniectu ra 305 Plinij erratum 27 Plinij historiæ utilitas 186 Plinij ingenium 280 Plinij laus 25. uanitas 507 Plinij loca corrupta multu[m] negotij Bud. faciunt 553 Plinij loca inter se collata 554 Plinij loca quædam deplo= rata 606 Plinij locus 11. 13. 14. 19. 20. 24. 25. 26. 27. 30. 100. 107. 151. 156. 157. 158. 160. 174. 178. 181. restitu tus 189. 191. 192. 194. 195 196. 197. 198. 203. 217. 228. 229. 233. 224. 236 241. 245. 250. 254. 258 261. 270. 273. 279. 281. 298. 304. 316. 318. 322. 332. 334. 357. 359. 362. 365. 366. 370. 372. 294. 413

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INDEX. stituant 743 Pphilosophoru sectæ 744 Phlegon, historian 506 Phoenice 491 Phoenicia sometimes called Palestine of Judaea 497 Phoenicians, merchant 496 φοροι, taxes 303 Phylarchi 320 The price of painted tablets 203 The honor of painting there Pincerna 567 Pinta 616. Parisian Pinta 552 Pyræum 537 Memorable fishponds 227 Distinguished fishpond-keepers 227 Pastry work 602 Pitharchici Franci 301 Planipedes ex nimi 753 Planus Horatianus 770 Platanus and the golden vine 429 A Latin book on the universe by Plato made by Cicero 15 The misery of the plebs 435. 747. 751 Pliny is annotated by everyone 590. an excellent author 358. whether he read Dioscorides 574. he drew much from the books of physicians 556. sometimes failure of memory 25. he follows Li= uiu[m] 643. sometimes he fights against himself 554 Pliny's collectanea, as much as could be sold 342 Pliny's corruption 254. 591 Conjecture on Pliny's corruptions 305 Pliny's error 27 The usefulness of Pliny's history 186 Pliny's genius 280 Pliny's praise 25. vanity 507 Pliny's corrupted passages cause much trouble for Bud. 553 Pliny's passages compared with one another 554 Certain passages of Pliny deplored 606 Pliny's passage 11. 13. 14. 19. 20. 24. 25. 26. 27. 30. 100. 107. 151. 156. 157. 158. 160. 174. 178. 181. restored 189. 191. 192. 194. 195 196. 197. 198. 203. 217. 228. 229. 233. 224. 236 241. 245. 250. 254. 258 261. 270. 273. 279. 281. 298. 304. 316. 318. 322. 332. 334. 357. 359. 362. 365. 366. 370. 372. 294. 413

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INDEX. 413.416.492.500.508. 509.530.550.560.575. 601.606.607.618.637. 638.641.642.643.644. 666.667.669.670.680. 683.684.685.686.694. 750. Plinij securitas in rei numariæ æstimatione 279 Pliniani numeri corruptissimi 182.281.362. Plin. iunior. diues fuit 342. Idem de Christianis 503 Plin. iunioris in epist. locus 112.142.343.632 Pluralitatem sacerdotioru[m] insectatur 712 Plutarch. de placitis philos. à Budæo uersus. 40 Plutarchi testimonio Bud. sæpe utitur 133 Plutarchi in uitis locus 122.128.132.217.226.283.284.289.291.295.296.297.359. 385 Pluto & Plutus 781 Pocillatores 567 Podargus 769 Poëmatis genera tria 22 Poëtæ Græcorum antiquis simi 494 Poëtarum & rhetorum salaria annua 200 Poliorcetes Demetrius 647 Politia popula. status 382 Polybius, Annibalis æqualis 395 Polybij ætas 323 Polyhistor, multiscius 487 Polytropus 756 Pollex 16.19 Pollicare 317 Pollis & flos 602 Pollucis dictum de talento, memorabile 374 Pomeria intranati 454 Pomorum mira precia Ro[mani]æ 153 Pompeius Magnus quantu[m] auxerit ærarium 302 Pompeij auctariu[m] ad popu. Ro. imperiu[m] 380. donati uum 304. 305. liberalitas & animi magnitudo 347. 348. triumphus 299.306 Pomponij Attici cōstantia, ac frugalitas 339. eiusde[m] cum Cicerone familiarietas ibidem Pomponij iurisconsulti locus 658 Pondus

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INDEX. 413.416.492.500.508. 509.530.550.560.575. 601.606.607.618.637. 638.641.642.643.644. 666.667.669.670.680. 683.684.685.686.694. 750. Pliny's security in the valuation of money 279 Pliny's numbers, most corrupt 182.281.362. Pliny the Younger was wealthy 342. The same, concerning Christians 503 A passage in Pliny the Younger's letters 112.142.343.632 He inveighs against the plurality of priesthoods 712 Plutarch, on the opinions of philosophers, rendered into verse by Budæus. 40 Budaeus often uses Plutarch's testimony 133 A passage of Plutarch in the Lives 122.128.132.217.226.283.284.289.291.295.296.297.359. 385 Pluto and Plutus 781 Cupbearers 567 Podargus 769 Three kinds of poems 22 The Greek poets the most ancient 494 The annual salaries of poets and rhetoricians 200 Demetrius Poliorcetes 647 The commonwealth, the state 382 Polybius, Hannibal's contemporary 395 The age of Polybius 323 Polyhistor, one who knows many things 487 Polytropus 756 Thumb 16.19 To thumb, or calculate by thumb 317 Pollis and flower 602 Pollux's saying about talent, memorable 374 Pomeria, entered upon by natives 454 The astonishing prices of apples in Romania 153 How much Pompey Magnus increased the treasury 302 Pompey's help toward the power of the Roman people 380. his gifts 304. 305. his generosity and greatness of mind 347. 348. his triumph 299.306 The constancy and frugality of Pomponius Atticus 339. his familiarity with Cicero, in the same place A passage of the jurist Pomponius 658 Weight

