On the As and Its Parts: Five Books on Roman Coinage, Weights, and Measures

Creator: Guillaume Budé | Date: 1515 | Notes: Original title: De asse et partibus eius libri quinque A learned Latin treatise in five books on Roman coinage, weights, and measures, taking as its subject the Roman as, the copper unit from which all higher denominations were computed, together with its fractions. Its central argument turns on a single philological correction in Pliny — whether the inflected form sestertia should be read as a substantive genitive plural or as an adverbial multiplicative — a distinction Budé names the cardo totius operis and which shifts the scale of Roman public finance by an order of magnitude. Budé verifies his reconstructions by weighing surviving ancient coins on a balance, measuring a cubic quadrantal vessel filled with wheat and water, and even interrogating a Parisian baker on his grain. From this metrological core the work widens into extended digressions on the debasement of coinage, usury and interest, Roman and Persian fiscal machinery, the neglect of letters, and a sustained denunciation of clerical avarice and the warlike pontificate of Julius II. It subordinates every ancient and ecclesiastical authority to the numen of Truth, aligns its critical posture with the ancient Ephectici (Pyrrhonian skeptics), and closes with a dialogue between Budé and the magistrate François Deloynes and a patriotic peroration dedicated to the genius of France. 👉 <a href="https://tryleo.ai/collections/exlatinis/bude-de-asse-roman-coinage-1515">Read our introductory primer, full report, and finding guide here</a> 📜 <a href="https://archive.org/details/bub_gb_2Iqok-Lv-wcC/mode/2up">View the original source file</a> This text was transcribed and translated as part of the ExLatinis project—an effort by Leo to make English translations of every published text in Latin in early modern Europe (between 1450 and 1750) available to the public for free online.

Title
On the As and Its Parts: Five Books on Roman Coinage, Weights, and Measures
Creator
Guillaume Budé
Date
1515
Notes
Original title: De asse et partibus eius libri quinque A learned Latin treatise in five books on Roman coinage, weights, and measures, taking as its subject the Roman as, the copper unit from which all higher denominations were computed, together with its fractions. Its central argument turns on a single philological correction in Pliny — whether the inflected form sestertia should be read as a substantive genitive plural or as an adverbial multiplicative — a distinction Budé names the cardo totius operis and which shifts the scale of Roman public finance by an order of magnitude. Budé verifies his reconstructions by weighing surviving ancient coins on a balance, measuring a cubic quadrantal vessel filled with wheat and water, and even interrogating a Parisian baker on his grain. From this metrological core the work widens into extended digressions on the debasement of coinage, usury and interest, Roman and Persian fiscal machinery, the neglect of letters, and a sustained denunciation of clerical avarice and the warlike pontificate of Julius II. It subordinates every ancient and ecclesiastical authority to the numen of Truth, aligns its critical posture with the ancient Ephectici (Pyrrhonian skeptics), and closes with a dialogue between Budé and the magistrate François Deloynes and a patriotic peroration dedicated to the genius of France. 👉 <a href="https://tryleo.ai/collections/exlatinis/bude-de-asse-roman-coinage-1515">Read our introductory primer, full report, and finding guide here</a> 📜 <a href="https://archive.org/details/bub_gb_2Iqok-Lv-wcC/mode/2up">View the original source file</a> This text was transcribed and translated as part of the ExLatinis project—an effort by Leo to make English translations of every published text in Latin in early modern Europe (between 1450 and 1750) available to the public for free online.

Document notes

Original title: De asse et partibus eius libri quinque A learned Latin treatise in five books on Roman coinage, weights, and measures, taking as its subject the Roman as, the copper unit from which all higher denominations were computed, together with its fractions. Its central argument turns on a single philological correction in Pliny — whether the inflected form sestertia should be read as a substantive genitive plural or as an adverbial multiplicative — a distinction Budé names the cardo totius operis and which shifts the scale of Roman public finance by an order of magnitude. Budé verifies his reconstructions by weighing surviving ancient coins on a balance, measuring a cubic quadrantal vessel filled with wheat and water, and even interrogating a Parisian baker on his grain. From this metrological core the work widens into extended digressions on the debasement of coinage, usury and interest, Roman and Persian fiscal machinery, the neglect of letters, and a sustained denunciation of clerical avarice and the warlike pontificate of Julius II. It subordinates every ancient and ecclesiastical authority to the numen of Truth, aligns its critical posture with the ancient Ephectici (Pyrrhonian skeptics), and closes with a dialogue between Budé and the magistrate François Deloynes and a patriotic peroration dedicated to the genius of France. 👉 Read our introductory primer, full report, and finding guide here 📜 View the original source file This text was transcribed and translated as part of the ExLatinis project—an effort by Leo to make English translations of every published text in Latin in early modern Europe (between 1450 and 1750) available to the public for free online.

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Bud. de

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Bud. de

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16 1817 J. H.

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16 1817 J. H.

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GVLIELMI BVDAEI PARISIENSIS, CONSI- LIARII REGII, Col. Vom. DE Soc. Iesu. ASSE ET PAR- TIBVS EIVS LIBRI V. * To Libray Iapuri VIRTUTE DVCE, COMITE FORTUNA. LVGDVNI, APVD SEB. GYRPHIVM, 1542.

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Guilielmi Budaei Parisiensis, Consiliarii Regii, Col. Vom. of the Society of Jesus. Of the As and its Parts Books V. * To Libray Iapuri Virtue as leader, Fortune as companion. Lugduni, at Seb. Gryphius, 1542.

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1 1

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1 1

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GVLIELMVS BV= DAEVS PARISIENSIS, Regius Secretarius, ad optimum quenq; & candidissimum uirum, litera= rum & philosophiæ studiosum, PRAEFATIO IN LIBROS DE ASSE ET PARTI= BV S EIVS. NATVRA comparatum esse uidemus, ut qui aliquid efficere se posse confidat, ij ad id aggrediendum, auspicandum, ab soluendum, toto (ut dicitur) pectore to- taq; cogitatione incumbant: idq; nihil o secius etsi absq; rei familiaris detrimento, aut ualetudinis incommodo facere non posse intelligent, nedum si nullu[m] inde dignum operæ precium expectent. tanta uis est natu ræ ad ea impellentis, ad quæ nos aptos fecit. Quum au= tem humanis animis nihil magis intelligentia ingenitum sit, quæ parens est ipsa omnis inuentionis: sit eiusdem na= turæ instinctu, ut quàm quisque ingenio maximè præstat, tam is ad comminiscendum semper aliquid maximè inten= tus sit & pronus. Quod uidens (ut arbitror) Homerus in= geniorum uertex, homines alphestas interdum appella= uit, quasi indagatores, & inueniendi ui præditos. Inter= dum id uocabulum pro hominibus usurpauit, quasi scili= cet hoc hominis maximè proprium esse existimaret, inda= gare & inuenire. Inde artium omnium cõsummatio, quas Varro intra mille annos repertas & absolutas fuisse tra= dit

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GVLIELMVS BV= DAEVS PARISIENSIS, Royal Secretary, to every best and most upright man, a lover of letters and philosophy, PREFACE TO THE BOOKS ON THE AS AND THE PARTS OF IT. WE see that nature has so arranged things that those who trust they can accomplish something, direct their whole mind and all their thought toward undertaking, beginning, and carrying it through; and they are no less unable to do so without detriment to their household affairs or injury to their health, not to mention if they expect from it no worthy reward for their labor. So great is the force of nature impelling us toward those things for which she has fitted us. But since nothing is more innate in human minds than intelligence, which is itself the parent of every invention, it follows from the impulse of the same nature that the more one excels in talent, the more he is always intent and inclined to devise something. Seeing this, Homer, I think that summit of genius, sometimes called men alphestas, as though searchers and endowed with the power of finding. At other times he used that word for human beings, as if he judged this to be especially proper to man: to seek out and to discover. Hence comes the accomplishment of all the arts, which Varro relates were found and perfected within a thousand years.

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dit, cum uarias scilicet usus meditando excuderet artes: ut inquit Homerus alter. Verumenimuero res multæ præclaræ ab antiquis uel inuentæ, uel usurpatæ, et in corum usu positæ, ita uel æui situ squalidæ, uel incuria temporum neglectæ, uel rerum inclinationibus diu desitæ fuerunt, ut iterum inueniendas in usum suum easdem posteritas habuerit. Quare uirorum acrium doctorum que diligentia tantum una et altera ætate effectum est commentando, ut antiquitas propemodum interpolata in usum linguæ Latinæ ad nos peruenisse uideatur. Quum igitur ad ea quæ restabant inuestiganda, ita animatos æquales ætatis nostræ studiosos animaduerterem, ut certatim unusquisque in commune negotium nauare operam contenderet, quasi è medio desumere sibi gloriæ argumentum: ausus sum et ipse, cum ad hæc studia nec parum nec leuiter incubuissem, quæ comminisci potueram, in medium afferre: si forte ipsa quoque placere, et adiuvare laborem inquirentium possent. Itaque Annotationes primum in Pandectas edidi: in quibus non pauca contra receptam in uulgus hominum opinionem, et multarum ætatum sententia præiudicatam, in iudicium deduxi, nonnulla etiam fortasse ne inter doctos quidem satis animaduersa. Qua in re utinam mihi non obfuerit quòd tumultuosius quàm decebat, in medium attuli quæ tumultuariè collegera. ita enim inconsulto seruore me intuli in publicum, ut facilius culpam deprecari, quàm nunc inficiari aut excusare possim: ausus ipse Mineruam (ut aiunt) Athenis uiolare, id est Accursij autoritatem inter iurisperitissimos obtrectare, quæ summa et optima pars est nostrorum magistratum. Nunc alteram lucubrationem grandioris incepti operosiorisq[ue] profero: no[n] in unum genus illam quidem editam aut disciplinarum

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that is, as Homer says of another, he would forge various arts by meditating on their uses. But truly many splendid things, either invented or used by the ancients and placed at their service, have so fallen into neglect, either through the rust of time, or the carelessness of the ages, or long abandonment owing to the turns of events, that posterity has had to rediscover the same things for its own use. Therefore, by the diligence of keen and learned men, in just one or two generations so much was accomplished by commentary that antiquity, almost restored after interpolation, seems to have come down to us for use in the Latin tongue. Since, then, I observed those of our own age who were devoted to investigating what still remained, so inspired that each one strove in rivalry to contribute his efforts to the common task, as though to derive from it for himself a source of glory from the midst of it, I too dared, since I had applied myself not a little and not lightly to these studies, to bring into the open what I had been able to devise, if by chance those very things might also please and help the labor of those inquiring. Accordingly I first published the Annotations on the Pandects; in them I brought into question not a few things contrary to the opinion commonly received among men and prejudged by the judgment of many ages, and also some things perhaps not sufficiently noticed even by scholars. In this matter, would that it had not harmed me that, more turbulently than was fitting, I brought into public what I had gathered in a tumultuous manner: for so recklessly did I thrust myself into public view that I can more easily beg pardon for the fault than now deny or excuse it; I, bold enough to assail Minerva, as they say, in Athens, that is, to challenge the authority of Accursius among the most learned jurists, who is the highest and best part of our masters. Now I put forward another labor of a greater, more painstaking undertaking: indeed not published under one single kind or of the disciplines

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plinarum, aut artium: sed in uniuersum pertinentem ad antiquitatis interpretationem, & per omne propè genus autorum probiorum utraq[ue] lingua patentem. Quin & illud interest, quòd in illa commentatione cum ignorantiæ alumnis res nuhi tantu[m] fuit, quibus ferè ueritas retrorsum longius repetita persuaderi uix potest. Docti autem uiri nullum nuhi negotium facessere uidebantur, qui uel ipsi ueritatem suapte intelligentia deprehendere solent, uel do ciles ad optimam quanq[ue] doctrinam se præbere non grauantur. At uerò huius ea ratio est & conditio, minimè quidem ipsa popularis, ut quas res in iudicium affero, ijs de rebus censuisse rectè no[n] nisi solus & unus possim. Quo fit, ut si in summa forte operis (o præcipitem scribendi sortem, non modò ancipitem) hallucinatus esse uidear, omnium scriptorum recentiorum præiudicijs, & præcipuè doctissimi cuiusque, damnatum me iri necesse sit. Huius anxietatis unum id demum solatium habeo, quòd si secundum me (ut spero) doctoru[m] qui nunc sunt superstites, consensus pronuntiarit, in huius certaminis palma nullam sibi partem fortuna uendicabit, nullam inde frondem hominu[m] quisquam præscripturus est. Nam cum res attuli non forte fortuna repertas, ut legendo fit interdum, sed omnibus uestigijs indagatas, ijsq[ue] partim exoletis, partim perplexè inuolutis: tum uerò ita res nata tulit, ut enarratorum lites nullas uertere in meam rem potuerim, quum eodem errore (nisi fallor) concordes ad unum offenderim. sic fit ut nec repositum cibum, nec frigidum attulerim, nec qui fastidiu[m] mouere stomachis à copia lectionum redundantibus possit. Primus enim (ut reor) instaurandam hanc partem uetu statis suscepi, non ab alijs illam quidem neglectam, sed uel hactenus conclamatam, uel præuaricatione transmis= sam

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of grammar, or of the arts; but in general bearing on the interpretation of antiquity, and open in both languages across nearly every kind of better author. And this too makes a difference: that in that commentary I had to deal only with the pupils of ignorance, to whom truth, traced back from farther away, can scarcely be persuaded. Learned men, however, seemed to me to give me no trouble, since either they themselves are accustomed to grasp the truth by their own understanding, or they do not disdain to present themselves as receptive to every sort of sound learning. But indeed this is its nature and condition, by no means a popular one, in that with respect to the matters I bring into judgment, I can rightly give an opinion on those matters only as one man and alone. The result is that if perhaps I seem to have blundered in the main body of the work—O the headlong fate of writing, not merely precarious but double-edged—it must necessarily be that I am condemned by the prejudices of all recent writers, and especially of each most learned man. The only comfort I have in this anxiety is that if, as I hope, the consensus of the scholars now surviving pronounces in my favor, fortune will claim no share for itself in the palm of this contest, and no one will be able to prescribe any wreath for men from it. For I have brought forward not things found by chance and luck, as sometimes happens in reading, but things traced out by all the tracks, and those partly obsolete, partly intricately entangled. Then indeed matters so turned out that I could not turn the quarrels of the interpreters to my own advantage, since I encountered them all, I think, in agreement in the same error. Thus it happens that I have brought neither stored-up food nor cold food, nor anything that could arouse disgust in stomachs overflowing from abundance of reading. For I was the first, as I think, to undertake the restoration of this part of antiquity—not that it had been neglected by others, but either hitherto cried down as hopeless, or passed over through evasion.

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6 sam. Addidi etiam uocabula non è prôptuaria penu sumpta, quum ipsum per se operis argumentum suopte gustu posset ad stomachos acriores facere, nulla etiam sermonis iucunditate conditum. Titulum operis eum elegi, qui rem tractandam implere rectè intelligentibus posset, nec tamen profiteri Archimedem quoddam inuentum uidere tur, aut auidam spem legentium immani pollicitatione frustri. Nam neque eiusmodi librum condidisse glorior, qui in arce Mineruæ statim consecrandus sit: nec rursus cuiuslibet industriæ esse censeo, pondera & mensuras prisco= rum, nomismatis Græci Latiniq[ue]; rationem æstimationeq[ue]; simul numerandi colligendiq[ue]; modum hoc tempore expli casse, ac priscam mundi opulentiam ad nummum perpen= disse. Id quod nisi effecisse uidebor, propositi compos non ero. Mercimonij uerò expositi explicatio docebit (ut est in sermone hominum) quid institor rerum nouarum uisen dum attulerit. Neque uerò uitio mihi uertetur (ut arbi= tror) quòd adhuc unus inuentus sim qui res densissimo situ uetustatis obductas refricare nunc auderem, reiq[ue] complo ratæ & ab alijs abiectæ explicationem ab longioribus se= culis repetere, quàm ut eorum nunc redire scientia postli= minio posset, præsertim accedentibus tot memoriæ nostræ superiorisq[ue]; præiudicijs. Non sum enim nescius quosdam de opere tantum fama cognito, nec adhuc absoluto, senten tiam eam tulisse, propè ut bidental mouisse à quibusdam existimarer, qui tanto interuallo hunc lapidem molirer ab omnibus intactum, aut certè inconcussum. Hoc autem ea de causa libentius suscepi, ut æqualium posterorumq[ue]; studia, nostrorum præcipuè, ad parem aut maiorem con tentionem excitarem, & in eandem causam mecum quam= plurimi incumberent. simul otiosæ huius uitæ rationem, quam

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6 I have also added words not taken from the storehouse of provision, since the subject matter of the work itself, by its own savor, could already make it palatable to keener stomachs, even without being seasoned by any charm of style. I chose the title for the work in such a way that it could properly convey to those who understand the matter what is to be treated, and yet would not seem to profess some Archimedean invention, or to cheat the eager hopes of readers by an extravagant promise. For I do not boast that I have composed a book of such a kind as should at once be dedicated in Minerva's citadel; nor do I think it the task of just any diligence to have explained in this age the weights and measures of the ancients, the system and estimate of Greek and Latin coinage, together with the method of reckoning and computing, and to have weighed out to the ounce the ancient wealth of the world. Unless I shall appear to have accomplished this, I shall not be master of my purpose. But the explanation of the merchandise displayed will teach, as men say, what the shopkeeper of new things has brought for inspection. Nor indeed, as I think, will it be blamed on me that, being perhaps the first to do so, I now dare to reopen things overlaid with the thickest rust of antiquity, and to revive the explanation of a matter bewailed by all and cast aside by others, tracing it back through longer ages than would allow its knowledge now to return by postliminy, especially with so many prejudices from our own memory and from times before us intervening. For I am not unaware that some, knowing the work only by report and not yet completed, have passed judgment on it, so that I might almost be thought by some to have moved a bidental, since I was stirring up this stone, long left untouched by all, or certainly unmoved. But I have taken this in hand all the more gladly for this reason: that I might stir up the zeal of those of my own time and of posterity, especially our own men, to equal or greater effort, and that as many as possible might devote themselves with me to the same cause. At the same time, the account of this idle life, which

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7 quam libens amplexatus sum, occasionem præbente temporis conditione, constare mihi apud patriam meam uole bam. Cuius rei indicium hoc esse uolo, quòd nemini uni bunc librum, sed genio Franciæ patriæ que dicare constitui. Nullum enim amplius præmium laboris propè sesqui annui exoptaui, quàm ut gratiam uniuersim à Francis, & subinde à Parisiensibus municipibus meis inirem. Dolebam etiam uehementer eam opinionem temere inualuisse, quasi ingenia Gallica à Quinquatribus Mineruæ interdicto naturæ summouerentur. Qua dere in opere ipso quid sentirem explicui, nescio quàm appositè. Itaq[ue] sub nomine iam dicto librum auspicatè proditurum censui, ut uel Genio uel Mineruæ Franciæ, quasi que in æde Honoris publici dicatus esse uideatur. Nunc uiros doctos huius certaminis iudices, qui de captu nostro scriptis alijs cognito, coniecturam facturi sunt in huius operis summam, exorandos habeo, ut Areopagitarum more rem magis iudicandam quàm reum animaduertant. librum prius perlegant, relegant que, argumenta probationes que expendant: ita quod uisum fuerit, ad extremum pronuuntient. Et quando ita necesse est, ut ex oratione nostra æstimatio nostri fiat, quum libris in publicum editis calculum ipse iudicibus iam porrexerim, monitos eos uelim, ut specimen iudicij non à musteo adhuc stylo nostro tyrociuij que seruore exultanti, sed ab austeriore sumant, aut qui iam intepuisse & consedisse uideatur: non aliter atque si de uino iudicium facie[n]dum habeant, de amphora potius aut certè de dolio quàm de lacu sumi par sit. Postremò autem hoc libens ab omnibus lectoribus arbitris & ipsis operis postularim, ut cum mihi leuiores culpas condonarint, cui Aristarcho nullo uti licuit: sicubi obscuriores a 4

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7 How willingly I embraced it, the occasion being offered by the circumstances of the time, to make myself known to my country. As an indication of this, I wish this book to be dedicated not to any single person, but to the Genius of France and my native land. For I desired no greater reward for nearly a year and a half of labor than to win the favor, in general, of the French, and in due course of my fellow citizens the Parisians. I was also deeply grieved that the opinion had rashly gained ground, as though French talents were barred by the prohibition of Minerva’s Quinquatrus and driven away by nature. In the work itself I have explained what I thought about this matter, I know not how appropriately. Accordingly, under the aforesaid name I judged that the book should make its auspicious appearance, so that it might seem to have been dedicated either to the Genius or to Minerva of France, as if in the temple of Public Honor. Now I must implore learned men, the judges of this contest, who, having learned from other writings the extent of our ability, will form a conjecture about the whole of this work, to follow the practice of the Areopagites: let them judge the matter rather than condemn the defendant. Let them first read the book through, and read it again; let them weigh the arguments and the proofs; and then, whatever seems fit, let them pronounce in the end. And since it is necessary that our estimation should be made from our speech, now that I have already presented my submission to the judges by publishing these books to the public, I would wish to remind them to take the specimen of judgment not from my still new and budding pen, exulting in its apprenticeship, but from a more severe one, or one that seems already to have grown warm and settled; just as if they were to judge wine, it is more proper to take it from an amphora, or certainly from a cask, rather than from a pond. Lastly, I would gladly ask this of all readers and arbiters, and of the work itself, that when they have pardoned my lighter faults, for which I was unable to use any Aristarchus, if anywhere the more obscure ones a 4

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obscuriores fuimus, quàm ut abs quolibet lectore planè aut facilè intelligamur (ut certè interdum de industria fuimus, quoniam ita referre aut nostra aut decori arbitra bamur) ibi ut diem ipsi partim iudicij sui diffundant, quoad alios acriores consuluerint: partim quasi sibi hæc inquirere non uacet, aut pigeat, de figuratis locis non li= quere fateantur potius, quàm ut præproperè aut iniquè quicquam de nobis pronuntient. Vale optime le= ctor, et eandem in causam mecum primo quoq[ue] tempore incumbe. Parisijs Idi= bus Martij, Anno domini M.D. X I I I.

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We have been too obscure to be clearly or easily understood by any reader whatever (as indeed at times we purposely have been, since we judged that to be in keeping either with our work or with propriety), so that there they may themselves sometimes defer judgment, until they have consulted others who are sharper: and sometimes, as though they have no leisure, or are reluctant, to investigate these matters for themselves, let them rather admit that they are not clear about the figurative passages, than pronounce anything about us too hastily or unjustly. Farewell, most excellent reader, and at the earliest opportunity set yourself with me to the same cause. At Paris, on the Ides of March, in the year of our Lord 1513.

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GVLIELMI BVDAEI PARISI= ENSIS, CONSILIA= RII REG. DE ASSE ET PARTIBVS EIVS, LIBER PRIMVS. ASSIS partes sunt, Quadrans, Triens, Semis, Bes, & Dodrans, & aliæ enumeratæ in leg. Scruiu[m], sub titulo de hæredibus instituer= dis: libro duodetricesimo Pande= ctarum: quo in loco male sexcuns legitur per x, in priore syllaba, & per s, in posteriore, inuersa ortographia: quum uice= uersa sescunx & sescuncia unciam significet, & unciæ dimidium: qui error etiam in sescuplo inualuit, pro quo uocabulo sexcuplum per x, plerumq[ue] legitur in exem= plaribus, errore haud contemnendo. Est enim sexcuplu[m], quod sexies id capit ad quod relationem habet: Græcè hexaplum appellatur: ut senarius sexcuplus est singula= ris numeri. at sescuplum per s, scriptum, quod & sesqui= plum dicitur, numerum hemiolium significat, qui Latinè etiam sesquialter appellatur, ut quum dicimus senarium sesquiplum esse quaternarij. continet enim eum totum, et insuper dimidiam eius partem. Eadem ratione sescunx, & sescuncia hemioliam rationem ad unciam habet: & sesquipes ad pedem. Hæc aute[m] omnia uocabula ab uncia decli

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GUILLAUME BUDÉ OF PARIS, ROYAL COUNSELLOR, ON THE AS AND ITS PARTS, BOOK FIRST. The parts of the as are Quadrans, Triens, Semis, Bes, and Dodrans, and the others enumerated in the law Scriu[m] , under the title De heredibus instituendis , in the twenty-third book of the Pandects; where the word sexcunx is wrongly read with x in the first syllable and s in the second, with reversed spelling: whereas, on the contrary, sescunx and sescuncia signify a half-ounce, and half of an ounce. This error has also become established in sescuplo , for which word sexcuplum is often read in the manuscripts, an error not to be slighted. For sexcuplum is that which contains six times the amount to which it has relation; in Greek it is called hexaplum : thus a senarius is the sexcuplum of a singular number. But sescuplum , written with s, which is also called sesquiplum , signifies a ratio of one and one-half, which in Latin is also called sesquialter , as when we say that the senarius is the sesquiplum of the quaternarius. For it contains the whole of it, and in addition half of it. In the same way sescunx and sescuncia have a ratio of one and one-half to the ounce; and sesquiped to the foot. All these words, however, are derived from the ounce.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET declinata, per x, in fine scribenda sunt, ut quincunx, se- ptunx, deunx: licet hoc perrarò à librarijs obseruatum sit. Hoc autem ex eo intelligimus, quòd x recti casus, in genitiuum per c exire solet: ut phœnix phœnicis, felix felicis: Sic igitur deuncis & septuncis genitiui, deunx & < Sesqui. > septunx rectos suos exposcunt. Porrò sesqui uocabulum in appositione inuentum, pro hemiolio accipiendum est, quod perinde est ac si dicas, tantundem & semis. Cicero in libro de Oratore perfecto: Pes (inquit) qui adhibetur ad numeros, partitur in tria, ut necesse sit partem pedis aut æqualem esse alteri parti, aut altero tanto aut sesqui maiorem. ita fit æqualis dactylus, duplus iambus, sesqui pæan. Sesqui appellauit pæana: quia pes omnis pæan longa una syllaba, & breuibus tribus constat. at longa syl- laba in temporum metricorum ratione duas breues æ- quare dicitur. ita fit, ut tres breues longam unam dimidio superent. nam ternarius ad binarium relatus, sesqualte- ram proportionem habet. Quomodo igitur dactylus æqualibus partibus constat, quia prima longa duabus breuibus æqualis est: sic pæan alteram partem dimidio maiorem habet. Iambus etiam altero tanto maiorem, hoc est, duplam. breuis enim syllaba, longa est dimidiata. Fortasse autem illa uerba Ciceronis sic legerétur rectius: aut altero tanto maiorem, aut sesqui: hoc sensu, ut pes alte ro tanto maior, in secunda sui parte sit duplus: qui autem non altero tanto, sed dimidio maior est, sit sesqui, ad prio- rem partem posteriore parte relata: non autem sesqui ma- ior: quia sesquiplum munus est duplo. Locus autem Cice- ronis præposterè lectus, uiros doctos haud ita pridem in < Sesqui. > errorem pertraxit. In compositione autem sesqui itidem dimidio maius significat: quod Græco uocabulo hemio- lium

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND declined by x, they should be written at the end, as quincunx, se- ptunx, deunx: though this has been observed very rarely by the scribes. But we understand this from the fact that x, in the nominative case, usually ends the genitive in c: as phœnix phœnicis, felix felicis: thus therefore the genitives of deuncis and septuncis, deunx and Sesqui. septunx, require their own nominatives. Moreover, the word sesqui, found in apposition, is to be taken for hemiolion, which is as if you said, just as much and a half. Cicero in the finished book On the Orator : “A foot” (he says) “which is used for measures, is divided into three parts, so that it is necessary for part of the foot either to be equal to another part, or greater by as much again, or by a half.” Thus the dactyl is equal, the iamb is double, the paeon sesquialter. He called the paeon sesqui: because every foot of the paeon consists of one long syllable and three short ones. But a long syllable, in the reckoning of metrical time, is said to equal two short ones. Thus it comes about that three short syllables exceed one long by half. For when three is compared to two, it has a sesquialter proportion. How then does the dactyl consist of equal parts? because the first long syllable is equal to two short syllables: so the paeon has one part greater by half. The iamb too has one part greater by as much again, that is, double. For a short syllable is a half-long. Perhaps, however, those words of Cicero might be read more correctly thus: “either greater by as much again, or sesqui”; in this sense, that a foot greater by as much again is double in its second part; but that which is not greater by as much again, but by a half, is sesqui, the latter part being compared to the former: not however “sesquimajor,” because sesquialter is a function of the double. But the passage of Cicero, read perversely, not long ago led learned men into error in Sesqui. mistake. Moreover, in composition sesqui likewise signifies greater by half: which in the Greek word is hemiolion

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. lium à nostris etiam appellatur, ut sesquipes, sesquicubitus, sesquidigitus, sesquijugerum. unde sesquipedalia tigna apud Cæsare, hoc est, pedis unius & dimidiati, quod ad crassitudinem referendum est: & apud Horatium sesquipedalia uerba: & sesquimensis, mensis & semis. Hoc autem sesqui significat siue cum uocabulo compona tur mensuram aut numeri aut temporis aut modi significante, siue etiam cum alio quocunque uocabulo, ut sesquiopera apud Columellam, & sesquiplaga apud Plautum & Tacitum, & sesculyxes in præfatione Plinij: quo < Sesculyxes.> uerbo, si recte emedatu est (nam eius uerbi Plinij uestigiu[m] nullum in antiquis exemplaribus Plinij extat) ego hominem summè astutum & ueteratorem planè expolitum intelligo. fit eius uocabuli mentio apud Nonium. Tacitus libro x v. Et ille multum tremens, quum uix duobus iactibus caput amputauisset, sæuitiam apud Neronem iactauit, sesquiplaga interfectum à se dicendo. Plautus in Captiuis: Inde porrò in latomias lapidarias: ibi quum alij octonos lapides effodiunt, nisi quotidianus sesquiopus effeceris, sexcentoplago nomen indetur tibi. hoc est, nisi tu duodenos effoderis. Sesqui Græci non habent quomodo uno uocabulo significent, nec ideo minus eleganter id exprimunt, hoc modo loquentes, ut Demosthenes , ἐν τὴν τὸ ἀρισομάχε οἰκία ἐδὸν πια ἐμιμμοῦνα τοῦτον τῶ ἀδροδωκητω. Cum sesquiminam dicere uellet, πια ἐμιμμοῦνα dixit, hoc est, tres semiminas. Sic Xenophon πια ἐμισκρηκα pro sesquidarico dixit. πῶς ἡπιώτοις ἐπισκρη ἐμιόλιον τὸν μιδὸν, αντὶ δαρκὴν πια ἐμισκρηκα. Militibus sesquistipendium dedit, uel sesquiplum stipendium, & pro darico sesquidaricum pependit. Et in Oeconomico πιημιτόσων sesquipes, ut πενθημιτόσων, duo pedes & semis

Transcription: Translated (English)

It is also called by our people lium, as in sesquipes, sesquicubitus, sesquidigitus, sesquijugerum; whence sesquipedalia tigna in Caesar, that is, of one foot and a half, which is to be referred to thickness; and in Horace sesquipedalia verba; and sesquimensis, a month and a half. But sesqui signifies this, whether it be compounded with a word signifying measure, number, time, or manner, or even with any other word whatever, as sesquiopera in Columella, and sesquiplaga in Plautus and Tacitus, and sesculyxes in the preface of Pliny: by which word, if it has been rightly emended (for no trace of that word in Pliny is found in the ancient copies of Pliny), I understand a man very shrewd and plainly a thoroughly polished old hand. Mention of this word is made by Nonius. Tacitus, book XV: “And he, trembling greatly, after he had scarcely cut off the head with two strokes, boasted of his cruelty before Nero, saying that he had killed him by a sesquiplaga.” Plautus in the Captives: “Then on to the stone quarries: there, while others dig out eight stones, unless you accomplish a daily sesquiopus, you shall be given the name of six-hundred-blow man.” That is, unless you dig twelve stones. The Greeks do not have sesqui as a single word to express it, nor do they on that account express it any less elegantly, speaking in this way, as Demosthenes ... When he wished to say sesquimina, he said ... that is, three half-minae. Thus Xenophon said ... for sesquidaricum. ... instead of a daric he said ... He gave the soldiers a sesquistipendium, or a sesquiplum stipendium, and for a daric he paid a sesquidaricum. And in the Oeconomicus ... sesquipes, as ... , two feet and a half.

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET semis, hoc est, quinque senusses. Cæterum sesquitertium, sesquiquartu[m], sesquioctauu[m], & alia quæ in proportionibus significandis usurpantur, & antehac non modò à ma thematicis, sed etiam à doctissimis uiris frequentata sunt & prolata, rectè nec ne & Latinè dicta sint, an secus, alterius esse instituti nunc duximus. Scio enim esse qui improbent: quibus ego non assentior, cum Cicero ex Pla= tone Timæi locum repetens uti non dubitarit. Verum (ut diximus) ut sesquunx, sic etiam sesquuncia dicitur: & deunx, & deuncis in recto, & as & assis, & semis & senussis, bes & bessis. Varro libro primo de lingua Latina, < As. Libra. Pondo.> assem ab ære dictu[m] esse putat. as enim & libra & pon do idem significant. unde assipondium & dupondius, ab asse fiunt: tressis, quadressis, nonussis, & decussis, pro tribus, quatuor, nouem, & decem assibus: & rursus pro bi nis decussibus uicessis: & tricessis pro tribus, hoc est tri= < Centussis.> cenis assibus: & centussis pro denis decussibus: quo maius æris apud antiquos uocabulum nullum fuit. Persius: < Persius.> Et centum Græcos curto centusse licetur. id est, centum assibus. Decussem Vitruuius pro decade accipit libro tertio, his uerbis: Platoni placuit denarium numerum ea re perfectum, quod ex singularibus rebus, quæ monades apud Græcos dicuntur, perficitur decussis, quæ simul ac undecim aut duodecim sunt factæ, quot su= perauerint, non possunt esse perfectæ donec ad alterum decussim peruenerint. Alibi pro decussatione accipit li= bro decimo, quo in loco de cochlea, id est, organo loquens sic inquit: Ita quò loci describuntur lineæ quæ sunt in lon gitudine spectantes, faciendæ decussationes, & in decussa tionibus finita puncta. his ita emendatè descriptis, sumi= tur saligna tenuis, aut de uitice secta regula, quæ uncta liquida

Transcription: Translated (English)

Of the as and semis, that is, five semisses. But whether sesquitertium, sesquiquartu[m], sesquioctauu[m], and others that are used in indicating proportions, and which have formerly been employed and set forth not only by ma- thematicians but also by very learned men, are said correctly or not, and in Latin or otherwise, we now judge to be a different matter. For I know that there are some who disapprove: to whom I do not assent, since Cicero, repeating a passage from Plato’s Timaeus, did not hesitate to use it. But (as we have said) just as sesquunx, so also sesquuncia is said: and deunx and deuncis in the nominative, and as and assis, and semis and senussis, bes and bessis. Varro, in the first book On the Latin Language, < As. Libra. Pondo.> thinks that assem is named from bronze. For as, libra, and pon- do signify the same thing. Hence assipondium and dupondius are formed from as: tressis, quadressis, nonussis, and decussis, for three, four, nine, and ten asses; and again, for two decussis, vicessis: and tricessis for three, that is, thirty- < Centussis.> asses: and centussis for ten decussis: no larger word for bronze was ever found among the ancients. Persius: < Persius.> And a hundred Greeks are bid for at a short centussis. that is, for a hundred asses. Vitruvius takes decussem for the number ten in book three, in these words: Plato thought the number ten perfect for this reason, because from individual things, which are called monads among the Greeks, it is completed in decussis, which, as soon as they are made eleven or twelve, whatever they have exceeded cannot be perfect until they have reached another decussis. Elsewhere he takes it for a crossing in book ten, where, speaking of the screw, that is, the machine, he says thus: So where lines are drawn that look lengthwise, crossings are to be made, and in the crossings fixed points. These having thus been accurately laid out, a thin willow, or a rule cut from osier, is taken, smeared with liquid

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 13 liquida pice, figitur in primo decussis puncto, deinde tra= ijcitur oblique ad incedentes longitudines & circuitio= nes decussium. Decusses & decussationes Vitruuius uo= cat rectas & exactas diuisiones complanatorum capi= tum tigni & exasceatorum: quæ decussatio fit ductis li= neis quatuor ad centrum complanati tigni sese interse= cantibus, ita ut lineæ areolas octo faciant trigonas, quas uulgò facies appellamus. ob id octantes ab eodem autore < Octantes.> dicuntur. Hoc autem facile est intelligere, si quis per am= bitum teretis materiæ, & in duobus summis capitibus læ= uigatæ complanatæ que, ijsdem spatijs octo puncta ad= notet, & à puncto ad punctum obuersarium perpetuam lineam ducat. sic enim fit, ut omnes lineæ per centrum planiciei transeant, & simulitudinem stellæ reddant. Pli= nius libro x v i i i. de uentorum obseruatione loquens: < Cap. 33.> Obseruato solis ortu quocunque libeat die, stantibus ho= ra diei sexta, sic ut ortum eum à sinistro humero habeât, contra mediam faciem meridies, à uertice septentrio erit: < Cardo.> qui ita limes per agrum currit, cardo appellatur. Circum= agi deinde melius est, ut umbram suam quisque cernat: a= lioquin post hominem erit. ergo permutatis lateribus, ut ortus illius diei à dextro humero fiat, occasus à sinistro: tunc erit hora sexta, quum minima umbra contra me= dium fiat hominem. per huius mediam longitudinem du= ci sarculo sulcum, uel cinere lineam uerbi gratia pedum uiginti conueniet: mediam que mensuram, hoc est, in de= cimo pede, circunscribi circulo paruo, qui uocetur umbi= licus. per hunc medium transuersa currat alia linea: hæc erit ab exortu æquinoctiali ad occasum æquinoctialem: & limes qui ita secabit agrum, decumanus uocabitur. ducantur deinde aliæ duæ lineæ in decusseis obliquæ, ita ut à

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 13 with liquid pitch, it is fixed at the first point of the cross, then drawn obliquely through the progressing lengths and the turnings of the crosses. Vitruvius calls crosses and cross-diagonals the straight and exact divisions of the flattened heads of timber and of hewn timber: which cross-diagonal is made by drawing four lines to the center of the flattened timber, intersecting one another, so that the lines make eight triangular spaces, which in common speech we call faces. For this reason they are called octants by the same author < Octantes.> This is easy to understand if one marks, around the circumference of a round piece of material, and at the two upper ends of a smoothed and flattened piece, eight points at equal intervals, and from point to opposite point draws a continuous line. For thus it comes about that all the lines pass through the center of the plane, and produce the likeness of a star. Pliny, in book xviii, speaking of the observation of the winds: < Cap. 33.> “Having observed the sunrise on whatever day you wish, standing at the sixth hour of the day, so that you have the sunrise at your left shoulder, noon will be opposite the middle of your face, and north will be at the zenith: < Cardo.> the line that thus runs across the field is called the cardo. It is better, then, to turn around, so that each person may see his shadow; otherwise it will be behind him. Therefore, after the sides have been changed, so that that day’s sunrise is at the right shoulder and sunset at the left, then it will be the sixth hour, when the smallest shadow is cast against the middle of the man. Through the middle of this length it will be fitting to draw, with a hoe, a furrow, or with ashes a line, for example twenty feet long; and the middle measurement, that is, at the tenth foot, to be marked out with a small circle, which may be called the umbilicus. Through this middle let another crosswise line run: this will be from the equinoctial sunrise to the equinoctial sunset; and the boundary that thus divides the field will be called the decumanus. Then let two other oblique lines be drawn in the form of a cross, so that from

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ut à septentrionis dextera læuá que ad austri dexteram læuamq; descendant, omnes per eundem currant umbilicum, omnes inter se pares sint, omnium paria interualla. <Decussare.> Qui hunc locu[m] Plinij intelligit, quid sit decussare, optime nouit. Quòd si quis Pliniu[m] co in loco no[n] facile intelligit, uideat Vitruuium libro primo, & octogonum schema apud eum decussatum: quo in loco de colligendis uento= rum flatibus loquitur. Verùm quandoquidem eum in locum Plinij incidimus, obiter duo eius uerba emendanda duximus, id quod in hoc opere sæpenumero faciemus. sic enim fert instituti operis ratio, ut non contemnendum operæprecium facturi uideamur, si in huiusmodi diuerticula castigationum modicè euagemur: nec si id facere aut nolimus, aut nequeamus, cursum inoffensum tenere tractatus hic noster possit. Quandoquidem igitur in eam necessitatem incurrimus nonnunquam librorum castigandi, & eodem legentium utilitas non parua, nec sine quadam oblectatione competitura uidetur, age uideamus an ab hoc loco haud absurde auspicaturi uideamur, qui ut silentio fortasse præteriri poterit sine præuæricationis nota, sic ita obtulisse se uidetur, ut uitio uerti nobis non possit, quasi occasionem eius quæsierimus. sequitur enim uerba Plinij supradicta continuò hic uersus: Quæ ratio semel in quoque agro ineunda erit, uel sæpius si libeat, ita uitæ ligno facienda regulis paribus in tympanum exiguum, sed circinatum adactis. Sic in omnibus impressis libris legitur, conniuente etiam Hermolao Barbaro Plinij castigatore. ego ex antiquis sic restituendum <puto,> Plinij locus. vel sæpius, si libeat uti, è ligno facienda regulis paribus. quorum uerborum apertus est sensus. Decussis significationem Columella quoque clarè significat libro quinto