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INDEX. Pondus panis Parisini 597 Ponderum, mensurarum ac numerorum ratio cognata 49.599 Pondo, as, mina, libra, idem 12.123 Ponderum nomina, as, bes, &c. 49 Pondo trecenta Romana 395 Pontificalem luxum taxat 712 Pontificatus summi dignitas Romæ 219 Pontificis creandi auguriu[m] optimum 735 Pontifices auaros & ambitiosos taxat 706 Pontifices bellatores perstringit 723 Pontifices adhortatur suæ salutis 718 Pontificum & episcoporu[m] comitatus 734 P[ro]tifices maximos belli studiosos perstringit 438 Pontificij libri 731 Ponticum bellum Lucullus non confecit 349 Poppææ uxoris Neronis cædes 411. eius luxus ibi. Popularis actio 81 Populus Gallicus obsequio= sus suis principibus 434 Populi auaritiæ peruincen dæ artifex Demost. 538 Populi sex, baiuli &c. 597 Porcus Troianus 233 Portugallici aurei 695 Potores insignes 550 Præcalidum 463 Prædiorum pensitationes quando cedant 111 Præfecturæ Parthoru[m] 417. 418 Prælatorum, quos uocant, ambitum taxat 706 Prærogatiua tribus 67.735 Præscriptis uerb. agere 32 Præsules unde dicti 78.721 Prætorium castrense Ale= xandri Magni 428 Prætorium ius, et prætoria potestas 628.717 Prætorij sorices 202 Prætorianus senatus 65 Prætorianorum militum sti pendium 700 Præuaricationis indignatio 662 Prætorum reditus 681 Precario possidemus quic= quid

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INDEX. Weight of Paris bread 597 The relation of weights, measures, and numbers, akin 49.599 Pondo, as, mina, libra, the same 12.123 Names of weights, as, as, bes, etc. 49 Three hundred Roman pounds 395 He censures pontifical luxury 712 The dignity of the supreme pontificate at Rome 219 The best augury for creating a pontiff 735 He censures pontiffs as avaricious and ambitious 706 He reproaches pontiffs as men of war 723 He exhorts pontiffs for their own safety 718 The retinues of pontiffs and bishops 734 He reproaches the chief pontiffs for being devoted to war 438 Pontifical books 731 Lucullus did not finish the Pontic war 349 The murder of Poppaea, wife of Nero 411. her luxury there. Popular action 81 The Gallic people obedient to their princes 434 Demosthenes, the master in overcoming the people’s greed 538 The six of the people, bearers, etc. 597 The Trojan pig 233 Portuguese gold coins 695 Notable drinkers 550 Excessively hot 463 When property taxes fall due 111 The prefectures of the Parthians 417. 418 He censures the ambition of the so-called prelates 706 Tribunitian privilege 67.735 To proceed by stated words 32 Why bishops are so called 78.721 The camp praetorium of Alexander the Great 428 The law of the praetor, and praetorian power 628.717 The praetorian rats 202 The praetorian senate 65 The pay of the praetorian soldiers 700 The disgrace of prevarication 662 The revenues of the praetors 681 By favor we possess whatever

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quid habemus 714 Precationis dominicæ locus 593 Primarius panis 597 Primigenia noxa 724 Principes Romani imperatores dicti 193. nomine regio abstinuerunt 382 Principu[m] obseruatio q[uæ] difficilis, quamq[ue] grauis 773 Principum trium uiroru[m] in aula Gallica collatio 68 Principes literatos esse debere 65 Prisciani locus de ponderibus 206.208.209 Prisciani non esse opusculum illud de numeris et ponderibus 249.314 Priuatæ ratio 389 Priuati hominis æs alienu[m] immensum 218. diuitiæ memorabiles 389 Probandi nomismatis ludus 269 Procerum ignorantia 64 Proconsularis potestas 626 Professionis suæ cuiusq[ue] ratio reddenda 511 Profusor opum memorabilis 403 Prometheus 761 Pronæa, sophia 755 Pronuba legatio 96 Propedeumata 757 Prophetarum sacrorum ora cula 759.760 πρὸς λεπινην, apud Leptinem 337 Proteas, uinosus 376 Proteus, deus marinus uetu statistypus 276.291 Protogenes pictor 282 Prouerbium Græcum 324 Prouidentia 755 Prouinciam Cicero depo= suit 350 Prouinciæ Augusti, et pro uinciæ populi 328 Prouinciæ aliâs aliter diuisæ 320 Prouinciaru[m] administranda rum sub Aug. ratio 389 Prouincias ab se domitas im peratores Ro. pro arbitrio disponebant 347 Prouincias adituris magistratibus dari solita 352 Prouincialium stipendiario rum pensitationes 402 Prudentia unde sit 64. quæ sit 90.91 Pruden

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What do we have 714 Place of the Lord’s Prayer 593 Primary bread 597 Original fault 724 The Roman emperors were called princes; they abstained from the royal title 382 The observation of princes, which is difficult and burdensome 773 The comparison of the three chief men in the French court 68 Princes ought to be learned 65 Priscian’s passage on weights 206.208.209 That the work on numbers and weights is not by Priscian 249.314 Private account 389 The immense debt of a private man; memorable riches 389 The game of testing coins 269 The ignorance of the nobles 64 Proconsular power 626 Each person must give an account of his own profession 511 Memorable spender of wealth 403 Prometheus 761 Pronæa, wisdom 755 Bridal embassy 96 Introductory notes 757 The oracles of the holy prophets 759.760 πρὸς λεπινην, in Leptines 337 Proteas, wine-drunk 376 Proteus, marine god; ancient statue 276.291 Protogenes the painter 282 Greek proverb 324 Providence 755 Cicero laid down his province 350 The province of Augustus, and the province of the people 328 Provinces once divided in different ways 320 The system for administering the provinces under Augustus 389 The emperors assigned at their discretion the provinces they had subdued 347 Provinces customarily given to magistrates on going out 352 The payments of provincial taxpayers 402 Prudence, whence it is; what it is 64.90.91 Pruden

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INDEX. Prudentia unde homini ingeneretur 90 Prudentia Gallis asserit 62 Psegma 372 Psephisma plebiscitum 114 Ptolemæus Auletes, Cleopatræ pater 388 Ptolemæus Cypri rex confiscatus 351 Ptolemæus Philopator 648. 649 Publica religione consecrati canonizati 726 P. Clodij domus 360. factio 351 Puer amasius centum millibus emptus 133 Puerperia numerosa 236 Pulmentariu[m] ferè omnes ad panem adhibent 597 Punctum 16 Purpura ignota hodie 191 Purpura insigne Romano-rum imperatorum 192 Purpuræ precium 191 Pustulatum argentum 266 Putei Annibalis 994 Pyetacium 328 Pyramides Aegyptiæ 509 Pyrum anginarium 732 Pythij Bithynij diuitiæ memorabiles 692. 746 Pyxides argirocopiorum 268 Q Quadrages sestertium, uide sestertium quid. Quadrans 16. 48. 49. 149. 564. 620 Quadrates ærei erant 635 Quadrantal 20. 514. 603. 604. 606 Quadrantalis aspectus 30 Quadrata forma 516 Quadrassis 12 Quadrigarum, id est, quaternorum equoru[m] preciu[m] apud Iudæos 478 Quadrigati nummi 638 Quadringenis in puctu sestertijs alea ludere 409 Quadringenta sestertia &c Quadringenta millia 123 Quadringenties sestertium 126 Quartarius 615. 617 Quaterdecies et quinquies=decies 399 Quatuor euangelia 801 Quinarius numerus 149 Quincuncialis herba 20 Quincuncialis ordo unde sit appellatus 50. 51 Quincun

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INDEX. Prudentia, from where it is naturally implanted in man 90 Prudentia claimed by the Gauls 62 Psegma 372 Psephisma, plebiscite 114 Ptolemy Auletes, father of Cleopatra 388 Ptolemy, king of Cyprus, confiscated 351 Ptolemy Philopator 648. 649 Consecrated by public religion, canonized 726 P. Clodius' house 360. faction 351 A kept boy bought for one hundred thousand 133 Numerous births 236 Most people use pulmentarium with bread 597 Point 16 Purple, unknown today 191 Purple, an emblem of the Roman emperors 192 The price of purple 191 Stamped silver 266 Hannibal's wells 994 Pyetacium 328 Pyramids of Egypt 509 Pear against sore throat 732 The notable riches of Pythius the Bithynian 692. 746 Argirocopii boxes 268 Q Quadrages sestertium, see what sestertium means. Quadrans 16. 48. 49. 149. 564. 620 Quadrate bronzes were 635 Quadrantal 20. 514. 603. 604. 606 Quadrantal aspect 30 Square shape 516 Quadrassis 12 Quadrigae, that is, the price of four horses among the Jews 478 Quadrigati coins 638 To play dice for four hundred sesterces at a throw 409 Quadringenta sestertia &c Four hundred thousand 123 Four hundred times a hundred thousand sesterces 126 Quartarius 615. 617 Fourteen times and fifteen times ten 399 The four Gospels 801 The number five 149 Quincuncial herb 20 Where the quincuncial order got its name 50. 51 Quincun

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INDEX. Quincuncialis ordinum ratio 49 Quincunx in poculis 564 Quingēties sestertium 135 Quinquagenaria amphora 608 Quinta natura seu essentia 41 Q. Catuli domus 334 Quintiliani opes 200 Quiritare 246 R Rabirianæ orationis locus 289 Ramentum auri 378 Ramētitium auru[m] 372.378 Ratio priuata 389 Rationis sedes 63 Rationem quam poterunt reddere ecclesiastici male uersantes 715 Rationes posthumæ 747 Rationes ut redderent Romani imperatores 226 Reditus regni Fraciæ 300. imperij Romani 384. Aegypti 387 Redimitum caput 786 Regalia 300 Regem qualem esse oporteat 64 Reges deuicti currum in iu go trahentes 490 Reges Franc. alienis oculis C auribus utentes 443 Reges traijci 752 Regum felicitas 75 Regulibri tertij locus 481 Regum maxima laus 815 Regia libra 165 Regia maiest. expressa 659 Regij consiliarij quales esse debeant 64 Regij nominis odium apud Romanos 382 Regina Saba 486.500 Regna in prouincias redacta 390 Relati in album diuinæ prouidentiæ 782. inter diuos 713 Religione exolui 724 Religione publica consecrati 726 Reliquiæ sanctorum 717 Remorum longitudo immænis 649 Reorum exemptor 748 Rependere auro 203 Res omnis in assem eiusq[ue] partes diuiditur 19 Rerum præclare gestarum laus