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASSE AND so that from the north to the right, and to the left, and toward the south to the right and left, they descend, all run through the same center, all are equal to one another, with equal intervals between all. <Decussare.> Whoever understands this passage of Pliny knows very well what decussare means. But if anyone does not easily understand Pliny in that place, let him look at Vitruvius, book one, and the octagonal figure decussated in him: in that place he speaks of collecting the blasts of winds. However, since we have come upon that passage of Pliny, we have judged that two of his words should be corrected incidentally, something that in this work we shall do very often. For such is the plan of the work, that we seem to be doing no contemptible service if we stray a little into such byways of correction; nor, if we were unwilling or unable to do so, could this treatise keep an unhindered course. Since, then, we sometimes fall under the necessity of correcting books, and since there seems to be no small benefit for readers in this, and not without a certain pleasure, let us see whether we may seem to begin not absurdly from this place, which, though perhaps it could be passed over in silence without the mark of fault-finding, has presented itself in such a way that we cannot be blamed for taking issue with it, as though we had sought the opportunity. For immediately after the aforesaid words of Pliny there follows this verse: “This method must once be adopted in every field, or more often if one wishes, so that the scale is to be made from wood with equal rules, fitted into a small but circular drum.” So it is read in all printed books, with Hermolaus Barbarus, also a corrector of Pliny, assenting. I think it should be restored from the ancient copies thus: the passage of Pliny, “or more often, if one wishes to use it, from wood to be made with equal rules.” The meaning of these words is clear. Columella too clearly indicates the meaning of a decussation in book five.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 15 Decussare. quinto de iugata uinea loqués: Ferè autem prædicta ætas læto solo trunco'que tres materias, rarò quatuor desiderat, quæ per totidem parteis ab alligatore diuidi debet: ni hil enim refert iugum in stellam decussari atque diduci, nisi & palmites adiungantur. Decussare propriè per medium secare significat, id quod ostendit Cicero in li= bro de uniuersitate, quum inquit, Hanc igitur omnem coniunctionem duplicem in longitudine diffidit, mediæq[ue] accommodans, mediam quasi decussauit. Plena enim de= cussatio fit cum litera X, in seipsam transuersa incidit, ut ex eo loco Platonis intelligendum datur, quem Cicero Latinum fecit. Martianus de coluris loquens in octauo, Alij à cardine meridiano inchoamenta circuli perhiben= tes, eundem per arcticum uerticem unde ortus est, denuo retulerunt: qui quidem alium ab ortu circulum decussan= tes, in quatuor quadras mundi ambitum discreuerunt. Et Decussatim apud eundem in primo, Hinc rosis decussatim uinculatis sertata contextio. Post unciam sequutur par= tes unciæ, ut semuncia, id est dimidium unciæ: & sextula, Sextula. Sexta pars unciæ: uerbum etiam in testamentis usurpatu[m]. Cicero pro Cecinna: Testam[en]to facto mulier moritur: fa= cit hæc hæredè ex deunce & semuncia Cecinnam, ex duæ bus sextulis M. Fulcinium libertu[m] superioris uiri, Ebutio sexulam aspergit. Hæreditatem, id est assem, his uerbis Cicero in deuncem, semunciam, & tres sextulas diuisit. Ex quo liquet sextulam tertiam esse partem semuciæ, & unciæ sexta. Duas sextulas dixit pro tertia parte unciæ, quu[m] tamen aliud uocabulu[m] Latinu[m] haberet, duellâ scilicet. Duella. na[m] duæ sextulæ duellâ faciunt: quæ tertia pars est unciæ, hoc est sexta de tricesima totius assis. Post hæc sequitur Drachma, octaua pars unciæ: quæ ipsa geminata siciliquu[m] efficit Drachma. Siciliquum.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 15 Decussare. In the fifth, you speak of a trained vine: for usually, the aforesaid age, on a fertile soil and with a trunk, requires three shoots, rarely four, which the binder ought to divide into as many parts: for it makes no difference whether the yoke is crossed into an X and spread apart, unless the shoots are also joined to it. Properly, decussare signifies to cut through the middle, as Cicero shows in the book De Universitate , when he says: “Thus he splits all this double conjunction in length, and fitting it to the middle, he, as it were, decussated the middle.” For a full decussation is made when the letter X cuts across itself, as is to be understood from that place of Plato which Cicero rendered into Latin. Martianus, speaking of circles in the eighth book, says: “Some, setting out the beginnings of the circle from the southern pivot, referred it again to the Arctic pole whence it arose; and indeed, crossing the other circle from the point of sunrise, they divided the circuit of the world into four quarters.” And decussatim in the first book of the same author: “Hence a woven texture, bound together with roses crossed in bands.” After an ounce come the parts of an ounce, such as the half-ounce, that is, half an ounce; and the sextula , Sextula. The sixth part of an ounce: the word is also used in wills. Cicero, Pro Caecina : “A will having been made, the woman dies: by this she makes Caecina heir of eleven-twelfths and a half-ounce, M. Fulcinius, the freedman of the former husband, from two sextulae; she sprinkles Ebutius with a sextula.” Cicero divided the inheritance, that is, the whole as, into eleven-twelfths, a half-ounce, and three sextulae. From this it is clear that the sextula is the third part of a half-ounce, and the sixth of an ounce. He used two sextulae for the third part of an ounce, though Latin had another word for it, namely duella . Duella. For two sextulae make a duella, which is the third part of an ounce, that is, the sixth of a twelfth of the whole as. After this comes the drachma, the eighth part of an ounce, which, doubled, makes a siciliquum Drachma. Siciliquum.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Scrupulum. Gramma. efficit, assis duodequinquagesimam. Drachma in terna scrupula distribuitur, quæ à Græcis grammata, id est, li= teræ ideo dicuntur, quòd quatuor & uiginti literas Græ= ci in alphabeto suo habet, quot uncia scrupulos capit, & dies ciuilis horas. Scrupulum rursus in binos obolos diuiditur, Semiobolos. ut obolus in binos semiobolos. Vltra has minutias nullum est uocabulum facilè Latinis usurpatum. Itaque Vocabula me[m] sorum. mensores post mensuras maiores (de quibus ipsis satis la= tè in Annotationibus nostris diximus) ad pedem descen= dentes & palmum, nec habentes quomodo palmum com= mode deuiderent (ut autor est Boëthius) id quod inter pal mum & digitum medium erat, unciam uocare institue= Stater. runt, secundo loco digitum, tertio staterem, id est, semun= ciam, quarto quadratem, quinto drachmam, sexto scrupu lum, septimo obolum, octauo semiobolum, quem Græci ce ratium uocant, nono siliquam, decimo loco punctum, un= decimo minutum, duodecimo momentum posuerunt. Alij Ceratium. Siliqua. siliquam Latine putant esse id quod Græci ceratium di= cunt, hoc est, siliquæ fructus granum. Siliqua in Italia na scitur hodie quoque longitudine digitali, latitudine pol= licari, ut autor est Plinius, intus habet grana, quæ senæ Pedis diuisio. singula scrupula pendent, hoc est, diobolum. Pes igitur in duodenas uncias partitur, dicimusq[ue] semissem pro sex pollicibus, ut nostrates loquuntur, id est, octo digitis. Spi thame Græco uocabulo dicitur mensura digitorum duo= decim. hanc nostri dodrantem appellare solent. Pal= mus quaternos digitos significat, & alio nomine qua= drans uocatur. eademq[ue] ratio in reliquis seruatur, ut in triente & besse, quoru ratio facilius pollicum usu, quàm digitorum iniri potest, ut triens quaternos pollices signi= ficet, & bes octonos. & itidem in minutiijs. est enim pollex

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. Of the division of the ass and the scruple. The gramme makes the ass's one fifty-second part. The drachma is divided into three scruples, which are called by the Greeks grammata , that is, letters, for this reason, because the Greeks have twenty-four letters in their alphabet, just as an ounce contains scruples, and the civil day hours. The scruple in turn is divided into two obols, semiobols, just as the obol is into two semiobols. Beyond these small divisions there is no term easily used by the Latins. Therefore Terms of the measures. after the greater measures (concerning which we have spoken at sufficient length in our Annotations) descending to the foot and the palm, and not having how to divide the palm conveniently (as Boethius is authority), that which was between the palm and the middle finger they began to call an ounce; next, in the second place, the finger; in the third, the stater, that is, a half- ounce; in the fourth, the quadrans; in the fifth, the drachma; in the sixth, the scru- ple; in the seventh, the obol; in the eighth, the semiobol, which the Greeks call the ceratium; in the ninth, the siliqua; in the tenth place, the point; in the eleventh, the minute; in the twelfth, the moment. Others Ceratium. Siliqua. think that the siliqua in Latin is the same thing which the Greeks call the ceratium, that is, the seed of the siliqua fruit. The siliqua in Italy is born even today with a digital length and a thumb's breadth in width, as Pliny is authority, and inside it has grains, each of which weighs six scruples, that is, a diobol. The division of the foot. Therefore the foot is divided into twelve ounces, and we say a semi-foot for six inches, as our people speak, that is, eight digits. A span, by the Greek term, means a measure of twelve digits. Our people are accustomed to call this a dodrans. The palm signifies four digits, and by another name is called a quadrans. The same ratio is observed in the rest, as in the triens and the bes, whose proportion can more easily be reckoned by the use of inches than by digits, since the triens signifies four inches, and the bes eight. And likewise in the smaller parts. For there is the inch.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 17 Pollex. pollex medius inter palmum & digitum, quam unciam Boëthius à mensoribus uocitatem esse dicit. Varro libro 1. rerum rusticaru[m], Iugeri, inquit, pars minima dicitur scrupulum, id est, decem pedes, & longitudine & latitudine quadratum. ab hoc principio mensores nonnunquam dicunt in subsiciuum esse unciam agri aut sextantem. Hoc pugnare uidebitur cum antedictis, nisi intelligamus unciâ agri duodecimam partem iugeri intelligi, unciæ autem quartam & uicesimam scrupulum esse, hoc est drachmæ tertiam: qua ratione fit, ut ducenta octoginta octo scrupula sint in iugero: quæ si centenario multiplicentur (hoc est denis quoquo uersus pedibus, ex sentetia Varronis supra dicta) duodetriginta pedum quadratorum millia, & octingenti pedes fient, quæ est mensura iugeri. Varronis igitur uerba ita intelligenda sunt, ut ab uncia agri ad ultimam minutiam descendatur, quam uult esse scrupulum, hoc est, ducentesimam & octogesimam octauam partem iugeri, & iugerum ducentesimam partem centuriæ. Rursusq[ue] à scrupulo quasi metiendi initio ad unciam perueniri, & sextantem, & alia mensurarum maiorum uocabula. Subsiciuum. autem uerbum est mensorum, ut alia permulta, quorum Boëthius in geometria meminit. Columella uerò libro v 1. iugeri partitionem faciens, minutias à dimidiat to scrupulo inchoandas esse censet. sic enim inquit: Vt à minima autem parte iugeri, id est, ab dimidio scrupulo incipiam, pars ducentesima octogesimaoctaua pedes efficit quinquaginta, id est iugeri dimidium scrupulum. Verùm Columellæ lo cus restitutus. numerus eo in loco corruptus est. non enim pars ducentesima octogesimaoctaua, sed pars quingentesima septuagesimasexta legendum est. sic enim recta calculi ratio exposcit, & facile est ex Varrone intelligere, & ex ijs quæ b apud

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PART I. BOOK I. 17 Pollex. The thumb lies between the palm and the finger, what Boethius says is called by surveyors an uncia. Varro, in book 1 of Rerum Rusticarum , says: the smallest part of a jugerum is called a scrupulum , that is, ten feet, both in length and in breadth, squared. From this starting point surveyors sometimes say that there is an uncia of land, or a sextans , left over in the remainder. This will seem to conflict with what was said before, unless we understand that by an uncia of land is meant the twelfth part of a jugerum, whereas the uncia is the twenty-fourth part of a scrupulum, that is, the third part of a drachma: by which reckoning it follows that there are two hundred and eighty-eight scrupula in a jugerum; and if these are multiplied by one hundred, that is, by ten feet on every side, according to Varro’s statement above, there will be thirty-two thousand eight hundred square feet, which is the measure of a jugerum. Therefore Varro’s words must be understood in this way, namely that one descends from an uncia of land to the smallest minute, which he wishes to be a scrupulum, that is, the two hundred and eighty-eighth part of a jugerum, and the two-hundredth part of a jugerum is a centuria. And again, from the scrupulum, as from the beginning of measuring, one arrives at the uncia, and the sextans , and the other terms of larger measures. Subsiciuum is also a term used by surveyors, like many others of which Boethius makes mention in geometry. But Columella, in book 1, when making a division of a jugerum, thinks that the fractions should begin from the half-scrupulum. For thus he says: “Since I begin from the smallest part of the jugerum, that is, from half a scrupulum, the two-hundred-and-eighty-eighth part makes fifty feet, that is, half a scrupulum of a jugerum.” However, the passage in Columella is restored. The number in that passage has been corrupted. For it should be read not as the two-hundred-and-eighty-eighth part, but as the five-hundred-and-seventy-sixth part. For this is what the correct calculation requires, and it is easy to understand from Varro, and from what follows among the

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apud eundem Columellam sequuntur: quanquam & ipsa corruptissima sunt. sed hoc modo emendanda, totusq[ue] locus ille sic legendus, Vt à minima parte, id est à dimudio scrupulo incipiamus, pars quingentesima septuagesima sexta, pedes efficit quinquaginta, id est iugeri dimidium scrupulum. pars ducentesima octogesimaoctaua, pedes centum, hoc est scrupulum. pars centesima quadragesimaquarta, pedes ducentos, hoc est scrupula duo. pars septuagesimasecunda, pedes quadringentos, hoc est sextulam, in qua sunt scrupula quatuor. pars quadragesimaoctaua, pedes sexcetos, hoc est siciliquum, in quo sunt scrupula sex. Reliqua quæ sequuntur eo in loco, emendata ferè sunt. Columella igitur minutias à semiscrupulo inchoandas esse censet. nam ulteriores (inquit) persequi superuacuum est, pro quibus nihil dependitur mercedis, sed superiores tantum partes cadunt in æstimationem facti operis. de mercede fossorum & agricultorum intelligens. Ordo igitur huiusmodi est, ut à dimidio scrupuli ad scrupulum transeat, à scrupulo ad sextulam, in qua sunt scrupula quatuor. idem est enim scrupulum quod gramma, quarta & uicesima pars unciæ, & sextula sexta pars. Porro à sextula transitum facit ad siciliquum, id est scrupula sena. nam drachma geminata siciliquum efficit. quare siciliquus quarta pars est unciæ. à siciliquo ad semunciam progreditur, in qua scrupula duodecim. ita ad unciam, & ab ea ad sextantem, deinceps ad quadrantem trientemq[ue] & quincuncem usque dum ad assem, id est iu gerum perueniat. hic est eorum uerborum ordo sursum uersus, & uiceuersa deorsum, id est ab asse ad semiscru pulum. Vncia autem à Boëthio non pro duodecima iu geri parte, sed pro digito ac triente digiti accipitur, quem

Transcription: Translated (English)

in the same Columella they follow: although these passages themselves are very corrupt. But they should be corrected in this way, and the whole passage should be read thus: “Starting from the smallest part, that is, from a half scruple, the five-hundred-and-seventy-sixth part yields fifty feet, that is, half a scruple of a iugerum. The two-hundred-and-eighty-eighth part yields one hundred feet, that is, one scruple. The one-hundred-and-forty-fourth part yields two hundred feet, that is, two scruples. The seventy-second part yields four hundred feet, that is, one sextula, in which there are four scruples. The forty-eighth part yields six hundred feet, that is, one sicilicus, in which there are scruples six. The rest that follows in that place is nearly corrected. Columella therefore holds that minute divisions should begin with a half-scruple. For the more remote ones he says it is superfluous to pursue them, since for them no pay is due, but only the higher parts count in the estimation of the completed work, he being concerned with the wages of ditch-diggers and agricultural laborers. The order, therefore, is of this kind: from half a scruple one passes to a scruple, from a scruple to a sextula, in which there are four scruples. For a scruple is the same as a gram, the twenty-fourth part of an ounce, and a sextula is the sixth part. Then one passes from a sextula to a sicilicus, that is, six scruples. For two drachmas make a sicilicus. Therefore a sicilicus is the fourth part of an ounce. From a sicilicus he proceeds to a semuncia, in which there are twelve scruples. Thus to an ounce, and from that to a sextans, then to a quadrans and a triens, and a quincunx, until one reaches an as, that is, a iugerum. This is the order of those words upward, and conversely downward, that is, from an as to a half-scruple. But Boethius takes an ounce not as the twelfth part of a iugerum, but as a finger and a third of a finger, which

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 19 quem pollicem nostri uocant. huiusmodi autem uncia pedem habet pro asse: & eam non agricolæ, sed mensores & geodætæ secuti sunt, quorum olim apud Romanos < Geodælia.> ars fuit celebrata, & uocabula artis propria, quanquam ea sit alioqui ratio horum uocabulorum, ut omne corpus & res omnis denique in assem eiusq[ue] partes diuidi possit. < Res omnis in assem eiusq[ue] partes diuidit.> siquidem Vitruuius libro I I I. architecturæ, senarium numerum in has partes diuisit, his uerbis, Mathematici uerò contrà disputantes, ea re perfectum esse dixerunt numerum qui sex dicitur, quòd is numerus habet partitiones eorum rationibus sex numero conuenientes: sic sextantem unum, trientem duo, semissem tria, bessem (quem dimæeron dicunt) quatuor, quintarium (quem pentamæron dicunt) quinque, perfectum sex. Ne autem scrupulosa hæc magis quam necessaria horum uerborum enarratio uideatur, ueniamus ad exempla, ut ex ijs intelligatur citra huius rei explanationem autores linguæ Latinæ perfectè intelligi non posse: magnumq[ue] lumen rei literariæ accedere hinc posse, & (ut spero) accessurum. Columella libro X I I I. Ad prædictum autem modum musli adijci debent hi odores, myrrhæ quincunx, calami pondo libra, cassiæ selibra, amomi pondo quadrans, croci quincunx. Plinius libro X I I I. de citrinis mensis loquens, Cap. 15. Qua in re non omittendu[m] uidetur Tyberio principi mensam quatuor pedes sextante & siciliquo excedentem, tota uerò crassitudine sescunciali, operimento conchylij & laminae per medium uestitam fuisse. Quibus uerbis Plinius mensam eam quatuor pedes longitudinis habuisse significauit, & duos præterea pollices, & pollicis quadrantem: crassitudine uerò sesquipollicem æquauisse. Idem ibidem, Magnitudo amplissima adhuc fuit unius com b 2 rissæ

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PART IB. OF IT LIB. I. 19 which our people call a thumb. Now this kind of ounce has, in proportion to the as, a foot; and this was followed not by farmers, but by measurers and geodætae, whose art was once celebrated among the Romans, <Geodælia.> with the special terms of the craft, although the reasoning of these terms is otherwise such that every body and, in short, every thing may be divided into its as and its parts. <Every thing is divided into the as and its parts.> Indeed Vitruvius, in book III. of Architecture, divided the senary number into these parts, in these words: The Mathematicians, however, arguing to the contrary, said that that number is perfect which is called six, because that number has divisions corresponding in number to six ratios: thus one sixth, two thirds, a half, four sixths (which they call dimæeron), five sixths (which they call pentamæron), six, the perfect number. But lest this more than necessary and pedantic explanation of these words should seem troublesome, let us come to examples, so that from them it may be understood that without an explanation of this matter the authors of the Latin language cannot be perfectly understood; and that a great light may hence be added to literary studies, and, as I hope, will be added. Columella, book XIII. For the aforesaid mixture, however, the following perfumes must be added: myrrh, a quincunx; calamus, a pound by weight; cassia, a half-pound; amomum, a quarter-pound; saffron, a quincunx. Pliny, book XIII, speaking of citron tables, chapter 15. In this matter it should not be omitted that a table of the Emperor Tiberius, exceeding four feet by a sextant and a sicilicus, and in its entire thickness a sescuncia, was covered with a setting of shell and plate laid over the middle. By these words Pliny signified that that table was four feet and a little more in length, namely two inches and a quarter-inch; but in thickness it equalled a foot and a half inches. The same author there adds: The greatest size so far was that of one combrissa

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET. missæ ex orbibus dimidiatis duobus, à rege Mauritaniæ Ptolemæo, quatuor pedum & semipedis per medium ambitum, crassitudine quadrantali: maiusq[ue] miraculum in ea est artis latente iunctura, quàm potuisset esse natura solidæ. item à Nomio Tyberij Cæsaris libero cognomen trahentis, tribus siciliquis infra quatuor pedes, totidemq[ue] infra semipedem crassitudinis. Plinius crassitudinem quadrantalem dixit, quæ quatuor esset digitorum. longitudini autem quaternum pedum tres pollicis partes, id est, dodrantem pollicis defuisse significat, qui unus est digitus: & tantundem semipedali crassitudini. Idem libro Cap. 5. X X V I I. Asplenum sunt qui Hermionium uocant, folijs trientalibus multis, radice limosa. & rursus eodem Cap. 11. libro, Inter omnes herbas lithospermo nihil est mirabilius, alij ægonychon uocant, alij diospyron. herba quincuncialis ferè, folijs duplo maioribus quàm rutæ. Quincuncialem herbam appellauit minorem semipede, & septenùm ferme digitorum. sequitur enim post paulò: Ia cere eam atque humi serpere autores tradunt. Idem libro Cap. 8. X X X I I I. de lapide Lydio loquens, Sunt autem modici, quaternas uncias longitudinis, binasq[ue] latitudinis non excedentes. Vitruuius libro I I I. Crassitudines autem graduum ita finiendas censeo, ut neque crassiores dextante, neque tenuiores dodrante sint collocatæ. sic enim durus non erit ascensus. Dodrantem appellauit duodecim digitos, dextantem decem pollices. Idem libro quinto, Superq[ue] laterculis bessalibus pilæ struantur, ita dispositæ, uti bipedales tegulæ possint suprà esse collocatæ. Bessales dixit laterculos, qui octo pollicum longitudinem habent. Liuius libro quinto ab Vrbe condita: Terna iugera & Totunces uiritim diuiserunt. Septunces dixit pro dimidiato

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET. Cast from two half-circles, by King Ptolemy of Mauretania, with a circumference of four feet and a half, and a thickness of a quarter foot: and the greater miracle in it is the hidden joint of the workmanship, than nature could have had in a solid one. Likewise from Nomius, the freedman of Tiberius Caesar, who took his surname from it, three sicilici below four feet, and the same amount below half a foot in thickness. Pliny said the thickness was a quarter foot, which would be four fingers. But in length he means that out of four feet three inches were lacking, that is, a dodrans of an inch was missing, which is one finger: and the same amount in thickness to half a foot. The same author, in book Chapter 5. XXVII. says that asplenon is what they call Hermionium, with many palm-sized leaves, and a slimy root. And again in the same Chapter 11. book, Among all herbs nothing is more remarkable than lithospermum; some call it aegonychon, others diospyron. It is almost a five-cubit herb, with leaves twice as large as rue. He called a smaller herb five-cubit, of less than half a foot, and almost seven digits. For he adds shortly after: authors report that it lies down and creeps along the ground. The same author, in book Chapter 8. XXXIII. speaking of Lydian stone, says: These are moderate ones, not exceeding four unciae in length, and two in width. Vitruvius, book III. But I judge that the thicknesses of the steps should be fixed so that they are neither thicker than a dextans, nor thinner than a dodrans. For in this way the ascent will not be steep. He called a dodrans twelve fingers, a dextans ten inches. The same author, in book five, and on top of bessal bricks piers are to be built, so arranged that two-foot tiles may be laid above them. He called bessal bricks those which have a length of eight inches. Livy, in book five On the Founding of the City: They divided three iugera and Totunces per head. He said septunces instead of half a

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diato iugero, & duodecima parte iugeri. Tertij Regum septimo, Crassitudo autem luteris, trium unciarum erat. Pro quo secundi Paralip. quarto legitur, Porro uastitas eius habebat mensuram palmi. Palmus autem, ut aiibi di= ximus, quatuor digitorum est, & quadrans appellatur: licet palmus pro dodrante interdum usurpetur. Hoc glos= sularij illorum librorum diuinasse magis quàm intellexisse uidentur: quippe cum diuus Hieronymus in præfatione libri I ob ita scripsisset: Habeant qui uolunt ueteres li= bros uel in membrans auro argentoq[ue] descriptos, uel un= cialibus (ut uulgò aiunt) literis onera magis exarata, quàm codices. Hæc inquam cum enarraret interpres, un= ciales literas esse dixit auri unciam appendentes, uel auri uncia constantes, ignarus uidelicet horum uocabulorum significationis. Vnciales enim literas Hieronymus intel= ligi uoluit pollicis crassitudine exaratas. Pari ignorantia & illa eiusdem præfationis uerba imperiti transmittunt: Obliquus enim (inquit ille) etiam apud Hebræos liber hic fertur, & lubricus, & (quod Græci rhetores uocant) eschematismenos, dum qui aliud loquitur, aliud agit. Quod uerbum primæ literæ aphæresi acephalum factum est. uulgò enim e, præcisa, schematismenos in exemplari= bus lectitatur. Nicolaus Liranus Huguitionis autoritate fretus, mirificè hoc uerbum enarrauit: ueritas tamen hoc habet, ut eschematismenos liber I ob ab eo autore elegan ter dictus sit, qui figuris uerborum sententiarumq[ue] ua= riatus & quodammodo uelatus atque adeò uestitus sit. Schemata enim, id est, figuræ, duorum sunt generum, id est, dictionis, & sententiæ: sed quæ sententiarum dicun= tur, maximè in oratorio sunt instrumento. Schemata enim à Græcis dicuntur quasi gestus quidam & configurations b 3 nes

Transcription: Translated (English)

the diato iugerum, and one twelfth part of a iugerum. In the Third Book of Kings, chapter seven, "and the thickness of the laver was three fingers." In the Second Book of Paralipomenon, chapter four, it is read in place of this, "and the basin of it was a handbreadth." Now a palm, as we have said elsewhere, is four fingers, and is called a quarter; although the palm is sometimes used for three quarters. It seems that the glossators of those books guessed rather than understood this: indeed, since the divine Jerome had written in the preface of the first book: "Let those who wish have the old books, whether written on parchment in gold and silver, or in uncial letters (as they commonly say), burdens rather than books." When the interpreter was explaining these things, I say, he said that uncial letters are letters weighing an ounce of gold, or consisting of an ounce of gold, obviously ignorant of the meaning of these words. For Jerome meant that uncial letters are letters written with the thickness of a thumb. With equal ignorance unlearned men pass over the words of the same preface: "Oblique indeed," says he, "this book is also reported among the Hebrews, and smooth, and (what the Greek rhetoricians call) eschematismenos, while he speaks one thing and does another." This word has been made acephalous by aphæresis of the first letter. For commonly, with the e cut off, schematismenos is read in the manuscripts. Nicholas of Lyra, relying on the authority of Huguition, explained this word in a marvelous way: yet the truth is that the first book was called eschematismenos by that author because it is elegantly spoken, varied by figures of words and sentiments, and in a manner veiled and thus even clothed. For schemata, that is, figures, are of two kinds, namely of diction and of thought; but those which are called of thought are especially used in oratory. For schemata are called by the Greeks, as it were, certain gestures and configurations.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nes, habitusq[ue] orationis: quæ omnia propemodum Cicero in I I I. de Oratore enumerauit, sed simplici contentus nomenclatura, ut qui oratoris magis personam, quàm rhetoris & sophistæ, in ijs libris suscepisset, quomodo & in libro de Oratore perfecto. quapropter Fabius quasi Ciceronis enarrator, luculenter & copiose ex Ciceronis præscripto de figuris disseruit. Ex cuius uerbis libro I X. quid sit schema, discere facilè poterimus: Sed si habitus quidam (inquit ille) & quasi gestus sic appellandi sunt, id demum hoc loco schema dici oportebit, quod sit à simplici ac in promptu posito dicendi modo poëticè uel oratoriè immutatum. sic enim uerum erit aliam esse orationem <Aschematistos> aschematiston, id est, carentem figuris (quod uitium non inter minima est) aliam eschematismen, id est, figuratam. hactenus Fabius. Ex cuius uerbis intelligimus diuum Hieronymum ut literarum bonarum non ignarum, <Eschematisme nos.> sic plerunque non dissimulatorem, librum illum eschematismenon, id est, figuratum ideo appellasse, quòd non simplici ac uulgari sensu res diuinas, & in uera germanaq[ue] philosophia reconditas posteritati tradiderit: sed figurato stylo, atq[ue] à sensu communi alieno & abhorrente: ut mirari non debeamus si arcanæ abditæq[ue] doctrinæ sensum quilibet non capiat, quem Hieronymus obliquum ac lubricum appellat ob dialogorum ambagem. Cum autem <Poëmatis genera tria.> sint poëmatis genera tria (ut ferè autores tradunt) dramaticum, id est, actiuum uel actuosum: exegematicum, id est, enunciatiuum: & quod est inter utrunque anceps <Dramaticum opus.> mixtum, id est, ex utroque mixtum: dramaticum est in quo personæ agunt solæ absque ulla poëtæ ipsius & autoris interlocutione: cuiusmodi tragædiæ sunt, & comædiæ, & quædam Vergilij Bucolica, Exegematicum autem ge- <Exegematicu[m],> nus

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET features, and the manner of speech: all of which Cicero in Book III of De Oratore has almost enumerated, but content with simple nomenclature, as one who had undertaken in those books rather the person of an orator than that of a rhetorician and sophist, as also in the finished book De Oratore . Wherefore Fabius, as it were the interpreter of Cicero, has lucidly and copiously discussed figures according to Cicero’s prescription. From whose words in Book IX we shall be able easily to learn what a scheme is: But if certain habits (he says) and as it were gestures are to be so called, then at this place that alone ought properly to be called a scheme, which is altered from the simple and readily available manner of speaking, poetically or rhetorically. For thus it will be true that one kind of discourse is aschematiston, that is, lacking figures (which fault is not among the least), and another eschematismen, that is, figured. So far Fabius. From whose words we understand that the divine Jerome, as one not ignorant of good literature, thus, for the most part, not without reason, called that book eschematismenon , that is, figured, because it did not hand down divine matters to posterity in a simple and common sense, and those things hidden in true and genuine philosophy: but in a figurative style, and one alien to and abhorrent from common sense: so that we should not wonder if anyone does not grasp the meaning of the hidden and secret doctrine, which Jerome calls indirect and slippery because of the circuitousness of the dialogues. But since there are three kinds of poem, as the authors commonly relate, the dramatic, that is, active or actable; the exegematic, that is, declarative; and that which is doubtful between the two, mixed, that is, mixed from both: dramatic is that in which the characters act alone, without any speech by the poet himself and author in dialogue: of which kind are tragedies, and comedies, and certain of Virgil’s Bucolics . But the exegematic kind

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nus est in quo poëta omnia narrat sine ulla personarum interlocutione. In hoc omnia didascalico more & simplici traduntur, ut Georgica eiusdem Maronis. Is igitur liber qui I ob inscribitur, uel id poëma potius (ut autor est Hieronymus) dramatico & mimetico, id est, imitatiuo, charactere conscriptus est. siquidem in eo personarum actus uidemus uelut in scenam quandam prodeuntium, non popularibus oculis, sed philosophicis inseruientem. Porrò cum schemata exornandis poëmatis & orationibus inuenta sint, cum etiam præbent usum, quòd magis ijs multo afficimur & permouemur, quæ figuratè nobis, quàm quæ simpliciter & communi sensu traduntur: propter quod Fabius de ui figuratæ orationis loquens, Nam si frons (inquit) oculi, manus, multum ad motum animorum ualent: quanto plus orationis ipsius uultus, ad id quod intendimus conficere, compositus? < Figura.> Est enim figura, sicut nomine ipso apparet, conformatio quædam orationis remota à communi & primùm se offirente ratione. Tranquillus in Vespasiano: Amicorum libertatem, causidicoru[m] figuras, ac philosophorum contumaciam leuissimè tulit. Figuras Tranquillus appellat obliqua dicta, quæ non recta & simplici sententia, sed obliqua prætextaq[ue] impera torem ipsum taxabant. Idem in Domitia. Hermogenem Tarsensem occidit propter quasdam in historia figuras, librarijs etiam qui eam descripserant, crucifixis. Ruffinus contra Hieronymum scribens, Nam & sanctum, inquit, Ambrosium episcopum qualibus figuris laceret, qualibus obtrectationibus secet, in ijs ipsis in quibus laudet Origenem, ex præfationibus eius edocebo. & Hieronymus ad Ruffinum, I am tuæ moderationis erit, & tuorum, nullam occasionem impatientibus dare, ne non omnes similes mei b 4 inuen

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It is the epic, in which the poet narrates everything without any dialogue between persons. In this all is handed down in didactic and simple fashion, as in the Georgics of the same Maro. Therefore that book which is inscribed Job, or rather that poem, as Jerome is the author, is written in a dramatic and mimetic, that is, imitative, character. For in it we see the actions of persons as though coming forth upon a certain stage, serving not the eyes of the common people, but of philosophers. Moreover, since figures were invented to adorn poems and speeches, and since they also serve a use, because we are much more affected and moved by those things which are presented to us figuratively than by those which are handed down simply and in the common sense: for which reason Fabius, speaking of the force of figurative speech, says, “For if the face, the eyes, the hand, avail much toward moving the emotions, how much more the countenance of the speech itself, composed to achieve what we intend?” <Figure.> For a figure is, as the very name shows, a certain shaping of speech, remote from the common and first-presenting understanding. Suetonius in Vespasian: “He bore with the freedom of his friends, the figures of the lawyers, and the stubbornness of the philosophers, with the greatest patience.” Suetonius calls “figures” those oblique sayings which, not by a direct and simple statement, but obliquely and by implication, attacked the emperor himself. The same writer in Domitian: “He put Hermogenes of Tarsus to death because of certain figures in history, and even the scribes who had copied it were crucified.” Rufinus, writing against Jerome: “For I shall show, he says, by what figures and what reproaches he tears at the holy bishop Ambrose, in those very passages in which he praises Origen, from his prefaces.” And Jerome to Rufinus: “Now it will be your part, and that of your people, to give no occasion to the impatient, lest all not be like me.” b 4 inuen

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET inuenias, qui possint figuratis laudibus delectari. Et apud eundem figuratæ controuersiæ in eundem sensum intelligendæ. Martialis libro I I I. Epigramm. Schema. Schemate nec dubio, sed apertè nominat illam, Quam recipit sexto mense superba Venus. Cap. 14. Vt ad rem longiuscule digressi redeamus, res omnis in assis partes facilè diuiditur. Plinius libro secundo, Lunam haud dubium est lucere dodrantes semuncias horarum, ab secunda adjicientem ad plenum orbem, detrahen- temque in diminutionem. Cuius dicti subobscuri huius- cemodi sensus est, Lunam cum à coitu (quod interlu- nium dicitur) emergit, id quod fit secunda statim die: lucere primùm tres partes unius horæ nocturnæ, & in- super quartam & uicesimam horæ partem, seu mavis, un- deuiinti uicesimasquartas horæ: à secunda deinceps ad plenilunium die quolibet tantundem incrementi lucendo adijcere: & rursus à plenilunio eadem ratione eodemq[ue] modo decrementi lucere minus, minusq[ue]; quotidie usque ad intermestrem lunam, quo tempore cum sole coit. Idem Cap. 32. libro X V I I I. de eadem luna loquens, Supra terras au- tem erit quandiu & sol, interlunio, & prima tota die: secunda, horæ noctis unius dextante siciliquo: ac deinde tertia usque ad quintamdecimam, multiplicatis horarum ijsdem portionibus. quintadecima, tota supra terras no- ctu erit, eademq[ue] sub terris tota die: decimasexta, ad pri- mæ horæ nocturnæ dextantem siciliquum sub terra aget: easdemque portiones horarum per singulos dies adijciet usque ad interlunium: & quantum primis partibus no- ctis detraxerit, quòd sub terris agat, tantundem nouissi- mis ex die adijciet super terram. Dextantem & siciliquu[m] decem esse uncias cum quarta parte unciæ, nemo est qui ignoret.

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G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND you will find those who are able to take delight in figurative praises. And with the same author, figurative controversies are to be understood in the same sense. Martial, Book III, Epigrams. Schema. He plainly names that one, not in any doubtful figure, Whom proud Venus receives in the sixth month. Chap. 14. But to return to the matter, after our rather long digression, the whole thing is easily divided into parts in asses. Pliny, book two: the Moon it is beyond doubt that she shines with nine-twelfths of an hour, from the second day adding to the full orb, and again diminishing in decrease. The meaning of this somewhat obscure statement is this: when the Moon emerges from conjunction (which is called the interlunium), which happens on the very second day, it first shines three parts of one nocturnal hour, and moreover the fourth and twenty-fourth part of an hour, or if you prefer, one twenty-fourth of an hour; from the second day onward, up to the full moon, each day adding as much increase in shining; and again from the full moon in the same way and by the same method of decrease, shining less and less each day, until the new moon, at which time it is in conjunction with the sun. The same author, in chapter 32 of book XVIII, speaking of the same moon, says: Above the earth, however, it will be, as will the sun, during the interlunium and the whole first day; on the second, for six-tenths of one night hour and one sixtieth part; and then on the third day up to the fifteenth, with the same portions of hours multiplied. On the fifteenth, it will be wholly above the earth by night, and likewise wholly below the earth by day; on the sixteenth, it will spend down below the earth up to six-tenths and one sixtieth part of the first nocturnal hour: and it will add the same portions of hours each day until the interlunium; and as much as it has taken away from the first parts of the night, in that it spends below the earth, so much will it add from the end of the day over the earth. No one is unaware that six-tenths and one sixtieth part make ten unciae and a quarter of an uncia.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 25 ignoret. ita quod Plinius libr. I 1. undeuiiginti quartas & uicesimas horæ dixerat crescenti lunæ quotidie accresce= re, amplius deinceps ampliusq[ue] lucendo, & uiceuersa de= crescêti ratione eadem moduloq[ue] eodem decedere: ipse li= bro X V I I I. quasi eorum immemor quæ secundo uolu= mine dixerat, uiginti quartas & uicesimas & semis præ= terea dixit, id est, unam quadragesimam octauam. dextans enim uiginti uicesimas quartas ualet, & siciliquus unam duodequinquagesimam: ut suspicarisubeat Plinium utro= biq[ue] non eundem autorem eâdemq[ue] obseruationem secu= tum: quanquam in nonnullis alijs quoq[ue] locis, uel amanuē= sium culpa, uel propria hallucinatione (ut fit in uaria ac multiplici lectione) lapsus est: tametsi id fidem excedere uidetur, uirum usqueadeo & ingenio acrem, & industria accuratum, apertis interdum in rebus lapsum esse: ac ne id quidem modò, sed eidem etiam obliuionem antedictorum obrepsisse, præsertim cum ad principem scriberet, & ob= seruari præterea se acribus obtrectatorum oculis, capta= riq[ue] non nesciret: id quod facilè intelligimus ex librorum præfationibus interdum amarulentis. Proinde apologiam Plinij licet quis meditetur, qui hæc & huiuscemodi dilue= re se posse speret: ego (quod ad me attinet) non usqueadeo sacrosanctam Plinij autoritatem, ac ne cuiusquam quidem antiquorum, debere esse censeo, ut non præsentissimum Veritatis numen fuisse semper foreq[ue] apud æquos bonosq[ue] iudices memincrimus: cuius ut sacerdotes multi olim fue= runt, sic Plinius ipse antistes mihi fuisse uidetur. non enim tantum maioribus ipse tribuisse comperietur, si quis ani= maduerterit, ut eorum quaque in parte culpam ullam ob= ruendam silentio censuerit posteritati dispendioso: ne= dum ut cuiusquam errata quo iure quâque iniuria tue= b 5 ri Plinius inter- dum memoria defectus est. Pliniij laus.

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PART IB. HIS BOOK I. 25 is unaware. Thus Pliny in Book I, 1, where he had said that the twenty-fourths and twenty-fourths of the hour increase daily as the moon waxes, shining more and more thereafter, and conversely diminish in the same proportion and by the same measure as it wanes, he himself in Book XVIII, as though forgetful of what he had said in the second volume, said twenty-fourths and twenty-fourths and a half besides, that is, one forty-eighth. For the dextans is worth twenty twenty-fourths, and the sicilicus one fifty-eighth: so that one might suspect that Pliny in both places did not follow the same author or the same observation; although in several other places also, either through the fault of copyists or by his own lapse (as happens in a varied and multiple reading), he has fallen into error: yet it seems beyond belief that a man so acute in intellect and so exact in diligence should have slipped in matters so open, and not only that, but that forgetfulness of what he had said before should also have crept over him, especially when he was writing to the prince, and moreover knew that he was watched by the sharp eyes of critics and that he was being sought out, as we easily understand from the sometimes bitter prefaces of his books. Therefore, although someone may devise an apology for Pliny, who hopes to be able to wash away these things and things of this kind, I—for my part—do not think that the authority of Pliny, or indeed that of any of the ancients, ought to be so sacrosanct that we should not always remember that the very presence of Truth has been, and will be, at hand before fair and good judges; as many once were her priests, so Pliny himself seems to me to have been a high priest. For if anyone has carefully considered it, he will find that he did not merely give greater weight to his elders, in that he judged that any fault of theirs in any respect should be covered over by a silence disadvantageous to posterity; let alone that he should defend anyone’s mistakes by any right or wrong means. Pliny was sometimes at fault in memory. Pliny’s praise.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ri insliterit. In quo mihi nostræ memoriæ homines doctissimi absurdula quadam religione obstrinxisse æqualium suorum & posterorum iudicia uidentur, qui qui dem ipsi eorum exemplo antiquitatis nomen nudum, ue- nerandum esse numinis instar duxissent. Ego uerò anti- quos quoque illos, homines ut nos fuisse puto, & aliqua etiam scripsisse quæ patrum intelligerent. nec ita annosi æui prærogatiuam sequor, ut non in opus hoc Pliniæ- num, eximium omnino & rerum propè omnium ut di- gestione consertu[m], sic uarietate distinctum, errores quos- dam irrepsisse, affirmare præsidenter ausim: quos ne- mo quantumuis acer, modò non impudens quoq[ue] sit, de- fendendos recipere sustineat. siquidem ut nunc mittam ea quæ in stirpibus, quæ in herbis, quæ in medicinis ex Dioscoride & Theophrasto docti quidam & diligen- tes harum rerum obseruatores adnotauerunt, in quibus sæpe Plinius nunc exemplarium uitio, nunc æquiuoca- tione falsus est, dum uel opus immensum lectionisq[ue] mul- tiplicis urgeret, uel iudicium ipse certum ijs rebus descri- bendis adhibere nequiret, quas aut oculis non subiecerat, aut non satis meminerat: Vt igitur illa mittam, quæ cul- pæ magis quàm crimini dari possunt, neminem esse arbi- tror eorum qui Plinij studiosi sunt, qui Plinio patrocinæ- ri in eo uelit quod libr. quarto de Hyperboreis dixit: Po- ne eos, inquit, montes ultra Aquilonem gens felix (si credimus) quos Hyperboreos appellauere, annoso degit- æuo, fabulosis celebrata miraculis. Ibi creduntur esse car- dines mundi, extremu[m]que siderum ambitus, semestri luce & una die solis auersi: non (ut imperiti dixere) ab æ- quinoctio uerno in autumnum. Semel in anno solstitio oriuntur ijs soles: brumá que semel occidunt. & libr. secundo Plinij erratum Cap. 12

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ri insliterit. In which it seems to me that the very learned men of our memory have bound the judgments of their contemporaries and of posterity with a certain absurd religion, they who indeed, by their own example, would have held the naked name of antiquity worthy to be revered like a divinity. But I, on the other hand, think that even those ancients were men like us, and that they also wrote something that their descendants could understand. Nor do I so follow the prerogative of age that I would not dare boldly to affirm that in this work of Pliny—an altogether remarkable one, and, in the arrangement as well as in the variety of nearly all matters, well put together and distinguished—certain errors have crept in: errors which no one, however sharp, so long as he is not shameless too, would undertake to defend. For, to pass over for the moment those things which learned and diligent observers of these matters have noted concerning plants, herbs, and medicines from Dioscorides and Theophrastus, in which Pliny has often been mistaken, sometimes through the fault of manuscripts, sometimes through ambiguity, either while being pressed by the immense size of the work and the multiplicity of his reading, or because he himself was unable to apply a sure judgment to the description of those things which he had either not placed before his eyes or did not sufficiently remember: so then, to pass over those matters which may be ascribed more to fault than to crime, I think that there is no one among those who are devoted to Pliny who would wish to defend Pliny in what he says in the fourth book about the Hyperboreans: “Beyond those mountains,” he says, “on the far side of the North Wind, there lives a fortunate race (if we may believe it), whom they called Hyperboreans, living through a lengthened age, celebrated by fabulous marvels. There, it is believed, are the pivots of the world and the extreme circuit of the stars, with a six-month light and one day with the sun turned away: not, as the ignorant have said, from the vernal equinox to autumn. Once a year, at the solstice, the suns rise there; and once, in winter, they set.” And book second An error of Pliny Chapter 12

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CAP. EIVS LIB. I. 27 < Cap. 75.> secundo. In Britannia lucidæ noctes haud dubiè repro= mittunt, id quod cogit ratio credi, solstitialibus diebus accedente sole propius uerticem mundi, angusto lucis ambitu, subiectæ terræ continuos dies haberi senis mensibus, noctes'que è diuerso ad brumam remoto: quod fieri in insula Thyle, Pytheas Massiliensis prodidit. Quæro quonam modo hoc dictum tueri possemus, etiam si ab Eudoxo dictum esset: cum ratio sphærica haud du= bie deprehendat eos, qui polum Arcticum pro uertice habent, etiam æquinoctialem habere pro circulo finitore? At qui æquinoctialem pro finitore habent, eos necesse est nullam noctem habere, sed diem perpetuum quoad sol fertur per signa septentrionalia: id quod fit ab Ariete ad Libram, id est, ab æquinoctio uerno ad alterum æquinoctium. & uiceuersa perpetuam noctem, quoad sol per signa australia uiam facit, id est, à Libra ad Arietem: ita ut illis annus uertens semestri luce & æquali nocte transigatur, unico per annum ortu atque occasu solis. At hoc Plinius non ab æquinoctio uerno ad autumnum, sed à stolstitio ad brumam fieri locis illis contendit: qui rursus libro quarto, quasi parum sibi in ea re constans, ita inquit, Vltima omnium quæ memorantur, < Cap. 16.> Thyle: in qua solstitio nullas esse noctes indicauimus, Cancri signu[m] sole transeunte: nullosq[ue]; contrà per brumam dies. Hæc quidam senis mensibus continuis fieri arbitrantur. Ex quibus uerbis coijcio, quod Pytheas Massiliensis de solstitio et bruma dixerat, id est, de duo= bus tantum diebus, id Plinium de senis mensibus dixisse: propterea quòd sphærici autores rationibus id demonstrat. quare in hoc hallucinatus esse uidetur, qui quod ab æquinoctio in æquinoctiu[m] fit, a solstitio ad stolstitiu[m] fieri scripsit

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CAP. EIVS LIB. I. 27 < Cap. 75.> secondly. In Britain, the bright nights undoubtedly support what reason compels us to believe: that, at the summer solstice, when the sun approaches the pole of the world more closely, with the circle of light narrowed, the lands beneath have continuous days for six months, and, on the other hand, nights remote toward the winter solstice; which Pytheas of Massilia reported to happen in the island of Thule. I ask by what means we could defend this statement, even if it had been said by Eudoxus: since spherical reasoning clearly shows that those who have the Arctic pole as their zenith also have the equinoctial circle as their boundary circle? But those who have the equinoctial circle as their boundary must have no night at all, but a perpetual day so long as the sun travels through the northern signs: this is what happens from Aries to Libra, that is, from the vernal equinox to the other equinox. And conversely, perpetual night, so long as the sun makes its way through the southern signs, that is, from Libra to Aries: so that with them the turning year is spent in six months’ light and equal night, with the sun rising and setting only once in the year. But here Pliny maintains that this happens in those places not from the vernal equinox to autumn, but from the solstice to the winter solstice; who again in the fourth book, as though not quite consistent with himself in that matter, says thus: “The last of all the places mentioned, < Cap. 16.> is Thule: in which we have indicated that at the solstice there are no nights, when the sun passes through the sign of Cancer; and conversely no days during the winter solstice. Some think that these things happen continuously for six months.” From these words I infer that what Pytheas of Massilia had said about the solstice and the winter solstice, that is, about only two days, Pliny said of six months: because the authors of spherical theory demonstrate this by reasoning. Therefore in this he seems to have been mistaken, in writing that what happens from equinox to equinox happens from solstice to solstice.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET scripsit Strab. li. VII. de Sauromatis loquès, qui et Sarmatæ dicuntur, δηλεπω ἀγνοιαν τῶν τόπων τὸντων οἰ τὰ ἐγεποῦα ὑφη καὶ ποῦς ὑποδορεῖνς μυδοψιῶντες, λόγα ἡγίωνταί, καὶ πυθέας ὃ μακαλιώτης κατετοῦτο ταῦτα τὰ ἑπικεαντίδας, προξηματι χρώδιν & τὴν περί τὰ ὑράνια καὶ τὰ μαθηματικὰ ἰσοδια. Propter horu[m] autem (inquit) locoru[m] ignorantiâ, ij qui Riphæos mo[n]tes, & populos Hyperboreos fabulati sunt, in hominum existimationem uenerunt, & ipse Pytheas Massiliensis mendaciter hæc scripsit, quæ ad Oceani littus pertinent, illo usus prætextu, quòd coelestium & mathematicarum rerum historiam scriberet. Martianus (quod miror) Plinium in hoc sequutus est, his uerbis in sexto: In Britannia (inquit) noctes decem & septem horarum: solstitiali uerò tempore cum coeli uerticem sol inuictus, subiectas læuorsum terras perpetui dici continuatione collustrat, item que brumali descensu semianuam facit horrere noctem: quod in insula Thyle compertum Pytheas Massiliensis asseruit. Pomponius Mela de his loquens libro tertio ita inquit, In Asiatico littore primi Hyperborei super Aquilonem Riphæos que montes sub ipso siderum cardine iacent: ubi sol non quotidie ut nobis, sed primùm uerno æquinoctio exortus, autumnali demum occidit: & ideo sex mensibus dies, & totidem alijs nox usque continua est. Si uerum est Plinij dictum, necesse est ut Mela autor probatissimus ignarus sphæricæ rationis fuerit, & unus eoru[m] quos Plinius imperitos appellauit. Enimuero in supradictis lapsum esse Plinium per rerum mathematicarum ignorantiam, ut persuadere mihi nolim, sic nequeam si uelim. non enim rudim[en]ta tantùm mathematicarum artium perdidicisse Plinius uidetur, id est, sphæricæ disciplinæ rationem,

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET wrote Strabo, book VII, speaking of the Sauromatae, who are also called Sarmatae, through ignorance of these regions, those who, wandering about with no knowledge of the places and of the roads leading through them, spoke nonsense and were mistaken; and Pytheas of Massilia described these things falsely, setting them forth under the pretext that he was writing about celestial and mathematical matters. For this reason, says he, because of ignorance of these places, those who have fabricated stories about the Rhipaean mountains and the Hyperborean peoples have gained acceptance among men; and Pytheas of Massilia himself falsely wrote these things, which concern the shores of Ocean, using this as a pretext, that he was writing the history of celestial and mathematical matters. Martianus, as I wonder, followed Pliny in this, in the sixth book with these words: In Britain, he says, the nights are of seventeen hours; and at the solstitial season, when the unconquered sun, at the vertex of the sky, illuminates the lands lying below to the left with continuous day, likewise in its winter descent it makes a half-year night to be dreaded: this, Pytheas of Massilia affirmed to have been observed in the island of Thule. Pomponius Mela, speaking of these matters in the third book, says thus: On the Asiatic shore the first Hyperboreans, beyond the Rhipaean mountains, lie beneath the very pole of the stars, where the sun does not set or rise daily for us, but first rises at the vernal equinox and only at last sets at the autumnal equinox; and therefore for six months there is day, and for as many other months there is unbroken night. If Pliny's statement is true, it is necessary that Mela, though an excellent authority, was ignorant of spherical theory, and one of those whom Pliny called unlearned. Indeed, that Pliny in the above-mentioned passages slipped through ignorance of mathematical matters, so that I do not wish to persuade myself of it, I cannot deny, if I wished. For Pliny seems not only to have forgotten the rudiments of mathematical arts, that is, the principles of spherical doctrine,

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. nem, quam necessariam esse de situ orbis scribētibus Strabo nobilis geographus libro primo docuit: sed etiam astronomiam ipsam non leuiter attigisse: eiusq[ue] asseclam diopticam. nam absque harum rerum peritia quonam modo stellarum erraticarum circulos, cursus, stationes, retrogressus, accessus terræ citimos, recessus que ultimos, res omnino perplexas, explicare inaudita breuitate qui ret? Adde triplicem umbrarum rationem luculenter ab eo scite que expeditam. nam solis lunæq[ue] magnitudinem, & eorum deliquia, ecquis enarrare expeditius aut docere potuit? Ambages certè lunares, & desulterij sideris mirificas uicissitudines, nec elegantius quisquam priscorum, nec explanatius totidem uerbis complecti potuisset: tametsi rursus in magnitudine Lunæ etiam suo sibi testimonio reprehenditur: quum mucrone umbræ terræ luna in deliquio obscuretur eodem ipso autore, & ipse tamen lunam maiorem esse terra dixerit: quæ duo dicta colliduntur inuicem. sed sic sunt res mathematicæ. Neq[ue] uerò legitimam ipsam harum rerum scientiam nouisse tantùm Plinius uidetur, sed etiam genethliologorum commenta non ignorasse: id quod ex libro eius septimo intelligere possumus, quo in loco de spatijs uitæ longissimis loquens, Poscere, inquit, uidetur locus ipse sideralis scientiæ sententiam. Epigenes centum uigintiduos annos impleri negauit posse, Berosus excedi centum & septemdecim. Durat & ea ratio quam Petosiris & Necepsos tradiderunt, & trimorion appellant, à trium signorum portione: qua posse in Italiæ tractu centum uigintis ex annos uitæ contingere apparet. Negauere illi quenquam nonaginta partium exortiu[m] mensuram (quod anaphoras uocant) transgredi, & eas ipsas incidi occur- su

Transcription: Translated (English)

Part I. Book I. Not only, as the famous geographer Strabo taught in the first book, is knowledge of the situation of the world necessary for those who write about it; but Pliny also seems to have touched astronomy itself not lightly, and to have been an adherent of dioptrics. For without knowledge of these things, by what means could anyone explain, with unheard-of brevity, the circles, courses, stations, retrogressions of the wandering stars, their nearest approaches to the earth and their farthest withdrawals, matters altogether perplexing? Add to this his lucid and skillful treatment of the three kinds of shadows. For who could have explained more readily, or taught more clearly, the size of the sun and moon and their eclipses? Certainly no one among the ancients could have comprised the moon’s ambiguities and the marvelous alternations of the errant star more elegantly, or in so few words, more plainly; although again, in the matter of the moon’s magnitude, he is refuted by his own testimony, when, by the point of Earth’s shadow, the moon is darkened in eclipse, according to the same author, and yet he said that the moon is larger than the earth: these two statements clash with one another. But such are mathematical matters. Indeed, Pliny seems not only to have known the legitimate science of these matters, but also not to have been ignorant of the fictions of the genethliologists: this we may understand from his seventh book, where, speaking of the longest spans of life, he says, “The very place seems to require the judgment of sidereal science. Epigenes denied that one hundred and twenty-two years could be completed; Berosus, that one hundred and seventeen could be exceeded. There remains also that method which Petosiris and Necepsos handed down, and which they call trimorion, from a third part of three signs: by this it appears that in the region of Italy a span of one hundred and twenty years of life can be reached. Those men denied that anyone could pass beyond the measure of ninety parts at rising, which they call anaphoras, and that these very parts could be cut off by an encounter—

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET su maleficorum siderum. Quo in loco non trimorion, ut < Plinij locus.> male emendatum est, sed tetartemorion lego, ex anti= < Tetartemorio> quis exemplaribus in quibus artemorion legitur. Est au= tem tetartemorion Græcè, qui Latinè quadrans dicitur, id est quærtæ pars signiferi circuli, hoc est tria signa. Ad cuius rei intelligentiam sciendum quòd numerus duode= narius & Astronomicis & Genethliacis familiaris & accommodatus est: unde & aspectus quadrantales obser= < Aspectus quadrantalis.> uant, & trientales, sextantes que: hos duos extremos trinos & sextiles uulgò uocant. Quadrantalis aspectus, < Nonagenarius aspectus.> qui quadratus etiam appellatur, fit per trium signorum interstitium, & gradus nonaginta: ob id nonagenarius appellatus. Plinius libro secundo, Martis (inquit) stella, ut propior, etiam ex quadrato sentit radios ab nona= ginta partibus, unde & nomen accepit. Is motus pri= mus & secundus nonagenarius dictus ab utroque exor= < Trientalis aspectus, qui & Triquetrus.> tu. Trientalis est aspectus, qui in quatuor fit signis, hoc est in tertia parte signiferi, quæ constat centum & uigin= < Sextus aspectus.> ti gradibus. Hunc triquetrum Plinius uocat. Sextans au= tem fit in sexta parte signiferi, hoc est sexaginta gradibus, & signis duobus: ob id sexagenarius dictus. Semissis a= < Sexagenarius.> spectus est qui fit per diametrum, id est, per lineam cir= < Semillis aspectus.> culi dimetientem. Hanc radiationem mathematici, id est, Chaldæi, minacem malignam que esse dicunt. hæc fit à signo uno ad aliud signum quod ab eo ordine sit septimu[m]: ut ab Ariete ad Libra. Triquetrus aspectus, id est, trigo= nus, qui trientem signiferi capit, quinto signo fit, ut (uerbi gratia) in duobus signis quæ tantum inter se distet, quantum Aries & Leo. huiusmodi radiatio læta felixq[ue] esse dictitatur. Tetragonus, id est, quadratus, fit in quarto < Quadratus & Tetragonus aspectus:> ab eo à quo inchoatur signo, id est, ab horoscopo, ut ab Leone

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASCENDANT AND of the evil stars. In this place not trimorion, as <Pliny's passage.> it has been wrongly corrected, but I read tetartemorion, from <Tetartemorion> ancient exemplars in which artemorion is read. Now tetartemorion in Greek is what in Latin is called quadrans, that is, the fourth part of the zodiacal circle, that is, three signs. For understanding this matter it must be known that the number twelve is familiar to and suited for both astronomers and genethliacs: hence they observe quadratic aspects as well <Quadratic aspect.> as triental and sextant; these two last they commonly call trine and sextile. The quadratic aspect, <Ninetieth aspect.> which is also called square, occurs by the interval of three signs, and ninety degrees: for that reason it is called ninetieth. Pliny, in the second book, says: “The star of Mars, as being closer, also receives rays from the square at ninety parts,” whence it also took its name. This motion is called first and second ninetieth from both directions. <Triental aspect, which is also Trine.> The triental aspect occurs in four signs, that is, in the third part of the zodiac, which consists of one hundred and twenty <Sextile aspect.> degrees. Pliny calls this triquetrum. The sextile, however, occurs in the sixth part of the zodiac, that is, sixty degrees, and two signs: for that reason it is called sexagenary. <Sexagenary.> The semis aspect is that which occurs by the diameter, that is, by the line measuring across the circle. <Semis aspect.> Mathematicians, that is, the Chaldeans, say that this radiation is threatening and malign. This occurs from one sign to another sign that is seventh from it in order: as from Aries to Libra. The triquetrous aspect, that is, the trine, which occupies a third of the zodiac, occurs in the fifth sign, as (for example) in two signs that are separated from each other by the distance between Aries and Leo. Such radiation is said to be joyful and fortunate. The tetragonus, that is, square, occurs in the fourth sign from the one from which it begins, that is, from the horoscope, as from Leo

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIBER I. Leone in Scorpiu[m]. Hanc radiatione[m] tristem putant. Hexa= gona est quam sextante[m] diximus, quæ fit in tertio signo, eadem benignitate cum trigona prædita. Propterea Pli= nius de sexagenario aspectu loquens, Hic numerus (in= quit) sexangulas mundi efficit formas. Antedictis quæ= tuor, Genethliaci etiam cardines quatuor addu[n]t, ortum scilicet & occasum, & mesuranium, quod & mesu= ranema dicitur (uocabulum ubiq[ue] in Firmico depraua= tum) hoc est locus medij coeli, & huic oppositum locum quod hypogeon dicitur, hoc est punctum subterraneum inter ortum occasum que medium. Vt autem as ipse ma= thematicus impleatur, & omneis suas partes habeat, ad= dunt & alia quatuor loca, quæ pigra deiecta[m]; esse di= cunt: quòd nullo ferme radiationis foedere cum ortu, id est, cum horoscopo coniungantur. Hæc sunt in secundo, sexto, octauo, & duodecimo ab horoscopo signo. Horo= scopus est ea pars coeli quæ genituræ tempore ab orienta= li parte coeli emergit in hemisphærium nostrum, & ortus appellatur: quam ex Cicerone natalem horam & natali= tiam appellare possumus: ex cuius obseruatione natalitia prædicta fiunt, ut ipse loquitur. Possumus etiam ex Pli= nio exortiuam horam uocare. Græci horoscopum ab ho= rae natalis notatione appellauerunt. Huic pars per dia= metrum opposita in septimo, ut diximus, signo in occi= dua coeli parte, occasus appellatur. Ea autem pars coeli quæ triginta partibus ab horoscopo distat, in secundo si= gno existens ab eo in quo horoscopus inchoatur, ana= phora appellatur, & interdu[m] epanaphora. quasi pars ia= iam emersura. Quæ autem pars signiferi totidem parti= bus in demersu occiduum punctum signiferi præcesserit, quot partibus in emersu anaphora ab horoscopo relin= quitur

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. HIS BOOK I. Under Leo in Scorpio. They consider this ray to be sad. It is hexagonal, which we have called a sextile, since it occurs in the third sign, endowed with the same favorable quality as the trine. For this reason Pliny, speaking of the sexagenary aspect, says: “This number produces the hexagonal forms of the world.” Besides the four already mentioned, the Genethliaci also add four angles: namely, the rising and setting, and the mesuranium, which is also called mesuranema (a term everywhere corrupted in Firmicus), that is, the place of the mid-heaven, and the place opposite to this, which is called hypogeon, that is, the subterranean point, midway between rising and setting. But in order that the mathematical figure itself may be complete and have all its parts, they also add four other places, which they call the sluggish or fallen ones; because they are connected by scarcely any bond of aspect with the rising point, that is, with the horoscope. These are in the second, sixth, eighth, and twelfth sign from the horoscope. The horoscope is that part of the sky which, at the time of birth, rises from the eastern part of the sky into our hemisphere, and is called the rising point: this, from Cicero, we may call the natal hour and the nativity; from its observation the things that concern the birth are foretold, as he himself says. We may also call it, with Pliny, the rising hour. The Greeks named it horoscopos from the marking of the birth hour. The part opposite to it by diameter, in the seventh sign, as we have said, on the western side of the sky, is called the setting. But the part of the sky which is thirty degrees distant from the horoscope, existing in the second sign from that in which the horoscope begins, is called anaphora, and sometimes epanaphora, as it were the part now about to rise. And that part of the zodiac which, in its descent, has passed the setting point of the zodiac by as many degrees as it is left behind the horoscope in its rising...

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Epicataphora. quitur, ea pars coeli à mathematicis epicataphora dici= tur: quod significat præcipitem locum coeli in octauo ab horoscopo signo. reliqua duo loca nomina habent ma= læ fortunæ & cacodæmonis. Hæc tametsi uanissimè à ma= thematicis diuinis disputantur, ideo tamen utilia sunt co= gnitu, quòd & aspectuum radiationumq; adnotatio, astro nomiæ etiam cum genethliologia communis est. Vt autem ex antedictis apparet, non trimorion, quod nihil (ut ar= bitror) apud Græcos significat (trimæron enim Græcum est, non trimorion) sed tet artemorum legendum esse: ita uerba Plinij supradicta intelligere me non potuisse fateor: Negauere illi quenquam nonaginta partium exortiuam mensuram, quod anaphoras uocant, transgredi. Hermo= laus Barbarus neutrum hulcus attigit. Proinde cum Pli= nius huiuscemodi multa & scitè & coëcinnè de rebus ma= thematicis scripserit, nec cadidi profectò est, nec recti iu= dicij, ob unum & alterum incommodius dictum, dicam ip si imperitiæ uelut ad tribunal Rhadamanti scribere, aut quamuis aliam formulam intendere quæ tantæ autoritati ignominiosa esse possit. Petita tamen uenia cum eo agere Præscriptis uerbis agere, uerbu[m] est iuris. præscriptis (ut ita dicam) uerbis honorem præfantibus li= cet: ne iure nostro cedamus asserendæ ueritatis, cui nec te= poris spatio, nec autoritate cuiusquam nominis præscri= bitur. Nec enim ætati huic nostræ literarum interpolatri= ci hanc legem promulgandam censuerim: Quod Plinius, quod prisci, quod primi meriti scriptores dixerint, scri= pserint, quâ rem cunq; inter monum[m]eta sua reliquerint, eiusce rei æterna ac sacrosa[m]cta autoritas esto. quibuic ue= lut consecratæ sent[enti]etiæ derogauerit, abrogauerit, obro= gauerit, is ob eam re intestabilis, et sacer esto: cum litera= ti omnes ex conuentu certatim exigunto. Illam enim po= tius Legis forma, quam no[n] fert.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Epicataphora. it follows that that part of the heavens is called by the mathematicians epicataphora: which signifies the precipitous place of the heavens in the eighth sign from the horoscope. the other two places have the names of bad fortune and cacodæmon. Although these things are very vainly disputed by the mathematicians and diviners, they are nevertheless useful to know, because the observation of aspects and rays is also common to astronomy and genethliology. But as is apparent from the foregoing, it is not trimorion, which means nothing (as I think) among the Greeks (for trimæron is Greek, not trimorion), but tetartemōn must be read: so I confess that I could not understand the words of Pliny quoted above: “They denied that anyone transgressed the ascending measure of ninety parts, which they call anaphoras.” Hermolaus Barbarus touched neither of the two holes. Therefore, since Pliny has written many things of this sort both skillfully and elegantly about mathematical matters, he is certainly neither dull nor of sound judgment if, because of one or two more inconvenient sayings, I should say to him himself, as if accusing his ignorance before the tribunal of Rhadamanthus, or use any other formula that might be dishonorable to so great an authority. Yet with pardon requested, it is lawful to deal with him Prescribed words to deal with, is a word of law. with prescribed, so to speak, words first offering honor: lest we yield our right in defending the truth, which is prescribed by neither lapse of time nor the authority of any name. For I would not think that this law should be proclaimed for our age, this interpolator of letters: “Whatever Pliny, whatever the ancients, whatever writers of the first rank have said, written, or in whatever matter they have left among their monuments, let the authority of that thing be eternal and sacred.” Whoever shall have diminished, abolished, or overridden these as it were consecrated opinions, let him on that account be outlawed and accursed, while all the learned in assembly demand satisfaction in turn. For rather that Form of law, which it does not bear.

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. tius legem ipse suaserim: Qui discendi cupidi sint, iuræ= tissimu cuiusq[ue] scriptoris maiestatem comiter conseruan= to. quod secus (ut sunt humana) dictum in eorum cuiusq[ue] libros irrepserit, obrepserit, sefellerit: qui de eo dicto indæ gandæ ueritatis ergò addubitet, addubitauerit, quæstione referat, retulerit: quod eorum ab unoquoque absq[ue] dolo malo aut liuore animi factum sit, eius rei mulcta ne sit, nec bonorum offensio, quod instar est extremi supplicij. Pro= inde adnotatis tantum locis hærendum esse censeo, ut eo= rum more philosophorum qui Ephectici dicuntur (nos < Ephectici.> cunctatores appellare possumus) iudicium sustineamus po tius, quàm ut quicquam arrogantia critica statuamus de classicis autoribus, citraq[ue] controuersiam receptæ autori= tatis. Sunt qui Plinium multa in mathematicis non intelle xisse affirmant, quæ quidem ex Græcis transcriperit, quale est illud quod de signifero dicit cap. x v 1. secundi libri, quod omnino explanatius dici debuit, etiam si uerè dictum esse uidetur & acutè. id quod uix mihi persuase= rim. Eiusdem notæ cum superioribus, si dicere fas est, illa < Entelechia.> entelechia Ciceronis est, cuius hæc sunt uerba in primo Tusculanarum: Aristoteles logè omnibus (Platonem sem per excipio) præstans & ingenio & diligentia, cu[m] qua= tuor illa genera principiorum esset complexus, è quibus omnia orirentur: quintam quandam naturam censet esse, è qua sit mens cogitare enim & prouidere, & discere & docere, & inuenire aliquid, & tam multa meminisse, ama= re, odisse, cupere, timere, angi, lætari, hæc & similia eo= rum in horum quatuor generum nullo inesse putat. Quin tum genus adhibet uacans nomine: & sic ipsum ani= mum entelechiam appellat nouo nomine, quasi quandam continuatam motionem & perennem. Entelechiam Ci= cero

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. HIS BOOK I. I myself would have proposed the law: Let those who are eager to learn carefully preserve the majesty of each writer’s own style. If anything else, as happens with human works, has crept, slipped, or deceived itself into any of their books; if anyone, for the sake of investigating the truth of that statement, doubts or has doubted and refers the question; let there be no penalty for anything of the kind done by any one of them without evil intent or malice of spirit, nor any offense to good men, which amounts to the penalty of the utmost punishment. Therefore I think that only the noted passages should be adhered to, so that we may, in the manner of those philosophers who are called Ephectici (we may call them hesitators), sustain judgment rather than arrogantly determine anything about the classical authors, apart from the controversy of received authority. There are some who assert that Pliny understood little in mathematics, which he had in fact transcribed from the Greeks, as is that statement he makes about the signifer in ch. XV 1 of the second book, which ought to have been explained more clearly, even if it seems to have been said truly and sharply. That is something I can scarcely persuade myself of. Of the same kind as the above, if one may so speak, is that entelechy of Cicero, of which these are the words in the first book of the Tusculans: “Aristotle, superior to all others in both genius and diligence (I always except Plato), after he had embraced those four classes of principles from which all things arise, thinks that there is a certain fifth nature, from which comes mind itself; for to think and foresee, and to learn and teach, and to find something, and to remember so many things, to love, hate, desire, fear, be troubled, rejoice—he thinks that these and similar things are in none of those four classes. He introduces a fifth class without a name; and thus he calls the mind itself entelechy, with a new name, as a kind of continuous and everlasting motion.” Entelechy Ci-

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET cero continuum motum intellexit, quasi Aristoteles ende= lechiam per d, literam scripserit, id est c[on]tinuationem, & non entelechiam potius, quam actum & perfectionem do < Cicero meritò à Græcis accusatus.> etissimi Græcorum interpretantur. ob id Ciceronem à Græcis accusatum non magnopere miror: utpote quos & orationibus suis exagitare non desinit, quanquam ab ipsis præclara illa ingenij ornamenta philosophiam & oratoriam facultatem accepisse se non dissimulat. Quare si uerum fateri uolumus, eloquentiæ Latinæ princeps pa= rensq; à Plinio iure ac meritò dictus, diserti nonnunquam magis uiri quàm oratoris officio functus esse iudicandus est, si quidem eius ipsius autoritati credimus, oratorem eum esse non posse, qui non idem uir bonus sit. Viri au= tem boni esse persuadere mihi nequeo, non modò Græcos uiros, sed etiam Græcam ipsam linguam Latinæ eloquen= tiæ autorem, ut inopem & ieiunam conuitiose uocitare, & Latinæ liuguæ ueluti exuberantem copiam præ illius inopia admirari. Nisi uerò credimus Ciceronem recta fre tum conscientia, & ex animi sui sententia id dixisse, & non planè auræ populari Romanoru[m] suorum inseruijsse: cuius populi gratia nullum unquam numen præsentius esse credidit. Calumniæ igitur Cicero excusari non po= test, quasi ita existimauerit. nam præterquam quòd Græ cam omnem facundiam pernouerat, ut uel eo nomine Græ cis ipsis æqualibus admurandus esset: si cui etiam eloquen tiæ Græcæ elogia ex eius scriptis colligere uacet & li= beat, eum aliter censuisse haud dubiè iudicabit. Fabius li= bro decimo de comparatione Demosthenis & Ciceronis loquens, Cedendum uerò in hoc, inquit, quòd & ille prior fuit, & ex magna parte Ciceronem quantus est fecit. Nam mihi uidetur Marcus Tullius cum se totum ad imi= =tationem

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON THE SHEA AND Cicero understood continuous motion, as if Aristotle had written entelechia with d, that is, continuation, and not rather entelechy, that is, act and perfection. < Cicero, deservedly accused by the Greeks.> The most learned among the Greeks interpret it so. For that reason I do not greatly wonder that Cicero was accused by the Greeks: since he does not cease to attack them in his speeches, although he does not conceal that he received from them those splendid ornaments of genius, philosophy and the art of oratory. Therefore, if we wish to speak truly, the prince and father of Latin eloquence, as Pliny rightly and deservedly called him, must sometimes be judged to have fulfilled the duty more of an accomplished man than of an orator, if indeed we believe his own authority, that no man can be an orator unless he is also a good man. Yet I cannot persuade myself that it is the mark of a good man to call, not only Greek men, but even the Greek language itself, the author of Latin eloquence, in a reproachful way, as poor and barren, and to admire the Latin language as abounding in wealth over against that poverty. Unless indeed we believe that Cicero, relying on a clear conscience and speaking from the conviction of his own mind, said this, and did not plainly cater to the popular favor of his Roman countrymen: for whose approval he thought no deity was ever more present. Therefore Cicero cannot be excused from calumny, as though he had thought thus. For, besides the fact that he was thoroughly acquainted with all Greek eloquence, so that for that reason alone he ought to have been admired by the Greeks themselves as their equal: if anyone also takes the trouble and pleasure to gather from his writings the praises of Greek eloquence, he will undoubtedly judge that Cicero thought otherwise. In the tenth book, when speaking of the comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero, Fabius says, “Yet in this one point yield, namely, that the former came earlier, and made Cicero, to a large extent, what he is. For Marcus Tullius seems to me, when he devoted himself wholly to imitation”

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. tationem Græcorum contulisset, effinxisse uim Demosthenis, copiam Platonis, iucunditatem Isocratis. Idem libro duodecimo: Latina mihi facundia, ut inuentione, dispositione, consilio, cæterisq[ue] huius generis artibus similis Græcæ, ac prorsus discipula eius uidetur: ita circa ratione eloquendi uix habere imitationis locum. Si igitur teste Fabio, penè altero Cicerone, lingua Latina discipula & imitatrix linguæ Græcæ, cum se totam ad præscriptum parentis suæ componere effingeréq[ue] instituisset, in ea parte artis oratoriæ à qua eloquentia nomen accepit, imitationem implere non potuit, id est in eloquendi magnificentiæ & sublimitate: quo nam modo præferendam hanc illi Marcus Tullius utriusque peritissimus existimare potuit? Ceu uerò siquam Protogenes tabulam ex nobili illa Apellis Anadyomene effingere statuisset, omnia que lineamenta ad præscriptum ducere, tú que id apographum præstantius esse exemplari suo contenderes: non aut improbus esse aut ridiculus uiderere? Atenim Venere nos Græci, & uerborum suauitate, non etiam copia superauerunt. Hoc rursus iudicandum ad Fabium reijciamus: apud quem libro eodem sic legitur: Itaque tanto est sermo Græcus Latino iucundior, ut nostri poëtæ quoties dulce carmen esse uoluerunt, illorum id nominibus exornent. His illa potentiora, quòd res plurimæ earent appellationibus, ut eas necesse sit transferre, aut circumire. etiam in ijs quæ denominata sunt, summa pauertas, in eadem nos frequentissimè reuoluit. at illis non uerborum modò, sed linguarum etiam inter se differentium copiæ. Quare qui à Latinis exigit illam gratiam sermonis Attici, det mihi in loquendo eandem iueunditatem, & parem copiam. quod si negatu est, sententias aptabimus

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART I. BOOK I. If he had compared himself to the Greeks, he would have fashioned the force of Demosthenes, the richness of Plato, the charm of Isocrates. In book twelve he says again: Latin eloquence seems to me, in invention, arrangement, plan, and the other arts of this kind, like Greek, and indeed altogether its pupil; thus, in the matter of style, it scarcely has room for imitation. If then, according to Fabius, almost another Cicero, the Latin tongue is the pupil and imitator of the Greek tongue, and, when it had set out to shape and model itself entirely according to the precepts of its parent, could not complete imitation in that part of rhetorical art from which eloquence takes its name—that is, in the grandeur and sublimity of style—then how could Marcus Tullius, most skilled in both, have thought this preferable to that? As if, indeed, if Protogenes had resolved to reproduce on a panel that famous Anadyomene of Apelles, and had drawn all the features according to the original, and you were to claim that that copy was superior to its model: would you not appear either dishonest or ridiculous? Yet the Greeks have surpassed us in Venus, and in the sweetness of words, though not also in abundance. Let us refer this judgment again to Fabius, where in the same book it is read thus: And so the Greek language is so much more delightful than the Latin, that whenever our poets have wished a song to be sweet, they adorn it with Greek names. Those names have greater power, because many things lack names, so that it is necessary either to transfer them or to describe them indirectly. Even in those things that are named, there is a great scarcity, which very often forces us back to the same words. But with them there is abundance not only of words, but even of tongues differing among themselves. Therefore, if one demands from the Latins that grace of Attic speech, let him give me the same sweetness and equal abundance in speaking. But if that is denied, we shall adapt the thoughts

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET aptabimus ijs uocibus quas habemus. Quàm pugnantia sint hæc uerba Fabij cum uerbis Ciceronis, nemo non uidet: qui etiam (si dijs placet) alibi uociferatur omnia per se melius Romanos & sapietius quàm Græcos inuenisse, aut ab eis accepta, meliora fecisse. Et rursus, Vt omnia, inquit, Græcorum perquiras, quid sit ineptus, non inuenies: & innocentiæ uerbum Græcè dici non potest. Equidem præter ανάρμοσον, etiam απερόνασον apud illos tam significans esse puto, quàm apud nos ineptum. nec nunus fortasse απίθανον και σκατον, καὶ ματανον, καὶ αφνίς, καὶ απεροιχος: & innocentem non meliorem acaco esse iudico, quo uerbo Areopagita & literæ sacræ utuntur, atque etiam Demosthenes in oratione κατὰ ἐυργα, his uerbis, καὶ προασωνομεν ἀκατης ἐν ἐπιπάθησε τὰς ουασὰς. Et rursus, ἐπις αγνοησας τοῦτας, ακάνς ογήσαθε καὶ απράμονας ἐνν. & κατὰς, ἐλευστικὰς ἀνχρὸς ἐν ἐμιδις, innocentis significationem non implebunt? Atqui ego hæc plenius aliquid & exuperantius innocentia significare puto. Meliora etiam fortasse his alia Cicero apud Græcos inuenisset, si Græcorum partes tuendas suscepisset. Has ob causas & alias huiuscemodi uiuus adhuc (ut autor est Fabius) obtractatorum sermonibus sæpe exagitatus fuit. Ingrati profectò est animi, cum Græcia Latinos non modò disciplinis, sed

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND we shall fit these words to the words we have. How contradictory these words of Fabius are with the words of Cicero, everyone can see: who even (if the gods please) elsewhere cries out that the Romans have found everything better of themselves and more wisely than the Greeks, or, having received it from them, have made it better. And again, “That everything,” he says, “that belongs to the Greeks you may search through, but what is foolish you will not find; and the word for innocence cannot be said in Greek.” Indeed, besides ἀνάρμοσον, I also think ἀπερόνασον among them means as much as inept among us. Nor perhaps are ἀπίθανον and σκατον, and ματαιον, and ἀφνίς, and ἀπεροίχος: and I do not judge innocent to be better than ἀκακό, by which word the Areopagite and the sacred letters make use, and also Demosthenes in the speech κατὰ ἐυργα, with these words, καὶ προασωνομεν ἀκατης ἐν ἐπιπάθησε τὰς ουασὰς. And again, ἐπις ἀγνοησας τοῦτας, ἀκάνς ογήσαθε καὶ ἀπράμονας ἐνν. and κατὰς, ἐλευστικὰς ἀνχρὸς ἐν ἐμιδις, will they not fulfill the meaning of innocent? Yet I think these express a fuller thing and something more abundant than innocence. Cicero perhaps would also have found other better words among the Greeks, if he had undertaken to defend the Greek side. For these reasons and others of this kind, while still alive (as Fabius says) he was often attacked by the speeches of detractors. Truly it is an ungrateful thing of the mind, when Greece not only the Latins in learning, but

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. sed etiam suis uerbis locupletauerit, eaq[ue] adhuc teneant: nec beneficium nos, nec debitum agnoscere, præsertim cu[m] Græcia id nunquam repetitura sit mutuum, quod usu no= strum secimus. Mihi autem uidetur (ingenuè enim prolo= quar) lingua Græca ad Latinam relata, poëtæ, id est tra= gici autoris aut comici rationem habere: Latina autem a= ctoris tantum scenici, qui fabulam à poëta inuentam, & emodulatè scriptam, artifici ac numerosa pronuntiatione in theatralem consessum profert. < Græca quid Latinæ præstat.> Quid enim aliud & poëtæ & oratores nostri quàm poësi & orationi ciuita= tem (ut ita dicam) Romanam dederunt, Latinæq[ue] linguæ suffragio ornauerunt? A Græcis igitur neotericis entele= chiæ interpretatio Ciceroni criminose obiecta est, idq[ue] me ritissimo: cuius defensionem Politianus ad sui magis osten= tationem suscepisse mihi uidetur, quàm diluendi criminis fiduciâ habuisse. < Politiani conatus.> Nam ut in omnia sese uerset Politianus, causam haud dicere poterit, quin si Cicero ita uerba scri= pta reliquit, ut nunc in exemplaribus leguntur, longè ipse ab Aristotelis sententia aberrauerit: id quod ut intelliga= tur, age Aristotelem ipsum autorem entelechiæ testem di= cti nostri laudemus. hic autem in principio statim secundi uoluminis de anima ita inquit, λερομεν ομὴν πιγνον τῶν ἐντων τῶν ὑσίαν, τοῦτος δὲ ἡ μὲν ὑπο ὑπον ἐμὴν ὑπον ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. but that he has also enriched it with his own words, and that these still remain: and that we acknowledge neither a favor nor a debt, especially since Greece will never call back that loan, which we have made our own by use. But to me it seems (for I shall speak frankly) that the Greek language, when compared with Latin, has the character of a poet, that is, of a tragic or comic author; whereas Latin has only the character of an actor of the stage, who brings forth into the theatrical assembly the play invented by the poet and written with careful rhythm, with skillful and measured delivery. <What Greek surpasses Latin in.> For what else did our poets and orators do than give, so to speak, Roman citizenship to poetry and oratory, and adorn them by the vote of the Latin language? Therefore, the interpretation of entelechy by the more recent Greeks was chargeably objected to Cicero, and most deservedly so; and I think Politian undertook its defense more in order to display himself than from any confidence that he possessed to remove the charge. <The attempts of Politian.> For however much Politian may turn himself in every direction, he will not be able to make a case, unless he can show that if Cicero left the words written as they are now read in the manuscripts, he himself departed far from Aristotle’s meaning: and in order that this may be understood, let us praise Aristotle himself, the author of entelechy, as a witness to our statement. For he says at the very beginning of the second book On the Soul: λερομεν ομὴν πιγνον τῶν ἐντων τῶν ὑσίαν, τοῦτος δὲ ἡ μὲν ὑπο ὑπον ἐμὴν ὑπον ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ἐμὴν ...

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET clarius uolens quid sit anima: Πο [μι]νιεριεντελιχεια ἐν πρῶτη σώματον φυσικὴς ἐωλω ἐκονθες δυνάμει. ποιήτον Σή ἀρι δηχανικὸν. Ideo anima est entelechia prima corporis naturalis uitam habentis potestate. tale autem est quodcunque organicum est. Potestate uitam habens appellat, quod actu uitam non habet, qualis est dormiens, qui habitum tantum habet. plus est enim actu habere, qualis est uigilans. & paulo inferius, ὑδι πνεινον ἐπι πισον [μι]νχυς δεῦ λεγδν, ἐν ἀν ἐν πρῶτη ἐντελιχθα σώματον φυσικὴν ὑδχανικὴν. Quod si commune aliquid in omni anima dicere oportet, erit quidem prima corporis entelechia corporis naturalis <Entelechia. Dynamis. Organicu[m] corpus.> organici. Entelechiam ubique pro perfectione & actu ponit. Duo enim sunt in rebus, actus, id est entelechia, quæ etiam interdum ab eo energia appellatur: & dynamis, id est potentia. Organicum appellat corpus, quod ad aliquid conditum est, ut oculus ad uisum, & auris ad auditum. Naturale autem dixit ad differentiam opificalis, & manu facti. Summa igitur antedictorum hæc est, ut ex Themistio Aristotelis clarissimo paraphraste intelligi facilè potest, animam, primam esse perfectionem corporis, id est entelechiam: quod quidem corpus potestate in actum prodeunte uitam habeat. atque id quod ex duobus conditum est & concretum, iam integrum factum, animal est. Forma enim, id est entelechia, licet in materia edatur, non tamen materiæ forma est: sed eius forma est quod Græce δύνολον dicitur, id est ex ambobus concretum. omne enim tale simulatque in aliquam speciem formatum est, hoc aliquid esse coepit. Id ut facilius intelligeretur, hoc (inquit Aristoteles) speculari partium exemplo conuenit. Esto igitur ut oculus sit animal. animam eius esse, id est entelechiam, aspectum oportebit: cum sit uisus sua oculis subst

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND more clearly wishing to know what the soul is: Πο [μι]νιεριεντελιχεια ἐν πρῶτη σώματον φυσικῆς ἐωλω ἐκονθες δυνάμει. ποιήτον Σή ἀρι δηχανικὸν. Therefore the soul is the first entelechy of a natural body having life potentially. But such is whatever is organic. He calls that having life potentially which does not have life in act, such as one who is sleeping, who has only the habit. For it is greater to have life in act, as one who is awake. And a little lower down, ὑδι πνεινον ἐπι πισον [μι]νχυς δεῦ λεγδν, ἐν ἀν ἐν πρῶτη ἐντελιχθα σώματον φυσικὴν ὑδχανικὴν. But if one ought to say something common in every soul, it will indeed be the first entelechy of an organic natural body <Entelechy. Dynamis. Organic body.> He everywhere uses entelechy for perfection and act. For there are two things in realities: act, that is, entelechy, which is sometimes also called energy by him; and dynamis, that is, power. He calls that body organic which has been made for some function, as the eye for sight and the ear for hearing. He said natural to distinguish it from artificial and handmade. The sum of what has been said above, then, is this, as can be easily understood from Themistius, the most distinguished paraphraser of Aristotle: the soul is the first perfection of the body, that is, entelechy; namely, a body which has life as it passes from potentiality into act. And that which is made and composed of two things, now made complete, is an animal. For form, that is, entelechy, although it is present in matter, is not the form of matter; rather, it is the form of that which in Greek is called δύνολον, that is, composed of both. For everything of this kind, as soon as it has been shaped into some kind, begins to be a this-something. To make this easier to understand, this example from the parts is fitting, says Aristotle. Let it then be granted that the eye is an animal: its soul, that is, its entelechy, will have to be sight, since sight is the eye’s substance.