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INDEX. The quincunx arrangement of orders 49 Quincunx in cups 564 Five hundred thousand sesterces 135 A fifty-amphora vessel 608 The fifth nature or essence 41 The house of Q. Catulus 334 The wealth of Quintilian 200 “To cry out as a Roman citizen” 246 R A passage from Rabirius’ speech 289 Gold filings 378 Rametitian gold [aurum] 372, 378 Private accounts 389 The seat of reason 63 How the churchmen who behave badly may be required to render an account 715 Posthumous accounts 747 Accounts which the Roman emperors were to render 226 The revenues of the kingdom of France 300. of the Roman Empire 384, of Egypt 387 A head adorned with a garland 786 Royal insignia 300 What sort of king ought to be 64 Conquered kings drawing a chariot in yoke 490 Kings of France using other men’s eyes and ears 443 Kings to be transported 752 The happiness of kings 75 Passage from the third book of Regulibri 481 The greatest praise of kings 815 The royal pound 165 Royal majesty, expressed 659 What royal counsellors ought to be like 64 Hatred of the royal name among the Romans 382 Queen of Sheba 486, 500 Kingdoms reduced to provinces 390 Those enrolled among the gods by divine providence 782; among the gods 713 To be freed from religion 724 Consecrated by public religion 726 Relics of the saints 717 The immense length of the Remi 649 Exemptor of the accused 748 To repay with gold 203 Everything is divided into a single as and its parts 19 The praise of deeds splendidly accomplished

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INDEX. Rusticoru[m] obstinatio 678 S Sabellicus 98.129.368 Saba, portus 486 Sabæ oppidum 485 Sabæi populi ibidem Sacerdotum ignorantia & error 727 Sacerdotes diuitiarum studiosi Sacerdotium opimu[m] in Pon to 348 Sacerdotia qualiter paren = tur in Francia 711 Sacerdotiorum pluralitate[m] insectatur 118. & deinc. Sacrae doctrinæ dignitas, atque amplitudo 764 Sacrae res, uerborum fucum respuunt 759 Sacrarium ueritatis 762 Sacrarum modò literarum & iuris studium quidam olim Gall. attribuebat 92 Sacrarum scripturarum sty lus 763 Sacrosancta scripta 757 Salamandra 574 Sales Gallicorum mimorum 60 Salgamaria uasa 611 Salinarum institutio 385 Salinator unde dictus ibidè Sammaurianum Budæi 52 Samijs uasis non litandum 755 Sanctio pragmatica 706 Sanctorum priscorum constantia 727 Sapientes huius mundi 769 Sapientia circa quæ uerse = tur 90 Sapietia ipsa se aperuit 761 Sapientia omnia nobis bonâ 742 conciliat 742 Sapientia opibus omnibus præstabilior 740 Sapientiæ indag. 743.744 Sapietia studij fructus 764 Sapietia Solomonis 738. &r rata indidem ab interpre te 738 Sardanapali pyra & opes 473. exitus ibidem Sarcta tecta 725 Satanas 592 Satio agroru[m] 526. & dein. Satrapiæ Persarum 371 Saturnus Belo æqualis 487 Saturni ædes 793. seculum 488 Satyricoru[m] Francorum li = Ll licentiæ

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INDEX. Rusticorum obstinatio 678 S Sabellicus 98.129.368 Port of Saba 486 Town of Sabæ 485 People of Sabæ ibidem Ignorance of priests & error 727 Priests eager for riches Priesthood in Po to 348 How priesthoods are born in France 711 He attacks the plurality of priesthoods 118. & afterwards The dignity and greatness of sacred doctrine 764 Sacred things reject verbal disguise 759 The shrine of truth 762 Some once attributed to the French the study of sacred letters 92 The style of the Sacred Scriptures 763 Most sacred writings 757 Salamander 574 The witticisms of French mimes 60 Salt-cellar vessels 611 The institution of saltworks 385 Why Salinator was so called, ibidem Sammaurianum of Budæus 52 Not to sacrifice with Samian vessels 755 Pragmatic sanction 706 The constancy of the ancient saints 727 The wise men of this world 769 Wisdom concerning the things about which it deals 90 Wisdom itself revealed itself 761 Wisdom brings us all good things 742 Wisdom is more excellent than all riches 740 Inquiry into wisdom 743.744 The fruit of the study of wisdom 764 The wisdom of Solomon 738. &r and narrated there from the interpreter 738 The pyre and wealth of Sardanapalus 473. his end ibidem Sealed roofs 725 Satan 592 Sowing of fields 526. & thereafter The satrapies of the Persians 371 Saturn equal to Belus 487 The temple of Saturn 793. age 488 The licentiousness of the satirical French LL licentiæ

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INDEX Senecæ uinx 687 Septem Græciæ sapientes 494 quando extiterint 501 Septuaginta cellulæ in Ae= 501 gypto 501 Septunx 20, 564 Sepulchra regu[m] Aegy. 309 Seria 609. 619 Sermo filius dei 761 Sermo interior & exterior 779 Seruiliæ Bruti matris mar= 210. 223 garita 210. 223 Seruitia picturam non doce 204 bantur 204 Seruitus spontanea 768 Seruius Tullius Romanoru[m] 529 rex 529 Seruorum cura maxima ha 216 benda 216 Seruoru[m] inges numerus 216 Seruorum Romanorum fru 603 galitas 603 Scurum dei temere se uocas 441 pontifex Iulius 441 Sesculysses 11 Sescunx, sescuncia 9 Sescuplum, sexcuplum 9 Sesostris regis superb. 490. 510 490 Sesqui 10 Sesquialter 9 Sesquiculeare dolium 611 Sesquiopera, sesquiplaga 11 Sesquipedalia tigna, uer. 10 Sesquipondium 193 Sesquunx, sesquuncia 9. 12 Sesquiplum 9 Sestans, uide sextans 144 Sestertiu[m] in recto casu 144 Sestertium bis & uicies mil 144 lies à Nerone, prodigè 144 effusum 410 Sestertiu[m] decies 244. 631. duodecies 244. 213. quæ terdecies 143. tricies quadragies 171. sexagies 239. 338. cēties 172. 286. 344. ducenties 339. quæ dringenties 172. quingē ties 135. nouies millies 414. bis & uicies millies 414. bis & uicies millies 410. uicies & septies mil 410. uicies & septies mil lies 403. quadragies mil lies 416 Sestertius nummus 48. 107 108. 620. 664. unde di= 108. 620. 664. unde di= ctus 123 Sester. nuqua æreus fuit 158 Sestertius denarij quarta 158 pars 272 Sestertius centenis aureis 150 æstimatus 150 Ll 2 Sest

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INDEX Seneca's uinx 687 Seven wise men of Greece 494 when they existed 501 Seventy cells in Ae= 501 gypto 501 Septunx 20, 564 Tombs of the kings of Egypt. 309 Seria 609. 619 The Word, son of God 761 Inner and outer speech 779 Servilia, Brutus's mother, mar= 210. 223 garita 210. 223 Slaves were not taught painting 204 bantur 204 Spontaneous slavery 768 Servius Tullius, king of the Romans 529 rex 529 The greatest care for slaves was 216 needed 216 Great number of slaves 216 The luxury of the Roman slaves 603 galitas 603 Scurum dei temere se uocas 441 Pope Julius 441 Sesculysses 11 Sescunx, sescuncia 9 Sescuplum, sexcuplum 9 Pride of King Sesostris 490. 510 490 Sesqui 10 Sesquialter 9 Sesquiculeare dolium 611 Sesquiopera, sesquiplaga 11 Sesquipedalia tigna, ver. 10 Sesquipondium 193 Sesquunx, sesquuncia 9. 12 Sesquiplum 9 Sestans, see sextans 144 Sestertium in the nominative case 144 Sestertium two and twenty times thousand 144 was by Nero, lavishly 144 spent 410 Sestertium ten times 244. 631. twelve times 244. 213. quæ thirteen times 143. tricies forty times 171. sixty times 239. 338. centies 172. 286. 344. two hundred times 339. quæ three hundred times 172. five hundred times 135. nine times a thousand 414. twice and twenty thousand 414. twice and twenty thousand 410. twenty-seven times a thousand 410. twenty-seven times a thousand times 403. forty times a thousand times 416 Sestertius coin 48. 107 108. 620. 664. whence called 108. 620. 664. whence called 123 A sestertius was never bronze 158 A sestertius was the fourth 158 part of a denarius 272 A sestertius valued at one hundred gold pieces 150 estimated 150 Ll 2 Sest

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INDEX. Sestertij in genitiuo 141 Sestertij & denarij æstima tio 175 Sestertij nota 152.180.236 250. pondus 557. ualor 97.149.176.519.681 Sestertij uocabulu[m] Græcis ignotum 282.302 Sestertio in ablatiuo non= nunquam dicitur 141 Sestertio quadragies 143 Sestertia centum, & sester= tiu[m] centies, quid dif. 124 Sestertia quadringenta, & quadringeta millia sester tium nummorum idem 123 Sestertia sexcenta 237 Sestertia singula, millia sin gula numorum sign. 123 Sestertia tria millia parum Latinè dicatur 144 Sestertia trigintâ 337 Sestertia unde dicta 123 Sestertioru[m] æstimatio 168 Sestertiorum uarietas 640 Sestertium pro sestertioru[m] per syncopam 141 Sestertijs Græci non nume rabant 302 Sestertijs millibus corruptè apud autores legi 157 Sestius Niger 574 Sexagenarius aspectus 30 Sexcuple & sescuplum dif= ferunt 9 Sextans 49.621 Sextantarij asses 638 Sextantarij modi 570 Sextantes pro assibus 639 Sextarius 513.547.549 Sextarius octo pintas capit 552 Sextarius bilibris 582 Sextarius Gallicus 518.522 Sextarius Roma. 557.563 Sextarius uini 668 Sextula 15.18 Sextus & sexagenarius a= spectus 30 Sextus decretalium & Cle= mentinæ 731 Siciliæ frumentu[m] 520.521 Siciliquum 16.18.24 Siclus 476.508.509 Siculo agro non cedat Fran cianus ager 526 Silentium magno redemptu[m] 533 Siligo quid 601 Siliqua 16.49 Siliquæ granum 264 Simplicitas Fracis ing. 443 Similago