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. substantiæ ratio, id est forma & perfectio. sic enim appellare solet rationem substantiæ. et ἰαρὴν ἀυτὴν ἐν ἔν ἐν ὑφις. ἀυτὴν ἰαρὴν ὑσία ὑφαλμὸς ἐν πατι λόγον. At uerò oculus, materia est uisus. quo defectus oculus, iam non est oculus, nisi æquiuocè, quo modo oculus lapi deus aut pictus. ὑδὲ ὑφαλμὸς ὑπι ὑφιεως. ἐς ἀγολιποῦσις ἐν ἐν ὑφαλμὸς, πλω ὑμωνύμως. Proinde Aristotelis entelechia perfectio est & forma, cum corpus naturale à potestate, id est à materia nuda in actum prodijt, & animal esse coept, uel uiuum esse. quare entelechia etiam brutorum est, & stirpium etiam, eorumq[ue] corporum quæ uegetabilia sunt. estq[ue] entelechia non continua motio, sed perfecti corporis comprehensio, id est Ἷεντελῶς σωοχὰ. hoc < Entelechia.> enim etymum eius uerbi significat. Quare liquidò (ut arbitror) constat uerba illa Ciceronis de animo humano non esse consentanea cum entelechia Aristotelis. Quid illa quæ alio loco eiusdem libri subdidit, diuinitatem animis humanis asserere uolens? Sinautem est, inquit, quinta quædam natura ab Aristotele inducta, primùm hæc & deorum est & animorum. Hanc nos sententiam secuti, his uerbis in Consolatione hæc expressimus. Animorum nulla in terris origo inueniri potest. nihil est enim in animis mixtum atque concretum, aut quod ex terra natum atque fictum esse uideatur: nihil ne aut humidum quidem, aut flabile, aut igneum. His enim in naturis nihil inest quod uim memoriæ, mentis, cogitationis habeat, quod & præterita teneat, & futura prouideat, & complecti possit præsentia, quæ sola diuina sunt: nec inuenietur unquam unde ad hominem uenire possint, nisi à deo. Singularis est igitur quædam natura atque uis animi seiuncta ab his usitatis notisq[ue] naturis. Ita quicquid c 4 est

Transcription: Translated (English)

The ratio of substance, that is, its form and perfection. For he is accustomed so to call the essence of substance. And in Greek: ἡ δὲ ἑν ἐν ὑφις. ἡ δὲ ἑν ὑσία ὑφαλμὸς ἐν παντὶ λόγῳ. But indeed the eye is the matter of sight. Where the eye is defective, it is no longer an eye, except equivocally, in the same way as a stone eye or a painted eye. ὑδὲ ὑφαλμὸς ὑπι ὑφιεως. ἐς ἀγολιποῦσις ἐν ἐν ὑφαλμὸς, πλὼ ὑμωνύμως. Therefore Aristotle’s entelechy is perfection and form, when a natural body, from potency, that is, from bare matter, has come into act, and has begun to be an animal, or to be living. Wherefore entelechy belongs also to brute animals, and to plants too, and to those bodies which are vegetable. And entelechy is not continuous motion, but the comprehension of a perfect body, that is, ἷεντελῶς σωοχὰ. For this is the etymon of the word. Therefore it is clearly established, as I think, that those words of Cicero concerning the human soul do not agree with Aristotle’s entelechy. What then are those things which he added elsewhere in the same book, wishing to assert divinity for human souls? “If, however,” he says, “it is a fifth nature introduced by Aristotle, first this is both of gods and of souls.” Following this opinion, we expressed the same in these words in the Consolation: “No origin of souls can be found on earth. For nothing is in souls mixed and concrete, or that seems to have been born and fashioned from earth: nothing even humid, or airy, or fiery. For in such natures there is nothing that has the force of memory, mind, or thought, that both retains the past and foresees the future, and can comprehend the present, which things alone are divine; nor will there ever be found whence they could come to man, except from God. There is therefore a certain singular nature and power of the soul, distinct from these ordinary and well-known natures.” Thus whatever... c 4 is

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET est illud quod sentit, quod sapit, quod uult, quod uiget coeleste & diuinum est: ob eamq[ue] rem æternum sit necesse est. Hæc ut præclarè dicta sunt à Cicerone de immortilitate animæ, ita referri nequeunt ad ea quæ Aristoteles de anima dixit, quam entelechiam appellat: sed ad ea potius quæ de intellectu uel mente Aristoteles mirificè disserit in Nus. I I I. de Anima. quæ mens ab eo non entelechia, sed N[ost]ris dicitur. Entelechiam enim suam, id est, animam Aristoteles interituram esse credidit. Quapropter Iustinus philosophus idem & martyr in parænetico loquens de placitis philosophoru[m], ita inquit, neq[ue] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] piat[ur]or, [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] 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Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET is that which feels, which knows, which wills, which is vigorous: heavenly and divine therefore it must be eternal. These things, though splendidly said by Cicero concerning the immortality of the soul, cannot be referred to those things which Aristotle said about the soul, which he calls an entelechy; but rather to those things which Aristotle discusses wonderfully concerning intellect or mind in Nus. I I I. De Anima. This mind, according to him, is not entelechy, but is called by us that is, by our people. For Aristotle believed his entelechy, that is, his soul, to be perishable. Wherefore Justin the philosopher, the same also a martyr, speaking in the parenetic work about the opinions of the philosophers, thus says, neither [illegible], because [illegible]

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 41 non posse ad Aristotelem referri, qui entelechiam pro a= nima & forma, non pro mente & animo intellexit: nec entelechiam perpetem quandam motionem significare: cum Aristoteles immobile entelechiam esse dixerit motu suo & proprio. Idem Plutarchus eodem in libro hoc uer= bum interpretans ab Aristotele de anima prolatum ita subdit: tùs sì εντελεχδαν ανασεστι τὸν ἔνδρειας. Ente= lechiam autem pro actu exaudire oportet. De quinta au= tem natura ab Aristotele inducta Laërtius ita inquit, εἰν δὲ παρὰ πατεωαρα σοι χεῖα και άλλο πεμπορ, εξ ὑντὸς παίδε= ρια σωισανα. άλλοιαν δὲ αυτὴς πιλικινησιν εἰν. κυκλοφορι= πλω γαρ. και πιλιον τυχιω δὲ ασωματον, εντελεχδαν ούτον πιλιον πρώτω σώματος φυσικῶ και δρασικῶ σωάμεν ὑπω ἐκκνεσ. Esse autem præter quatuor elementa & aliud quintu cens suit, ex quo ætheria omnia constituta sint. Sed & eius a= lium esse motum, utpote circularem. Animam etiam incor poream esse uoluit, & entelechiam primam corporis na= turalis organici potestate uitum habentis. Ex quibus uer= bis apparet entelechiam non esse ab Aristotele in quinta natura positam. Id autem de intellectu & mente censuisse Aristotelem melius dici posset. de quo cum multifariam ac subtiliter Aristoteles & Themistius disseruerint, unu[m] ex utroq[ue] locum assuma[m], qui id planum fieri possit: ne si iu= sta disputatione id probare conemur, in tædium abeat logior hæc multo digressio, quàm initio destinaueramus. πει δὲ ὑποδειν απομη τὴν φυσιν ἐσί πι, ὑπο μὴν ὑπεκάσω γενδ, πεπο δὲ, ὑπο πᾶντα σωάμεν ἐκδυν. ἔτερον δὲ, ὑπο ούτον και ποιη= πικον, ὑπο ποιητον πᾶντα, οἰον οὴ τεχνη πρὸς πιλικιν περισθεν, ανάγη και ιν τὴν τυχιν ὑπομέρ χρην τῶντας τῶς διαφορὰς. κι ἐσιδι ο μὴν τοιχτον νῦς, ὑπο πᾶντα γίνεατ. ὑπερ, ὑπο πᾶντα ποιητον, ὑπο ἐξίσ τις, οἰον ὑπος. πρῶσων γαρ πινα και ὑπος ποιητὸν τὴν σωάμεν c 5 ὑπτὰ

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. HIS BOOK I. 41 cannot be referred to Aristotle, who understood entelechy as soul and form, not as mind and spirit: nor does entelechy signify some perpetual motion: since Aristotle said that entelechy is immobile by its own and proper motion. The same Plutarch, interpreting in the same book this word uttered by Aristotle concerning the soul, adds thus: it should be understood as act. But as for the fifth nature introduced by Aristotle, Laertius says thus, That there is, besides the four elements, also a fifth, from which all heavenly things are constituted. But also that its motion is different, namely circular. He also wanted the soul to be incorporeal, and the first entelechy of a natural organic body having life potentially. From these words it appears that entelechy was not placed by Aristotle in the fifth nature. It could rather be said that Aristotle thought this about intellect and mind. On this, since Aristotle and Themistius have written in many ways and subtly, I shall take one passage from each, by which this may be made clear: lest, if we try to prove it by a proper disputation, this longer digression than we had first intended should turn into tedium. But if nature is, under one aspect, potency, then under another aspect it is actuality; and again, under another, it is both the one and the other, as art stands toward matter, and it is necessary in the soul to understand these differences in the same way. And indeed mind is of this kind: under one aspect it becomes everything; under another, it makes everything; for example, as light is to colors. Therefore the soul is to be understood as the first entelechy of a natural body. c 5 then

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ἐντα ἀγῶματα, ενδρεία ἀγῶματα καὶ οὕτως ὃνις, ἀγωρισός καὶ ἀμιρις καὶ ἀπαθής, τὴν ὑσία ὑπερεργα. Locus hic unus est eo rum quos Aristoteles offusa caligine obscurasse dictus est, ut à suis tantum intelligi posset: nos tamen quàm poterimus explanatissimè uertemus. Quoniam uerò (inquit ille) ut in uniuersitate naturæ est aliquid, cuius altera pars unicuique generi materia sit, eâq[ue] idcirco sic est, quòd omnia illa est duntaxat potentia: altera pars est, quæ causa est & effectrix: ut quæ omnia faciat, cuiusmodi rationem ars ad materiam obtinet: necesse est in anima quoque has differentias esse. estq[ue] intellectus quidam huiusmodi, ut omnia sit: alter uerò, ut omnia faciat: qui uelut habitus aliquis est, perinde ac lum[m]e. Siquidem modo quodam lumen actu colores efficit, qui potentia colores sunt: & sic intellectus abstractus, & nulla concretione permixtus imparibilis que, substantia sua actus existens. & paulò inferius, αλλος ὑχορι μὴν νοῦν, ὑτι ἡν ὑνοῦν. ἀγωεδεὶς δὲ ἔσι μὸνον τὴν ἐποῦ ἐσὶ καὶ τὴν μὸνον αθάνατον καὶ αἰθον. Sed nec interdūc intelligit, & interdum non intelligit. separatus uerò id est demum quod est, & hoc solum immortale est & æternum. Hæc uerba paraphrasticè enarrans Themistius libro eodem ita inquit, Quum enim statuisset Aristoteles in omni natura alterum pro materia haberi, alterum pro forma mouente perficienteq[ue]: necesse, inquit, est easdem differentias in anima reperiri, & talem aliquem intellectum adesse, qui pars animæ rationalis præstantissima sit. Atque hoc quoque ex illis uerbis clarissime innotescit, quorum paulo antè mentionem secimus, De intellectu (inquit) & ui ea quæ commentatur contemplaturq[ue], nihil adhuc liquet: sed uidetur diuersum animæ genus esse, solumq[ue] id abiungi & separari contingere, tanquam perpe- tuum

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET the struggles, manly struggles, and so on; anger, and delight, and apathy, the substance of excess. This place is one of those which Aristotle is said to have obscured with a thick mist, so that it could be understood only by his own followers: nevertheless we shall explain it as clearly as we can. Since, indeed, he says, in the whole of nature there is something whose one part serves as matter for each genus, and is for that reason so disposed, because all those things exist only in potency; the other part is that which is the cause and the effecting principle: just as art stands to matter, in that it makes all things of a certain kind; it is necessary that in the soul also these differences exist. And there is a certain intellect of this kind, such as is all things; and another, such as makes all things: the latter is as it were a certain habit, just like light. For in a certain way light actually makes colors, which are colors in potency; and thus the abstract intellect, mixed with no concretion, impassible, with its own substance existing in act. And a little further down, another is separable, the mind, because it is mind. It neither thinks sometimes nor does not think sometimes. But separated, it is what it is in truth, and this alone is immortal and eternal. Explaining these words paraphrastically, Themistius in the same book says thus: Since Aristotle had established that in every nature one thing is to be taken as matter, another as the form that moves and perfects, it is necessary, he says, that the same differences be found in the soul, and that there be present some such intellect, which is the most excellent part of the rational soul. And this also becomes very clear from those words of his of which we made mention a little before: “Concerning intellect,” he says, “and by its power that which it contemplates and thinks about, nothing is yet clear; but it seems to be a different kind of soul, and that only this can be separated and divided, as if perpetual”

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 43 tuum à morticino caduco que. Hactenus Themistius. Hoc ultimum dictum ideo addidimus, primum ut planum fie= ret, id quod Cicero entelechiæ tribuit, Aristotelem non animæ, quam formam, id est, substantiæ ratione esse uult, sed intellectui tribuisse, duntaxat agenti, qui ab intellectu potentiæ differt, ut ars à materia. & hunc imparibilem esse immortalemq[ue], animam autem mortalem: siue Aristote les intellectum & mentem, partem esse animæ diuinam præstantissimamq[ue] intellexerit, siue aliud ab anima forma lem rationem obtinente, quam entelechiam uocat. Prisci enim differentiam inter animum & animam posuerunt. Animus est (inquit Nonius) quo sapimus, anima qua uiui mus. Sine animo anima est debilis. Varro, In reliquo cor= pore ab hoc fonte diffusa est anima: huic animus ad intel= ligentiam tributus. Plinius libro x x i i. de iracundia lo= quens, Ergo & animi asperitas, seu potius animæ, dulcio re succo mitigatur. Verumenimucro inde maior illa quæ= stio existit, utrum intellectum illum singulorum esse ho= minum Aristoteles ita existimauerit, ut homo post obitu[m] suum immortalis futurus sit, quod mihi non uidetur: an unum esse intellectu[m] uniuersorum, quem uocat. Ita enim hoc implicuisse disputationu[m] ambage ipse existi= matur, ut ingenia studiosoru[m] torserit potius, quàm certu[m] aliquid fixumq[ue] reliquerit: de quo Alexander ut de men te ita inquit, o[mn]ibus d[e]t [n]o[n] v[er]s [n]o[n] m[anu]v[er]s p[ro]p[ter]s p[ro]p[ter] t[em]p[er]a [con]t[en]t[us] οναφοραν, p[ro]p[ter]s t[em]p[er]a [con]t[en]t[us] ου λιμιν[us] γος. [n]o[n] μεταν[ε]ν t[em]p[er]a [con]ταυνιων οπ[er]αντα πινυσεως. [n]o[n] πορ[τ]αυταν[ε]ν γινεν) t[em]p[er]a [con]νθάσεν π[ro]πi προσοδων μ[ε]ν αφοδω t[em]p[er]a [con]νλία. Sunt tame[n] nihilo secius qui existiment entelechiam duplicem esse. unam illam quam diximus ex sententia Themistij, Laër= tij & Plutarchi, quæ nomen est animæ non modo rati= nalis <Animus, Anima.> <Entelechia du plex.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 43 your own from a mortal, decaying body. Thus far Themistius. We added this final statement for the first reason, namely, to make it clear that what Cicero attributes to the entelechy Aristotle does not attribute to the soul, which he wants to be the form, that is, the rational principle of substance, but rather to the intellect, and to the active intellect only, which differs from the potential intellect, as art differs from matter; and that this is imperishable and immortal, whereas the soul is mortal: whether Aristotle understood intellect and mind to be the divine and most excellent part of the soul, or something other than the soul possessing formal reason, which he calls entelechy. For the ancients drew a distinction between mind and soul. Mind is, says Nonius, that by which we understand; soul, that by which we live. The soul without mind is weak. Varro: “In the rest of the body the soul is spread abroad from this source; to this the mind is assigned for understanding.” Pliny, in book XXII, speaking of anger, says, “Therefore the harshness of the mind, or rather of the soul, is softened by sweeter juice.” But from this a greater question arises: whether Aristotle held that this intellect belonged to each individual human being, so that a man would be immortal after his death, which does not seem to me the case; or whether there is one intellect common to all, which he calls intellect. For he is judged to have entangled this dispute in such obscurity that he has rather tormented the minds of students than left anything certain and fixed. Of this Alexander, speaking of the mind as well, says: [Greek/garbled text]. Yet there are nevertheless some who think that entelechy is twofold: one, that which we mentioned according to the view of Themistius, Laertius, and Plutarch, which is the name not only of the rational soul <Mind, Soul.> <Double entelechy.>

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nalis atque irrationalis, sed etiam physicæ. & hæc à cor pore organico inseparabilis est. Alteram dixer[um] ut corpore ita separabilem, ut à naui nautam, animam scilicet rationalem, quæ cum aliud sit à corpore, nec sit coporis forma, corpus ipsum, id est, subiectum, componit & moderatur, perficitq[ue], & ita regit ut nauem nauta. ὑπις εντελεχδα ἐθοδεν ὑποσκυτάτη κα διακρομή κατελδοστο ὑποκείμνον: ὑπον ἐννη λεγη πιν λογκλιν ἐντελεχδαν, & κεχωσιμύνον ἔνδο τὴν σώματον λεγδ: Secundum hoc nonnulla ex parte Ciceronis dictum defendi posset: qui fortasse quod apud aliquem philosophum legerat de entelechia, hoc Aristoteli tribuit eius nominis autori, ut surrepere solet scribentibus obliuio. Themistius in secundo de anima cu[m] dixisset anima esse inseparabilem à corpore, quatenus sic est corporis totius entelechia, ut in securi ferri forma est entelechia, subdit, ἐμιλιν ἀλλ ἐνία χε, ἔδεν καλυδ τῶν μερῶν τ[.] ἐυχης, δυναδ[em] καὶ χωρίζεαν τὴν σώματον, ὃξε μύτε ὃλα τὴν σώματον, μύτε μερῶν πιῶν, ποικιών εἰν[en] εντελεχδα, ὃς ὃ χημα καὶ ἐν μορφή: ὑμω δὲν ὃνιν ἐχδειδει. ὑπω χαρ δηλον, ὃ καὶ ὑμτον σώματον πνος εντελεχδα ἐφα ποικώτη, ὃς ἐν χωριστος ἐνν, ἃς ἐν χωρίζεαν, ἐνδερ ὃν κυβερνύτης τὴν πλοῦν ὑμτον χαρ ἐντελεχδα μὲν, ἀλλὰ χωρισμ. Hæc ratione animus huiusmodi est entelechia, ut à copore separabilis sit. quod de intellectu actuoso intelligendum: cuius multa mentio apud eundem in tertio: & ab Aristotele ὑπιτκὸς appellatur, & deo similis hic esse ab ipso osteditur. Hunc Alexander in 1 1. de anima τὸν θῶν νῦν, καὶ ευραθεν ἐστιντα appellat: qui longa & subobscura disputatione ostendit quonam modo ab Aristotele ἀρθαρες ἐν dictus sit. Vtcunque, quiduis potius communisci par est, quàm ut inter reos inscitæ sententiæ, eius nomen au- toris

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET not only of the rational and irrational soul, but even of the physical soul. And this is inseparable from the organic body. Another was said to be so separable from the body, as a sailor from a ship, namely the rational soul, which, though other than the body and not the form of the body, composes and governs the body itself, that is, the subject, and perfects it, and thus rules it as the sailor does the ship. [Greek text]. According to this, something on Cicero’s part could perhaps be defended: for, having perhaps read in some philosopher about entelechy, he attributed this to Aristotle, the author of that name, as forgetfulness is wont to slip in among writers. Themistius, in the second book of On the Soul, after saying that the soul is inseparable from the body insofar as it is the entelechy of the whole body, just as the form of an axe is the entelechy in iron, adds, [Greek text]. Therefore it is clear that the whole body also has entelechy, but is separable, as the helmsman is from the ship; for the ship has entelechy indeed, but not separation. Hence the soul of this sort is an entelechy, so as to be separable from the body, which must be understood of the active intellect; there is much mention of this in the same author in the third book, and Aristotle calls it [Greek text], and shows that it is divine and akin to God. Alexander, in book 11 of On the Soul, calls this [Greek text]: and by a long and somewhat obscure discussion he shows in what way it was said by Aristotle to be separated. However it may be, it is better to imagine anything rather than that among the guilty of an ignorant opinion, his name of author…

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 45 toris à nobis recipiatur, qui extra omnem ingenij aleam, id est, extra omne discrimen iudiciorum, Plinij maioris sententia positus est, iudicis ingeniorum summi. Addam et alium locum admonendi gratia. Idem Cicero in secundo de natura deorum, fabricam humani corporis non modo felici et perspicua, sed etiam accurata et artifici facundia describens, Ex intestinis autem, inquit, et aluo secretus à reliquo cibo succus is quo alimur, permeat ad iecur per uenas quasdam à medio intestino usque ad portas iecoris. Sic enim appellant ductas et directas uias quæ pertinent ad iecur, ciq[ue] adhærent. Medium intestinum < Medium intestinum.> Cicero dixit, quod Græci mesenterion appellauerunt, et in primis Aristoteles: quod tamen intestinum non est, ut ex Aristotele apparet, qui de ea parte ita inquit, uti[us] t[ame]n [con]t[en]t[ur] et mesent[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] [con]t[en]t[ur] 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Transcription: Translated (English)

PART II. BOOK I. 45 Let it be received by us apart from all chance of talent, that is, apart from every risk of judgments, as the opinion of Pliny the Elder is placed, the supreme judge of talents. I will add another passage for the sake of warning. Cicero himself, in the second book On the Nature of the Gods , describing the fabric of the human body not only with happy and clear eloquence, but also with exact and artful eloquence, says: “From the intestines and the belly, however, the juice separated from the rest of the food, by which we are nourished, passes to the liver through certain veins from the middle intestine all the way to the gates of the liver.” For so they call the drawn-out and direct ways which lead to the liver and adhere to it. Middle intestine < Middle intestine.> Cicero said what the Greeks called the mesenterion, and especially Aristotle: though this is not an intestine, as appears from Aristotle, who says of that part thus: [corrupt text]

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET te qua portæ iecoris situm habent. Proinde Cicero medium intestinum pro mesenterio dixit, in ea etiam parte elegantissimi libri, in qua Aristotelem ipsum exquisita descriptione superasse uidetur. Theodorus Gaza uir Græcus, non modo Latinè doctissimus, sed etiam medicus, lactes pro mesenterio dixit: quo nomine ab Hermolao Barbaro et alijs reprehensus est, quasi eo in loco hallucinatus sit, uel in eo potius uerbo. At ego consultò eum id fecisse censeo, ut qui in eo uerbo Plinij autoritatem sequi nollet. < Lactes.> Lactes enim non tam intestina significant, quàm pingue illud quod ambit intestina. Tranquillus de patina Vitelliana, In hac, inquit, scarorum iecinora, phasianorum et pauonum cerebella, linguas phoeni[c]opterorum, murænarum lactes commiscuit. Quare immeritò Hermolaus hoc uerbum ut licenter usurpatum in Spartiano notauit. Nostrates piscium lactes lactentias appellant. Verùm ut notæ et Ciceronem et Plinium eximimus, idq[ue] meritissimò, sic humana Minerua non diuina scripsisse eos meminisse debemus, aut numine quodam instinctos: ne Musas insectatus esse uideatur, si quis eius notæ autores semel atque iterum ad disquisitionem huius iuris consultorum candido proposito reuocauerit. Nec mihi ob id uideor litem meam facere, quòd controuersiam tanto autori intentatam, ueritatis indagandæ studio commemoraui: cum mihi Angelus Politianus uir egregiè doctus obtulisse se huic liti, non tam iuris causæq[ue] fiducia, quàm Tullianæ maiestatis præiudicio uisus sit. Quid autem mirum, Ciceronem eloquentiæ magistrum et principem, in sententia philosophica, uel in dictione potius hallucinatum esse, cum ipse Aristoteles in quarto Auscultationis philosophicæ in uerbo etiam physico atq[ue] philoso

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND where the gateway of the liver is situated. Hence Cicero called the middle intestine the mesentery, even in that part of the most elegant work where he seems to have surpassed Aristotle himself by a most exact description. Theodorus Gaza, a Greek man, not only most learned in Latin, but also a physician, said lactes for mesentery: for which term he was criticized by Hermolaus Barbarus and others, as if he had gone astray in that place, or rather in that very word. But I think he did it deliberately, as one who would not wish to follow Pliny's authority in that word. <Lactes.> For lactes does not so much signify the intestines as that fatty substance which surrounds the intestines. Tranquillus, on the Vitellian dish: In this, he says, he mixed the livers of scaro fish, the brains of pheasants and peacocks, the tongues of phoenixes, and the lactes of murenas. Wherefore Hermolaus wrongly noted this word in Spartianus as having been used with license. Our people call the milts of fish lactes or milky parts. But if we exempt both Cicero and Pliny from blame, and rightly so, still we ought to remember that they wrote as human Minerva, not divine, or as inspired by some power: lest anyone should seem to have attacked the Muses, if he once or twice has recalled the authors of that opinion to examination with a fair-minded purpose in this legal question. Nor do I therefore seem to be making my own case a lawsuit, because I have mentioned the controversy directed against so great an author in the pursuit of truth; since to me Angelo Poliziano, a man of outstanding learning, seemed to have taken up this dispute, not so much from confidence in the legal cause as from a prejudice in favor of Tullian majesty. And what is surprising, if Cicero, master and prince of eloquence, should have slipped in a philosophical opinion, or rather in diction, when Aristotle himself, in the fourth book of philosophical hearing, even in a physical and philoso

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 47 philosophico lapsus sit, ut qui uniuersum moueri per acci dens dixerit, quod per partes moueri constat: tanquam utroq[ue] uerbo idem significaretur. qua in re, quod mireris, secu[m] ipse pugnare co[n]uincitur. qua de re Themistius, [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [mercur]ij 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Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 47 he has fallen into a philosophical error, as one who said that the whole is moved accidentally, whereas it is clear that it is moved by its parts: as though the same thing were meant by both expressions. In this matter, which you may wonder at, he is convicted of contradicting himself. 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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET libro VIII. ab Vrbe condita: Latinus ager & Phalernus, qui populi Campani fuerat usque ad Vulturnum flumen, plebî Romanæ diuiduntur. bina in Latio iugera, ita ut dodrantem ex Priuernati complerent, data, terna in Falerno, quadrantibus etiam pro longinquitate adieetis. Columella libro secundo: Sed iugerum talis agri quæ tuor operis expeditur. nam commodè proscinditur duabus, una iteratur, tertatur dodrante. in liram statim redigitur quadrante operæ. Dodrantem operæ pro tribus partibus dici artificialis dixit, ut quadrantem pro quarta, hoc est, pro nouem horis, & pro tribus. Plinius libro decimo octauo: Iustum est proscindi sulco dodrantali iugerum uno die, iterari sesquijugerum, si sit facultas soli. si minus, proscindi semissem, iterari assem: quando & animalium labori natura leges statuit. Quadrantem Græci dicunt, & trientem, bessem, dodrantem, sextantem. Plato uocat libro sexto de Legibus. Sunt & hæc uocabula signatæ pecuniæ nomina, ut docet Varro. As nummus erat libralis, dupondius nummus bilibris, sestertius nummus duarum & semis librarum, dictus quasi semistertius, Græcorum imitatione, qui dicunt duas drachmas & semis, & pro talentis sex & semis. Herodotus in primo, Pollux, id est pedens sex taleta & semissem. & apud eundè id est tria & semis talenta. Denarius, decè libraru[m] nummus erat, cuius quarta pars sestertius, eo tempore scilicet, quo denarius decussi ualebat. Erat autem denarius argenteus nummus

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Book VIII. From the founding of the City: the Latin and Phalerian land, which had belonged to the Campanian people up to the river Volturnus, are divided among the Roman plebs. In Latium, two iugera were given, so that they would make up three quarters from the Priuernate district; in Phalerian land, three were given, with quarters also added because of the distance. Columella, Book II: But a iugerum of such land is worked by four tasks. For it is conveniently broken up by two, worked over again by one, and harrowed by three quarters. It is immediately reduced into ridges with one quarter of a task. He said that three quarters of a task are called by craftsmen as a name derived from the three parts, just as a quarter stands for the fourth part, that is, for nine hours, and for three. Pliny, Book XVIII: It is proper to break up a iugerum with a three-quarter furrow in one day, and to work over one and a half iugera, if the soil allows. If not, break up half, work over one whole iugerum: for nature has also set limits to the labor of animals. The Greeks call it a quarter, and also a third, a half, three quarters, a sixth. Plato uses these terms in Book VI of the Laws. These are also the names of coined money, as Varro teaches. The as was a pound-weight coin, the dupondius a two-pound coin, the sestertius a coin of two and a half pounds, called as though semistertius, by imitation of the Greeks, who say two drachmas and a half, and for talents six and a half. Herodotus in Book I, Pollux, that is, six talents and a half. And in the same author, that is, three and a half talents. The denarius, a ten-pound coin, was a coin of ten pounds, of which the fourth part was the sestertius, namely at that time, when the denarius was worth ten asses. But the denarius was a silver coin

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 49 Siliqua. nummus quatenor & uiginti siliquas pendens. Apud Pri= sciamus ita legitur, Siliquæ tres obolum faciunt, duo autem oboli scrupulu[m], tria scrupula drachmam. ita duodeui ginti siliquæ in drachma. sic quatuor drachmæ in tribus dena= rijs, hoc est duæ & septuaginta siliquæ. Hactenus apud Priscianum legitur. Quadrans etiam nummus erat, ut a= pud Iuuenalem. Quadrans n[ost]rumus. Cædere Syluano porcum, quadrante lauare. Sextans. & centum quadrantes sæpe apud Martialem. Sic etiam sextans nummus erat, cum populus Romanus in funere Menenij sextantes contulisse dicatur à Valerio et Plinio. Sunt & uasorum nomina, ut apud Persium, - Calidumq[ue] trientem Excutit è manibus. Vasoru[m] nomina. Triens & Quadrans. Sunt & ponderu[m] Pli. li. x x v i i. Bibitur ad dolorem uuluæ & uitia. macerari oportet in sextarijs tribus quadratem radicis tusæ per noctem & diem. & lib. x x v i i i. Ad tussim ueterem recens decoquitur quadratis p[ro]dere, in uini sextarijs tribus. Idem, Ad hoc uitium immittitur butyrum heminis quatuor cum rhesinæ terebinthinæ sextante. Nec mirum est tam latè uerborum istoru[m] significationem patere, cum cognata sit et connexa ponderum ratio cum mensurarum ac numerorum rationibus: & ut aiunt illa carmina quæ Faunini esse dicuntur, si pondus mensuræ componimus, eadem est pars cyathi in sextario, quæ est in libra unciæ. & ut in ponderum minutius ad scrupulum peruenimus, sic in mensuris ad cochlear. Quinquuncialis Quinquuncialis ordinum ratio. Arbores in quinquuncem digestæ. autem ordinum ratio in arbustis & uineis, et in quinquu[m]cem arbores dispositæ cur dicantur, comminisci non potui: quid tame[n] sit, ex Fabio facilè intelligimus, apud quem hæc uerba lib. v i i i. legutur, Nullus ne etia[m] frugiservis ad= d hibendus

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 49 Siliqua. A coin weighing twenty-four siliquae. In Priscian it is read thus: three siliquae make one obolus, two oboli a scruple, three scruples a drachm; thus twelve siliquae in a drachm. So four drachms in three denarii, that is, seventy-two siliquae. Thus far it is found in Priscian. Quadrans also was a coin, as in Juvenal. Our quadrans. To slaughter for Sylvanus a pig, to wash with a quadrans. Sextans. And often a hundred quadrantes in Martial. Thus also sextans was a coin, when the Roman people, at the funeral of Menenius, are said by Valerius and Pliny to have contributed sextantes. There are also names of vessels, as in Persius, - He shakes the hot trient from his hands. Names of vessels. Triens and Quadrans. There are also weights, Pliny, book xxvii. It is drunk for pain of the womb and ailments. It should be steeped, in three sextarii, the quadrans of the pounded root, overnight and during the day. And book xxviii. For an old cough, it is freshly boiled with a quadrans of vinegar, in three sextarii of wine. Likewise, for this ailment, butter is added, four heminae, with a sextans of terebinth resin. Nor is it surprising that the meaning of these words extends so widely, since the relation of weights is akin and connected with the relations of measures and numbers; and, as they say in those verses which are said to be Fauninian, if we compare weight with measure, the same part of the cyathus in the sextarius is as the ounce is in the pound. And just as in weights we come down more minute by minute to the scruple, so in measures to the spoon. Quinquuncialis Ratio of orders of quinquuncialis. Trees arranged in quinquunx. But why trees arranged in orders and vineyards, and trees placed in a quinquunx, are so called, I have not been able to devise; what it is, however, we can easily understand from Fabius, where these words are found in book viii., There must not even be any...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET hibendus decor? Quis negat? nam & in ordinem certa? interualla redigam eas arbores. Quid illo quinquuce speciosius, qui in quamcunq[ue] partem spectaueris, rectus est? Sed protinus in id quoq[ue] prodest, ut terræ succum æqualiter trahant. Cicero in Catone, Cum autem miraretur Lysander & proceritatem arboru[m], & directos in quinquuncem ordines, & humum subactam atq[ue] puram, & suauitatem odorum qui afflarentur è floribus: tum cum dixisse, mirari se non modò diligentiam, sed etiam solertiâ eius. Collumella lib. I I I I. Hæc in quinquuncem uinearu[m] metatio, expeditissimaratione conficitur. Hoc Demosthenes in ea oratione quæ πρὸς νικόσματον inscribitur, ita expressit, καὶ τὰς συναδενομέντα ἐθενομε, νὴ φυτοθύμα ἐλαυῶν ποδισοὶ χων πατέκλασε. Arbustiuanas uites excidit, & oliueta in uersus quoquouersum digesta confregit. Quod uerbum Suidas assequi non potuit. Xenophon ipse, ex quo Cicero transtulit, ita scripsit, ἐπεὶ δὲ ἰδαύμασεν αυτὸν δὲ λύτανον, ὑς καλὰς μὴ τὰς δενοθατια, δὲ ἰσον ἐν τὰ περυτοθμημα, ὑφοδοὶ ἐν δὲ σίχοι τῶν δενοθων, στῶνια ἐν πᾶντα καλῶς ἀν. Cum autem locum consitu[m] miraretur Lysander, quòd decoræ essent arbores, & stirpium consitarum æquabilis series ita in uersus directos configurata uideretur, ut ad angulos rectos pulchrè exacta essent omnia. Ex quibus uerbis cum Ciceronis collatis conijcere statim possumus quid sit quinquuncialis ordo, etiam si nondum intelligimus cur ita appellatus sit. Fortasse aute[m] antiqui sic quinquuncem appellauerunt exactam plantarum metationem, ut decussem exactam spatij diuisione. Theodorus Gazes Ciceronis interpres directos in quinquuncè ordines Græcè ita expressit, καὶ τὰς ὑφθὰς ὑς πανταστι στώνιον σίχας. obseruato scilicet Xenophonte, Ciceronis uerba uertes. Eo

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET What is to be admired? Who denies it? For I also will arrange those trees into fixed intervals and rows. What is more handsome than that quinquuncial pattern, in which, from whatever direction you look, it is straight? But it also immediately serves this purpose, that they draw the nourishment of the earth equally. Cicero, in the Cato, “When Lysander wondered at both the height of the trees and the straight rows in the quinquuncial pattern, and the soil that had been worked and made clean, and the sweetness of the scents breathed out from the flowers, then he said he was astonished not only at the diligence but also at the skill of the man.” Columella, book IIII: “This arrangement of vineyards in quinquuncial pattern is carried out by the most efficient method.” Demosthenes expressed this in that oration which is entitled πρὸς νικόσματον, thus: καὶ τὰς συναδενομέντα ἐθενομε, νὴ φυτοθύμα ἐλαυῶν ποδισοὶ χων πατέκλασε. He cut down the arboreal vines and broke the olive groves laid out in rows all around. Suidas could not make out this word. Xenophon himself, from whom Cicero translated, wrote thus: ἐπεὶ δὲ ἰδαύμασεν αυτὸν δὲ λύτανον, ὑς καλὰς μὴ τὰς δενοθατια, δὲ ἰσον ἐν τὰ περυτοθμημα, ὑφοδοὶ ἐν δὲ σίχοι τῶν δενοθων, στῶνια ἐν πᾶντα καλῶς ἀν. “When Lysander admired the arranged place, because the trees were graceful, and the equal sequence of the planted shoots seemed set out in straight lines, so that all things were beautifully adjusted at right angles.” From these words, compared with Cicero’s, we can immediately infer what the quinquuncial order is, even if we do not yet understand why it was so called. Perhaps the ancients thus called quinquuncem the exact setting out of plants, just as they called decussis the exact division of space. Theodore Gaza, Cicero’s interpreter, rendered “straight rows in quinquuncem” into Greek as καὶ τὰς ὑφθὰς ὑς πανταστι στώνιον σίχας. Observing Xenophon, of course, you will turn Cicero’s words. Eo

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 51 Eo anno quo hæc scripsi, uineâ habebam sterilem, et mul= tis iam annis decoctricé. Huic cum auctionem diu (ut fit) minitatus essem, nisi in posterum paria saltem cum expen= sorum ratione faceret, nec impensiorem ipsa culturâ sen= tire uideretur, proscripta etiam emptorem non inueniret (male enim ob id ipsum audire cæperat, quasi non da= mnosam uineam nunquam emancipaturus essem) ad ex= tremum eousq[ue] damnatæ succesui, ut in ortum eam trans= formare meditarer arboribus consitum, nondum tamen extirpatam. Hoc cum primùm in mentem mihi uenisset, arboribusq[ue] eam ad soli naturam acco[m]modatis co[n]seruis= sem, frugi me hominem existimabam, omniq[ue] religione ac superstitione solutum. nam ultimi anni calamitate percul= sus, tot superiorum annorum sterilitatem excipiente, tem= perare mihi non potuerâ quin præcipiti iurciurando ne= garem unquam me postea teruncium in eius uineæ cultu= ram impensurum. Quo iurciurando satis me defungi pos= se interpretabar, si ortum eam magis factam quàm adhuc uineam colere, præsertim cum nullus inueniretur tam ad= uerso Mercurio natus, qui sibi eam indicari peteret. Sic autem rationem impensæ subduxeram, uix ut uiginti fra[n]cicis eam mihi rem staturâ existimarem. at consitoris so= lertia quæstuosa eò me sensim perduxit noua in dies com= miniscendo, uisendum que operis absoluti decorem spe= ciem que pollicendo, ut à tenui illo et simplici pri= mordio iustum tandem pomarium instituerim iugerûm paulo minus quatuor. In quo mihi ita euenit, ut qui au= ctionem facere prius prædij mei meditabar, et num= mo propemodum addicere paratus eram, idem subin= de liceri magno cogerer particulas confinium agro= rum, ne instituti pomarij modulatio, ambulationumq[ue] d 2 metatio

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 51 In that year, when I wrote this, I had a vineyard that was sterile and long since worn out by many years. To this, after threatening for a long time to auction it, as is the custom, unless in future at least it should produce a balance equal to the expense, and should not seem to feel the cost of its cultivation more than the cultivation itself, when it was advertised it still found no buyer (for because of this very thing I had begun to be ill spoken of, as though I would never part with a vineyard that was not ruinous). At last it came to such a point of condemned failure that I was meditating transforming it into an orchard planted with trees, though it had not yet been uprooted. As soon as this came into my mind, and I had planted it with trees suited to the nature of the soil, I thought myself a thrifty man, and freed from all scruple and superstition. For, shaken by the calamity of the last year, following the sterility of the years before, I could not refrain from a rash oath, denying that I would ever afterward spend a single farthing on the cultivation of that vineyard. I interpreted that oath as a sufficient discharge for me, if I made it more into an orchard than still a vineyard to cultivate, especially since no one could be found so born under adverse Mercury as to ask that it be assigned to him. In this way I had so reckoned the expense that I thought it would scarcely amount to twenty francs. But the cleverness of my steward, bent on profit, gradually led me on to greater outlay, devising new things day by day and promising the beauty and appearance of the finished work, until from that slender and simple beginning I have at last established a proper orchard of a little less than four jugera. In this I found it happened to me that I, who had first intended to auction off my estate and was ready to knock it down for almost nothing, was now forced by bidding to offer a high price for pieces of neighboring fields, lest the layout of the planned orchard and the measurement of the walks

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET metatio aliquo loco non quadraret. Intra id uillam ædificabam, simul et ipsum muro undenùm plus minus pedum cingebam crassitudine in summo sesquipedali, in medio atq[ue] imo pro portione emodulata. Hoc Sammaurianum prædium mihi futurum instar amoeni cuiuspiam Tusculani sperabam, quarto ab urbe lapide situm, in quo liberiores solutiores que congressus cum dilectissima mihi philologia exercens, mecum ipse sæpius commodius que uiuerem. Hoc faciens, didici duplicem quinquencialis ordinis rationem esse. Alteram nostrates scacariam, quasi alueolatam appellant. sumpsit enim formam à postica parte aluei in qua scrupos hodie lusitantes promouent et reducunt. altera ratio reticulata dici potest, non in quadras ut prior, sed in rhombos conformata, ea forma qua specularia apud nos plerunq[ue] uidentur in fenestris lumen uitro transmittentibus. Ego quadris usus sum pedum quoquo uersus quaternumdenum. Huiusmodi ordinum obseruatio Normannis solennis est instituendis pomarijs: quorum arboratores è seminarijs plantulas transferentes, ita stellatim decussare norût ordines, ut quamcunque partê te uerses, rectam semper seriem uideas, nusquam obliquante prospectu in longinquum. Hæc habui de his uocabulis quæ strictim primum dicerem, quæq[ue] uelutproxemium huius operis esse uellem. Itaque quando de integro sermonem instauratur i hac eadem de re sumus, ut eorum uocabulorum usum magna ex parte obsoletum Latinitati reddamus (sic enim futurum spero) facturum me operæprecium existimaui, si non modò rem hanc totam latis per se satis finibus patentem prosequerer et absolverem, sed etiam si disputationem aliam ad hûc locum nonnihil pertinentem, et ueluti cognatam adiungerem, tametsi iam alto

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. On the stake and if the laying out did not fit some place exactly. Within it I was building a villa, and at the same time I was surrounding it with a wall, around one hundred and twenty feet more or less in circumference, with a thickness of a foot and a half at the top, and proportionately measured in the middle and at the bottom. I hoped that this estate of Sammaur would become for me the equivalent of some pleasant Tusculanum, situated four miles from the city, in which, by enjoying freer and more relaxed meetings with my dearest philology, I might live more often and more comfortably with myself. In doing this, I learned that there is a double arrangement of the quincuncial order. One, our countrymen call scacaria, as if honeycombed. For it takes its shape from the back part of a vessel in which dice are today moved forward and drawn back by players. The other arrangement may be called reticulate, formed not in squares, as the former, but in rhombi, in the shape in which looking-glasses among us are commonly seen in windows that transmit light through glass. I used squares fourteen feet each way. Observance of arrangements of this kind is customary among the Normans in establishing orchards: their planters, transferring saplings from the nurseries, know how to set the rows so that they cross one another in a star pattern, in such a way that, whichever direction you turn, you always see a straight line, and the view into the distance never bends obliquely. These are the things I have had to say briefly at first about these terms, and which I wanted to serve as a kind of preface to this work. And so, when the discussion is resumed from the beginning on this same subject, since we are now on it, I thought it would be worthwhile, if not only I were to pursue and complete this whole matter, which on its own is already sufficiently broad and expansive, but also if I were to add another discussion somewhat related to this place and, as it were, akin to it, although already high above

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 53 alto situ obscuritatis errorisq[ue] squalentè, uix ut nitorem pristinu[m] lingua Latina hac in parte receptura uideretur. Cum enim de Asse & Libra Pondoq[ue] & rei nummariæ uocabulis multa ab enarratoribus neotericis dicta sint, antiquorumq[ue] monumenta ijsdem uocabulis scateant: no[n] dum (quod scire aut suspicari potuerim) à quoquam scri= ptorum nostræ aut auorum longeq[ue]; superioris memoriæ deprehendi potuit quem modum pecuniæ his uerbis sta= tuere debeamus. Proinde ita tulit animus, ut rem per se subobscuram, & cum multa ambage autoritatum impli= citam, tum uerò glossulariorum errore perplexiorem fa= ctam, simul corruptis exemplaribus propemodum com= ploratam, explicare nihilo secius improbo insano que (ut dicitur) labore aggrederemur. siquidem scitum illud comici poëtæ meminerà, nihil tam difficile esse, quin quæ= rendo inuestigari possit. & dignam rem prorsus existi= mabam in quam toto pectore incumberem. At qui cum ad hanc ætatem, ex quo post tenebricosa secula literis sen= sim lux affulgere coepit, eò iam pro sectus labores crudi= torum hominum euaserint, ut ad linguæ Latinæ instau= rationem perpauc desiderentur: nemo tamen (ut spero) inficiabitur hanc operam prorsus adhuc desideratam esse. Planum enim facturum me confido, neminem intra octin= gentos annos, ac longè plures fortasse, rectè hæc uocabu= la intellexisse, duntaxat eorum qui commentarios edide= runt, qui in uulgus emanarint, aut aliâs innotuerint. An autem id assecutus sim quod anxiè perquisiui, lectorum erit iudicium, non tamen quorumlibet. Verumenimuero eam à me suspicionem longè amoliri uelim, quasi aut ingenij singulari quodam acumine fretus, aut recondi= tæ doctrinæ fiducia eam rem totam susceperim, quam uiri d 3 tot

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART II. OF ITSELF, BOOK I. 53 squalid with the deep-set gloom of obscurity and error, so that the former brilliance of the Latin tongue in this part seemed scarcely likely to be restored. For although much has been said by modern interpreters about the words As, Libra, Pondus, and the terms of money, and although the monuments of antiquity abound in those same expressions, no one of our writers, nor of those far older than our age and even of former memory, so far as I have been able to learn or suspect, has yet discovered in what manner we ought to determine the value of money by these words. Therefore my mind was moved to undertake the explanation of a matter obscure in itself, entangled with a great array of authorities, rendered even more perplexing by the error of glossographers, and all but lamentably ruined by corrupted copies; and yet, none the less, to take it up with that excessive and seemingly mad labor, as they say, with which one must proceed. For I remembered that famous saying of the comic poet, that nothing is so difficult that it cannot be discovered by seeking. And I judged it altogether a worthy task upon which I should devote my whole mind. But since by this age, from the time when light began little by little to shine upon letters after the dark ages, the labors of learned men have already advanced so far that very little is now lacking for the restoration of the Latin language, no one, however, will I hope deny that this work has been altogether needed until now. For I am confident that I shall make it clear that for eight hundred years, and perhaps far more, no one has rightly understood these words, except those who have published commentaries, or whose works have become known among the people, or otherwise have come to light. Whether I have achieved what I have anxiously sought will be for the readers to judge, though not for just anyone. Yet I would very much wish to remove far from myself the suspicion that I have undertaken this whole matter either relying on some singular sharpness of intellect, or on confidence in hidden learning, which men of ... too many

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tot doctissimi ne primoribus quidè digitis sine noxa tra= etauerunt: id quod mox apparebit. Iure autem meritoq[ue] facturum me arbitror, si in ordinem lautiorem literis stu= dentium adnuttendum me censeam: quibus aliquando i= psis liceat post emerita audiendi uel legendi stipendia (non enim tam fortunatus sui, ut in hac disciplina uocale præ= ceptorem haberem) stylo specimen sui facere. Proinde cum aliorum scriptis his in rebus adiutus sim, quas ipse per me assequi non potuissem, & in id uideam literatos ferè conspirasse, ut uelut symbolam quisque quàm posset lautissimam in medium conferret, quasiq[ue] in musæo do= narium aliquod posteritati uisendum consecraret: com= motus & ipse sum, & æmulationis stimulis usqueadeo exagitatus (neque nûc primùm) ut impensiore studio eum locum inter scribentes tenere posse non diffiderem, quem multi aut ingenij præstantia freti, aut ingenti aliquo stu= diorum adminiculo subnixi, certatim sibi asserere quoti= die uidebantur. Itaq[ue] alteram iam aleam iacimus, quan= do quidem prior illa (de Annotationibus nostris loquor quas in Pandectas edidimus) non incommodissimè cecidit, tametsi incursura ipsa in primorum ordinum offensionem uidebatur. Quipperem per se inuidiosam, ferocius quàm par erat, in iudicium quasi in theatrum adduximus scri= bendi tyrocinio: id quod tum demum sensimus, cum iam opere edito (quod domi simul nostræ, & in officina chal= eographaria cudebatur) qui inferbuerat animus, paula= tim desflagrauit. & hactenus tamen impune ferre nobis contigit ab ijs etiam ad quos ea res maximè pertinebat, nedum ab illis hominibus quibuscum necessitudo nobis humaniorum literarum nomine intercedit, quanquam impunitatem nuhi stolidè fortasse promitterem, nisi etiam gratiam

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET even the most learned have handled it with their very fingertips without harm: which will soon appear. And indeed I think I shall be acting rightly and with due reason if I reckon myself to be counted among those invited into the more polished circle of men devoted to letters; for whom at last, after the years spent in hearing or reading, it may be permitted themselves to make some trial of their pen (for I was not so fortunate as to have, in this discipline, a living teacher). Therefore, since in these matters I have been aided by the writings of others, which I could not have attained by myself, and since I see the learned men to have almost conspired to this end, that each should contribute to the common stock as lavish an offering as he could, and as though consecrating in a museum some gift to be shown to posterity: I too have been moved, and so stirred by the spurs of emulation (and not now for the first time), that I did not despair of being able, by greater diligence, to hold a place among writers, which many, either relying on the excellence of their talent or supported by some great apparatus of studies, seemed daily to claim for themselves in rivalry. And so we now cast a second die, whereas the former one already mentioned—I speak of our Annotations, which we published on the Pandects—fell out not altogether unfavorably, though the undertaking itself seemed likely to incur the displeasure of the foremost ranks. For what was in itself envious we brought into judgment, as it were upon a stage, with a bolder handling than was proper for one still learning to write; and we perceived this only then, when the work had already been published (it was being struck off both at our own house and in the printing workshop), and the heat that had arisen in us gradually burned out. Yet so far it has happened that we have borne this unpunished even from those to whom the matter chiefly concerned, not to mention those men with whom some closer bond exists between us in the name of humane letters, although perhaps I should be foolish to promise myself impunity, unless also favor

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 55 gratiam me inisse ijsdem ab ipsis iuris peritissimis ex= perimento didicissem. usqueadeo quod candido atque ingenuo proposuo susceperis, etiam si in eo trasigendo (ut est humana conditio) secus nonnihil imprudens ad= niseris, non solet id ferè non bene tandem uertere. nisi si fersan, id est, ueritatis numen, ut rem principio inui= sam, aduersó que rumore explosam, ad extremum etiam popularem reddere plausibilem que potuerit. Quorum enim hominum odium inexpiabile contraxisse musteo adhuc opere uidebar, eorum nunc occursum uix ferò, de pollicitatione me reliqui uoluminis conuitiose appellantium. Quorum autoritati tantum tribuo, ut rem depo= sitam nescio an abiectam, retractare denuo coactus sim. In qua ipsa cum occupatus essem, animi causa (ut fit) a= uocamentum quærentis, parergon hoc arripui, initio quidem modulis diuerticuli destinatum: rerum autem se= rie perpetua aliam atque aliam deinceps commenta= tionem ingerente, eousque progressum me esse sensi, ut ex parergo, id est, operis instituti diuerticulo, ple= num opus factum sit, ut Græci dicunt, ὑπεῖν ὑπο ποῦ= δοξον ἐπιστοιεῖνε. Hæc satis ad exteros Italos, & a= lios ubicunque gentium literatos, quibuscum sacris ijs= dem initiati sumus. Quibus quidem ipsis in musæi sel= la contigit incubare, non etiam qui ex pronao (ut aiūt) Musas salutauere. Eorum enim nullum ex albo reijci= mus: quando id fieri non posse putamus, ut qui literarum humaniorum studio sint expoliti, non ijsdem quoque sint iudices nobis æqui. Ab nostris autem metuendum nihil erat, nisi quosdam homines primariæ autoritatis aut di= ctitare aut mussitare cõperissem, cum unum tantum genus hominum literarum bonarum studio aptum, atque etiam d 4 nal u

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 55 I had learned by experience that I had won the favor of those very experts in law from them themselves. So much so that when you had undertaken that candid and ingenuous proposal, even if in carrying it through you had, as is human nature, been somewhat imprudent in certain respects, it is not usually the case that it does not ultimately turn out well. Unless perhaps it is Truth herself, the goddess of truth, who can make a matter first unwelcome and, because of adverse rumor, rejected, and in the end even render it popular and worthy of applause. For those men whose inexpiable hatred I seemed hitherto to have incurred by this work, I now can scarcely endure their approach, since they maliciously accuse me of the promise of the rest of the volume. I attribute so much authority to them that I am compelled to take up again, I know not whether something laid aside or cast away, and revise it anew. When I was occupied with that very matter, as happens, for the sake of my mind seeking some diversion, I took up this little by-work, at first indeed intended as the amusement of a side path; but as the continuous sequence of subjects kept introducing one commentary after another, I felt that I had advanced so far that from a by-work, that is, from a diversion from the task I had undertaken, a complete work had been made, as the Greeks say, ὑπεῖν ὑπο ποῦδοξον ἐπιστοιεῖνε. This is enough for foreign Italians, and others wherever in the world who are learned in letters and with whom we have been initiated into the same sacred studies. Among them, indeed, even those who have been able to recline in the seat of the museum, not also those who from the vestibule, as they say, have greeted the Muses. For we reject none of them from the roll: since we think it cannot happen that those refined by the study of humane letters are not also fair judges for us. From our own people there was nothing to fear, except that I had observed certain men of first-rate authority either saying or muttering, as though only one kind of man were suited to the study of good letters, and even to

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59 G. BVD. DE ASSE ET natum esse, tum uerò nos operam & oleum perdere, qui in eo uitæ instituto ingenia exerceamus: non aliter ac lie= nosos qui instituantur ad cursum. Hoc cum nostratiu[m] qui= dam rescissent, primum mirari autores, deinde eo magis succensere, postremò re planè intellecta fremere. Sed reli= qua (ut arbitror) silentio nunc premenda, ut omnia in potestate habeamus, si forte illi æquiores esse coeperint. Nisi uerò obscurum esse potest, cur homines Franci exter na ingenia sese exosculari dictitent, nec stomachi sui do= ctos in Gallia uidisse. Quos si ueritati inseruire potius, quàm animo suo indulgere existimarem, aut ea esse erudi= tione, ut Latinè loquentes intelligere sine magistri ope= < Dicendi facul- tas Gallis olim uernacula. > ra & præitoris possent: facilè (nisi fallor) ostenderem cur adhuc factum sit ut dicendi facultas olim uernacula Gal= liarum, literis iadiu in Italia illustratis, in Galliam non re= uersa sit, transalpinarum ipsam rerum plus quàm & par est & utile cupidam. Qua (malum) opinione fallere se in re tam clara hominum iudiciu[m] credunt, qui ne in ijs quidè se fellerunt, quæ integumentis omnibus compositi uultus speciosiq[ue] sermonis egerunt? Vsque adeò enim omnes hominum sensus iam innotuere in uulgus, ut fidem qui= dam non faciant uel si aram utraque manu tenentes au= si sint sanctissimè deierare. Ita ne uerò si Franci quidam homines aut malè obsequiosi, aut ex ingenio suo uiuêtes, nec per istorum genium iurare didicerunt, nec solitis hæc ætate lenocinijs eorum se potentiæ uenditare: satis digna causa fuit quamobrem calcata charitate patriæ, odio transuersi aut liuore raperentur? mihi certè non uide= tur. At qui si ingeniorum ipsi & doctrinæ (quæ nos quoq[ue] in externis mirificè agnoscimus) admiratores ue= ros credi sese uolebant: benignè igitur uel exteris faceret, idq[ue]

Transcription: Translated (English)

59 G. BVD. DE ASSE ET that it was born there, then indeed we are wasting our labour and oil, we who exercise our talents in that mode of life: no differently than if the lame were trained for running. When some of our countrymen learned this, at first they wondered at the authors, then were all the more enraged, and at last, when the matter was clearly understood, they raged. But the rest (as I think) must now be suppressed in silence, so that we may have everything in our power, if perchance they should begin to be more fair-minded. Nor indeed can it be obscure why Frenchmen declare that foreign talents are to be kissed, and say that they have not seen learned men in France of their own temper. If I thought that they were more intent on serving the truth than indulging their own mind, or were so well educated that they could understand those speaking Latin without the help of a teacher < The ability to speak was once native to the Gauls. > and a schoolmaster, I could easily (unless I am mistaken) show why it has still come to pass that the faculty of speaking, once native to Gaul, though letters long since flourished in Italy, has not returned to France, being too eager for transalpine affairs beyond what is both fitting and useful. By what (curse) opinion do they think they deceive themselves in a matter so clear to men’s judgment, they who have not even deceived themselves in those things which were carried out with every disguise of a refined appearance and elegant speech? For so fully have all human senses now become known to the common people, that some do not gain credit even if, holding the altar with both hands, they should dare to swear most solemnly. So then, if some Frenchmen, being either ill-observant or living according to their own nature, have not learned to swear by their genius, nor in this age to sell themselves by the usual blandishments to their power: was that a cause worthy enough that, with love of country trampled underfoot, they should be carried away by hatred of the foreign or by envy? To me certainly it does not seem so. But if they wished themselves to be believed to be admirers of talents and learning as well, which we too wonderfully recognize in foreigners: let them therefore kindly do so even for outsiders, and that

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idq[ue] eo nomine, ut intelligeretur cur uiros ipsi doctos præ mijs adsciscerent. Sic enim eloquentiam & poëticam & literas elegantiores patriæ dicerentur uel dedisse, uel red didisse. Nunc cum id non faciunt, uideant quæso ne ex= ternis uerba dare potius, quàm nobis facundiam optare uideantur: imò (ut planè loquar) ne subdolam mentem prodant, aut certè maleuolam, qui priuato uel studio uel odio instincti (nam quam aliam causam conijcere quis= quam possit?) suggillationem patriæ inurere non timeat. De qua quàm bene alioqui sint meriti, publica fama ui= derit. Sed criticam seueritatem cognoscere in hominibus imperitis precium est operæ: Galli omnino homines nec ad poëticam artem nec ad oratoriam nati. Quis hoc iu= dicium facit? homines germana in Francia nati, in sinu Franciæ aliti & educati, & nunc in gremio eiusdem hoc dictitantes. Qua igitur tandem fiducia hoc iudicare præ= sumunt? age quid tum postea? qui à patria honestissimum quodque decus meriti, immeriti tulerunt. Egregios ciues, & patriæ amantissimos. Audiamus porrò, Solis homi= num Italis hæc studia capessere iure ac moribus licet. Sic enim fert coeli soli[us]; natura, ut infantes etiam illic di= sertè numerose que uagiant. O acre iudicium hominum, quibus tamen ipsis inter classica recitanteis Italos exau= dire tantum uacauit. Sicce ne Francos homines pituito= sum fel habere ad iracundiam putant, & crassa quoque ad studia præcordia, eorum ut stomachum improbitate tan ta prouocare gaudeant? quanquam latius patet hæc con= tumelia, quàm ut in literarum studiosis consumatur. Ad eos enim etiam pertinet, qui literarum ipsi imperiti, in= geniosos tamen liberos & spei magnæ genuisse se arbi= trantur. Porrò etiam patet. Solis enim Italis doctos esse d 5 licet

Transcription: Translated (English)

...for that very reason, so that it might be understood why they themselves, when choosing learned men, preferred them before others. For in this way they could be said either to have given, or to have restored, eloquence, poetry, and the more elegant studies to their fatherland. But now, since they do not do this, let them see, I beg, lest they seem rather to be giving words to outsiders than to be wishing eloquence for us; indeed, to speak plainly, lest they disclose a deceitful mind, or certainly a malevolent one, they who, driven by private zeal or hatred—for what other cause can anyone imagine?—do not fear to brand their country with reproach. How well the public reputation will judge of what they have otherwise deserved from her. But to recognize critical severity in ignorant men is worth the trouble: the French are by no means men born either for poetic art or for oratory. Who makes this judgment? Men born in France itself, nourished and brought up in the bosom of France, and now proclaiming this in her very embrace. On what confidence, then, do they presume to judge this? Come now, what then? Those who have deserved from their fatherland every most honorable distinction have borne insults undeservedly. Excellent citizens, and most devoted lovers of their country. Let us moreover hear this: only Italians are by right and custom allowed to pursue these studies. For so the nature of the sky and of the soil determines it, that even infants there babble eloquently and musically. O keen judgment of men, who nevertheless themselves have had leisure only to hear Italians reciting before a full audience. Do they think the French have a phlegmatic gall that makes them prone to anger, and also heavy brains unfitted for study, so that they rejoice to provoke their stomachs with such great malice? Although this insult extends more widely than to be confined to students of letters alone. For it also concerns those who, though themselves ignorant of letters, nevertheless think that they have begotten gifted children and children of great promise. Moreover, it is clear even further: only Italians are allowed to be learned.

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET licet ac disertos per iudices istos nostros, Musarum (credo) & Apollinus sanctissimos antistites: qui ea fiducia utriusque facultatis, atque etiam linguæ utriusque iudicium præsumunt, quòd ut Ascæus olim poëta ex tempore factus ad fontem Pegasus creditur, sic se anno uno aut al tero cum doctis super mensam loquitando, uberem harum rerum scientiam hausisse credi uolunt: quippe qui nasci in Italia doctos, non studio annorum triginta & amplius fieri putent. En quibus te approbes, si Mineruæ suffragio doctus haberi uelis. Heu miseram conditionem nostram, qui intabescimus literis, hasq[ue] indignitates exorbere ac uorare cogimur, quàm concoctu difficiles stomachis æstuantibus & biliosis idq[ue] eo magis, quòd ius nobis non est ad primores aut principem prouocandi, quorum isti ignorantiæ imposturam ex animi sui sententia factitant. Illa autem illa singularis est temeritas uel amentia, obrectationis (ut ita dicam) tragulas in uniuersos intorqueere, si quosdam forte priuatim incommodos atque inuisos obstinarint ferire. Illi ne ut irato animo tantum indulgendum putent esse, ut propter unum aut alterum expungendos, à caluo (ut dicitur) ad calum è numeris eximant? uel, quod quidam eorum huius calumniæ archetisti dictitant, se, cum omnia studiosorum diuersoria lustrauerint, adhuc tamen quod quærunt, extra gentem Italiam desiderare? Ecquod igitur capitalius uerbum ullum hoc uerbo esse potest? Quasi uerò quisquam ignoret sic eos bonos doctosq[ue]; cis Alpes inquirere, ut qui diuersissima uia congredi cum hostibus festinant. Deus te perdat simultas, quæ oculis clausis in hominum obrectationem impingis, & uelut mente capta propositum maleuolum tuum prodis. Tu ut tuoru ingenia damnes, quorum par- tim

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET even though our judges are eloquent and learned men, those most holy priests, as I believe, of the Muses and Apollo: who, in reliance on both kinds of skill, and even on judgment in both languages, presume so much that, just as the poet Ascæus is said to have been made a poet on the spot at Pegasus’ spring, so they would have us believe that, after spending a year or two talking over the table with the learned, they have drawn in a plentiful knowledge of these matters. For they think that men are born learned in Italy, not made so by the labor of thirty years and more. See what sort of judges you would have to satisfy if you wished to be deemed learned by the vote of Minerva. Alas, our wretched condition, we who waste away over letters, and are forced to swallow and gulp down these indignities—how hard they are to digest for stomachs heated with bile and anger, and the more so because we are not allowed to appeal to the leading men or to the prince, while these others, in their own minds, keep on making a pretence of ignorance. But that singular boldness, or madness, if I may say so, is this: to hurl the javelins of detraction, so to speak, against all, if by chance they have resolved to strike down a few individuals whom they privately dislike and hate. Do they not think it enough to indulge their anger only so far as, for the sake of one or two persons to be marked out, they may, as the saying goes, remove the rest from the numbers, from end to end? Or, as some of them say, being the instigators of this slander, that they, after having visited all the lodgings and haunts of students, still nevertheless miss what they seek outside the nation of Italy? What more deadly word, then, can there be than this word? As if indeed anyone did not know that they search for good and learned men beyond the Alps in this way, as those who hasten to meet enemies by the most indirect route. May God destroy you, rivalry, who, with eyes closed, run headlong into slander against men, and, as though out of your mind, reveal your evil intent. You, so that you may condemn the talents of your own men, of whom part-

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 59 tim nec periculum feceris, nec alium fecisse quenquam no= ris? partim ne facere quidem tu animo affirmaris, nec fa= ciendum curare, cum tu id si uelis facere fortasse non pos= sis? tum deinde exteros (si dijs placet) commendatione inani quassaq[ue]; prosequare, ut licentiore calumnia possis in quos uelis desæuire? Hic hic nigræ succus loliginis, ut < Horatius Ser- mon.lib.1.> lepidè inquit poëta. Cedo igitur cui unquam doctrinæ nomine benignè tute feceris, aut cui omnino non tua cau= sa bene tantum cupiueris? Heu candor Mecænatum eo= rum quos & uidere nobis & obseruare contigit: qui si= mul & studiosis sunt & Reipublicæ desiderati, insigni ad posteros inclinatione rerum. Superi immortales, quan= tum inter animos hominum interesse dicemus? Illos ut he= roicis annis editos, nihil appositius quàm uiscera charita= tis appelles. ita uniuersas cogitationes suas ad homines no= stros iuuandos contulerant. Isti huiusmodi animum rebus nostris exhibent, ut ad delendum Francici nonunis splen= dorem incubuisse uideantur: quos tamen & ipsos non adeò liuidos esse crediderim, ut nisi Transalpinis rebus oculos cupidius adiecissent, premendi nostrum gratia in cælum laudibus ferrent exteros. Quid enim consilij eos cepisse dicas? an ut eloquentiæ ac literarum gloriam de= sperare nos cogant? quid id eorum refert? quando quidem huius ætatis decreto, nihil cum literis aulico comitatui. an ut gratiam ab Italis ineant? Sed quò inter Gallos ab Ita= lis gratiam? Restat igitur ut aut priuatis studijs indulge= rint, aut non modò proterui, sed etiam propemodum a= mentes iudicentur. E quidem libens ab ipsis audierim, u= trum'ne studia literarum bonarum bodie flagrantissima quamlibet iniquo tempore, restinguere illa sua obtrecta= tione sperarint, an oblectandi sui gratia potius ingenia prouo

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART B. OF HIS BOOK I. 59 then have you neither made the experiment yourself, nor known that anyone else has made it? In part, you even affirm in your mind that it cannot be done, and do not care that it should be done, when perhaps, if you wished, you yourself could not do it? Then, as for outsiders, do you go about commending them with empty praise and wavering support, so that with freer slander you may be able to rage against whomsoever you wish? Here, here is the black juice of the cuttlefish, as Horatius says in Sermon. lib. 1. the poet puts it neatly. Tell me, then, to whom have you ever kindly done anything in the name of learning, or for whom at all have you wished well, not merely for your own sake? Alas, the candor of the Maecenases we have had the good fortune both to see and to observe: they who are at once desired by students and by the commonwealth, with an extraordinary leaning toward posterity’s affairs. Immortal gods, how much difference shall we say there is between the minds of men? Those men, as if born in heroic times, you could call nothing more fitting than the very bowels of charity. So wholly had they devoted all their thoughts to helping our people. These men show such a spirit toward our affairs, that they seem to have undertaken to blot out the glory of the French name; yet I should not think even they so envious, that unless they had cast their eyes more greedily upon affairs beyond the Alps, they would have heaped praise upon foreigners in order to depress ours and lift them to the heavens. For what plan can you say they have conceived? Is it that they may force us to despair of the glory of eloquence and letters? What concern is that of theirs? since by the decree of this age there is nothing in letters for courtly attendance. Or is it that they may win favor among the Italians? But what favor can there be among the French for the Italians? It remains, therefore, either that they have indulged private pursuits, or that they be judged not only insolent, but almost mad. Indeed I would gladly hear from them themselves whether they have hoped to extinguish, by their disparagement, the studious pursuit of good letters, now burning most fiercely despite any unfavorable time, or whether rather, for their own amusement, they have stirred up minds

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET prouocarint. Illud certè obtinere nulla autoritate pos= sunt, ut oratorum uel poëtarum & historicorum libros nobis è manibus ut prophanis excutiant, quas bonis iandudum autoribus contrectandis inauguratas habemus. Nam qui famæ dudum per ora hominum iure uel iniuria obstrepenti moderari nequiverunt quo minus in circulis, in ambulationibus & sobrijs & basilicanis, pro castris, pro concione, nusquam non denique actus eorum obtre= ctarent non cauillabunde modo, sed etiam tumultuose: ecquid se illi iuris habituros putant in eorum Mineruam qui literas didicerunt? Scilicet hoc illud est, hominibus uenustris cupido incessit Gallicum stylum prouocandi, à quo sibi metuendum nihil putant, ut quem hebetè esse & plumbeum dictitent. Nempe hac fiducia illudunt, Fran= cicamq[ue] Mineruam ut infantem & inermem despican= tur, nec ægide terribilem. At ego ut Italos Francis inge= niorum acumine præstare nunc inficiari nolim, sic non fa= cilè concesserim ut præstent etiam docilitate. Quippe ut primis omnium Latinorum Italis post annos centum li= cuit stylum suum ad cotem priscæ uenæ exacutum, scri= bendo dicendoq[ue] explorare: sic nostris obuium est, ut o= mnibus, & antiquos & recentiores scribendo autores æmulari. Nam salem eodem nobis precio quo Italis præ= beri, docere istos potuerunt actores theatrici, qui sat yri= cis eos salibus toto sæpe perficant, queis acriores non puto ultra Alpem aut Pyrenem inueniri. Atenim inno= centia succinctis omnium rerum securis esse licet. Equi= dem hoc fatebor, si intra uallum innocentiæ statua se sem per habuisse rebus gerendis administrandis que contende= rint. Dicere igitur hoc audeant, & ego illis ordines o= mneis iudices feram, ni constantis famæ testimonio reuin= cuntur,

Transcription: Translated (English)

...provoke them. Certainly they can obtain by no authority that they should snatch from our hands as profane the books of orators, poets, and historians, which we have long since consecrated by handling the works of good authors. For those who, for a long time now, have been unable to restrain the reputation that, by right or wrong, has been clamoring through the mouths of men, so that in circles, in walks, in both sober and church-going places, as in camps, as on the platform, and everywhere in short, they should disparage not only the acts of these men in a mocking way but even in a riotous one: do they think they have any right over the Minerva of those who have learned letters? Certainly this is what it is: a desire has seized men of fashion to challenge the French style, from which they think they have nothing to fear, since they say it is dull and leaden. On this confidence they make sport, and despise the French Minerva as if she were a child and unarmed, and not terrible with her aegis. But although I am unwilling now to deny that the Italians surpass the French in sharpness of wit, I should not easily grant that they surpass them also in docility. For just as it was granted to the earliest among the Italians of all the Latins, after a hundred years, to test their style, sharpened on the whetstone of ancient elegance, by writing and speaking: so it is open to our people, by writing, to emulate both ancient and modern authors. For that the same salt is supplied to us at the same price as to the Italians, those theatrical actors could teach, who often season them all over with satirical salts, such as I do not think can be found sharper beyond the Alps or the Pyrenees. Yet innocence may be secure in the belt of all things. Indeed, I shall confess this, if they have always maintained themselves within the wall of innocence in carrying out and administering affairs. Let them therefore dare to say this, and I shall bring them the whole body of judges, unless they are confuted by the testimony of established reputation,

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cuntur, ut ne ad populum quidem prouocare audeant. Quare ego suaserim eis potius (si me autorem non respuant) ut insenso animo uel alioqui malè affecto usque adeo ne obsequantur, quin sese suumq[ue]; etiam fastigium respiciant, rationem anteactæ uitæ habeant, nec in extremo summoq[ue]; actu sub persona primarum partium indecorum aliquid aut proloquantur, aut agant. Etenim quum sint eorum nonnulli præteriti temporis continentia & grauitate ita obstricti, ut peccare ne tantulum quidem sine criminè maximo nequeant: ij meminisse debent uitæ suæ cur sum non ad amussim popularem exigi, sed ad eam quam sibi ipsi in mediocri fortuna præstituisse creduntur: ut si à pristinæ probitatis et integritatis orbita ingressum quo= quo modo detorquere uideantur, quicquid rectè ac præclarè antè fecerunt, protinus non uirtutis fuisse, sed ambitionis existimetur. Nam qui alijs moribus uiuere pro= uecta iam ætate, & ad instituta transire uidentur utilitati seruientium: ultimùm utique salutasse recta consilia & honesta creduntur atque dicuntur: perinde atque ij solent qui ad temporariam modestiam bellissimè compositi, simul ac se euasisse ad res secundas sentiunt, tanquam emeritis simulationis stipendijs, ambitum & cupiditate[m] profiteri perficta fronte obdurata que non uerentur. Aut igitur sibi posthac imperent studiosos Galliæ non odisse, procul ambitione summotos: aut si male loqui pergant, & utcunque doctis incommodare, quosdam etiam expectent iusto dolori tandem obsecuturos. Nec sibi eo nomine blandiantur, quasi in sinu Iouis positi malè audire nequeant, aut quasi dolorem animo quantumuis inustum Gallica ingenia stylo exigere non possint. Qui enim Aristarchos se orationis Latinæ aut etiam archite- ctos

Transcription: Translated (English)

they are so constrained that they dare not even appeal to the people. For this reason I would rather advise them, if they do not reject me as their counsellor, that with a resentful mind, or otherwise ill disposed, they should go so far as not to comply, but rather to look to their own position and rank as well, to consider their past life, and not, in the very end and at the highest point of action, under the mask of leading men, utter or do anything unseemly. For since there are among them some so bound by the restraint and gravity of past times, that they cannot commit even the smallest fault without the greatest reproach, they must remember the course of their life, which they are believed to have followed not according to the popular standard, but according to that which they themselves had established in modest fortune: so that if they seem somehow to be turning aside from the path of their former probity and integrity, whatever they previously did rightly and splendidly may at once be judged to have been not virtue, but ambition. For those who appear to be living in different ways in advanced age, and to be passing over to new habits in service of utility, are at last certainly believed and said to have greeted upright and honorable counsels: just as those usually do who, having been most admirably set in the posture of temporary modesty, as soon as they feel that they have escaped to prosperity, as if their term of pretense were completed, do not hesitate to profess ambition and desire with a hardened and counterfeit brow. Either, then, let them henceforth restrain themselves and not hate the scholars of France, kept far from ambition; or if they go on speaking badly, and somehow hindering even the learned, let them also expect some to obey righteous grief at last. Nor let them flatter themselves on that account, as if placed in Jupiter's bosom they could not hear ill of themselves, or as if the pain, however deeply inflicted on the mind, the French intellects could not express in writing. For those who call themselves Aristarchuses of Latin orators, or even architects

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET etos intulerunt, quum minimè ipsi esse didicissent artifices dicendi, Gallicæ fortasse doctrinæ, Italicæ discipulæ, extremam propediem manum accessisse sentient, quum ex atrio Libertatis, suis ipsi maledictis respondentes audient. Neque enim ex uno aut altero opere debuerunt omne genus structuræ omniumq[ue] æstimare. Sed quid hoc ego crimen persequor, quum ijs qui literas Gallis adimunt, non iam scientiam nobis elegantiorum artium, sed etiam prudentiam omnino quasi sensum communem abstulerint? Quæ contumelia non ad unum tantum eundemque neglectum ordinem, sed ad singulos uniuersosq[ue] pertinet. Notum est enim quòd eius societatis mancipes, quam minimè decebat, nihil pensi habere dicuntur quo minus errata sua luculenta clauo ductitando admissa, ignominia patriæ obliterare nitantur. Proh supreme seruator. Nonne satius erat nos culpam agnoscere quæ negari non potest, quàm clauum (ut dicitur) clauo protrudere, & culpam crimine expungere? Antiqui Romani dixerunt maiestatem in populo, autoritatem in Senatu esse: inde crimina maiestatis appellata læsæ, aut imminutæ: at nunc inuenti esse dicuntur, qui non contenti Rempublicam non iuuisse, imminuere etiam maiestatem clarissimæ gentis cupiant: & qui doctos posse Gallos fieri cum negauerint, insuper prudentes in Gallia nec reperiri contendant, nec inueniri. Qui quum hæc dicunt, inexpiabili se inuidia flagrare non animaduertunt. Quasi uerò cuiquam persuaderi possit quæstionem decretam de uiris bonis & prudentibus hoc tempore fuisse, quos uelut optiones sibi in rebus transigendis constituendis que cooptarent. Verùm hos paulisper mittamus, quibuscum ex æquo non licet hanc iniuriam expostulare, ac uidea= mus

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET they brought against us, since they themselves had scarcely learned to be masters of speaking, students perhaps of French doctrine, pupils of Italian teaching, they will soon feel that the final hand has been laid upon it, when from the Hall of Liberty they will hear their own insults answered back. For they ought not, from one work or another, to have judged every kind of structure and all things. But why do I pursue this charge, when those who deprive the French of letters have taken from us not only knowledge of the more elegant arts, but also prudence itself, almost as though common sense? This insult pertains not only to one and the same neglected order, but to each and all. For it is well known that the agents of that association, which least of all it became, are said to care nothing so long as, by continually driving home their own conspicuous blunders, they strive to wipe out the disgrace of their country. O supreme savior. Was it not better for us to acknowledge a fault that cannot be denied, than to drive one nail, as the saying goes, with another nail, and erase guilt with a crime? The ancient Romans said that majesty was in the people, authority in the Senate: hence crimes are called crimes of majesty, of wounded or diminished majesty. But now there are said to be men found who, not content with not helping the Commonwealth, even desire to diminish the majesty of a most glorious nation; and who, when they have denied that the French can become learned, go so far as to contend that prudent men are found neither in Gaul nor can they be found there. When they say these things, they do not realize that they are burning with an inextinguishable envy. As though indeed it could be persuaded to anyone that the question had been settled concerning good and prudent men in this age, whom they would appoint as though choices for themselves in conducting and arranging affairs. But let us set these men aside for a moment, with whom it is not permitted to protest this wrong on equal terms, and let us see

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. mus cuiusmodi Homerus poëtarum sapientissimus Achil= < Achilles Ho- mericus.> lem suum finxerit, ut ex eo scire possimus an res nostra publica rectè atque ordine hoc tempore constituta sit: & mirari homines desinant, quòd per hosce annos primum hominibus Francis animus cum re simul concidisse uisus est. Ille igitur rerum humanarum perspicacissimus æsti= mator, quum sub Achillis persona fortem ac strenuum mi= litem eundem que ducem formare statuisset, deam illi Mi= neruam instantem identidem finxit, quasiq[ue] conocefa= cientem monitione postica, nonnunquam cæsarie repre= hensantem, cum præcipitem eum firri, atque ira excan= descere sensit. Achillem autem suum inducit inter iram, ratiocinationem que alternantes, Mineruæ tandem mo= nitis obtemperantem, strictum ensem in uaginam ira sup= pressa edomitá que condentem. Videre est illam quidem imperiosè uetantem, hunc autem iram obsequiose pre= mentem. Illa, ni pareat ipse numini, uindictam intermu= natur: hic ponit uim animi, ne non paruisse dicatur. Me= morabile figmentum, ac memoria etiam atque etiam te= nendum: quo quid aliud poëtam significasse arbitremur, quàm animæ duas partes, iram, & rationem? Siquidem ille furorem iræ ac ferociam animi ratus circa præcordia grassari, rationis principatum, ac moderamen animi in parte summa capitis sedere censuit & uigere, uelut spe= culatorem à natura præfectum, qui omnia circunspecta= ret, atque ut auriga quadrigis, sic seruori ipse animi at= que alacritati moderaretur. Proinde quum ille poëta sons ingeniorum dictus, talem strenuum militem, eundem que ducem fortissimum inducat, ut nusquam ita destitutus, ita deprehensus sit, quin præstò consilium & rationem ha= beat (hoc est enim Minercuam uelut præslitem habere uel

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART I. BOOK I. The kind of man whom Homer, wisest of poets, fashioned in his Achilles, so that from him we may be able to know whether our commonwealth is rightly and properly established at this time; and so that men may cease to wonder that, during these years, it has first seemed that the spirits of the French have collapsed together with their affairs. That most perceptive judge of human affairs, having determined to shape, under the person of Achilles, a brave and vigorous soldier and at the same time a commander, repeatedly imagined the goddess Minerva pressing upon him, as though instructing him from behind, and at times seizing him by the hair, when she saw him rushing headlong and blazing up in anger. But he presents his Achilles as alternating between anger and reasoning, at last obeying Minerva’s counsels and, with his wrath suppressed and mastered, sheathing the drawn sword in its scabbard. One sees her indeed forbidding with authority, while he obediently restrains his anger. She, unless he himself obeys the deity, threatens vengeance; he puts his spirit under restraint, lest he be said not to have obeyed. A memorable fiction, and one to be held in mind again and again: what else are we to think the poet meant by it than the two parts of the soul, anger and reason? For he judged that the fury of anger and the ferocity of the spirit rage about the breast, while the rule and control of reason dwell and are active in the highest part of the head, like a lookout appointed by nature, who surveys everything, and who, like a charioteer with his team, governs the slowness and the eagerness of the soul. Accordingly, since that poet, called the source of genius, depicts such a brave soldier and at the same time a most valiant commander, he is nowhere so abandoned, nowhere so taken unawares, that he does not have counsel and reason at hand (for this is what it means to have Minerva as it were as a guardian, or even as a helper).

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET uel astitem) planum fit utique, qui sapientia & prudentia careant, res ab ijs maximas nec bello nec pace geri posse. Porrò prudentia ipsa aut summa dote naturæ datur, aut literarum cognitione cum sapientia comparatur. at utrunque nobis adimunt, qui nobis nec natura imbui, nec studio institui concedunt. Caput uerò erroris est, quòd nobilium natio indecoram esse literarum cognitionem claris penatibus ortis, semper existimauit. Hac enim opinione effectum est, ut rerum nostrarum summa in tenebris plerunque densissimis hallucinetur. Nam < Proceru ignora utia.> quum primores procerum, ignorantiam literarum percupidè sibi uendicent, ac nihil sui muneris esse in pacis artibus credant: euenit ut plurima aulæ consulta ex paucorum commodo fiant, qui in rem ipsi suam suarum que necessitudinum concipere edicta principis consultaq[ue]; didicerunt. Sic fit ut regio nomine paucorum regimen obumbretur: nomen olim inuisum apud eos qui Respublicas in populis & ciuitatibus condiderunt. Atenim quosdam regibus subseruire necesse est, qui ijs muneribus fungantur, quæ per se reges obire iam nequeunt. quis negat? Sed si eo amplius legitimum iam & regium esse coepit, illis omnia credere ac delegare, quibus ab latere & auribus principibus esse contigit: sint sanè omnium potentes, quandò eò deliciarum uentum est, & inertiæ immunis & feriatæ: sed sint eiusmodi, qui optimates uocari & cupiant & debeant, quiq[ue] latus principis cingentes, maiestatem eius augustiorem faciant. Nec dicatur unum omnium Regem maximum, solo corporum stipatu quasi adminiculo subnixum, non animi uirtute ac scientia niti. Delectum modò hominum principes habere instituant, literis'que & ingenijs & industriæ fauere

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET or astitem) It is plainly evident that those who lack wisdom and prudence can achieve nothing of the greatest importance, neither in war nor in peace. Moreover, prudence itself is either bestowed by nature as her highest gift, or is acquired together with wisdom through learning. But both are taken from us by those who allow us neither to be formed by nature nor instructed by study. The chief source of error is that the nobility has always regarded knowledge of letters as something unworthy of those born to illustrious houses. For by this opinion it has come about that the sum of our affairs is most often groping in the deepest darkness. For <Proceru ignora utia.> When the leading men of the nobility eagerly claim ignorance of letters for themselves, and believe that nothing of their office lies in the arts of peace, it happens that most court decisions are made for the advantage of a few men, who have learned to draw the prince’s edicts and counsels into their own affairs and those of their own connexions. Thus it comes about that, under the name of royal authority, the rule of a few is concealed; a name once hateful among those who founded commonwealths in peoples and cities. Yet indeed it is necessary for some to serve kings, and to perform those duties which kings themselves can no longer carry out. Who denies it? But if it has gone further, so that it has now begun to be lawful and royal to entrust and delegate everything to those who have been given the privilege of being at the prince’s side and in his ear, let them indeed be powerful in all things, since the time has come to delight in ease and to be free from labor and activity; but let them be of such a kind as ought both to be called and to be optimates, and who, surrounding the prince’s person, make his majesty the more august. Nor should it be said that one king above all others, supported only by the bodyguard as by a prop, does not rely on strength of mind and knowledge. Let princes merely establish a select body of men, and favor letters, talent, and diligence.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. fauere: sic fiet ut nec doctorum Francia nec prudentium inops reperiatur. Sed enim eo tempore doctos & sa= pientes necesse est latere & secedere, quo tempore dis= simules ijs homines in lucem prodiere. Huius igitur mali causa est nobilium institutum, qui res consentaneas, & < Nobilium cul pa iacent literæ.> mutua ope nixas, generis claritatem, literarumq[ue] peri= tiam, collidi inter se & dissidere putant: quo errore fa= ctum est, ut disciplinæ olim ingenuæ appellatæ, ad ple= bem iamdiu transierint, non tantum à nobilibus, sed etiam (ò mores perditos) à sacricolis repudiatæ, ne non satis generosus esse & lautus antistitum ordo præsulumq[ue]; pu= taretur. Inde autem illa extitit indignitas, non tantum incommoda, sed memoria nostra etiam ferè dira, quòd principes natura boni, sed blandimentis incuriæ capti atque immunitatis, cui à pueris insueuerunt, autoritatem regiam, rectè, perperam, dignè, indignè factis accom= modant, quando semel omnia amicis permisere. Qui si literas scirent ipsi, gentilesq[ue] sceptrorum: nec sacro= sancta utique nomina inuidiæ opponerentur, nec tam li= center ob oculos principales cercopum præstigiæ ludifi= cari pergerent, quarum semper impunitas moribus no= stris fuit uel à iurisdictione summa. Adde quòd Senatus ille selectorum prætorianus & castrensis, interpres prin= cipis placitorum, paucissimis sæpe uiris, hominibus haud ita multis constat, partim literarum nescijs, partim iuris sui magis quàm publici consultis: unde uisi sunt aliquan= do turbines ex caligine densa co[n]siliorum oborti, latè spes popularium fortunasq[ue] percellere, ne quicquam superûm hominumq[ue] fidem populo implorante. Quid? illud qua= le est, quòd cum omnia pro potestate arbitrentur, cum ita comitijs nostris præsint, ut sine eorum auspicijs pauci e ren

Transcription: Translated (English)

to favor: thus it will come about that neither France of learned men nor of wise men will be found lacking. But indeed at that time it is necessary for the learned and wise to hide and withdraw, at the time when men unlike them come forth into the light. The cause of this evil, then, is the institution of the nobles, who think that things that are fitting and supported by mutual aid, the distinction of birth and skill in letters, should clash with one another and be at odds: by which error it has come to pass that studies, once called liberal, have long since passed over to the common people, repudiated not only by nobles, but also, alas for depraved customs, by churchmen, lest the order of bishops and prelates be thought not sufficiently noble and splendid. From this there arose that indignity, not only troublesome, but in our memory almost dreadful, that princes, naturally good, but caught by the blandishments of negligence and immunity, to which from boyhood they have grown accustomed, adapt the royal authority to deeds rightly or wrongly, worthily or unworthily done, when once they have entrusted everything to friends. If they themselves knew letters, and the ancient customs of scepters, then indeed sacred names would not be set against envy, nor would those monkey tricks be so freely kept up before the eyes of rulers, by which impunity has always been among our customs, even from the highest jurisdiction. Add to this that that select Praetorian and camp Senate, the interpreter of the prince’s wishes, often consists of very few men, men not so many, partly ignorant of letters, partly more concerned with their own rights than with the public good: hence it has sometimes seemed that whirlwinds arising from the thick darkness of counsels, widely might strike at the fortunes and hopes of the common people, while the people implores the trust of gods and men in vain. What? how is that to be regarded, that when they think everything according to their power, when they preside over our assemblies in such a way that without their auspices a few from the

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET renuncientur: non satis eorum quidam habuisse dicuntur, meritos & graues permultos, & secundo rumore commendatos, aut aliquo uirtutis specimine cognitos, præterire, nisi etiam capitali conniuentia transmussos, aut ignominia afficere conarentur, aut huiusmodi esse omni= no scire se inficiari? Præterijssse dico? Quid si etiam ob= nunciasse constat, quasi latens aliquod uitium obuenis= set? siue id simultati datum est, siue ut ij tantum præfice= rentur, quos eis commodum fuit. Qui si de coelo seruassent, ut existimari uolunt, perniciosas sæpe renunciatio= nes disturbare potuissent. Quantam autem indignitatem homines haurire coguntur, cum certo certius sit, nihil sa= pere principi posse, quod his prægustatoribus non antè placitum sit & probatum? Quin igitur urgemus ut con= fessionem ab inuitis exprimamus? Necesse est enim ut uel linguam palatum que stupentia se habere fateantur, uel certè amori odio que seruientia, qui insulsos à sapientibus internoscere uel nolint, uel nequeant. tametsi huiusmodi hominum conatum non magis improbum esse quàm irri= tum puto, si quidem studij ardorem restinguere premendo, aut secundæ famæ splendorem obscurare nituntur. Nam ut palma arbor in pondus attolli dictitatur, sic uir= tus suppressa, studio maiore erigitur. Opinionem autem non uanis rumusculis collectam, sed claris industriæ docu= mentis emanantem, quis inhibere potest? Splendet enim, splendet, solidæ & expressæ uirtutis existimatio, etiam relictæ in umbraculis, aut procul ab ambitu remotæ: ut uiceuersa, in quibusdam fulgor adumbratæ uirtutis aut sæ pientiæ, obruitur plena luce, cum illustri magistratu ge= rendo, tanquam ad radios ipsi solis aut ad fasces admo= uentur.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASSE ET those are rejected: it is said that some are not thought to have had enough of them, though they passed over many deserving and serious men, and men recommended by widespread report, or known by some proof of virtue, unless they also tried to sideline them with criminal connivance, or to disgrace them, or to deny outright that they knew them to be of such a kind? I say passed over? What if it is even clear that they were opposed, as though some hidden fault had come to light? whether that was attributed to rivalry, or so that only those might be put in charge whom it suited them to appoint. If they had saved even from heaven, as they wish to be thought, they could often have upset harmful nominations. But what indignity must men endure, when it is absolutely certain that the prince can think nothing that these previewers have not first pleased with and approved? Why then do we insist on wringing a confession from the unwilling? For it is necessary that they either admit that they have numb tongues and palates, or else that they are enslaved to favor and hatred, since they either do not wish, or are not able, to distinguish fools from the wise. And yet I think such men’s attempt is no less wicked than futile, if indeed they seek to quench zeal by pressure, or to obscure the brilliance of good reputation. For just as it is said that a palm tree is lifted up by weight, so virtue, when suppressed, rises with greater striving. But who can check an opinion not gathered from vain rumors, but issuing from clear proofs of diligence? For the reputation of solid and genuine virtue shines, indeed shines, even when left in the shadows or kept far from seeking favor: whereas, conversely, in some people the brilliance of feigned virtue or wisdom is overwhelmed in full daylight, when they are brought to bear the duties of an illustrious magistracy, as though to the very rays of the sun itself or to the fasces.