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INDEX. Sestertius in the genitive case 141 Sestertii & denarii, estimate 175 Sestertii, note 152.180.236 250. weight 557. value 97.149.176.519.681 The word Sestertius unknown to the Greeks 282.302 Sestertio in the ablative is sometimes used 141 Sestertio quadragies 143 Sestertia centum, & sestertium centies, what difference 124 Four hundred sestertia, & four hundred thousand sestertii coins, the same 123 Six hundred sestertia 237 Each sestertium, each thousand of coins indicated 123 Three thousand sestertia is not very Latin 144 Thirty sestertia 337 Whence sestertia is derived 123 The value of sestertiorum 168 The variety of sestertiorum 640 Sestertium, by syncopation, for sestertiorum 141 The Greeks did not reckon by sestertii 302 Sestertijs millibus is corruptly read in authors 157 Sestius Niger 574 Sexagenarius aspectus 30 Sexcuple and sescuple differ 9 Sextans 49.621 Sextantarij asses 638 Sextantarij modi 570 Sextantes for asses 639 Sextarius 513.547.549 A sextarius holds eight pints 552 Sextarius bilibris 582 Gallic sextarius 518.522 Roman sextarius 557.563 Sextarius of wine 668 Sextula 15.18 Sextus & sexagenarius aspectus 30 The sixth decretal and the Clementines 731 Sicilian grain 520.521 Siliquum 16.18.24 Siclus 476.508.509 The ager Francianus does not уступать to the Sicilian field 526 Silence bought at great cost 533 What siligo is 601 Siliqua 16.49 A grain of siliquae 264 Simplicity of the Fracis ing. 443 Similago

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INDEX Similago, simula'ue 600 Simon magus 506 Simoniacos taxat 708 Simulachroru cultus quan= do institutus 487 Simulatores perstring. 471 Simulationis difficultas 80 Simulatione aulicam per= stringit 778 Sitometrium 595 s'ipou s'ixa 113 Solatorum aureorum ualor 263 Sol stupeda fertilitas 690 Solidus 483.658 Solidi, aurei 664. duodena= rij 169 Solidi Parisienses & Turo nenses 375 Solomon & ditissimus, & sapientissimus 738 Solomon encyclopædia ab= soluit 740 Solomon in ænigmatibus à puero uiectus 500 Solomon trismegistus, sa= pientiæ antistes 760 Solomonis epistola ad Va= phre Aegypti rege 474 Solomonis philosophia 508 symbola 757 Solomonis & Dauidis opes 491 Solonis mensuris ututur Pa risienses 616 Sophene 491 Sophia, quæ & pron. 755 Sophistæ dicedi magist. 87 Sordes trib. pl. ac cos. insi gnis 364 In Sordibus esse 94 Sorices prætorij 202 Sorites 745 Spartianus inter classicos autores no c[on]sendus 143 Spes ambitiosorum 775 Spicæ mutilæ, non aristatæ 526 Spira 100 Spiritualia quæ dican. 728 Spithamæ 16 Sportula, centum quadran= tes 620 Stannum 581 Stare ad cyathum 566 Stater 16.483.692 Stater Atticus aureus 258 Stater multiplex, Cyzice= nus, Atticus, Persicus, Ly simacheus 695.696 Stathmi, mansiones 418 Stat yra Darij filia 425 Ll 3 Sterl

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INDEX. Sterlinus quid 165 Stertinij medici ingens quæ stus Romæ 195 Stigmate inuruntur nobiles pueri 237 Stipendium medicoru[m] Romæ 195 Stipendium militare 645. 697. 700 Stipendia apud Gallos olim literatis non attrib. 79 Stipendia emerita 588 Stoici 784 Stipendia implere 765 Stomachus propriè dictus 618 Strabo quo tempore fuerit 319. eius autoritas 86 Strabonis locus 205. 395. 613 Studij fructus in ima uena reconditus 589 Studioru[m] quis tenor tenendus 754 Studiosi nomine indig. 85 Stupiditas mortalium 729 Sub uexillis retineri 699 Subsiciuum 17 Successio apostolorum & discipuloru[m] domini qualis esse debuerit in nostris sacerdotibus 719 Suetonius de Christianis 502. 504 Suetonij locus 102. 140. & deinceps 275. uide Tran quillus Suffenus sibi quisq; 806 Suffragium prærogatiuum 67 Suidæ locus corruptus 480 Suillæ carnis salsura 619 Suillum iecur 232 Suillius accusator 662 Summa opum maxima 423 Summa pecuniæ immensa 315 Summum bonum 741 Superbiæ abijciendæ exem plum 430 Superfætatio miranda 236 Supplicia æterna ut euite[mus] 718 Suprà quàm 229 Super choenicen ne sedeas Superbia, cupiditas, uolu[m] ptas, Geryones tergeminus 783 Superindictiones 301 Supremus disceptator & iu dex Christus 732 Sus ganeæ aptus 232 Suum