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Transcription: ATR-1

uentur. Equidem (ut ad eos redeam quos interim omiseram) libens ipse suaserim, aut etiam postularim, si qui sunt ex ea secta Philoxeni superstites, qui reru[m] Gallicarum trass actores ideo in Italiam petendos esse duxit, ut nostrates homines rerum actu summoueret, non quod eorum solertiam prae nostrorum admuraretur: commodis ipsi ut immodicis comuter ornamentis que persruantur, quæ nostrarum rerum clade quæsita nullus est qui non norit: externosq[ue] ita suauientur si placent, ut François non despuant. satius enim id esse ceseo, quàm affirmata iniquitate eorum abrumpere patientiam, qui res tacendas effari Stentorea uoce possint. Neque uerò negauerim sæpe è re Gallica fuisse, in rebus transalpinis externorum operam experiri. Quosdam enim adscititios nouimus non modò industrios, sed & exploratæ fidei, qui egregiam & singularem operam & in quietis consilijs & in bellicis rebus nobis nauas se dicuntur. Sed si in rebus domesticis non modò externo milite, ut iam fieri coepit, sed etiam in omni parte reipublicæ externorum operam adsciscendam censebimus, magis id adeò ut paucorum commodis seruiant, quàm ut publicè prosint: quæ tandem nostroru[m] erit functio, aut quando suæ tutelæ Francia restituenda dicetur? O tempora? ô mores? Francia quæ olim sibi, alijsq[ue], & summæ rei Christianæ superesse uisa est, nunc degener & infans, ne suis quidem rebus satis est uel agendis, uel eloquendis. Rem suapte natura indignam, autores eius etiam fecerut atrocem, indigni omnino ipsi qui uel intra uerba peccarent, nedum ut uiris studiosis omni ope incommodarent, quos suffragio suo (ut scimus) prærogatiuo benignè subleuare debebant. Quòd si homines innocenter industrios te- stimo

Transcription: Translated (English)

...will come. Indeed, as for those whom I had meanwhile passed over, I would gladly myself have advised, or even demanded, if there are any survivors of that sect of Philoxenus, who judged that the trans- actors of Gallic affairs ought therefore to be sought out in Italy, so that they might remove our countrymen from the management of affairs—not because he admired their skill above that of our own men, but so that they themselves might enjoy advantages and excessive and costly ornaments, which were sought at the ruin of our affairs, as everyone knows. And foreigners are so encouraged, if they are pleasing, that they do not despise the French. For I judge it better to do that than, on the basis of their admitted injustice, to break the patience of those who could utter things that should be left unsaid in a Stentorian voice. Nor indeed would I deny that it has often been to the advantage of France, in affairs beyond the Alps, to make trial of foreign assistance. For we know that certain hired helpers are not only industrious, but also of proven loyalty, who are said to render excellent and singular service both in matters of policy in times of peace and in warlike affairs. But if in domestic matters we should think that foreign help must be called in not only through foreign soldiers, as has already begun to happen, but also in every part of the commonwealth, then this will more and more be for the service of a few men’s advantage than for the public good. What, then, will be our own function, or when will France be said to be restored to its own guardianship? O times! O manners! France, which once seemed sufficient for herself, for others, and for the highest cause of Christendom, now degenerate and childish, is not even enough for her own business, whether to act in it or to speak of it. A matter indecent in its very nature its authors have made even more atrocious, utterly unworthy men themselves, who should not even have sinned within the bounds of words, much less hinder earnest men in every possible way, men whom they ought, by their vote and prerogative, as we know, to have kindly supported. But if I testify to men innocently industrious

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET stimonio suo fraudasse, uiri boni existimatur officio non conuenire; quid causæ est quin magnum in sese dedecus admisisse uideantur, qui etiam cupidè fecerunt ut odisse crederentur? Vtinam autem fieri posset, ut cæcæ nostræ querelæ in eos tantum impigerent, qui culpæ autores ipsi, aut affines esse dicuntur: liberius omnino nobis de= stomachari liceret: nunc autem uereri subinde nubi suc= currit; ne aberrante homunum coniectura, in eos uis doloris incumbat, in quos minimè uellem. Sunt enim in quibus ne guttam quidem criminis huius hærere ue= lim, quanquam eorum culpa tolerabilior quàm alio= rum esset. Sed & eiusmodi nonnulli feruntur, ut si sto= machum rursus mouerint, patientiam omnino tibi im= perare non possis. Quo fit ut rem spinosam tractare uix innoxiè queas, & tamen tanta uis est numinis ad sty= lum manum urgentis, ut periclitari malis, quàm rum= pi degeneri patientia. Næ ego satis admirari nequeo quorundam hominum amentiam, qui in rebus ipsis se= cundis famæ suæ consulere uel negligunt uel nesciunt. Nos tres uiros uidimus, qui ad magnos honores assum= pti, cælum nostrum impleuerunt nominum suorum ce= lebritate: quorum duo tum æquales, tum simul in actu summo rerum Francicarum fuerunt. Hos ita inter se iun= ctos diceres, ut aërem & ætherem. Quicquid enim po= tentiæ alterutri accedebat, alteri id omnino decessisse ui= debatur: ut inter illa duo elementa ea est uicissitudo, quic= quid alteri deperit, in alterum ut infernè superneq[ue] tran= seat. Verùm æthereus ille tum summa quæque sibi uen= dicans, tum ad cælum hominum uoce obseruantia que elatus, tam proximè etiam olympum euaserat, ut quic= quid Iunoni Iupiter inter suauia diceret, latere eum uulg

Transcription: Translated (English)

It is not fitting for a good man, if he has deceived one’s trust by his testimony; what reason is there why those who even acted eagerly so that they might be thought hateful should not seem to have committed a great disgrace upon themselves? Would that it were possible for our blind complaints to strike only those who are said to be the authors of the fault themselves, or their associates: then we should by all means be freer to vent our resentment. But now a fear repeatedly comes to my aid, lest, through a mistaken guess about men, the force of sorrow fall upon those on whom I least wish it. For there are some in whom I would not wish even a drop of this crime to stick, although their fault would be more tolerable than that of others. Yet some such men are also reported, that if they stir up your anger again, you can by no means command yourself to be patient. Hence it comes about that you can scarcely handle a thorny matter without harm, and yet such is the force of the divine power pressing my hand to the pen, that you would rather run the risk than break off through cowardly patience. Truly I cannot admire enough the madness of certain men, who either neglect or do not know how to take care of their reputation when things are going well for them. We have seen three men who, having been raised to great honors, filled our heaven with the fame of their names: two of whom were both contemporaries and together at the highest level in French affairs. You would say that these were joined to one another like air and ether. For whatever power accrued to either one seemed to pass entirely away from the other: as between those two elements there is that reciprocity, whatever is lost from one passes over into the other, below or above. But that ethereal man, now claiming for himself every highest distinction, now lifted up to heaven by men’s voices and reverence, had also mounted so near Olympus that whatever Jupiter said to Juno among the sweet things, the crowd might not hear him

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. uulgò non putaretur. Quum autem ille alter fastigio fortunæ inferior, libramento tantum suo staret, doctrina scilicet & industria ac maiestate, summo paribus magistratui: hic ui maiore fati suprà omnium aspectum sublimè ferebatur. Qui cum uotis tantumnon ius Parcarum susos cõuolui existimaret ac confideret, arrectissimas quas que ceruices subnutti sibi uolebat. Cum autem ille alter eruditione Varro, animo irrequieto & uersatili Porcius, libertate non obnoxia Cato, superioris magis illius succumberet impotentiæ, quàm animo satis æquo cedere uideretur: id ad huius felicitatem fortunæ deesse tandem uideri coepit, ut ille uelut obex è medio tolleretur. Id quod decimo magistratus anno obitu eius fortuito quum euenisset, fatis iam haud dubiè nobis malè cogitantibus: ibi ille Seianus, ut uidebatur, gaudio immodico persusus (quod alacritate futili & gestiente prodebat cum suo comutatu) omnia iam infrà suprà nutu uerti suo uolens, suffecit statim hominem in locum demortui, quem iamdiu designatum habebat, siquid illi contigisset, ex cohorte obseruantium. quo facto cum in omnes sese partes liberè uersare institisset (nullum enim Catonem esse superstitem sciebat, cuius supercilium suprema sors aulæ uereretur) inde iam apertè domus eius, cupiditatis, ambitionis, obseruantiæ clietelaris diuersorium fuit. Cernere erat omnium ordinum non colluuionem (nam id tolerabile esset) sed quicquid penè in quoque ordine decoris esse uidebatur, certatim sese addicentes aut spei alicuius certæ, aut repræsentati præmij autoramento, aut admisæ noxæ metu, si non assiduè ille cultus contemni uideretur: quæ ut minima numero, ita potissima pars erat. Nam qui omnia in po- testate

Transcription: Translated (English)

commonly would not have been thought so. But when that other man, lower in the summit of fortune, stood only by his own balance, namely by learning and industry and dignity, equal to the highest magistracy: this man, by the greater force of fate, was borne aloft above the sight of all. Since he thought that only by vows could the Fates be drawn together, and was confident of it, he wished every neck that was held most erect to bend under him. But when that other, by learning a Varro, by an unquiet and versatile mind a Porcius, by a freedom subject to no master a Cato, seemed to give way more to the superior power of that man than to yield with a sufficiently even mind: at last this began to seem necessary for the fortune of Sejanus, that that man should be removed, as it were, as an obstacle from the midst. And when this happened, by chance, in the tenth year of his magistracy, and since then the fates, no doubt, were thinking ill of us: there Sejanus, as it seemed, drenched with excessive joy (which he showed by a vain and bustling eagerness, with his own changed condition) now wanting all things to be turned beneath and above at his nod, immediately placed a man in the place of the deceased, whom he had long before designated, in case anything should happen to him, from the cohort of attendants. When this was done, and he had begun to move freely in every direction (for he knew that no Cato survived, whose frown the final fortune of the court would have feared), from that point on openly his house was a resort of desire, ambition, and dependent attendance. One could see not the dregs of every rank (for that would be tolerable), but whatever seemed to be of distinction in almost every rank, vying with one another in attaching themselves to him, either for some sure hope, or for the security of an immediate reward, or from fear of an admitted offense, if that constant favor should seem not to be despised: and though these were few in number, they made the main part. For those who had all things in their power

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET testate habebat quæ tunc erat amplissima, is unus omnibus sufficere posse meritò credebatur. Quem autem plus iure ac legibus homines posse non dubiè intelligebant, extra eius præsidia agenti, seculo uix esse hominum opinione ius erat. Quin eousque inualuit hominum opinio, huius ut impotentia, atq[ue] illius obitu, aculei seueritatis, summæ etiam iurisdictioni excussi esse uiderentur. Habuit pro cohorte prætoria non modò candidatos principis, sed etiam munia tos, quorum stipatu se maximè uir clarus murabatur, fremente ipso loue Tarpeio hominum sacrosanctorum miniatore, qui sibi eas operas à Briareo exprimu[m] ægerrimè rebat. id quod eum ipse uidi audiuiq[ue]; in Vrbe dictitantem fremebundè, cum apud eum essem. quæ res in exitium tandem penè uertit dominicæ familiæ, euentu primordijs con gruo. Quis enim nescit uelamenta illa beata non tam cocco imbuta quàm cruore fuisse? O caram semper Franciæ mercem, & bellorum precijs comparatam. Et sic quoq[ue] (si dijs placet) nunc licemur, licebumurq[ue]; semper natalitiæ, ut uidetur, sceptrorum nostrorum necessitate? Verùm in eo ipsius in reliquo que comitatu literatum nullum hominem agnouisses, nisi siquis erat forte unus inter externas clientelas. tam procul enim id genus hominum ab eius uestibulo summouebatur, quàm ipse longè aberat ab cruditione iusta & liberali. Et alioquin nullus ei fermè eorum cordi erat, quos ille uir egregius de medio sublatus, fouisse uisus erat. Quippe ut ille uirtutis, & doctrinæ column, ijs sauerat præcipuè, qui aut cerui cem non obnoxiam, aut indolem ingenij præ se ferre videbantur: ita hic interioris aulæ manceps, & dictator in comitatu regio, in delicijs nunquam uisus est eos habere quos

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET had a will, which at that time was of very great extent, so that it was rightly believed that this one man alone could suffice for everything. But as for the man whom people clearly understood to be able to do more by right and by laws, outside his protections, by common opinion he was scarcely reckoned a man in the age. Indeed, the opinion of men grew so strong that, because of his impotence and the other’s death, the darts of severity seemed to have been driven even from the highest jurisdiction. He had, as a praetorian cohort, not only the prince’s candidates, but also armed men, whose escort the distinguished man marvelled at most; even Jupiter himself on the Tarpeian rock, the denouncer of the most sacred men, raged, complaining that he had wrung those duties from Briareus with the greatest difficulty. This I myself saw and heard him proclaiming furiously in the City, while I was with him. This matter afterward almost turned to the ruin of the household, in an event fitting the beginnings. For who does not know that those blessed coverings were not so much dyed with saffron as with blood? O always dear merchandise of France, and purchased at the price of wars. And thus also, if the gods please, are we now sold, and shall we always be sold, as it seems, by the necessity of our birthright sceptres? Yet in the rest of his retinue you would not have recognized a single learned man, except perhaps if there happened to be one among the outer clients. So far indeed was that kind of men kept away from his threshold, as he himself was far removed from proper and liberal education. And otherwise scarcely any of those whom that distinguished man, once removed from the world, seemed to have cherished, were dear to him. For as that man, a pillar of virtue and learning, had especially favored those who either seemed to bear a neck not subject to bondage, or a natural talent of mind, so this man, holder of the inner court and dictator in the royal retinue, was never seen to take delight in those whom he

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Transcription: ATR-1

re quos meritorum prærogatiua magis quàm suffragio aulicæ obseruantiæ fretos esse ac commendatos suspicabatur. Etenim cum prostitutæ frontis homines in fidem se rè libens recipiebat, sicut amare & scortari à lenone sunt qui iucundius esse putant, tum omnia beneficentiæ suæ accepta ferri uolebat, uir cætera egregius (ne meritis cum laudibus fraudem) & in primis commendabilis animi sublimitate, sordibus auaritiæ, atque omni obscæna uoluptate maiore, dignus que qui uiam ueram intelligeret assequendæ gloriæ, tanti que fastigij sustinendi & perferendi, quod regium penè æquauit arbitrium: cæterùm soliuagus accipiter (ut est in hominu[m] prouerbio) nec in prædatu sociabilis, ut qui in rerum actu collegam ferre non posset. nam qui genesim summam habere se arbitrabatur, nullum no[n] fastigium sibi secundum esse censuit. Hic cum fortunam perpetuo sibi fauore aspirantem multum iam fatigasset, tandem grandioribus inceptis obrutus, quàm quib[us] par esse posset (& neminem solitarius rerum arbiter, ut dictum est, in consortium admuttebat) ipse quoque fato concessit: unus (ut arbitror) omnium quos ætas nostra memunit, æstu perpetuo iactatus inusitatæ ante se felicitatis: quare præter omnium ferme opinionem accidit, quòd ei fortuna summam manum negauit, fauoris que colophonem, destituta tot hominum spe, & præsertim cohortis miniatulæ iam ad comutia honorum fastigij uerticis que properantis, quæ longius ipsa expectatione hominum prorogata sunt. Tantæ autem potentiæ non unum aut alterum, sed complureis successores reliquit, ex sinu tamen suo ante mortem productos. Nullus enim adhuc posthumus successor mortuo agnatus est: tametsi corum unus fortunæ se litasse confidens, cuius alu- -4-

Transcription: Translated (English)

he suspected that those men were supported and recommended more by the prerogative of their merits than by the vote of courtly favor. For, while he was gladly admitting into his confidence men of shameless countenance, just as those who think it more pleasant to love and whore with a pimp are, then he wished everything to be laid to the credit of his own beneficence; a man in other respects outstanding, that I do not wrong his merits with praise, and above all commendable for the loftiness of his spirit, far above the filth of avarice and every obscene pleasure, and worthy to understand the true path to the attainment of glory and the burden of sustaining and enduring such a height, which came close to matching royal power: otherwise, a solitary hawk (as the proverb among men goes), not sociable in the hunt, as one who in the conduct of affairs could not bear a companion. For he who thought himself to have the highest rank judged that no height was second to him. This man, when he had long wearied Fortune, which was continually breathing favor upon him, at last, overwhelmed by grander undertakings than he was equal to (and, as has been said, as a solitary arbiter of affairs admitted no one into partnership), himself too yielded to fate: one, as I believe, of all whom our age remembers, tossed by a perpetual tide of unprecedented happiness before him. Wherefore, contrary to almost everyone’s expectation, it happened that Fortune denied him the crowning hand and the finishing touch of favor, the hopes of so many men having been disappointed, and especially of that little red-cap troop now hastening toward the summit and crest of honors, which had been prolonged beyond men’s own expectation. But after such power he left behind not one or two, but several successors, though brought forth from his own bosom before his death. For no posthumous successor has yet been acknowledged as a kinsman by the dead man: although one of them, trusting that Fortune had smiled upon him, whose alu-

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Transcription: ATR-1

72 G. BVD. DE ASSE ET mnus erat, uelut solus summi rerum arbitrij creuisset hæreditatem, tantos repentè spiritus sustulisse uisus est, ut præter insolentiam in uultu emunentem, ferociam quoque territantem loquendo exhalaret. Is in summo magistra= tu dissimulimus sui factus, usqueadeo omnia sibi suscipere permisit, & ad extremum tueri quicquid ipse suscepisset fouendum, ut dignos indignos, quos sibi morigeros se= mel expertus esset, in omni parte Reipublicæ præficien= dos curarit. moratos uerò perinde ac morosos iuutiles Reipublicæ existimans, quàm potuit longissimè in seces= sus ablegauit. utrisque enim iratos superos esse credebat. Videlicet fortunæ indulgentia corruptus, atque immemor personæ quam gerebat, quod uirtuti debebatur, illibera= li obsequio dandum esse censuit. Ex quo factum est ut quam existimationem primis & secundis uitæ actibus col= legerat, eam ipse in ultimo eodem que summo actu totam effudisse uideatur. Aliquandiu autem autoritate grassa= tus asseclis suis promouendis, quum orbis formam nouam mundo stupente coepisset architectari, subita manus in= iectione uim Parcarum expertus est: uir (ut omnes arbi= trantur) summo magistratu dignus, si summum semper magistratum expectauisset, ac nunquam adeptus esset. usqueadeo in secunda ei sorte consenuisse, & uita perfun= ctum esse præstabat. Sed qui fortunæ omnia tribueret, ut cuius præsentissimum numen in rebus humanis esse exi= stimabat, ne extremum quidem fortunæ obsequium re= muttendum esse censuit. Hic est ferè eorum exitus qui mo= dum non nouerunt adhibere felicitati. Verum ille quoque mortuus est, cum summi honoris conuulsa maiestate, tum uerò summæ curiæ lacessita seueritate, senunibus earum rerum iactis, quæ insigni nostrarum rerum clade postea expiat

Transcription: Translated (English)

72 G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND though he was by nature such a man as if he had grown rich as sole heir to the supreme control of affairs, he seemed suddenly to have raised so much spirit, that besides the insolence showing itself in his countenance, he also breathed forth a ferocity that was terrifying in speech. Having become so forgetful of himself in the highest magistracy that he allowed himself everything, and in the end to maintain whatever he himself had undertaken, he took care to appoint to every part of the Republic both worthy and unworthy men whom he had once found compliant to him. But those who were well-mannered, or rather over-cautious, he judged useless to the Republic, and as far as he could he banished them to the most remote retreats. For he believed that heaven was angry with both sorts of men. Clearly, corrupted by the indulgence of fortune, and forgetful of the person he bore, he thought that what was owed to virtue must be given over to servile compliance. As a result, the reputation he had gathered in his early and later acts of life seems to have been entirely poured out by him in that final and highest act. Yet for some time, while he had grown bold on authority and had begun, amid the astonishment of the world, to fashion a new shape for the world, he experienced by a sudden laying on of hands the power of the Fates: a man (as all judge) worthy of the supreme magistracy, if he had always awaited the supreme magistracy and had never obtained it. He had so fully grown old in his second fortune, and proved so worn out by life. But he, who attributed everything to fortune, since he thought her most present divinity to be in human affairs, judged that even the last compliance to fortune must not be refused. This is almost the end of those who do not know how to place a limit on happiness. But he too died, both when the majesty of the highest honor had been overthrown, and when the severity of the supreme curia had been provoked, with the seeds of those matters being cast abroad which were later to be atoned for by the notable ruin of our affairs.

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. expiatæ sunt: & ea tamen morte felix existimatus. Horum uerò omnium obitus, ut successorum gaudio, ita secundi & ultimi, risu & cauillis omnium exceptus est, ueluti ludos sibi fortuna nobis que factitante. Nam primus ille & summus, uita suo tempore non etiam nostro excedens, orbam non dubiè rempublicam nostram reliquit & destitutam: alios uix statuas utrum ex rebus ipsorum prospers raptos, an potius dedecori impendenti exemptos esse dicas. Tametsi secudus eo nomune desiderium sui non modicum reliquit, quòd eam rerum inclinationem quæ secuta est, morari uidebatur: etiam si ipsum eius fundamenta primum iecisse concussò orbe nostro omnes opinabantur. Sed tamen utcunque intererat superstitem cum esse. eo enim ueluti tibicine sultas res nostras creditum est, quamuis inclinatas impulsas que, tamen nondum sic collapsuras fuisse. Accedit quòd grandiora incepta sic reliquisse uidebatur, ut Apelles Venerem, quæ manum no[n] inuenit operis inchoati præscriptum excepturam. Verùm, ô fluxam rerum humanarum memoriam: hic cum totum Occidentem nominis sui uel gloria, uel strepitu, uel clatis spiritibus impleuisset, sic anima repente concidit exhala[n]ta, ut nullius propemodum nunc in ore, ac ne in memoriæ quidem uersetur. In quo mihi post hoc regnum conditum homo maximè falsus esse opinione uisus est. Nam qui cedrina famuliæ suæ stemmata quæ siuisse sperabat & confidebat, ne sui quidem memoriam nisi exilem atque fugacem reliquit posteritati. Sed scilicet communi principum primorum que Galliæ errore in quærendæ ueræ gloriæ curriculo ipse lapsus est. Nam qui beneficentia & suffragatione ingenia literatorum excitare debebat, atque ad omnia publicè commoda honesta q[uæ] toto pectore incum & 5 here Cedrina stemmata.

Transcription: Translated (English)

were expiated; and yet he was thought fortunate in that very death. The deaths of all these men, moreover, were received with laughter and gibes by everyone, just as the deaths of the successors, both the second and the last, were, as if Fortune were making sport for us and for them. For the first and greatest of them, though he departed this life in his own time, and not before ours, unquestionably left our commonwealth bereft and abandoned. Of the others, one can hardly say whether they were snatched away from their prosperity, or rather removed from the disgrace that was impending. Yet the second, by reason of his name, left no slight desire for himself, because he seemed to delay that decline in affairs which followed; though everyone believed that he had first laid its foundations when he shook our world. But still, in whatever way the matter stood, it was for the survivor to remain alive; for by him our affairs were thought to be, as it were, supported by a prop, and though they were leaning and pressed down, they were nevertheless not yet on the point of collapse. Added to this, he seemed to have left greater undertakings unfinished, as Apelles left Venus unfinished, not finding a hand to complete the work begun according to his design. But, O frail memory of human affairs: he, who had filled the whole West with his name, whether by glory, by clamor, or by a loud-breathing reputation, suddenly fell away in spirit, so that he is now scarcely mentioned by anyone, nor even in memory. In this, after this kingdom was founded, he seemed to me to have been especially deceived in his expectation. For he, who hoped and was confident that he had secured the cedar-like lineages of his household, left to posterity not even a memory of himself, save a slight and fleeting one. But indeed he too fell through the common error of the first princes of Gaul in the race toward true glory. For he ought to have stirred up the talents of men of letters by kindness and patronage, and to have devoted himself with his whole heart to all things publicly useful and honorable.

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET bere, ut rerum præclarè gestarum ueluti quibusdam gradibus in coelum (id quod exoptabat) hominum ore ferretur, monumentis que æternis scriptorum post mortem conderetur: is ut Aspendius ille citharistes, qui omnia sibi <Aspendius citharistes.> intus cecinisse dicitur, in libera penus amplissimæ dispensatione, sibi suis que prolixissimè frangens, publicæ opulentiæ dispendio se suos que augendos esse cum cohorte amicorum asseclarum que ratus est. Atque etiam (ô stultum hominem) libens fecit, ut orandis assentatoribus, ac supprimendis uiris doctis & grauibus, autoritatem, & extruendis insanis ac portentosis prætorijs opulentiam uanissime consumeret, illam quidem (si superis placet) <Donatiua uenialia.> ex donatiuis uenialibus exuberantem, uacationibus que diuenditis sacrosanctorum munerum. Eorum non absimulis, qui ex materia cariosa & uermuculante statuas sibi erigentes, prorogare ijs sese in æuum, sui que memoriam arbitrantur. Sic Bagoarum apud Persas immodica potentia, nihil post obitum eorum præter memoriam solam eunuthorum relinquebat. Deus immortalis, quantum interest inter hominum cogitationes, actus, & institutas. Primus ille tot ingenij dotibus instructus, in muneribus obeundis remussus & compositus (nisi si iracunda seueritas uitio ei data est) ita se in magistratu gessit, ut in eius funere summu honoris maiestas, Franciciq[ue] nominis splendor & claritas, elata fuisse uideantur: cuius rei opinionem auxit secuta rerum inclinatio. At contrà secundus incitatus & uibrans, tertius eo amplius præceps, eo maximè nomine memoriam sui rebus Gallicis inussere, quod felicitati & gloriæ Francicæ funus indixisse existimantur. Hæc est enim omnium opinio, hic sermo, quem fama tumultuosè his annis circuntulit. Cui opinioni et si iudic

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASSE AND to be, that the story of deeds most glorious might, as it were by certain steps, be carried up into heaven by the mouths of men (which he desired), and be laid up after death in the eternal monuments of writers: he, like that Aspendian cithara-player, who is said to have sung all things to himself <Aspendius citharistes.> within, in the free use of a most abundant treasury, most lavishly breaking open for himself and his own, thought that he and his dependents were to be augmented at the expense of the public wealth, with a troop of friends and adherents. And indeed (O foolish man) he gladly did so, that in winning flatterers and suppressing learned and serious men, he might most vainly expend authority, and in erecting mad and monstrous pretensions spend his wealth; that wealth indeed (if the gods be pleased) <Donatiua uenialia.> overflowing from venal gifts, and by the sale of exemptions from the most sacred duties. Not unlike those who, from rotten and worm-eaten material, erecting statues for themselves, think that by them they will prolong themselves into eternity, and their own memory. Thus the excessive power of the Bagoas among the Persians left nothing after their death except the bare memory of the eunuchs. Immortal God, how great is the difference between men’s thoughts, deeds, and settled ways. The first man, endowed with so many gifts of genius, in the discharge of office was restrained and composed (unless perhaps a harsh severity be laid to his charge), and he conducted himself in magistracy in such a way that at his funeral the majesty of highest honour, and the splendour and glory of the French name, seemed to have been carried away: the opinion of this matter was increased by the ensuing turn of affairs. But on the other hand the second, driven and flashing forward, and the third even more headlong, most of all made his memory infamous in French affairs, because they are thought to have proclaimed a funeral for French felicity and glory. For this is the opinion of all men, this the talk, which rumour has tumultuously spread abroad in these years. And if to this opinion I judg

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 75 iudicium meum non interpono, me tamen ipsorum miseret, qui cum essent in loco præcelso conspicuoq[ue] positi, in sese non inquisiuerunt ipsi, nec obseruari se omnium oculus tunc memunisse potuerunt. Viri alioquin comendabiles, si ferendo ipsi oneri maioris fati fuissent. Certè alter eoru[m], qua erat animi præstantia, errore magis quàm proposito. lapsus uideri potest. Præclarum enim sibi esse uir literarum nescius existimauit, cohorte nullenaria futilium hominum stipato ultro per Alpes citro que commeare, quos partim annus co[n]giarijs à rationario publico principisq[ue] donare institucrat, partim optimo quoque præmio uirtutis testatissimæ sacro profano que ornare. Qui si memoriam sui perpetuam cupiebat, monumentis utique præclarè rerum gestarum eam fulcire debebat et stabilire. Ad eiusmodi autem monumenta condenda architectorum manus adhibendas esse intellexisset, nisi planè nescius liberatus doctrinæ atque elegantis fuisset. Heu uana hominum opinio, qui eorum sortem suspiciunt ut beatam, qui rerum potiuntur in aula streptu plausibili, quum nullam aut exilem ipsi sui relinquant memoriam post unum aut alterum quam moriuntur diem. Ego quidem uel miserabiles esse puto, præsertim quum inclinationes temporum et momenta rerum uelut Tantali saxum capitii principum ac fortunis eorum impendeant. Quin et imperium ipsum quid est quod tantopere admuremur, ut numeris omnibus felicitatis ac beatæ uitæ coagmentatum, nisi principes ipsi sibi memoriæ posteritatis inseruiendum esse censeant? quum postridie funeris inter regem uerum perpetuum que, et diurnum ludicrum que nihil interesse putem, quales sunt aut personati reges in theatro, aut qui in peruigilio Epi- phæ

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART II. OF ITSELF BOOK I. 75 I do not interpose my judgment; yet I pity those men who, when they were placed in a lofty and conspicuous position, did not inquire into themselves, nor were they able to remember that all eyes were then upon them. Men otherwise deserving of praise, if they had been able themselves to bear the burden of a greater fate. Certainly one of them, by reason of the excellence of his mind, may be thought to have slipped more through error than by design. For he thought it a splendid thing for himself, though a man ignorant of letters, to ride back and forth over the Alps with a cohort crammed with worthless men, whom he had partly resolved to reward with annual largess from the public treasury and that of the prince, and partly to adorn with the very best reward of proven virtue, sacred and profane. But if he desired an everlasting memory of himself, he surely ought to have supported and established it with monuments of glorious achievements. And he would have understood that the hands of architects must be employed in building monuments of this sort, unless he had been completely ignorant, freed from learning and refinement. Alas, the vain opinion of men, who regard the lot of those as blessed who hold power in the court, amid applause and noise, when they themselves leave behind no memory of themselves, or only a slight one, after a day or two at most after they die. I indeed think them pitiable, especially when the inclinations of the times and the turns of affairs hang over the heads and fortunes of princes like the stone of Tantalus. And what, after all, is empire itself, that we admire it so greatly as if it were made up in every way of happiness and a blessed life, unless the princes themselves think that they must serve the memory of posterity? For after the funeral, I think there is no difference between a true and perpetual king and a daily pageant and show, such as those who are masked kings in the theater, or those who are in the vigil of Epi-

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET phaniæ quum regalia agimus, regnum ad sesquioram fæ bæ lusu sortiuntur. Resert igitur non quantum quisque potentiæ assecutus sit, aut quam numerosis hominum cultus sit clientelis: sed quid in uitæ memorabile gessisse, quos mores, quos homines fouisse, ac promouisse prodatur. Enimuero si & principes & rerum potientes hoc intel- ligerent, tantum interesse inter utrunque fungendi uel principatus uel honoris institutum, atque si per uitæ a- gendæ curriculum hos quadrigis albis sublimes, atque ingenti plausu transuectos fuisse, illos plebeia & hu- muli rheda, nec secundo populo, cursum peregisse dice- remus: credo, ut est Gallorum animus gloriæ cupidissi- mus, nihil utique antiquius habituros fuisse, quàm ut bo- norum & grauium existimationi approbare se possent, & posteritati in alia atque alia secula ostentare, quæ ho- minum ipsa iudicium nec per sordes facere nec per ambi- tionem solet. E cquem enim esse uel principem, uel à prin- cipe proximum aut secundum putamus, qui si germanæ gloriæ speciem intueri ac perspicere posset, eamque re- gni uel potetiæ præmium unicum in hac uitæ propositum esse intelligeret, in flexu uel ætatis uel inclinationum re- rum quoquo modo hæreret, ac non ad extremam usq[ue] me- tam sibi semper instaret? E quidem nullum nec regum esse arbitror; nec in aula præpotentium, duntaxat eo- rum qui simules sunt animo antedictorum. Age uerò si id quoque scirent, rerum gestarum præmium solidum perpetuum que esse non posse, nisi ab ijs decretum con- stitutum que, qui dicendi præconio laudes ducum cla- rissimorum pronunciare didicerunt: num etiam tum Gal- liam literatis & facundis fuisse carituram putamus? Ego certe ita existimo, nostros ut alios quoque nihil non as- sequi

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ...when we act in royal matters, the realm is won by the tossing of a half-coin lot. It therefore matters not how much power each man has attained, or by how numerous a clientage he is attended: but what memorable deeds in life he has performed, what customs, what men he has cherished and promoted, should be proclaimed. For truly, if both princes and those in power understood this, that there is so great a difference between the two offices of ruling or of holding office, as if through the course of life we were to say that these, borne aloft in white chariots amid enormous applause, and those in a common and lowly carriage, with no favorable crowd, had completed their course: I believe that, since the spirit of the Gauls is most eager for glory, they would have held nothing more dear than to be able to commend themselves to the esteem of the good and serious-minded, and to display to posterity through various ages what human judgment itself is accustomed to make neither through baseness nor through ambition. For whom indeed do we think to be either a prince, or next to a prince, or second to him, who, if he could behold and clearly perceive the appearance of true glory, and understand that it is the sole reward of a kingdom or of power, set forth in this life, would linger in the turnings of age or of circumstances in any way at all, and not press on always to the very last goal? Indeed I think none of kings do so; nor in the court of the powerful, save only those who are similar in spirit to the aforesaid. But come, if they also knew this, that the true and lasting reward of great deeds cannot exist unless decreed and established by those who have learned, by the herald’s proclamation, to pronounce the praises of the most illustrious leaders: do we think that even then France would have lacked men learned and eloquent? I certainly think not, that our people, like others, could attain anything whatsoever.

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. sequi posse simul ut coeperint assequi uelle: & rerum sud= rum præcones Franciam, non quoslibet, sed etiam Tal= thybiadas edituram, si modò hoc principes intellexerint, priscorum regum clarissima gesta ideo in obscuro iacere, quòd rite initiatos eloquentiæ scriptores non inuenerint ipsi, nec æqualeis, nec posteros. Quum autem per litera= rum ignorantiam incuriam que hoc principibus scire uel intelligere non liceat, fit ut qualibet sublimes ipsi & ere= cti, hoc præstare nequeant, quin à recto cursu felicitatis gloriæq[ue] exorbitent. Etenim cum habenas ferè ignaris re= ctoribus committant, illi[us]; in temonem peritos admittere rarò in animum inducant: quî fieri tandem potest ut inof= fenso cursu plaudendoq[ue]; ad metam perueniant? Simul illæ res alioquin illustres infuscat deformatq[ue]; indignitas, quòd in currum sæpe assumptos huiusmodi uidemus, qui si res rectè atq[ue]; ordine procederet, pedites ipsi quidem ad frænos adambulare deberent. Vtinam autem ex eius officina quæ superius diximus, ut ex equo quondam Troiano, primo= res omnes uiri heroicis animis uisendi prodijssent. Quidam enim eorum arduos eius spiritus, & liuore auaritiam que maiores, alias que eius uirtutes non æmulati, ut est natu= ra humana docilis in sinistra, uitium illud eiusdem imitati sunt. Etenim uir ille animi nimius, admiratione summi api= cis captus, quum externarum tribuum suffragia immen= sis pollicitationibus liceri institisset, hirudines illas bello= rum ærario nostro admouisse compertus est, quæ exan= guem ipsæ rei Francicæ opulentiam suectuiugi sorptuq[ue]; reddiderunt. Olim autem elusus cum peteret ut Cæsaris candidatus, didicit uti foro, ut tempora tu[m] ferebant. Quam cupiditatem nulli non notam, ut tamen prætextu aliquo obtegeret uel perlucente, quum emissarios emerendis obseq

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART IB. HIS BOOK I. to be able to follow, as soon as they have begun, to attain: and the heralds of their own labors would bring forth France—not any and all, but even the offspring of Tal...—if only the princes had understood this, that the most illustrious deeds of the ancient kings lie therefore in obscurity, because they did not find writers properly initiated into eloquence, neither for themselves, nor for their equals, nor for posterity. But since, through ignorance of letters and lack of care, it is not permitted to princes to know or understand this, it happens that, though they themselves are lofty and exalted in every way, they cannot accomplish this, but deviate from the straight course of happiness and glory. For since they commit the reins almost to ignorant rulers, they rarely bring themselves to entrust the pole to experts: how, then, can it happen that they reach the goal with an unhindered and applauded course? Moreover, those matters, otherwise splendid, are darkened and disfigured by the unworthiness of such men, whom we often see taken up into the chariot, though if affairs proceeded rightly and in order, they themselves should indeed be walking on foot beside the reins. Would that from his workshop, which we mentioned above, as from the Trojan horse of old, all the first men had come forth, men to be viewed with heroic minds. For some of them, not emulating his lofty spirit, nor his scorn for avarice, nor his other virtues, as human nature is apt to imitate evil, followed that same vice. For that man, excessive in spirit, captivated by admiration of the highest summit, when he had begun to bargain for the votes of the foreign tribes with immense promises, was found to have brought those leeches of war upon our treasury, which drained the very wealth of France and returned it spent and exhausted. In former times, however, when deceived, as he sought to become Caesar’s candidate, he learned to use the forum, as the times then almost required. That desire, known to everyone, yet wishing to conceal it under some pretext, even a transparent one, when he sent agents to secure obedience...

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Transcription: ATR-1

obsequio centurijs ad capita classium dimuttere statuisset, tum demum externos admirari, & præmijs adscitos præferre nostris omni ope institit. Ex quibus internuncios, & sponsonum sequestres præproperè delegit, quosdam ita futileis, ut qui strophis maximè inclaruissent, eos ipse appositissimos transigendis negocijs arbitraetur. Nec nunc fando audita narramus. Oculis enim hanc indignitatem in Italia & in Vrbe haurire nobis contigit, cum minimè uidere putaremur quod nulli non oculato patebat: & præterea irridenteis uidebam Gallicam simplicitatem homines peracutos, qui hominum delectum habere non nossemus tum etiam quum copia ingeniorum domestica non careremus. Et nos miramur iterum nos repulsam uerticis honorum sacræ que dictaturæ tulisse? Ex eo iam tempore motorios omnes actus atque etiam turbulentos uidimus in theatro ditionis Francicæ. O beatam futuram te Francia, si intra te tantum felix esse uoluisses. Nam ex quo tempore extra fines auitos prosilire tibi uisum est, eum charissima pignora longissime amandasti, ad te nunquam reditura, tum uelut abdicatis tuis, alienis sinum pandere destinasti. Quòd si in rem atque existimationem tuam futurum uidebatur, ut ad te aut gente aut cognitione potentatus pertinenteis omni ope reposceres, idq[ue] quandò nisi Marte disceptante atque arbitro consequi nullo modo posses, uirium tuarum specimen facere extra fines oportebat: oportuerit sanè, quando quidem arduum est rebus temperare prosperis. Sed quis te superûm insensus ita præposteram egit, ut choragis pastophoris pyrrhicham saltare præclarum esse duceres? uidelicet nôdum intelligebas nec rei nec famæ tuæ ita rationem habituros, quin quo iure quaq[ue] iniuria corollarium illud bel- li asse

Transcription: Translated (English)

when he had decided to dispatch the troops to the heads of the divisions, only then did he finally set himself, with every effort, to admiring foreigners and preferring those recruited by rewards to our own men. From among these he hastily chose intermediaries and brokers for agreements, some so worthless that he judged those who had become most famous for tricks to be the most suitable for settling business. We are not recounting tales merely heard by word of mouth. For we had the opportunity to see this disgrace with our own eyes in Italy and in the City, when we were thought least to have seen what was obvious to every seeing person; and besides, I saw men of great acuteness laughing at Gallic simplicity, we who do not know how to make a selection of men even though we are not lacking in a native abundance of talent. And do we marvel again that we suffered rejection from the summit of honors and the sacred dictatorship? From that time onward we have seen all manner of moving, and even disorderly, actions on the stage of the French realm. O France, blessed would you be in the future, if only you had wished to be happy within yourself alone. For ever since the time when it seemed good to you to leap beyond your ancestral bounds, you drove far away those dearest pledges, never to return to you, and then, as though casting off your own people, you resolved to open your bosom to foreigners. But if it seemed likely to be for your advantage and your reputation that you should reclaim by every means those belonging to you by race or by allegiance to your power, and if this could in no way be achieved except with Mars as umpire and in dispute, then it was necessary to display your strength outside your borders; indeed it was necessary, since it is hard to govern prosperous affairs. But what hostile god drove you so perversely that you thought it glorious to dance the pyrrhic with choruses and attendants? Surely you did not yet understand that they would take account neither of your interests nor of your reputation, but that by every right and wrong that crowning prize of war would be obtained

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 79 li assequi conniterentur, primùm uenerandissimum (ut uo cant) & ad extremum beatissimum: nullisq[ue] cancellis iudiciorum ambitionem perditam coërceri in ijs hominibus posse, quos fretos uertice sacrosancto uidemus iudices prouocare digitis argutulis. Verùm ille primore impe= tu retroactus, quum ui maiore rem aggredi statuisset, o= mnes'que iam tribus aut laturus aut ablaturus uideretur (& erat tum Argyrassidum cohorte succinctus, præter alas obequitantes) ibi tum repente (ô lubricum gradum felicitatis) à fortuna destitutus, uel ijs potius plagis indu= tus (ut est mens cæca mortalium) quas ipse texuerat, an= xietati animi par esse non potuit, ut multi opinantur. de= prehensa enim felicitas citò curis grauioribus angenti= busq[ue] succubuit, quarum insolens erat. Hic & alter im= matura morte rapti, hoc lucri fecisse dicuntur, ne actuum suorum catastrophen uiderent patriæ luctuosam. Vtinam autem eius sequaces, quorum ad stomachum Gallica non facit oratio, non magis Italiam quàm Italos adamarent, aut certe Italicam doctrinam cum Italia: literæ (ut opi= nor) bonæ ex Italia non modò ad nos uenissent, sed etiam propemodum in Franciam commigrassent, & iam Fran= ci homines essent capaces eloquentiæ. Sed quotocuique unquam in Francia stipendium datum est duntaxat non pudendum? Amicos ipse ex Italia habui, à quibus non sine lacrymis diuulsus sum, quum prouincia paucorum crimine ingrata facessere se dicerent. Neque uerò, ne= que inquam Gallorum ingenia ad literas perdiscendas sunt inepta: sed quia literæ lautiores nihil ad rem am= pliandam patrimonia que factitanda hodie pertinere no= scuntur, elegantiæ suæ frugem hominibus quæstuarijs atque ambitiosis approbare nequeût. Rem autem facere, quàm Digitos argu- tos & crepitâ- tes præferre so lent ij qui de- spicari se di- citant. Alæ sunt equi tes Franci qui- bus ille tû erat comitatus.

Transcription: Translated (English)

They strove to attain this first as the most venerable thing, as they say, and in the end as the most blessed: and that no barriers of judgments could restrain in those men an ambition already ruined, men whom we see, relying on their sacred crown, provoking judges with their sharp little fingers. But he, driven back by the first onset, when he had resolved to attack the matter with greater force, and seemed now ready either to bring all under his power by his three tribes or to take them away from it, and was then surrounded by the company of the Argyrassidae, besides the cavalry riding about on the flanks—there, then, suddenly, O slippery step of fortune!—abandoned by fortune, or rather clothed in those blows which he himself had woven, as is the blindness of mortal minds, he could not bear the anguish of his soul, as many think. For prosperity, once detected, quickly succumbed to heavier and more pressing cares, which it was unused to. Here too, and another carried off by untimely death, are said to have gained this much advantage: that they did not witness the catastrophe of their deeds, so full of sorrow for their country. But would that his followers, whose ears are not suited to the French language, loved Italy no more than Italians, or at least Italian learning together with Italy! Letters, I think, if they were good, would not only have come to us from Italy, but would almost have migrated into France, and the French would already have become capable of eloquence. But to whom in France has a stipend ever been granted, provided only that it was not shameful? I myself had friends from Italy, from whom I was long parted with no little grief, when they said that the province, offended by the fault of a few, was making itself away. Nor indeed, no indeed, are French talents unsuited to the study of letters; but because refined learning, which now is known to contribute nothing to the enlargement of estates and the making of fortunes, cannot recommend the fruit of its elegance to men of gain and ambition. But to do the thing, rather than to display pointed fingers and snapping gestures, is what those are accustomed to prefer who boast that they are despised. Digitos argutos & crepitantes præferre solent ij qui despiciari se dicitant. Alæ sunt equites Franci quibus ille tû erat comitatus.