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INDEX. Sterlinus quid 165 An enormous dispute among doctors in Stertinus in Rome 195 Noble boys are branded with a stigma 237 Doctors' stipend in Rome 195 Military stipend 645. 697. 700 Stipends among the Gauls were not formerly assigned to men of letters 79 Emoluments of veterans 588 Stoics 784 To fulfill the stipends 765 Stomachus properly so called 618 When Strabo lived 319. his authority 86 Passage of Strabo 205. 395. 613 The fruit of study laid up in the bottom vein 589 What course of studies should be followed 754 In the name of the studious 85 The stupidity of mortals 729 To be kept under the standards 699 Subsiciuum 17 The succession of the apostles and of the Lord's disciples, what it ought to have been in our priests 719 Suetonius on Christians 502. 504 Passage of Suetonius 102. 140. and thereafter 275. see Tran quillus Suffenus each man to himself 806 Prerogative vote 67 A corrupt passage in Suidas 480 Salting of pork 619 Pig's liver 232 Suillius the accuser 662 The greatest abundance of riches 423 An immense sum of money 315 The highest good 741 An example to be thrown down for pride 430 Wonderful superfetation 236 Punishments eternal, that we may avoid them 718 Above what measure 229 Do not sit above the choenix Pride, desire, pleasure, Geryon triple 783 Indictiones superindictiones 301 Christ the supreme judge and just avenger 732 A sow fit for a stewhouse 232 His own

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INDEX. Triunx & triuncis 149 gitabat Nero 385 Trogi locus 399 Vectigaliatriu[m] generu[m] 384 Troianus porcus 233 Vectigalium uocabulis pri Tropus orationis multi= scis manetibus, p[er]esitatio plex 730 tamen no[n] respondet 661 Turdetania eadem, quæ & Vectigaliu[m] imminutio 118. Bætica, aurifera 392 661 Turdus uocalis 160 Velites, uelitari 83 Turdoru[m] precium 231.232 Veneti à Gallis bello laces= Tutelares regni uirtutes siti 438 Sis Veniam à deo temere præ= Tiberij rapacitas 407 sumentes 716 V Veniales tesseræ 731 V litera, quæ nota 249 Venialia donatiua 74 Valerius Maximus Plinio Venire semuncia 364 antiquior 334 Ventriculus 618 Vaphris regis Aegypti re= Venus Coa imperfecta 452 sponsio ad Solomonem Venus Palatina dictus L. 475 Crassus 367 Variana clades sub Augu= Verbum unum improbum sto 327 seuerè castigatum 628 Varronis locus 17.156.230 Vergilius quantum recepe Vasa argētea preciosa 332 rit pro pauculis uersibus Vasarium 352 344. eius sensus ibidem. Vasorum differentiæ 610 eius aurei uersus ibidem Vasorum nomina, triens, Verris surta 101.172.173 quadrans &c. 49 Veritas antiq[ui]s ignota 307 Vectigalia bina eodem an= Veritas co[m]perta à nobis re= no exigētes, ut reprimen tineri nequit ibidem di sint 311 Veritas hominum contuber Vectigalia omitti iubere co nalis 727 Veritatis

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INDEX. Triunx & triuncis 149 Nero’s disgraceful behavior 385 Trogi locus 399 Types of tax 384 Trojan pig 233 Vocabularies of taxes, with persistence Figure of speech, many- yet it does not answer fold 730 Reduction of taxes 661 Turdetania, the same as 118. Bætica, rich in gold 392 661 Song thrush 160 Velites, light-armed troops 83 Price of thrushes 231.232 The Veneti, attacked by the Gauls in war Guardian virtues of the kingdom 438 Sis Presuming to ask mercy from God too readily The rapacity of Tiberius 407 716 V Venial sins 731 The letter V, which is a mark 249 Venial gifts 74 Valerius Maximus older than Pliny One semuncia to enter 364 334 Ventricle 618 Response of King Vaphris of Egypt to Solomon Venus Coa imperfecta 452 475 Crassus Venus Palatina, called L. Varian disaster under Augustus 327 Passage in Varro 17.156.230 A single improper word Precious silver vessels 332 severely punished 628 Vasarium 352 How much Vergilius received for a few verses Differences among vessels 610 344. its meaning there. Names of vessels, triens, his golden verse there quadrans, etc. 49 Stolen by Verris 101.172.173 Taxes exacted twice in the same year, so that they may be checked Truth unknown to the ancients 307 Truth discovered by us cannot be retained there To command that taxes be omitted Truth of human fellowship 727 Truth

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INDEX. Vinum uetustissimum 666 Vini amphora 551 Vini apud Parisios uilitas miranda 154 Vini parciores erant anti= qui 570 Vini potores insignes 550 Vini precium apud priscos 675 Vini precium maximum 673.675 Vina ut seruarentur 675 Vinorum ætas 673 Vina annos ferre 219 Vinorum apud Parisienses precium maximum 672 Vinorum diffusio 611 Vinorum Francicorum uæ rietas ac præstantia 674 Virorum duorum aulicoru[m] exempla diuersa 460 Virorum duorum proboru[m] exempla diuersa 449 Virtutis ac doctrinæ algor 790 Vitæ ac professionis suæ cu iusq; ratio reddenda 512 Vitæ huius gloria 740.777 Vitellij luxus 101.411.414 Vitis platanusq; aurea 429. 430 Vitisprodigiosæ fertilitatis 689 Vitem tenentes Centurio= nes 708 Vitium cultura 676 Vitium obuenire 66 Vitruiij locus molestissi= mus 636 Vitruiij locus restit. 404 Viuorum exuuias petentes sectores taxat 796 Vlpiani iurisc. tepora 661 Vlysses Homericus 756 Vlyssis socij ibidem Vncia 9.12.16.17.517. 668.669 Vncia apud medicos 557 Vncia agri 17. auri 263. uini 668 Vnciæ argenti ualor 268 Vncia auri plus quàm libra auri 258 Vnciæ distributio 165. scru pula 248 Vnciæ in libra quot ibid. Vncialis altitudo 669 Vnciales literæ 12 Vnciaria usura 32 Vnectores, aliptæ 723 Vnio Cleopatræ 220.222 Seruiliæ unio 223 Vniones

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INDEX. Very old wine 666 Amphora of wine 551 Amazing cheapness of wine at Paris 154 The ancients drank wine more sparingly 570 Notable drinkers of wine 550 Price of wine among the ancients 675 Greatest price of wine 673.675 For wines to be preserved 675 Age of wines 673 Wines to bear years 219 Greatest price of wines among the Parisians 672 Spread of wines 611 Variety and excellence of French wines 674 Different examples of two courtiers 460 Different examples of two worthy men 449 Coldness of virtue and learning 790 Account to be given by each of his life and profession 512 Glory of this life 740.777 Luxury of Vitellius 101.411.414 The golden vine and plane tree 429. 430 Marvellous fertility of the vine 689 Centurions holding the vine 708 Cultivation of the vine 676 An occurrence of vice 66 The most troublesome passage of Vitruvius 636 Restoration of the passage of Vitruvius 404 Cutters seeking the spoils of the living 796 Time of Ulpian the jurist 661 Homeric Ulysses 756 Companions of Ulysses there Ounce 9.12.16.17.517. 668.669 Ounce among physicians 557 Ounce of land 17. of gold 263. of wine 668 Value of an ounce of silver 268 An ounce of gold more than a pound of gold 258 Distribution of ounces 165. scruples 248 How many ounces in a pound there Ounce-like height 669 Ounce-like letters 12 Interest at one ounce per hundred 32 Anointers, aliptes 723 Union of Cleopatra 220.222 Union of Servilia 223 Unions

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INDEX Vniones sorbiles conuiuis appositi 241 Vnionu precia 220.221.222 Vocabula multa iamdiu no intellecta 53 Vocabula locoru 486. men soru 16. pecuniæ signatæ 48. uasorum 49 Voluntas dei ut fiat, precantes, quid petamus 779 Vomitandi consuetudo 411 Vranophron 795 Vrbanos magistratus ambitiosos taxat 772 Vrbes ut capiantur 90 Vrbis adornandæ studiosus Augustus 329 Vrbis ornandæ ratio 354 Vrna 550.615 Vrphe insula 474 Vsura centesima III. sesqui centesima 113 Vsura ciuilis & legitima secundu Iustinianum 119 Vsura drachmalis 114 Vsura duplex 117 Vsuræ hodiernæ 121 Vsuræ mestrue fuerut 114 Vsuræ semisses 110 Vsuras co[n]cernes locus Her molai Barbari 109 Vtilitas huius libri 148 Vtilitas publica cum priuæ ta quibusdam pugnare uidetur 446 Vulcania uincula 769 X 641 X terminata nomina, genitiuum per e faciunt 10 Xenium aduentitium magi stratibus dari solitu 353 Xenomania 444 Xerxes togatus, Lucullus dictus 228 Xerxiscrudele facinus 746 Xestes 572.616 Y Xphriolusura subsesquipla 120 Z Zelus domini 440 Zeugitæ 527.528 Zoroastres 500 Zygostatica libra 165 FINIS.

Transcription: Translated (English)

INDEX Sippable unions set before guests 241 Value of unions 220.221.222 Many words long since not understood 53 Words of places 486. of the minds? 16. of coined money 48. of vessels 49 Praying that the will of God be done; what we ask for 779 Habit of vomiting 411 Uranophron 795 He censures ambitious urban magistrates 772 Cities, how they are to be taken 90 Augustus, zealous for adorning the city 329 Method for adorning the city 354 Urn 550.615 Island of Vrphe 474 Centesimal interest, III. sesqui-centesimal 113 Civil and lawful interest according to Justinian 119 Drachmal interest 114 Double interest 117 Modern interest 121 Monthly interest 114 Half-interest 110 Passage concerning usury, Her molai Barbari 109 Usefulness of this book 148 Public usefulness seems to conflict with private interests in some respects 446 Vulcan's chains 769 X 641 Words ending in X form the genitive with e 10 A complimentary gift given to magistrates 353 Xenomania 444 Xerxes in Roman dress, called Lucullus 228 The cruel deed of Xerxes 746 Xestes 572.616 Y Xphriolusura subsesquipla 120 Z Zeal of the Lord 440 Zeugitæ 527.528 Zoroaster 500 Zygostatic balance 165 FINIS.

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Transcription: ATR-1

Biblioteca Nazionale V. E. Roma

Transcription: Translated (English)

National Library V. E. Rome

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