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quàm res gerere, aut gestas res scribere, maioris multo artificij, magisq; expetendi, apud nos esse creditur. Quò igitur tantopere Italos, si non ad eruditionem Gallorum? At res ipsa clamitare uidetur, non Italicam doctrinam ex Italia, sed commoda, sed ornamenta, sed quod dicere nunc mussito, paucis hominibus quæri, quorum hianti cupiditati fortuna quamuis profusa satisfacere nequit. Habeant illi sanè sibi omnia, quod absque captione nostra fiat: abstineant modò uerborum contumelia, & alium prætextum consilijs suis inueniant. Sed quàm præclarè natura, quæ simulationi sedem in fronte, sermoni in ore dedit, conspicuo ut in loco diu fallere ne possent. fit enim perrarò, frons ut ita sermoni subseruiat, aut uerba fronti congruant, quin malè tandem conscia mens quoquo modo prodatur. Scitum etiam illud aiunt, diu neminem personam ferre posse. Verumenimuero quandò ad cardinem huius causæ peruenisse me sentio, atque ad id aperiendum quod in aliud tempus reseruandum esse duxi, uel la iam querelæ mihi contrahenda sunt. Qua de re enim agitur, explicare amplius non statui. Ignosci autem dolori nostro (cui nonnihil datum esse non nego) ab omnibus æquum est, qui uel patriæ iusta charitate ducuntur, uel quos omnino non poenitet quantum in literis discendo prosecerint, uel certè qui ingeniosos liberos sperant sese genuisse, olim'que gentem illustraturos. Ego'ne ut patriæ, quæ me genuit, quæ me aluit, quæ me utcunque do cuit, denique cui obsides liberos dedi, ignominia affectæ, non condolescerem? non ijs natalibus ortus sum. Calumniam passæ, non patrocinium qualecunque præstarem? haud ita ad hæc studia incubuisse uisus sum. Imò uerò quum in patria literas didicerim, non actione populari pot

Transcription: Translated (English)

It is believed among us that to do business, or to write about things done, is a much greater work of art, and much more to be desired. Why then do the Italians demand so much, if not for the instruction of the French? But the thing itself seems to cry out that it is not Italian learning that is sought from Italy, but conveniences, but ornaments, but, what I now mutter, are sought by a few men, whose gaping greed fortune, though lavish, cannot satisfy. Let them indeed have all these things for themselves, provided it be done without our deception: let them only refrain from insulting language, and find some other pretext for their designs. But how splendidly nature, which has given dissimulation a seat in the forehead and speech in the mouth, has placed them in a conspicuous place, so that they could not long deceive. For it very rarely happens that the brow so serves speech, or words agree with the brow, without at last the ill-conscious mind being betrayed somehow or other. They also say that there is a clever saying, that no one can long bear a mask. But truly, when I feel that I have come to the pivot of this matter, and to the point of revealing what I judged ought to be reserved for another time, now even the complaint must be drawn together. For what matter is under discussion I have not decided to explain further. Yet it is only fair that our sorrow—of which I do not deny that it has had some cause—be pardoned by all who are either led by a just love of their fatherland, or who do not at all regret how much they have advanced by studying letters, or certainly who hope that they have begotten gifted children, who will one day bring honor to the race. Should I not feel grief for my country, which gave me birth, which nourished me, which in some measure educated me, and finally to which I gave my children as hostages, if it is dishonored? I was not born of such lineage. If it has suffered calumny, should I not render it whatever defense I can? I do not seem to have devoted myself so much to these studies. Indeed, since I learned letters in my homeland, not by popular action...

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 81 potissimùm experirer an usui patriæ & ciuibus esse pos= sem? Eequæ autem tandem popularior esse potest actio, quàm quæ suum populi ius tuetur? quæ ignomuniam po= pularem singulorumq[ue] propulsat? E quidem sic contendo: qui ingenuis ipse parentibus natus sit, auumq[ue]; ac pro= duum ciere non ignobilissimos possit, nec se in seruitutem aliquando abduci à plagarijs hominibus passus sit, ut in= ter uenalitios in catasta illiberalis obseruantiæ seruili pre cio indicaretur, idemq[ue]; ijs ornamentis quæ nec uirtute nec ingenio, sed potentibus in aula supparasitando quæ= runtur, literarum studium antiquius duxerit, si nec aduer sa Minerua hoc se facere confidat, dicendiq[ue]; stipendia non grauetur implere: illustrandi quoquo modo nominis sui ius ei esse debere, si quid ipse fortasse in medium com= minisci & prosequi stylo possit: neque ea spe illum pro= hiberi citra iniuriam posse. Hoc ius sit sanè Italorum ci= uile aut proprium, modò nobis co uelut traslatitio liceat uti: quanquam reliquæ ferè gentes melius de se meritæ, id ius non magis Italicum esse quàm provinciale contendu[n]t. At Italorum extant opera quæ priscam literarum elegan tiam instaurasse nobis ac retulisse iure creduntur. Quid tum? num per eos qui iam scripserunt, consumptum o= mne argumentum ostentandi ingenij putamus? aut num Itali quia primi hoc certamen instituerunt, ideo solis eis gloriam hanc sperare iure occupationis licet? Ego uerò quod ad hoc pertinet, sic propemodum censeo, Italos hæ= ctenus meruisse ut iure (ut ita dicam) suo, literis lautiori= bus studere uideantur, neque inuitus fecerim ut Italiæ alu= mnis uelut maiorum gentium scriptoribus sedendi in or= chestra huius theatri ius tribuam: sed quis iam omni gra= du atque in quintam classem deiectos aut summotos Gal= f los

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 81 could I then try whether I might be of use to my country and to my fellow citizens? And what action could be more popular than that which defends the people’s own rights? which repels public disgrace and the disgrace of individuals? Indeed, I maintain this: that one who is himself born of honorable parents, and can trace his grandfather and great-grandfather as men of no small distinction, and has never allowed himself to be dragged into slavery by ruffians, so that among slaves for sale on the auction-block he should be advertised at a servile price in unfree subjection, and who has preferred the study of letters to those ornaments which are sought not by virtue or talent, but by flattering powerful men at court; if he is not confident that he can do this even against adverse Minerva, and does not shrink from performing the duties of eloquence, then he ought to have the right to make his name illustrious in whatever way he may be able, if he can himself perhaps devise and pursue something worthy of record with his pen; nor can he be prevented from that hope without injustice. Let this right be, certainly, the civil or special right of the Italians, provided only that we are allowed to use it as if by transfer; although the other peoples, who have generally deserved better of themselves, contend that this right is not so much Italian as provincial. But there are works of the Italians which are justly believed to have restored and brought back to us the ancient elegance of letters. What then? Do we think that, because those who have already written have exhausted all material for displaying talent? Or because the Italians were the first to institute this contest, may they alone therefore, by right of prior occupation, hope for this glory? For my part, so far as this concerns the matter, I am inclined to think that the Italians have so far earned it that they seem entitled, as it were by their own right, to devote themselves to more refined letters, and I would not be unwilling to grant the sons of Italy the right to sit, like writers of the greater nations, in the orchestra of this theater; but who now, after all ranks have been cast down or removed into the fifth class, the Galf los

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET los esse patiatur? aut quisnam est eorum qui edicto quidem ignauioris metus non prohibeantur postulare, quidq[ue] iniuriaru[m] possint reos uel in tyrocinio quoquo modo insimulare, qui libens hoc committat, ut ad se delatam certis autoribus contumeliam, transmittens silentio, socordi etiam animo remisisse uideatur? tametsi quod ad me pertinet, absit ut quenquam ea dereum deferre uelim aut postulare, eorum quidem quos alijs nominibus & ueneror & probo, si tamen secum agi ciuili animo pati sibi persuascent. Nec nunc eos mihi uideor postulare, sed insignem iniuriam apud eos ipsos expostulare: si quidem audire ipsis uacat, & exaudire nos possunt. Verum esto (quod tamen pace dictum aliarum prouinciarum uelim) Itali hominum soli hactenus hoc nomine in cælo esse dicuntur aliarum gentium opinione, hoc est enim Italos hodie omnium ore celebrari: sed si Herculem & Liberum & Castores in cælum ingentia merita subuexisse traduntur, cur non possint olim & alij scribendi industria parem & simulem Italis laudem mereri, atque adeò ius ipsum sperare Quiritium? Neque enim maiorum illi dij gentium, quos etiam selectos antiqui uocauere, conscriptos illos deos meritorum suffragijs in cælum admuscere: Itali in doctorum ordinem laudem que adoptare grauabuntur, qui ingenij aut doctrinæ commendatione uidebuntur inclaruisse. Sed etiam mediusfidius etiam que uereor ne ineptire uidear, qui tanquam ad palum magno sudore depugnem. Quis enim aut Italus aut alius quenquam unquam aut Gallum, aut alium ex iure manu consertum uocauit ob id quòd hanc spem laudis usurpasse diceretur, quasi in alienam possessionem temerarius inuasisset? Nostrum est hoc crimen, qui etiam nullo

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET or should he suffer it? Or who is there among them who, though deterred by the edict out of a more cowardly fear, would not be allowed to bring charges, and who, even in the very beginnings of his career, might not in some way accuse others of whatever injuries he could? Who would willingly commit such an act, that an affront brought to him by certain authors, if he were to pass it over in silence, should seem also to have been dismissed through carelessness and a sluggish spirit? Yet as far as I am concerned, let it be far from me to wish to denounce or accuse anyone on this account, especially those whom for other reasons I both respect and approve, if only they persuade themselves that they can bear to be dealt with in a civil spirit. Nor do I seem now to be accusing them, but rather protesting against a conspicuous injury before those very men: if indeed they have time to listen, and can hear us. But let it be so (though I would wish this to be said with the peace of the other provinces in mind), for Italians alone are said up to now, by the opinion of other peoples, to be in heaven under this title; that is, Italians are today celebrated on every tongue. Yet if Hercules and Liber and the Dioscuri are said to have carried their great merits up to heaven, why should not others too, in time, through the industry of writing, deserve equal and similar praise with the Italians, and even hope for the very rights of citizens? For those gods of nations among the ancients, whom they even called the chosen ones, did not win admission into heaven by the votes of merit; will the Italians be reluctant to adopt into the order of the learned those who seem to have become distinguished through the commendation of talent or learning? But indeed, by heaven, I also fear that I may seem foolish, as though I were fighting with great sweat at a stake. For who has ever called either an Italian or anyone else, whether Gaul or another, to a trial by hand concerning the law, because he was said to have claimed this hope of praise, as though he had rashly invaded another's possession? This is our offense, we who even without any

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 83 nullo uindicante, ius omnibus commune, Francis ab iudicamus etenim externis quàm nostris iustioribus utimur, quos tamen ut iudices iniquos, ita minimè infestos aduersarios in re ipsa disceptanda experiemur, ut spero. Nam quibus ingenia nostra probare non possumus, si in certamen dicendi ueniretur, ij ne uelitari quidem & lacessere pugnam Latino more, nedum pugnare iuslo Marte possent ac certamine: nisi si eorum fortasse quispiam bastas (ut dicitur) amentatas à comutatu suo mutuaretur. quo minus nobis anxiè hæc causa agenda fuit. Apud hos enim si quid uel scitum dixeris uel non insulsum, stupida id aure ut fatuum deuorant & transmittunt. Enimuero hæc actio etsi ita mihi competit quasi caput & fortunas meas, ut & omnium Gallorum, in ea agi putem: tamen ita occupaui, non ut cupidè anteuarterim, sed ita res nata tulit, primæ ut essent meæ partes, non etiam ut posthac amplissimæ futuræ. Erat & alioquin, si cuiusquam, certè meum, in hanc causam quoquo modo descendere, qui in his studijs bonam partem ætatis iam contruiissem, nullius spe aucupij lucriq[ue] prouocatus. Proinde ita existimari ab omnibus uelim, tantumnon integram à me causam relictam esse successoribus, ut ne libatu quidem magnoperere præflorata uideatur. Nam neque mihi ipsi ita præscribi potest, quasi omnem aquam meam dicendo consumperim, ut si reos eosdem, aut alios repetere olim in mentem ipsi uenerit, non multæ iterum horæ indulgeri mihi debeant. Cum enim sic agendum duxi, ne rei cardinem attingerem, tum verò sic temperandum, ne iugulum causæ quoquo modo peterem. nam quos & merita & fasces alioquin reuerendos faciunt, eorum sartam (ut aiunt) & tectam esse existimationem decebat. Tametsi quî fieri potest f 2

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 83 without any one to oppose it, the law common to all, and we judge the French, indeed, to use externals more justly than our own people; yet we shall find them, though as judges not unjust, at least not at all hostile adversaries in the matter itself to be debated, as I hope. For those whose talents we cannot prove, if it came to a contest in speaking, they could not even skirmish and provoke battle in the Latin manner, much less fight with proper Mars and in contest: unless perhaps one of them might borrow, as the saying is, spear-staves armed with thong from his native fashion. For this reason I had to conduct this cause anxiously. For among these men if you say anything either clever or not foolish, they swallow and pass it on with a dull ear as though it were silly. Indeed, although this action belongs to me as much as my head and fortunes do, and I think that in it the cause of all the Gauls is being pleaded: nevertheless I have undertaken it, not so as to forestall it eagerly, but as the matter itself has arisen, so that my share should be the first, not also that afterwards it should be the greatest. It was, moreover, if for anyone, certainly for me, to descend in some way into this cause, I who had already spent a good part of my life in these studies, summoned by no hope of gain or profit. Therefore I would have all men think thus, that the whole cause has been left by me all but intact to my successors, so that it may not seem to have been greatly polished even to the first tasting. For neither can it be prescribed to me myself as though I had spent all my breath in speaking, so that if it should ever come into my mind to take up the same defendants again, or others, I should not need to be granted many hours more. For when I judged that this was to be managed, I took care not to touch the very hinge of the case; then indeed I so moderated myself that I should not in any way aim at the throat of the cause. For those whom both merits and office make worthy of reverence, it was fitting that their reputation should be kept sound and secure, as they say. Although how can it happen f 2

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET potest ut styli modum teneas, qui etiam hominum patientia irritati, nihil sibi uidentur reliqui fecisse (in hac re quidem) quo nocentiores fiant? Quotus autem quisque faceret, ut à quibus alioquin læsus, publico etiam nonunè iniuria affectus esset, nec se hilum prosecisse modestia ac silentio intellexisset, ab ijs gratiam inire turpi patientia cuperet? atque iniuriam propulsare quum posset, commodis ipse suis potius quàm existimationi patriæ consulendum esse duceret? Equidem ipse eousque Aristippeus esse non possim. Proinde ut sit penes eos arbitrium quo quisque in numero in Francia esse debeat: malum tamen non nescios literarum oderint quàm despiciant. Quid enim agas ubi tute aquam fluere tibi noris, & aut crimen agnoscere, aut respondere cogaris? Atque equidem propè est ut dicam tanti esse in Gyarum ablegari, aut in Scryphum, dum aculeo dimusso libertas intereat. Qui si indignatione iusta orationis meæ uela implere uoluissem: re rum dicendarum copia facundum me fortasse, ut quemlibet, indignitas etiam reddere uehementè potuisset. Quin & libertatis fines bono & populari principe tam latè patêre quàm ueritatis puto: intra quos tanquam intra liberius præscriptum expatiari licebat, nisi reorum magis quàm rei rationem nuhi habendam esse meminissem. Nec uerò fortuna quamlibet improba tanta se flagrare inuidia diutius sustinebit, tantam ut in magnis uiris iniquitatem fauore immodico prosequi non desinat, si illi in posterum incommodi ac molesti esse pergant. Aderit enim aderit uotis euocata Nemesis: cui animaduersionem eorum antiqui consecrantes, qui rebus secundis insolescunt, Adrastian cognom[m]eto quasi ineuitabilem uocauerunt. Interim nos æquitate animi fretos, suaui secundarum rerum aduersa

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND can it be that you keep the style, one who, even when irritated by men’s patience, seem to have left themselves nothing in reserve in this matter by which they may become the more harmful? And how many, indeed, would act so that, by those from whom he has otherwise been wronged, and even publicly affected by an injury, and has not so much as perceived that, by modesty and silence, he has accomplished nothing, would wish to seek favor from them by base endurance? and, when he could repel the insult, would think that his own convenience rather than the good name of his country must be consulted? For my part I could not be Aristippean to that extent. Therefore let the power of deciding rest with those by whose judgment each person ought to be counted among those in France: yet let them hate those ignorant of letters rather than despise them. For what are you to do when you know that water is flowing down to you, and are either forced to acknowledge the charge or to answer it? And indeed I am almost inclined to say that it would be as good to be banished to Gyara or to Scyphus, so long as freedom perish when the barb is drawn. If I had wished to fill my discourse with just indignation, perhaps the abundance of things to be said, and even the outrage itself, might have made me eloquent enough against anyone whatsoever. Moreover, I think that the limits of liberty under a good and popular prince are as wide as those of truth: within which one might roam as within a freer boundary, had I not remembered that account must be taken rather of the accused than of the cause. Nor indeed will fortune, however vicious, long endure to burn with so great an envy, so that it does not cease to pursue great men with excessive favor if they continue to be troublesome and burdensome in the future. For Nemesis will come, indeed will come, summoned by vows; to whom the ancients, consecrating a punishment for those who grow insolent in prosperity, gave the surname Adrastia, as though calling her inevitable. Meanwhile we, relying on a mind at peace, the pleasant things of prosperity adversity

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Transcription: ATR-1

aduersarumq[ue] condimento deuoratas omneis indignitates concoquere oportebit, nec à laudabili uitæ instituto hominum iniquitate aut temporum absistere. Huiusmodi enim stomacho eos esse conuenit, qui ad literarum studia amore sapientiæ, non quæstus gratia incubuisse se dicunt. Quippe huius uitæ in seipso uersatur institutum: nec aliud extra se inuitamentu[m] maius habere potest, quod quidem ab hominibus pendeat, aut à fortuna. Is quidem certè studiosi nomine indignus est, qui sese frui in studio non arbitratur optabilius esse, quàm se in ius ditionemq[ue] fortunæ atque istorum per ambitum permuttere. Proinde hæc et huiuscemodi non Catonis animo (ut aiunt) sed Ciceronis stomacho ferenda sunt. Ita autem mihi superos omneis propitios esse uelim (nulla enim religione maiore adstringere fidem meam possum) ut rerum indignitate[m], non cuiusqua[m] odio incensus, hactenus stylo indulsi. Quare in primis eam mentem potentibus atque autoritate præditis dari opto, ut in uniuersum prodesse uelint, ac singulus non obesse. Nihil enim nec generosius uelle nec innocentius possunt. Sin (quod absit) id fieri nequit, id nobis diuinitus dari, ut aut ne possint studijs nostris incommodare, aut certè incommodando ne possint nos ab æquanimitatis gradu quoquo modo deturbare, in quo hactenus securitate felices acquieuimus. Erit tamen aliquando (interim enim ariolari iuuat) principum prouidentiæ, cauere, ne eorum nomina factiose supprimantur, qui publicè aut honorifici aut utiles esse possunt: et prudentiæ, uidere, siquæ famuliæ ciuile fastigium præpetes excesserint, ut in classes, circuncisis (ut dicunt) aliis, in ordinesque redigantur. Nunc perorationis loco ingenia Gallorum qualia sint, antiquitatis autoritate docebimus, solertis

Transcription: Translated (English)

It will be necessary to digest all indignities, swallowed down with the seasoning of adverse circumstances, and not to withdraw from a laudable rule of life because of human injustice or the times. For men of this sort ought to have such a stomach as those who say that they have devoted themselves to the study of letters out of love of wisdom, not for the sake of gain. Indeed, the purpose of this life turns upon itself; nor can it have any greater inducement outside itself, whether from men or from fortune. Surely he is unworthy of the name of a student who does not think it more desirable to enjoy himself in study than to place himself under the power and dominion of Fortune and of those men through ambition. Therefore such things and things like them must be borne, as they say, not with the spirit of Cato but with the stomach of Cicero. And so may all the gods be gracious to me (for I can bind my good faith by no greater religious obligation) that I have thus far indulged my pen, not inflamed by hatred of anyone, but by indignation at the baseness of the matter. Wherefore I especially wish that this attitude be given to those in power and endowed with authority: that they may wish to be useful in general, and not harmful to individuals. For they can desire nothing more noble or more innocent. But if, which heaven forbid, that cannot be done, may this be granted us by divine favor: either that they may be unable to obstruct our studies, or at least, by obstructing them, may be unable in any way to drive us from the level of equanimity in which so far we have rested, happy in our security. Yet in time it will be the duty of princes’ foresight to see that the names of those who can be publicly honorable or useful are not factionally suppressed; and the duty of prudence, to see whether any servants, having overleapt the civic summit in headlong fashion, should be reduced into classes, with others cut off, as they say, and into orders. Now, in place of a concluding speech, we shall show by the authority of antiquity what the character of the French is, of the shrewd

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET solertis æstimatricis ingeniorum gentium: ne Gallomæstiges Franci ninium posthac sibi placeant, quasi soli inter nescios iudicio præditi. Quo citius autem hoc documento perfungar, unum tantum eiusrei autorem laudabo, nec Italum ipsum, nec Gallum, et classicum alioqui testem, ne à quoquam refelli tantum elogium possit. is erit <Strabo.> potissimum Strabo, genere Cappadox, eruditione Græcus, iudicio priscus, conuersatione incolatuq[ue] Romanus, terrarum multarum peragror, ut ex geographia eius patet: in cuius libro I I I I. de Gallis loquens ita inquit, < Gallorum elo gium.> tò sè siumpan phulon [n]o[n] nu[m]m[er]a phallikonthe n[ost]ra phalakon phalæon, phalma[n]douthe [n]o[n] si n[ost]ra thumikon, n[ost]ra ta[n]ch[us] ph[ilosoph]os ma[n]ch[rist]us, a[n]n[im]losa a[n]n[im]plæu[m] n[ost]ra [n]o[n] [n]o[n] phalou[n]thes. Dià t[er]tio erethiæntes n[ost]ro, a[n]n[im]f[ic]i sviæs ph[ilosoph]os t[ame]ns a[n]n[im]æu[n]as, n[ost]ra phænêr[um]s, n[ost]r[um] [n]o[n] meta s[ive]fæws. Vniuer sa autem, inquit, natio eorum hominum qui Galli n[ost]uc et Galatæ appellantur, Martis studio flagrâs, animo est strenuo et celeri ad conserenda præliæ: alioqui mente candida et simplici, et ab improbis moribus abhorrente. Itaq[ue] iniuria lacesiti, conferti coëunt in certamina, apertè, nulloq[ue] periculi adeundi respectu. eam ob rem tractabiles se præbent primo cuique stratagemate uincere eos uolenti. Idem inferius, πλω ιλιας n[ost]ra πόλυντα [n]o[n] [n]o[n] εχοντες ἀσωανωνισομων. παραφαίντες δὲ συμαρ[μ]ως ενδιαστι ph[ilosoph]os ἀχησιων. [n]o[n] sè n[ost]ra παίδιας απ[er]εαδὴ n[ost]ra λόγων. Præter uim et præ sentia animi nihil ad certamina adhibentes. Quòd si quid temere susceperint, facilè utilitati cedunt. ob quod et doctrinæ institutione[m], et literaru[m] studia capessunt. Et rursus de gymnasio Massiliensi, εν δὲ τῶν παροντικὴ τὰς γνωμοπάτες ὑμαιων αυτὶ τὰς αθήνας αδοσμιας εκείσε φοιτὰριοι φιλεμασθεῖς ὑντας. ὑφ[ι]ντες δὲ πούτος δι γαλάται, n[ost]ra αμα εἰρηλω ἀχοντες, πλω ἀχολιω ἀσωμων ph[ilosoph]os t[ame]ns ιειστον ζιας, [ν]o[n] απ[er]

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND the astute appraiser of the talents of nations: so that the Franci, those foolhardy Gauls, should not hereafter flatter themselves, as though they alone among the ignorant were endowed with judgment. But so that I may complete this proof as quickly as possible, I shall praise only one author on this matter, and not an Italian himself, nor a Frenchman, and not even a classical witness, lest such testimony could be refuted by anyone. He shall be Strabo. Above all Strabo, by race a Cappadocian, by learning a Greek, in judgment ancient, by association and residence a Roman, a traveler through many lands, as his geography shows: in book 4, speaking of the Gauls, he says thus, "The praise of the Gauls." The whole nation of these men, whom we call Gauls and Galatae, burns with the spirit of Mars; it is bold in soul and swift to engage in battle; otherwise it is of a candid and simple mind, and one that shrinks from wicked customs. And so, when provoked by wrong, they gather together in masses for combat, openly and without any regard for personal danger. For this reason they prove tractable to anyone who wishes to conquer them by an initial stratagem. The same author says further, that they have no concern for pomp or display, but, setting aside all such things, they devote themselves to philosophy. And again, concerning the gymnasium of Massilia, he says that there are among them young men who are fond of learning and travel to Athens for instruction. The Galatae, having been instructed, likewise possess philosophy together with eloquence, and are most excellent in judgment, not otherwise.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 87 ἐπικτὴν ἀνδρὰς μόνον, ἀλλὰ ἡμιμοσία. ὑφισὰς γοῦν ἀποδιχον= ται, τὰς μὴ ἰδια, τὰς δὲ πόλδα κεινὴ μιδοῦμαιοι, καθάπερ καὶ κατροῦς. Hæc autem Massiliensium institutio, Romanoru[m] hodie nobilissimum quemque pellexit adeò, ut pro peregrinatione quam studiorum causa Athenas pridem suscipiebant disciplinarum cupidi, nunc illuc se co[n]serant. quorum æmulatio Gallos quoque excitauit, ut pace per Galliam composita, ipsi ocium à rebus bellicis amplectentes, ad discendi institutum animum appellerent, non uiritim modo, sed etiam uniuersim per urbes: quippe qui dicendi magistros (quos Sophistas appellant) priuato publi= co'que impendio oppidatim suscipiant, salarium illis sta= tuentes perinde ac medicis. Nec literas Gallis Strabo, nec animum studijs liberalibus aptum promptum'que negat, etiam si eis ad prælia animos gestientes tribuat. Quanto igitur nostri maligniores, qui Francos præcipuam Gallo rum partem in orbem barbariæ redigentes, studiosorum industriæ summussim obtrectant? fidem apud uulgus co= mitatus regij facientes, quod ne nomina quidem disciplinarum unquam suspicari potuit. Quòd si olim Galli literis apti fuerunt, quæ tandem inuidia est, nunc quoque in Gallia literarum bonarum studium cum successu excitari, si quidem publicè nunc honos facundiæ ut quondam habeatur? Nisi uerò Strabonis ætate, quo tempore hominem deus induit, fieri id potuit, Gallis adhuc semiferis: id nunc non poterit, quo tempore gens nulla moribus aut mansuetioribus aut elegantioribus uiuit. Quibus si ipsis disciplinarum expolitio, & naturæ præstantis condimentum adderetur, undiq[ue] certè & lauti Franci & perpoliti fuissent. Ex illo autem prisco Galliarum instituto emanauit illud satyrici poëtæ, f 4 Gallia

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 87 not only men, but even half-men. For those who are set up are rejected, the ones not their own, but those of the city, as I judge, just as also in the case of physicians. But this institution of the Massilienses drew the noblest of the Romans today so strongly that, whereas formerly those eager for learning used to undertake travel to Athens for the sake of study, now they hasten there. Their rivalry also stirred the Gauls, so that, peace having been established throughout Gaul, they themselves, embracing leisure from military affairs, turned their minds to the pursuit of learning, not only individually but also collectively through the cities; for they receive teachers of speaking, whom they call Sophists, at private and public expense, appointing them salaries city by city, just as they do for physicians. Strabo denies neither letters to the Gauls nor a mind ready and fitted for liberal studies, even if he grants them spirits eager for battle. How much more malicious, then, are our own people, who, reducing the French, the chief part of the Gauls, to the world of barbarism, denounce to the highest degree the diligence of the studious? They were making their claim to the favor of the royal court with the common people, which could never even have suspected the names of the disciplines. But if once the Gauls were fitted for learning, what envy is there if now also in Gaul the study of good letters is stirred up with success, provided that public honor is now accorded to eloquence as once it was? Unless indeed this could have happened in Strabo’s time, when God had still clothed man, with the Gauls still half-wild: now it cannot fail to happen, at a time when no people lives with customs either gentler or more refined. If to these people the refinement of studies and the seasoning of an excellent nature were added, surely in every respect the French would have been both elegant and polished. And from that ancient institution of the Gauls there arose that line of the satirical poet, f 4 Gallia

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Gallia causidicos docuit facunda Britannos. Galli olim facu[n]di[us] studiosi. Notum est etiam certam Græcæ Latinæq[ue] facundiæ Lu= gduni olim institutum ad aram diuo Augusto consecratâ: ad quam idem Satyricus alludens in 1. Satyra inquit, Aut Lugdunensem rhetor dicturus ad aram. Proinde nunc quum totus Graias Latiasq[ue] habet orbis Athenas, digna tantum merces artibus statuatur, & spon debo non modò oratoriam & poëticam in Galliam, sed etiam Gallo græciam postliminio redituram, & istos futu ros ridiculos, qui nullum exemplum esse contendunt hominis Franci in literis Latinis priscisq[ue] eruditi. Qui si= quando quis existat utraq[ue] lingua se scire profitens, Anacharsin (ut opinor) in Scythia esse dicent, aut etiam prodigiosum, indictis que supplicationibus procurandum & expiandum. Hos uix statuas utrum ignorantiæ damnes, an potius temeritatis, qui se nobis Aristarchos tam fiden= ter ingerant. Quis enim præter eos ignorat linguæ olim Græcæ studium tam solene in Gallia fuisse, quàm nunc est linguæ Latinæ? Cuius rei iterum eundem autorem citabimus, his uerbis de Massilia scribentem, καὶ φιλήμωνας κα= πεσκοβασε τῶς γαλάτως, ὑπὲ τὴ συμβολαια ἐπιλωσι γα= φην. Eadem urbs Massilia Gallos linguæ Græcæ studio= sos fecit, & eousque amantes, ut contractus & conuen= ta apud eos Græco sermone concipiantur. Hæc Strabo autor grauissimus de maioribus nostris scripsit. Quòd igi tur nec eloquentia nec studia elegantiora atque humaniora in Gallia hactenus celebrata magnopere fuerunt: nec coelo imputari clementissimo, nec naturæ omnino Gallicæ eidemq[ue] humanissimæ debet, sed quorundam hominum ru= sticitati, aut potius iniquitati, qui primos ordines in rerum nostrarum administratione duxerunt: eorumq[ue] qui hoc dicunt

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON THE ASS AND Eloquent Gaul taught the eloquent Britons. The Gauls were formerly more devoted to eloquence. It is also known that a certain establishment of Greek and Latin eloquence was once set up at Lyons, at the altar consecrated to the divine Augustus: to which the same satirist alluding in the first Satire says, Or a rhetorician about to speak at the altar of Lyons. Therefore, since now the whole world has Greek and Latin Athens, let a reward be assigned worthy of the arts, and I shall promise not only that oratory and poetry will return to Gaul, but also that Greece will return home to the Gauls, and that those men will be ridiculous who contend that there is no example of a man of France educated in ancient Latin letters. If ever anyone should arise professing to know both languages, they will say that Anacharsis is (as I think) in Scythia, or even that it is a prodigy, to be averted and expiated by appointed supplications. One can scarcely tell whether to condemn such men for ignorance, or rather for rashness, who thrust themselves upon us as Aristarchuses with such confidence. For who, besides them, does not know that devotion to the Greek language was once so customary in Gaul as devotion to the Latin language is now? For this matter we shall again cite the same author, who writes thus of Massilia, καὶ φιλήμωνας κα= πεσκοβασε τῶς γαλάτως, ὑπὲ τὴ συμβολαια ἐπιλωσι γα= φην. That same city of Massilia made the Gauls devoted to the study of the Greek language, and so much so lovers of it that contracts and agreements among them were drawn up in the Greek tongue. This Strabo, a most weighty authority, wrote concerning our ancestors. Since therefore neither eloquence nor more refined and humane studies have so far been greatly celebrated in Gaul: this must be attributed neither to the mildest of climates, nor altogether to the Gallic nature, which is likewise most humane, but to the rusticity of certain men, or rather to their injustice, who held the first ranks in the administration of our affairs; and of those who say this

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 89 dicunt, ignorantiæ, uel (ut Græci appellant) apirocaliæ, < Apirocalia.> quod uitium est eorum qui nec bona sua nouerunt, nec eo rum usu acquiescût, qui scrijs in rebus operam bonam ac strenuam nauare didicerunt. Neque uerò quo nonune appellem, nunc habeo, quibus nihil non accersitum placet: nisi si mirari non debemus ijs omnia uernacula sordere, quos Transalpina commercia nimiu[m] iuuare fama est, nec iuuare tantum, sed etiam adiuuare. Habet nimirum quippiam externorum admiratio, quòd nec fronte promi uidetur, nec ore ab istis laudando fascinantibus: quod utinam in rem tandem nostram atque existimationem exeat. Cæterùm illi mihi uehementer falli uidentur opinione, qui cordatos uiros in Gallia ideo desiderari putant, quòd innata in arma alacritas, parum prudentiæ in consilijs agitandis habeat. Hoc quum uulgò nostrates homines dicunt, euenta rerum considerantes, tum dogma iam esse coept ab eadem secta cum superiore constitutum. utruncq[ue] enim adstruere maximè refert eorum. Quasi uerò naturæ dissidium inter cor & manus ingenerarit. Ego uerò in utranque partem uires animorum ualere puto, quum rectè animi ipsi formantur doctrina & institutis, & præsertim in ijs gentibus, quæ naturæ plena dote præditæ, & corpora & mentes ad omnia uersatiles habent: cuius rei quum Gallis Strabo testimonium præbet, tum usus ipse docet. Argumentum huius rei ualidissimum afferre possem ex Græcorum Romanorum que imperio. nam & Macedones inter Græcos adnumero. Vtrunque autem imperium non minus animis excolendis, quàm corporibus exercendis quæsitum est, & retentum. quippe idem numen Palladis & Mineruæ, & Martios animos loricatis pectoribus, & togatis præcordijs aut palliatis uim iudican= f 5 dicen

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 89 they call it ignorance, or, as the Greeks call it, apirocalia, <Apirocalia.> which is a vice of those who neither know their own good things, nor are satisfied with their use; who have learned to exert a good and vigorous effort in studying writing. Nor indeed do I now have what name to call those who like nothing that is not imported: unless perhaps we ought not to be surprised that everything native is distasteful to them, those whom Transalpine commerce is said to help too much, and not to help only, but even to promote. Surely admiration of foreign things has something in it, which seems neither to show itself on the forehead nor from the mouth of those bewitching praisers: may that, at last, turn out to our advantage and good reputation. But, for the rest, those seem to me to be very much mistaken in their opinion who think that men of spirit are lacking in Gaul, because an inborn eagerness for arms has too little prudence in the conducting of councils. When our people commonly say this, considering the outcome of events, then it has already become a doctrine established by the same school as the former one. For both positions they are most eager to maintain. As if nature had created a dissension between heart and hands. But I think that in either direction the powers of the mind are effective, when the mind itself is rightly formed by teaching and training, and especially among those nations which, endowed with nature’s full bounty, have both bodies and minds adaptable to everything; for this matter Strabo bears witness for the Gauls, and experience itself teaches it. I could bring the strongest proof of this matter from the empire of the Greeks and the Romans. For I count the Macedonians among the Greeks. And both empires were sought and maintained no less by cultivating minds than by training bodies. Indeed the same deity of Pallas and Minerva, with warlike minds in breastplates, and with togated hearts or cloaked hearts, judges force f 5 dicen

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET di censendiq[ue] inspirare creditum est: neque id quidem modò, sed etiam studiosis uim illam numerosa solutaq[ue] oratione dicendi. < Enthusiasmos.> Quare antiqui Enthusiasmum appellauerunt uim dicendi scribendiq[ue]; diuinitus instruefactam. Eôdem id pertinet quod à Catullo & Vergilio dictum est, ciuitatum arces Palladi esse sacratas. Vrbes enim priscitam prudentia & literarum scientia, quàm robore & fortitudine capi retineriq[ue]; hoc figmento significare uoluerunt. < Arces ciuitatu[m] Palladi sacræ.> Aegyptij uerò in ijs quæ Hieroglyphica apud eos dicebantur (id est sacra quædam monumenta, non literis uocabula, sed scalptis rerum animalium que figuris significantia) Mineruam hemisphærio coeli superiore, Iu nonem inferiore intellexisse dicuntur. Macrobius etiam autor est priscos summam ætheris partem, quam ætherem dicimus, Mineruam appellasse, ex qua mundi parte solari uirtute homini prudentia ingenerari putatur: propter quod Palladem Louis capite editam poëtæ fabulati sunt. < Minerua. Pallas cur fingatur cerebro Louis nata.> Ex quo intelligimus prudentiam & sapientiam ueluti iure suo cæteris uel rebus uel hominibus eminere. Qui igitur fieri potest, ut ampla imperia, quæ supra modum ulnarum inimicis nos complecti uidemur, manibus que non consentis, quæri & retineri sine prudentia possint. Prudentia porrò (ut Græci dicunt) est ανρίλα νῦ[m], mentis consummatio, seu mentis exacta constitutio. Aristoteles, ἀν μὴν ἡὰρ σοφία ἔσι ποδὶ τὰ μετὰ ἀγοδεῖκως, κηδὲι ὑσοῦτως ὑπτὰ. ἀν δὲ φρόνησις ἀν ποδὶ ταῦτα, αλλὰ ποδὶ τὰ ἐν μεταβολὴν ὑπτὰ. Sapientia, inquit, uersatur in ijs quæ demonstratione constant, & semper eodem statu manent: prudentia non itè, sed in ijs quæ uicissitudinem admittunt. < Sapientia.> Et rursus, ἐν δὲ χεῖρων φρόνησις τὴν Θρίας. ποδὶ χεῖρω γὰρ ἐστιν. ἀν μὴν γὰρ σοφία περὶ τοῦτον καὶ ἔθευσ, ἀν δὲ φρόνησις ποδὶ ἔν σμφέν- δος Prudentia.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET and it is believed to inspire those who are to be judged: not only that, but also in students that power of speaking in a fluent and copious style. < Enthusiasmos.> Therefore the ancients called enthusiasm the power of speaking and writing, divinely inspired. To the same point belongs what is said by Catullus and Vergil, that the citadels of cities are sacred to Pallas. For they wished to signify by this figure that cities are more securely captured and held by prudence and knowledge of letters than by strength and courage. < The citadels of cities sacred to Pallas.> The Egyptians, however, in those things which among them were called Hieroglyphics (that is, certain sacred monuments, not words signified by letters, but by carved figures of animals and things), are said to have understood Minerva as the upper hemisphere of the sky and Juno as the lower. Macrobius also says that the ancients called the highest part of the ether, which we call ether, Minerva, from that part of the world from which prudence is thought to be engendered in human beings by solar power: for which reason the poets have fabled Pallas to have been born from Jove's head. < Minerva. Why Pallas is imagined to be born from Jove's brain.> From this we understand that prudence and wisdom, as it were by their own right, excel all other things and persons. How then can it be that vast empires, which we seem to embrace beyond measure with our arms, and to win and retain not by consent of hands, can be sought and held without prudence? Prudence moreover (as the Greeks say) is the perfection of the mind, or the exact constitution of the mind. Aristotle: wisdom, indeed, is concerned with the things that are based on demonstration and always remain in the same state; prudence is not so, but with things that admit change. < Wisdom.> And again, prudence deals with the worse. For the worse is in motion. For wisdom is concerned with that and with essence; prudence, however, with things in a condition of change. Prudence.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 91 φον ἀνθρώπον. Sapientia autem, inquit, præstantior est prudentia, utpote quæ circa æterna diuiná que uersetur: quum prudentia circa deteriora occupata sit, scilicet circa ea contemplanda quæ homini commoda sunt. Et rursus, αἰ γαρ αρεται παῖθει πρακτικὴ ἐστην, ἔλιφρόννοις ἔασθέν ἀρχιτεκτων αυτῶν ἰστην. ὑπως γαρ ἀυτη προσκαθ, ὑμως αἰ αρεται καὶ ὑι ἀυτῶς πράτησην. Cum autem uirtutes omnes sint administratiuæ, prudentia illis architecti uicem præbet. nam quo modo illa agendum iussit, sic ipsæ administrant, & qui secundum eas agunt. Ex dictis satis liquet sapientiam & prudentiam cognatas esse uirtutes, prudentiam que aliarum uirtutum moderamen tenere. Quo fit ut omnia nobis tollant, qui ciuilium disciplinarum scientiam nobis cum iudicio utilitatis negant. Hoc est enim tollere sapientiam & prudentiam, quas ciuitatum conditores uno nonune complexi sunt eloquentiæ. Nisi uerò nobiscum eos agere benignè ob id putemus, quòd uelut uecordi Galliæ strenuam manum gestientemq; cum gladio relinquant. Quid enim est aliud Gallos ad prælia promptos dictitare, bellis autem gerédis aut opportunè suscipiendis consiliu[m] ipsis non suppetere? Quod ipsum quid est aliud quàm hominem (ut dicitur) ex homine tollere? Non'ne si animæ principem partem à corpore humano sustuleris, quæ remanebunt comunia cum simijs nobis erunt? Equidem ut heroum olim gesta memorabilia < Memorabilis locus.> non sine Theseo facta fuisse dicuntur, id etiam apud Græcos prouerbio attestante: ita sine sapientia & literaru[m] peritia co[n]tendere & asserere non dubitauerim nullos unqua[m] populos rerum potitos esse. Siquidem nec Assyrij Chaldæis, nec Persæ Magis, nec Macedones literis Græcis, nec Alexan

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 91 For wisdom, he says, is superior to prudence, since it is concerned with eternal and divine things; whereas prudence is occupied with lower matters, namely with considering those things that are useful to man. And again, if the virtues are practical, they are to be understood as having architecture among themselves. For just as this virtue gives direction, so the virtues themselves also act practically. But since all virtues are administrative, prudence serves them in the place of an architect. For in the way that it has ordered what is to be done, so the others carry it out, and so do those who act according to them. From what has been said it is clear enough that wisdom and prudence are related virtues, and that prudence holds the governing role among the other virtues. Hence those who deny us the knowledge of civil disciplines, together with judgment as to their usefulness, take everything from us. For this is in effect to remove wisdom and prudence, which the founders of states embraced under the single name of eloquence. Unless indeed we think that they deal with us kindly for this reason, that they leave to us, as to witless Gauls, a vigorous hand and eagerness together with the sword. For what else is it to say that the Gauls are prompt for battle, but in waging wars or undertaking them at the proper time they lack counsel? And what is that other than, as the saying goes, to take man away from man? If you were to remove the ruling part of the soul from the human body, would not the remainder be what we share in common with apes? Indeed, just as the memorable deeds of heroes in olden times are said not to have been done without Theseus, as the proverb among the Greeks also testifies, so without wisdom and knowledge of literature I would not hesitate to assert that no peoples have ever held power over affairs. For neither the Assyrians without the Chaldeans, nor the Persians without the Magi, nor the Macedonians without Greek letters, nor Alexan

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Alexander Aristotele præceptore, caruisse memorantur: qui etiam ipse Homero quasi puluino indormure gaudebat, capiteq[ue] incumbere eius poësi: eiusdem que Iliadem gloriæ armis assequendæ instrumentum esse dictitabat, & uiaticum. Eant igitur illi quouis gentium, nec patriæ sese posthac imputent, qui humanarum rerum intelligentiam, earumq[ue] dicendo explicationem, regno Franciæ explodunt, ultra Alpes & Pyrenen proteruè summouentes, tanquam ferre coelum nostrum eximiæ illæ dotes humanæ mentis nequeant, sacrarum literarum tantum studio iurisq[ue] accommodatum. utrunque enim studium nobis homines benigni religiosiq[ue] largiuntur. Atqui si uerum fateri licet, huiusmodi elogia Gallorum, paucorum hominum crimine inualuerunt, quorum maximè interfuit pauca consultò ac ciuiliter agi, quibus ut quidq[ue] uisum est ipsis, ita pro disceptato, consulto, decreto atq[ue] etiam tracto habitum est plerunque. Est autem artis aulicæ inuentum, in ijs quæ paucis placita sunt, imperiosa placita principum adumbrare. Ita fit ut quæ priuatim paucis coducunt, ea regni totius ceruicibus capitali licentia iniungantur, ut ne gemere quidem populo oneri succumbenti liceat. Hoc cum nunc omnes & sciant, & obscurè non ferant (mos enim iam noster & nostris & exteris innotescit) ridiculum est quòd acuti quidam homines sucum se facere perinde ordinibus ut plebi arbitrantur. Ego autem sic contendo, si acreis rerum consultos decretis aulicis faciendis adhiberi moris fuisset, & quidem bona fide adhiberi, non ut arbitri tantum oculati & spectatores essent rerum præiudicio sanctiore transactarum (id enim diu translatitium esse constat) haud dubiè non magnopere consilio peregrino accersitoq[ue] egeremus. Quod ge- nus

Transcription: Translated (English)

Alexander is said to have lacked Aristotle as his teacher: he himself also delighted to fall asleep, as it were, on Homer as on a pillow, and to rest his head upon that poet; and he used to declare that the Iliad was the instrument for achieving glory by arms, and a traveling provision. Let them therefore go anywhere among the nations they please, and let those who cast human learning and the art of explaining it out of the kingdom of France no longer lay the blame on their countrymen, while thrusting them arrogantly beyond the Alps and the Pyrenees, as though those eminent gifts of the human mind could not bear our sky, being suited only to the study of Holy Scripture and of law. For both studies are generously granted to us by kind and devout men. But if it may be allowed to speak truly, praises of this sort among the French have gained currency through the fault of a few men, whose chief concern it was that few matters should be handled with deliberation and civility; and whatever seemed good to them was generally treated as if it had already been disputed, deliberated, decreed, and even discussed. Now it is an invention of courtly art, in matters that please a few, to disguise the imperious wishes of princes. Thus it comes about that things which privately satisfy a few are imposed upon the necks of the whole kingdom with deadly license, so that the people, weighed down by the burden, are not even allowed to groan. Since everyone now knows this and does not bear it in silence — for our custom is now becoming known both to our own people and to foreigners — it is ridiculous that certain shrewd men imagine they can make use of the orders just as they do of the common people. But I maintain this: if it had been customary to employ experienced advisers in framing court decrees, and indeed to employ them in good faith, not merely as watchful arbiters and spectators of matters already settled by a holier prejudice (for that, it is well known, has long been a commonplace), we would certainly not greatly need advice summoned from abroad. What kind

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 93 nus nonnulli homines graues festiuè amplecti scruntur, rei magis suæ (ut dicitur) quam publicæ prouide[n]tes. quod tamen ipsa uiderit prouidentia. nunc enim earum rerum iudicium libens sustinuerim. < Memorabilia Gallorum pri scoru[m] consilia.> Quanto uerò deteriores pri scis Gallus nunc sumus, quorum tantum fuisse studium au= diendi attentè quicquid in medium consuleretur, autor est idem Strabo, ut si quis censente alio committeret ut in= terfari uel aliter obturbare uideretur, uiator illico ma= gistratus, minitabundus ense stricto in eum insurgere διον δὲ χεῖν ποίς σωμεριοις συμεωνον. ἀν γὰρ πις θορυλήν τοι λεγοντα και ὑδοκρουσμ, προσων ὑπιπρέτης ἔαωασμένος ἐἰ= φος κελοῦδι σταῦν μετὰ ἀπελων. Sed tunc apud Gallos in me= dium consilia agitabantur, sicut & non ita pridem homi= nes consulti censere in consessu liberè iubebantur: nunc mos inoleuisse fertur ita publica scita faciendi, ut in poten tiorum sententiam omnes pedibus eant. Consilij (ut fer= tur) est una mens: & eadem sententia: tanta est inter homi nes concordia & charitas, quando in collegium nemo as sumitur nisi à collegis adoptatus, in uerbaq[ue] collegarum adactus, uel salutator strenatius (ut utar nunc uerbo co= mico) uel ui fati cuiusdam mirifici admussus. Hoc siue ue= rum fortasse, siue (quod malim uideri) mendacio permi= xtum est, indignum certè est, quòd famam id circunstren= tem ultra Alpes & Pyrenen, compescere negligimus. id enim referre rerum nostrarum puto. Sedenim illud (ut a= iunt) miro præconio dignum, omniq[ue] memoria prædican= dum, quòd paludatos duces uidimus rerum bellicarum callentissimos imperia à togatis accipere coactos, qui nù= quam castra antè uidissent. Togatis dico? quid si etiam ab infulatis? adeo Martios omnes spiritus homines Fran ci gerimus. Euge memorabile exemplum, & insignem in omne

Transcription: Translated (English)

Some men of weight are said to embrace these things somewhat too eagerly, looking rather to their own interest, as they say, than to the public good; though Providence itself will judge that. For my part, I would gladly submit the judgment of these matters now. <The memorable counsels of the ancient Gauls.> How much worse we now are than the ancient Gauls, whose great zeal for listening attentively to whatever was being brought before the assembly is attested by Strabo himself: if anyone, while another was speaking in counsel, seemed to interrupt or otherwise disturb him, the magistrate at once would rush upon him, threatening him with drawn sword. [Greek passage corrupted/illegible.] But among the Gauls then, matters of state were debated in the open, just as not long ago men consulted were freely bidden to give their opinions in assembly; now, it is said, the custom has grown up of conducting public decisions in such a way that everyone goes over to the opinion of the more powerful. Of the council, as they say, there is one mind and one judgment; so great is the harmony and affection among the people, when no one is admitted into the college except one adopted by the colleagues and compelled to swear by the words of his fellow members, or else, to use now a comic word, brought in by some miraculous force of fate. Whether this is true, or perhaps, what I would rather believe, mixed with falsehood, it is certainly unworthy that we neglect to restrain a rumor that extends beyond the Alps and the Pyrenees. For I think this concerns our own affairs. Yet that other thing, as they say, is worthy of remarkable proclamation and to be handed down in all memory: that we have seen leaders in military dress, most skilled in war, compelled to receive commands from men in civilian dress, who had never before seen a camp. From civilians, I say? What if even from men in sacred fillets? So fully do we Frenchmen bear all the warlike spirit. Bravo, a memorable example, and a distinguished one to all...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET omne æuum memoriam huius seculi facturum. sed infensum Martis numen (ut exitu tandem patuit) præposterum ordinem rerum auersatum est, & tantam indignitatem secutæ euestigio clades expiauerunt. Ecquonam unquam tempore post uiuorum memoriam congruentius rerum euenta coeptis respondere uisa sunt? Vt enim nil non præposterè gestum est, ita nihil non exitum dirum habuit: unde æterna nota (quod refero moerens) patriæ est inusta: fatis certè, non nostris moribus imputanda: ut intemperijs actos tum fuisse nos putem, qui nec ius nec fas respiceremus, diræq[ue] imprecanteis oppressos obaudiremus. Eorum fortasse uicem dolere nos debemus, si qui sunt qui in communi crimine insontes, aliena inuidia uel flagrarint, uel afflati sint. Sunt enim & mortui & superstites quos uariè fama premut eodem in reatu, ad posteros etiam non dubiè transitura. Quo magis mirum < Sordes reoru[m] hic intelligi puto.> esse potest, quòd omnes nunc uultus nostri uelut sordibus excussis strocem etiam præstrunt securitatem: nec de ore famæ componendo laborare quoquo modo uidemur. Verum hoc tempus mittamus, quod Tragicos penè euentus omneis habuit, & humana fortasse maiores prouidentia: quod utinam ipsum eximu homunum memoriæ posset, ne tragædias excitare libens rebus iam lætioribus uidear. Quod enim bene coeptum est agi, p[ro]pero deum approbaturum. Quo fit ut hilarius etiam nunc uelut in portu nau fragium commemorem, ut naufragi rasi ac pileati solent, præterito facti periculo loquaciores. Vtinam igitur fatalibus nunis semel defuncti simus, nec uersuram fecerimus (quod ominari nolim) mutato creditore. Qua in re si spes non fesellerit, & bene omnia eueniant, nullas mortalium partes co[n]silijs que nostri omnino fuisse credam, sed

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET to make this age’s memory live through all ages. But the hostile deity of Mars (as the outcome at last made clear) turned aside the perverse course of events, and disasters that immediately followed expiated so great an outrage. At what time, since the memory of the living, have events ever seemed more fittingly to correspond to undertakings? For just as nothing was carried out without perversity, so nothing failed to have a dreadful ending; whence an everlasting stain (as I lament in reporting it) has been branded upon the country: certainly to be imputed to fate, not to our morals; as if we had then been driven by excesses, when we regarded neither right nor duty, and obeyed the terrible curses of those who called down imprecations upon us. Perhaps we ought to grieve for their fate, if there are any who, innocent in a common crime, were either consumed or afflicted by another’s envy. For there are both the dead and the survivors whom rumor presses in various ways under the same charge, a charge that will undoubtedly pass on to posterity as well. How much more surprising it is that all our faces now, as though shaken clean of filth, even put on a show of security; nor do we seem in any way to labor over composing our public reputation. But let us set aside this time, which had almost every tragic outcome, and perhaps a providence greater than human affairs; if only it could itself be removed from human memory, lest I seem willingly to be stirring up tragedies in matters now more cheerful. For what has been well begun, I am in haste to believe, the gods will approve. And so I now recount with a lighter heart the shipwreck as though from a harbor, as shipwrecked men, with their heads shaved and caps on, are wont to be more talkative when speaking of a danger already past. Would that, then, we had once for all been discharged from fatal covenants, and had not made a renewal, as I would not wish to predict, with a changed creditor. If in this matter hope shall not have deceived us, and if everything turns out well, I shall believe that no part of mortals at all belonged to our counsels, but

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 95 sed omnia prouidentiæ supernæ accepta restrenda cense= bo, quæ priuata (ut arbitror) pietate, non publica exo= rata, luxatam rerum nostrarum summam, molli (ut aiunt) & facili articulo nec opinantibus nostris reposuit in se= dem. quippe admoto tempestiui laxamenti fomento tan= tisper utrisque partibus respirare, quietis que consilijs animum intendere appelleré que licuit: tametsi nonnulli sunt qui obnixè & refractariè contendunt res Francicas non posse in eodem cardine uersari gloriæ atq[ue] felicitatis, si ijsdem manibus usura sit resurgens, quibus è gradu de= iecta esse dictitatur. Quod si omnibus itidem persuasum esset, adiurandos per charissima pignora quosdam esse di= xissem, ut paulisper istinc facessentes, ualidiores manus, ne dicam tersiores, habenas rerum tenere paterentur: præsertim quum quorundam aut ætas aut ratio uitæ rece ptui canere iamdiu uideatur. Sed si eodem capite (ut spe= ramus) ijsdem que manibus dominus in gradum nos repo= nat: erit omnino cur diuinum beneficium grandius exi= stimare possimus. Quare in eam spem sigillatim concipe= re uota debemus, quandoquidem ea publicè nuncupare non solemus: & fortasse præstat (quod aiebat Augustus) contentos esse hoc Catone, quandoquidem spes iam hi= larior affulsit diuina benignitate. tanta est enim conta= gio in illo cercopum conuenticulo, uix ut inuenias qui fi= dem bonam illuc adoptatus agnoscat: alios confestim eos= dem esse credas: ita sui dissimules fiunt homines triduo uersipelles: & quasi ad fluuium Lethen biberint, pri= stinæ suæ sortis omnino obliuiscuntur, imò uerò huma= nitatis ipsius atque mortalitatis: hominum uerò uenefi= corum atque fascinatorum conciliabulum dirum auer= sandumq

Transcription: Translated (English)

but I shall count all things received as due to the providence of heaven, which, I judge, by a private piety rather than a public one, has restored the disordered sum of our affairs, with a gentle, as they say, and easy turn, to the seat from which it had fallen beyond our expectation. For by applying a timely easing, both parties have meanwhile been allowed to draw breath and to direct their minds to peaceful counsels and to act accordingly; although there are some who obstinately and stubbornly contend that French affairs cannot revolve on the same pivot of glory and happiness, if the same hands are to have the management of the revived cause as those by which it is said to have been thrown down from its station. And if everyone were persuaded of this, I would have said that certain men ought to be adjured by their dearest pledges to withdraw for a little while from that place, and to suffer stronger hands, not to say cleaner ones, to hold the reins of affairs; especially since the age of some, or the course of life of others, seems long since to be calling them back to retirement. But if the Lord, with the same head, as we hope, and the same hands, restores us to our place: there will surely be reason why we may esteem the divine benefit the greater. Therefore we must conceive our prayers individually for that hope, since we are not accustomed to utter them publicly; and perhaps it is better, as Augustus used to say, to be content with this Cato, since hope has now shone forth more cheerfully by divine kindness. For so great is the contagion in that little assembly of apes, that you can scarcely find anyone who, once admitted there, acknowledges his good faith; others you would believe at once to be the same men: so quickly do people become changeable, transformed in three days; and as if they had drunk from the river Lethe, they utterly forget their former condition, indeed humanity itself and mortality; truly, the council of those poisoners and enchanters is a dreadful and detestable one.

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sandumq[ue]; usqueadeo sensus omneis humanos afficere au lica illa delenimenta cernuntur, quasi uenena Circeia at= que magica, partim ut honestatis & officij, partim ut actus omnis liberalis obliti esse uideantur. Quotus enim <Adytu, primâ in aula autoritatê intelligit, ad qua paucis accedere contingit.> quisque eorum qui in adytum semel illud beatum ascenderit, ad familiaris postea & ciuilis amicitiæ officia, aut omnino ad æqui boniq[ue] intelligentia[m] descendit, priusquam præceps ruit, aut inde depulsus est? Tum demum autem placidos eos uideas & mansuetos, uitam execranteis auli < Aula imposterix pellacissima, moru animoru[m] internecio.> cam, seq[ue]; ipsos deuouenteis inferis, si unquam imposterici pellaci que remoræ crediderint, perditeq[ue] tenaci, cuius olim uisendæ cupido ignaris incesserat. uidelicet quasi ab aula sibi exilium consciscere præoptarint, quàm in ea co[n]senescere morum atque animorum certissima internecione, quum sciamus neminem adhuc eorum quibus in eam nassam ambitionis penitus insinuasse contigit, ad quietem municipalem ciuiliâ que instituta nisi retrogradum atq[ue] itidem restitantem reuertisse. Vnde ioci basilicani, unde circulares conuiuiales que in oppidis excitantur fabulæ: quum ij quos excuriatos uocant, uelut ciuitate donati inter municipes coepere profiteri. hos cernere est aulæ relictæ desiderio uultuosos, animos que conspicuè despondenteis, ut qui tabificio dolore ægrescentes, ad extremam maciem lenta tabe desiderij perarescant. Vtinam igitur ij magistratus qui rebus iam accisis in id tempus pertracti sunt, quo pacificatoriæ legationis & pronubæ mentio <Pronuba legatio in Britanniam missa est ob co[n]nubium Ludouici Regis cum sorore Regis Angliæ.> auspice (ut spero) prouidentia excitata est (cordi enim id superis quoque foedus esse credendum est, qui omnia in unum congruentia tempus appositè temperarunt) utinam inquam ijs magistratibus instinctu quoque diuino ueniat in mentem, nunc nobis omnia esse prona, si ad pristinam concupimus

Transcription: Translated (English)

...and so delightful; indeed, those alluring charms seem to affect all human senses, like the Circean and magical poisons, partly so that they appear to have forgotten the claims of honor and duty, partly so that they seem to have forgotten every liberal act. For how many of those who once have ascended that blessed inner shrine, to the authority of the first hall, to which few are allowed access, ever afterward come down to the duties of familiar and civic friendship, or at all to any understanding of what is fair and good, before they rush headlong, or are driven out from it? Then indeed you see them placid and gentle, cursing court life, and devoting themselves and themselves to the shades below, if ever they have believed the false, alluring delay of the court, tenacious beyond measure, to which once the desire of seeing had impelled their ignorance. It is as though they had preferred to choose exile for themselves from the court rather than grow old in it, with the most certain destruction of morals and minds; for we know that none of those whom it has happened to insinuate themselves completely into that net of ambition has yet returned to municipal peace and civil institutions, unless backward and, as it were, retreating. Hence the courtly jests, hence the circulating tales and anecdotes that are stirred up in towns when those whom they call the dismissed begin to profess themselves, as it were, citizens among citizens. These may be seen dejected at their loss of the court, and their spirits plainly cast down, as men suffering from a wasting malady, who, pining away with the pain of longing, grow thin to the last with a slow decay. Would that, therefore, those magistrates who have been drawn on to this point in affairs now already ruined may, in the time when mention has been made of a pacific embassy and a marriage alliance—[the marriage embassy was sent to Britain on account of the marriage of King Louis with the sister of the King of England]—stirred, as I hope, by providence for it must be believed that this treaty is dear even to the gods, who have fittingly arranged all things agreeing together for one time—would that, I say, it may come into the minds of those magistrates, by divine impulse as well, that now all things are favorable to us, if we desire to return to our former...

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 97 Suscicari aliquid incômodû uideretur ex aulæ innouatione. concupimus et contendimus revolui felicitatem. hoc modo meminerint futuris benefactis præterita errata esse obliteranda, ut uelut in Telephio uulnere fabulantur, sic in nostrarum rerum clade eadem manus uulnifica medicâ que commemoretur fuisse. Sic enim per me licebit eis coronam quoque gramuneam sperare: quo nullum honorificentius præmium esse potest. Est in antiquorum prouerbio, serò Phryges sapere. nos igitur ab ijs (ut fertur) oriundi, serò saltem resipiscamus. Sed per deum superosque omneis inter cæsa (ut solemus) et porrecta, alias res agere aut nugari desinamus. Quis nam autem nostrû nouit an diuinæ satis misericordiæ ijs cladibus litatu sit? At nos rei uoti tanti pariter et damnati existimatione nostra sumus, nec exoluere animos religione in præteritum magnopere laboramus. Tum hoc Gallicum semper fuit eritq; accinctos statim ut discinctos gloriari, ut est in prouerbio consecrato. Hic me interdum meticulus securum esse non sinit, ut qui sciam ex propugnatoribus prima quaq; occasione oppugnatores futuros. Verum enimuero ne odiosus esse uidear religione nimia et ominosa, præsertim quum maioribus auspicijs (ut fama est) et lustratiore exercitu res gesturi posthac simus, tandem ad institutum cum spe noua reuertar. Iuuenalis Sa tyra I I I I. - Mullum sex milibus emit Aequantem sanè paribus sestertia libris. id est (inquit Merula) pendentem libras sex pro numero sestertiorum. nam mille nummos sestertius ualebat. Scribit enim Plinius Asinium Celerem sestertijs octo mullum emisse, quod pretium fuisse octo millium nummûm Macrobius tradit. Comprobari etiam hoc ab Horatio potest, g illo

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 97 Something, it seemed, might be received with inconvenience from the innovation of the court. We desire and strive to roll back happiness. In this way let them remember that by future benefits past mistakes are to be blotted out, so that, as they tell of the wound of Telephus, so also in the ruin of our affairs the same hand may be remembered to have been both wounding and healing. For thus it will be permitted by me for them also to hope for a crown of grass: and there can be no more honorable reward than that. There is in an ancient proverb, “the Phrygians learn wisdom late.” We therefore, if we are descended from them, as is said, let us at least come to our senses late. But by the gods above and all the rest, between the slain ones, as we are wont to say, and those laid out, let us cease from doing other business or trifling. For who among us knows whether by these disasters enough has been offered to divine mercy? But we, both in the thing itself and in the esteem of our vows, are equally condemned, and we do not greatly labor to release our minds from a religious obligation to the past. Then this has always been Gallic: and will be, to boast at once of those armed and those unarmed, as is in the consecrated proverb. Here sometimes a certain fear does not allow me to be secure, since I know that those who are defenders at the first opportunity will be attackers. Yet indeed, lest I seem burdensome with too much religion and ill omen, especially when with better auspices, as rumor says, and with a more thoroughly purified army we shall hereafter carry out our affairs, I shall at last return to the plan with fresh hope. Juvenal, Satire IIII. - He bought a mullet for six thousand sesterces, weighing, indeed, six pounds equal in number of sesterces. That is, says Merula, weighing six pounds for the number of sesterces. For a thousand coins a sesterce was worth. For Pliny writes that Asinius Celer bought a mullet for eight sesterces, which Macrobius states was a price of eight thousand coins. This can also be confirmed by Horace, g illo

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET illo in loco, Si quadringentis sex septem millia desunt, Plebs eris. - <Equestris census.> Erat enim legitimus census equestris, quadringentorum millium. Merula in hoc lapsus, singulos sestertios nulle nummos esse dixit. Tranquillus in Cæsare: Annuam etia[m] habitationem Romæ usque ad bina millia nummum, in Italia non ultra quingenos sestertios remisit. Sestertios quingenos pro quingentis nummis posuit. Quo in loco Philippus Beroaldus, Interdum, inquit, hæc obseruatio apud eruditos custoditur, ut sestertios genere masculino usurpent, significantes minutulam summam: sestertij uerò neutro genere pro maioribus summis, ut quadringenta sestertia pro quadringentis millibus capiantur, quæ summa est census equestris. Sed Hæc non semper ad regulam, inquit, sunt exigenda. Antonius uerò Sabellicus quantum eo in loco addubitauerit, facilè intelliget qui eius commentarios legerit. Idem Tranquillus in Augusto, Senatorum censum ampliauit, ac pro octingentorum millium summa duodecies sestertium taxauit, suppleuit que non habentibus. Quo loco idem Sabellicus, Sic omnes, inquit, Tranquilliani codices, quos uidimus, habent: sed minuere id fuisset censum, non augere, si ex octingentis millibus nummum ad duodecies sestertium contraxisset. Quare aut hæc nostra, aut nulla (quod uideam) alia quadrare poterit lectio. Erit igitur uera lectio, non duodecies sestertium, sed duodecies centies sestertiùs: ut ex parte tertia auctus sit census. quod idem ualet ac si dicas, Voluit Augustus ut singuli Senatores qui octingenta possederant sestertia, nulle & ducenta possiderent. Habuit enim sestertium mille nummos. Ha= =tenus

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET in that place, If six, seven thousand are lacking from four hundred, you will be plebeian. - <Equestrian census.> For there was indeed a lawful equestrian census of four hundred thousand. Merula, having slipped here, said that single sesterces were no coins. Tranquillus in Caesar: He also remitted the annual residence in Rome up to two thousand coins, and in Italy no more than five hundred sesterces. He set five hundred sesterces for five hundred coins. In this place Philippus Beroaldus says: Sometimes, among the learned, this rule is observed, that they use sestertii in the masculine gender, meaning a small amount; but sestertia in the neuter gender for larger sums, so that four hundred sestertia are taken for four hundred thousand, which is the sum of the equestrian census. But these things, he says, are not always to be forced into the rule. Antonius Sabellicus, however, anyone who has read his commentaries will easily understand how much he hesitated in that place. The same Tranquillus in Augustus increased the census of senators, and fixed it at twelve million sesterces for the sum of eight hundred thousand, and supplied those who did not have it. In that place the same Sabellicus says: Thus, all the manuscripts of Tranquillus, which we have seen, read this; but to diminish it would have been to lessen the census, not increase it, if he had reduced it from eight hundred thousand coins to twelve million sesterces. Therefore either this reading of ours, or, as far as I can see, no other, can be made to fit. The true reading will therefore be not twelve million sesterces, but twelve hundred million sesterces: so that the census may be increased by one third. Which is the same as if you were to say, Augustus wanted each senator who possessed eight hundred sestertia to possess one thousand two hundred. For he counted one sestertium as a thousand coins. Thus far

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 99 Etenus ille: cuius uerba Beroaldus dissimulans, duodecies centies legit, & itidem ut Sabellicus interpretatur, ut sit sestertium pro mille nummis. Hæc eius emendatio cuiusmodi sit, postea uiderimus. nunc ad reliquas autoritates pergamus. Idem Tranquil. in Cæs. Ludis Decius Laberius eques Romanus mimum suum egit, donatus que quingentis sestertijs, & annulo aureo, sessum in quatuordecim ex scena per orchestram transijt. Quingenta sestertia haud dubiè pro equestri censu posuit, sed qui iam auctus esset. Sallustius in Catilinario: Ad hoc siquis indicauisset de coniuratione quæ contra Rempublicam facta erat, præmia decreuerunt seruo centum sestertia & libertatem, libero impunitatem eius rei, & ducenta millia sestertium. Vbi interpres, Laurentius (ut arbitror) Valla, sestertium duas libras & semis significare dixit, & nihil præterea addidit. Plinius libro nono: Duo fuere maximi uniones per omne æuum. utrunque possedit Cleopatra Aegypti reginarum nouissima, per manus Orientis Regum sibi traditos. Hæc, cum exquisitis quotidie Antonius saginaretur epulis, superbo simul ac procaci fastu, ut regina meretrix, lautitiam eius omnem apparatumq[ue] obtrectans, quærente eo quid adstrui magnificentiæ posset, respondit una se coena centies sestertium absumpturam. Cupiebat discere Antonius, sed fieri non posse arbitrabatur. Et paulo inferius, At illa absumpturam se ea in coena taxationem confirmans, solamq[ue] se centies sestertium coenaturam, inferri mensam secundâ iussit. Ex præcepto, ministri unum tantu[m] uas posuere ante eam, aceti, cuius asperitas usq[ue] in tabem margaritas resoluit. Gerebat auribus tum maximè singulare illud & uerè unicum naturæ opus. Itaque spectante g 2 Antonio

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 99 So far he: whose words Beroaldus, while passing over them in silence, reads as twelve hundred thousand, and likewise as Sabellicus interprets, so that sestertium stands for a thousand coins. What sort of correction this is, we shall see later. Now let us proceed to the remaining authorities. The same Tranquillus in Caesar: At the games Decius Laberius, a Roman knight, performed his mime, and, having been presented with five hundred sesterces and a gold ring, passed from the stage through the orchestra to the seats of the fourteen rows. He clearly set down five hundred sesterces as the equestrian census, but one that had already been increased. Sallust in the Catiline: Besides this, if anyone had informed against the conspiracy that had been made against the Republic, they decreed as rewards for a slave one hundred sesterces and freedom, for a free man immunity for that matter, and two hundred thousand sesterces. There the interpreter, Laurentius (so I believe) Valla, said that sestertium signifies two and a half pounds, and added nothing besides. Pliny, in the ninth book: There were two very great pearls throughout all time. Cleopatra, the last of the queens of Egypt, possessed both of them, having received them through the hands of the kings of the East. She, when Antonius was daily being feasted with exquisite dishes, in proud and insolent arrogance, like a queen and harlot, disparaging all his splendor and display, when he asked what could be added to magnificence, replied that in a single banquet she would spend a hundred sesterces. Antonius was eager to learn, but he thought it could not be done. And a little farther down, But she, confirming that she would spend that sum at the banquet, and that she alone would dine for a hundred sesterces, ordered the table to be brought in the second course. In accordance with her command, the servants placed only one vessel before her, containing vinegar, whose sharpness dissolved pearls into decay. She wore in her ears then especially that singular and truly unique work of nature. Thus, while Antony was watching g 2 Antony

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Antonio quid'nam esset actura, detractum alterum mersit, ac liquesactum absorbuit. Sic in omnibus exemplaribus legitur. Iamprimum Plinius his uerbis significat centies sestertium immensam esse summam, ut quam Imperator prodigentissimus Antonius una cæna absumi posse nô crederet, quanti unio æstimatus sit toto orbe nobilissimus. Quomodo igitur credibile illud Tranquilli in Vitellio: In dicebat autem aliud alij prandium eade[m] die: nec cuiquam minus singuli apparatus quadringentis millibus nummum constiterunt? Sic enim ibi legitur, non quadragenis: ut in Nerone, Quadringentis in punctum sestertijs aleam lusit. < Plinius locus.> Plinius eode[m] libro, Lolliam Paulinam, quæ fuit Caij principis matrona, nec serio quidem aut solenni cæremoniarum aliquo apparatu, sed mediocrium etiam sponsalium cæna, uidi smaragdis margaritisq[ue] opertam, alterno textu, fulgentibus toto capite crinibus spiris, collo monilibus, digitisq[ue]: quæ summa quadringenties sestertium colligebat, ipsam confestim paratam nuncupationem tabulis probare: nec dona prodigi principis fuerant, sed auitæ opes, prouinciarum scilicet spolijs partæ. Hic est rapinarum exitus, hoc fuit quare M. Lollius infamatus Regum muneribus in toto Oriente, interdicta amicitia à C. Cæsare Augusti filio, uencnum biberet, ut neptis eius quadringenties sestertio operta spectaretur ad lucernas. Ego ex antiquis exemplaribus non nuncupationem, sed aucupationem lego, hoc sensu, Lolliam paratam ex tabulis domesticæ rationis cui sui probare quo titulo Lollius unumquemq[ue] lapillorum unionumq[ue] comparasset. Aucupatio enim lucrum significat. In antiquis etiam libris non spiris sed spiræ legitur, id est crinium conuolutorum orbe. Cicero in Prætura urbana, Dixi in prima actione me

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Antonio quid'nam esset actura, detractum alterum mersit, ac liquesactum absorbuit. It is read so in all copies. At the outset Pliny by these words signifies that a hundred sestertii is an immense sum, so much so that Antony, a most extravagant emperor, would not believe that it could be spent in a single dinner; what price the famous pearl was estimated at throughout the whole world. How then is that credible statement in Suetonius in Vitellius: “He would set before one man one dinner and before another another on the same day; and each separate service cost no less than four hundred thousand denarii”? For so it is read there, not “forty thousand,” as in Nero: “He played dice for four hundred sestertii at a throw.” <Pliny’s passage.> Pliny in the same book says that Lollia Paulina, who was the wife of Gaius Caesar, was seen, not with any serious or ceremonial display, nor with the equipment of a solemn wedding feast, but even at an ordinary betrothal dinner, covered with emeralds and pearls, with alternating settings, her hair shining with curls all over her head, with necklaces about her neck and rings on her fingers; the total came to four hundred million sestertii, and she was then able at once to prove by the tablets the so-called preparation. Nor had these been gifts from a prodigal prince, but ancestral wealth, acquired, that is, from the spoils of provinces. Such is the end of plunder; this was why M. Lollius, disgraced by the gifts of kings throughout the East, after being cut off from the friendship of C. Caesar, the son of Augustus, drank poison, so that his granddaughter might be seen adorned with four hundred million sestertii by lamplight. From the ancient copies I read not “nuncupationem” but “aucupationem,” in this sense: that Lollia, prepared from the household account books, should prove by what title Lollius had acquired each of the little stones and pearls. For “aucupatio” means gain. In ancient books too it is read not “spiris” but “spiræ,” that is, coils of twisted hair. Cicero in the Urban Praetorship, “I said in the first action me

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 101 me planum esse facturum, C. Verrem sestertium quadrin genties contra legem abstulisse. Atrocia autem surta Ver ris fuisse in Sicilia, quam rapinis propemodum exhaustit, ex actionibus ipsis Verrinis licet planè conijcere: quo= rum tamen summam Cicero non ultra quadringenties ta= xauit, cum omnia oratoriè augeret: quanti scilicet Pli= nius rapinas Orientis in M. Lollio æstimatas dixit: quod omnino dissonum est ab eo quod Tranquillus de coenis Vitellianis dixit, & alea Neronis, si sestertium qua= dringenties & sestertia quadringenta idem esse intelliga mus, ut Tranquilli enarratores uoluerunt. Tranquil. de Claudio loquens antequam ad principatum assumeretur, Postremò etiam sestertium octogies pro introitu noui sa= cerdotij coactus impendere, ad eas rei familiaris angu= stias decidit, ut cum obligatam ærario fidem liberare non posset, in uacu[m] lege prædiatoria uenalis pependerit. Vix hoc conuenire potest cum eo quod Sallustius dicit de cen= tum sestertijs quæ ex præmio indicij seruo decreta sunt publicè, ut ducenta libero. Quid illud eiusdem Plinij li= bro x x 1 x. ubi de medicorum stipendijs loquitur? Quin tus uerò Stertinius imputauit principibus quòd sestertijs quingenis annuis contentus esset. sexcena enim sibi quæ= stu urbis fuisse numeratis domibus ostendebat. par & fra tri eius merces à Claudio Cæsare infusa est. Quingend sestertia annuam mercedem fuisse dicit medicis sub Roma nis principibus: & quadringenties sestertium ut immensas rapinas in Lolliu[m] criminose extulit. Quid illud Tran= quilli de testamento Augusti, quónam modo explicari po terit? aut quid animi tandem eo in loco interpretes habue runt? Legauit, inquit, populo Romano quadringenties, tribu g 3

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 101 I shall make it clear that Gaius Verres took away four hundred million sesterces contrary to law. But from the Verrine prosecutions themselves it may plainly be inferred that Verres’ thefts in Sicily were atrocious, for he had almost exhausted it by plundering; yet Cicero did not assess their total at more than four hundred million, although he magnified everything rhetorically: to about what amount, indeed, Pliny said the plunder of the East was estimated in Marcus Lollius’ case. This is altogether at odds with what Suetonius says of Vitellius’ banquets and Nero’s gambling, if we understand four hundred million sesterces and four hundred sesterces to be the same thing, as Suetonius’ interpreters have wanted. Suetonius, speaking of Claudius before he was raised to the principate: “Finally, also compelled to spend eighty million sesterces for entry into a new priesthood, he fell into such straits of fortune that, since he could not discharge the obligation to the treasury, he was put up for sale under the law on mortgaged property.” This can scarcely agree with what Sallust says about the one hundred sesterces publicly decreed to a slave as a reward for informing, but two hundred to a free man. What of that passage in Pliny’s same book XXIX, where he speaks of physicians’ salaries? Quintus Stertinius indeed complained to the emperors that he was content with an annual stipend of five hundred sesterces. For he showed that his income from the city amounted to six hundred thousand by his houses being counted. An equal reward was granted to his brother by Emperor Claudius. He says that five hundred thousand sesterces was the annual salary of physicians under the Roman emperors; and he notoriously set down four hundred million sesterces as the vast plunder of Lollius. What of that passage in Suetonius about Augustus’ will—how can it possibly be explained? Or what state of mind, after all, did the interpreters have in that passage? “He bequeathed,” he says, “to the Roman people four hundred million, to the tribu

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tribubus tricies quinquies sestertium, prætorianis militibus singula nullia nummûm, cohortibus urbanis quingenos, legionarijs trecenos nummos. Ex hoc certè loco admoneri illi debuerunt. Quomodo enim populo Romano satisfacere quadringenta sestertia potuissent (id est tertia pars census Senatorij) præsertim cum in singulos legionarios trecenos sestertios legaret? Magnum autem mulitum numerum tunc fuisse, ex eiusdem autoris lectione nouimus, < Copiæ Romanæ.> qui in eodem Augusto quodam loco sic inquit, Ex militaribus copijs legiones & auxilia prouinciatim distribuit, classem Miseni, & alteram Rauennæ ad tutelam superi & inferi maris collocauit. Hunc principem Orosius libro sexto scribit quatuor & quadraginta legiones habuisse ad tutamen orbis, id est imperij Romani. Eusebius autem autor est, censu sub Augusto acto, Romanoru[m] capitum quadragies semel centena millia censæ fuisse. Age transeamus ad reliqua quæ sequuntur in eode[m] loco Tranquilli: Reliqua, inquit, legata uariè dedit, produxitq[ue] quæ dam ad uicena sestertia, quibus soluendis annuam diem finijt excusata rei familiaris mediocritate: nec plus peruenturum ad hæredes suos, quàm millies & quingenties professus: quamuis uiginti proximis annis quaterdecies millies ex testamentis amicorum percepisset, quod penè omne cum duobus paternis patrimoniijs, cæterisq[ue] hæreditatibus in Rempublicam absumpsisset. O dignum etiam atq[ue] etia[m] locum qui planè enarretur: quod hactenus factu[m] non est. Idem de Nerone, Diuitiarum et pecuniæ fructum non alium putabat, quàm profusionem: sordidos ac deparcos esse quibus ratio impensarum constaret. Laudabat mirabatur que auunculum Caium nullo magis nomine, quàm quòd ingentes à Tyberio relictas opes in breui spatio

Transcription: Translated (English)

On the as and the tribes, thirty-five million sesterces; to the praetorian soldiers, a thousand each; to the urban cohorts, five hundred; to the legionaries, three hundred sesterces. From this very passage they ought certainly to have been warned. For how could they have satisfied the Roman people with four hundred sesterces, that is, a third part of the senatorial census, especially when he assigned three hundred sesterces to each legionary? But that there was then a very large number of soldiers we learn from the reading of the same author, Roman Forces , who in the same Augustus, in a certain place, says: “From the military forces he distributed the legions and auxiliaries throughout the provinces; he stationed the fleet at Misenum and another at Ravenna for the protection of the upper and lower sea.” Orosius writes in the sixth book that this prince had forty-four legions for the defense of the world, that is, of the Roman empire. Eusebius, moreover, says that when the census was taken under Augustus, forty-one millions of Roman heads were enrolled. Come, let us pass on to the rest that follows in the same passage of Tranquillus: “The rest,” he says, “he gave in various bequests, and some he extended to twenty thousand sesterces, for the payment of which he fixed a year’s time, excusing himself on the ground of the moderate size of his household estate; nor did he profess that more than one million and five hundred thousand would come to his heirs, although in the twenty preceding years he had received fourteen million from the wills of friends, nearly all of which, together with two paternal inheritances and other legacies, he had consumed for the state.” O passage worthy indeed to be fully explained, which has not yet been done. The same writer says of Nero that he thought there was no other fruit of wealth and money than profusion; that those were mean and stingy whose reckoning of expenses was exact. He praised and admired his uncle Caius for no other reason than that, in a short space of time, he had the immense wealth left by Tiberius.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 103 spatio prodegisset: quare nec largiendi nec absumendi modum tenuit. In Tiridatem, quod uix credibile uideatur, octingenta nummûm nullia diurna crogauit, abeunti que super sestertium millies contulit. Quæro quo nam modo consentaneum fuit, Neronem principem profusissi num Tiridati Armeniorum regi in patriam abeunti non plus quàm mille sestertia dono dedisse, cum manenti dius in Vrbe octingenta diurna pensitaret? Idem de Caligula loquens, Nepotinis sumptibus omnium prodigorum ingenia superauit: in extractionibus prætororum atque uillarum omni ratione posthabita nihil tam efficere concupiscebat, quàm quod effici posse negaretur. Et paulò infrà, Ac ne singula enumerem, immensas opes, totumq[ue] illud Tyberij Cæsaris uicies ac septies millies sestertium, non toto uertente anno absumpsit. Quò autem intelligere possimus immensam quandam pecuniæ congeriem his uerbis significari, addemus id quod idem de Tyberio in uita eius scripsit, Procedente, inquit, demum tempore ad rapinas conuertit animum. Galliarum & Hispaniarum Syriæque & Græciæ principes confiscatos constat ob tam impudens calumniarum genus, ut quibusdam non aliud sit obiectum, quàm quòd partem rei familiaris in pecunia haberent. Quantæ uerò pecuniæ ex ijs confiscationibus exaggerari potuerint, uno patebit exemplo apud eundem in Caligula, qui Tyberij successor fuit: de quo in initio principatus cum optimum principem simularet, ita inquit, Si quibus regna restituit, adiecit & fructum omnium uectigaliorum & redituum medij temporis, ut Antiocho Comageno sestertium nullies confiscatum. quæ quanta sit summa, mox fortasse constabit. Age uerò porrò etiam etiamq[ue] pergamus, & 8 4 autores

Transcription: Translated (English)

…had spent beyond measure: wherefore he observed neither moderation in giving nor in consuming. In Tiridates, which may scarcely seem credible, he expended eight hundred thousand sesterces a day, and upon his departure bestowed on him more than a million sesterces. I ask by what manner it was consistent that Nero, a prince most lavish, gave to Tiridates, king of the Armenians, on his return to his country, not more than a thousand sesterces as a gift, while during the time he remained in the City he paid him eight hundred a day? The same writer, speaking of Caligula, surpassed the ingenuity of all prodigals in the charges he laid upon his kinsmen: in the extortions of praetors and of estates, setting all reason aside, he desired nothing so much as to accomplish what was declared impossible. And a little below, “And not to enumerate individual cases, he consumed immense wealth, and that whole sum of Tiberius Caesar, twenty-seven hundred million sesterces, in less than a year.” But that we may understand by these words some enormous heap of money is meant, we shall add what the same author wrote of Tiberius in his life: “As time went on, he at last turned his mind to plunder.” It is known that the chiefs of Gaul, Spain, Syria, and Greece were confiscated by so shameless a kind of calumny that in some cases nothing else was alleged against them than that they had part of their estate in money. How great a sum of money could have been accumulated from these confiscations will appear from a single example found in the same author concerning Caligula, who was Tiberius’ successor: of him, at the beginning of his principate, when he pretended to be an excellent prince, he says, “To those to whom he restored kingdoms, he added also the income of all the taxes and revenues of the intervening period,” as if to Antiochus of Commagene seven million sesterces had been confiscated. How great a sum this is will perhaps soon be evident. Come now, let us proceed further and further, and… 8 4 authors

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET autores alios linguæ Latinæ percenseamus, ut & rei difficultas appareat, & huius suscepti laboris necessitas, ac pretium operæ, si diuina tandem benignitate propositi compos euaserim, & huius ærumnæ (ut ita dicam) umbratilis Hercules. Iamprimùm Tacitus lib. XI I. Fixum est ære publico Senatus consultum, quo libertinus sestertij ter millies possessor, antiquæ parsimoniæ laudibus cumulabatur. de Paliante libero Claudij principis loquês, cuius immodicas opes intelligimus ex illo satyrici loco Satyra prima: -Ego possideo plus Pallante & Licinis. - Et ex Tranquil. uerbis in Claud. Libertorum ante omnes suspexit Narcissum ab epistolis, & Pallantem à rationibus, quos decreto quoque Senatus non præmijs modò ingentibus, sed & quæstorijs prætorijsq; ornamentis ornam ri libenter passus est. tantum præterea acquirere & rapere, ut querente eo quondam de fisci exiguitate, non absur dè sit dictum: abundaturum, si à duobus libertis in consortium reciperetur. Eius autem Senatus consulti in Pallantis gratiam à Senatu expressi meminit Plinius Iunior ad Montanum scribens, his uerbis indignabundus, Videbis, deinde indignaberis si legeris: quod nisi legeris, non potes credere. Est uia Tyburtina intra primum lapidem, proximè adnotaui, monumentum Pallantis ita scriptum; Huic Senatus ob fidem pietatemque erga patronos, ornamenta prætoria decreuit, & sestertium centies quinquagies, cuius honore contentus fuit. E quidem nunquam sum miratus quæ sæpius à fortuna quàm à iudicio proficisce rentur: maximè tamen hic me titulus admonuit quàm essent mimica & inepta quæ interdum in cœnum, in has sordes

Transcription: Translated (English)

Let us also examine other authors of the Latin language, so that both the difficulty of the task and the necessity of the undertaking, and the worth of the effort, may appear, if at last by divine favor I should escape the outcome proposed, and become a Hercules of this shadowy labor, so to speak. First of all, Tacitus, book XI. It was fixed by a public vote of the Senate that a freedman possessed of three hundred million sesterces should be praised with the commendations due to ancient frugality. You speak of Pallas, the freedman of the emperor Claudius, whose extravagant wealth we understand from that passage of the satirist in the first Satire: “I possess more than Pallas and the Licini.” And from the words of Tranquillus in the Life of Claudius: “Among the freedmen he especially favored Narcissus in charge of correspondence and Pallas in charge of finances, whom he willingly allowed to be honored by a decree of the Senate not only with enormous rewards, but also with quaestorian and praetorian decorations. Besides this, he acquired and plundered so much that, when he once complained of the smallness of the treasury, it was not absurdly said that it would be sufficient if he were admitted into partnership with those two freedmen.” Pliny the Younger mentions that Senate decree, extorted by the Senate in Pallas’s favor, when writing to Montanus, in these indignant words: “You will see it, and then you will be outraged if you read it; unless you read it, you cannot believe it.” On the Via Tiburtina, within the first milestone, I noted the monument of Pallas with this inscription: “To this man the Senate decreed praetorian honors for his loyalty and devotion to his patrons, and one hundred and fifty million sesterces, with whose honor he was content.” Indeed, I have never ceased to wonder at what arises more often from fortune than from judgment; but above all this inscription reminded me how mimetic and foolish are those things which sometimes sink into filth, into these sordidnesses.

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sordes abijcerentur, quæ denique ille furcifer & recipere ausus est, & recusare. Tranquillus rursus in Othone, Nec quicquam prius pro potestate subscripsit, quàm quingenties sestertium ad peragendam auream domum. de aurea domo Neronis loquès, qui iam sese interemerat. Et in Galba, Ad Neronismediu[m] principatu[m] in secessu plurimum uixit: ne ad gestandum quidem unquam aliter iter ingressus, quàm ut secum uchiculo proximo decies sestertium in auro efferret. Idem Tacitus lib. itidè supradicto, Eodem Nerone oratore Bononiensi coloniæ igni haustæ subuëtum centies sestertij largitione. Cice. in Philippica illa nobili, Vbi est septies millies sestertium quod in tabulis quæ sunt ad Opis, patebat? funestæ quidem illius pecuniæ: sed tamen si ijs quorum erat, no[n] redderetur, quæ nos à tributis posset uindicare. Tu autem sestertium quadrin genties quod Idibus Martijs debuisti, quo modo ante Calend. Aprilis debere desijsti? Et rursus, Syngrapha sestertij centies per legatos uiros bonos, sed timidos & imperitos, sine sua, sine reliquorum hospitum regis setentia, facta in gynæceo. Ex syngrapha quid sis acturus, meditere censeo. Et pro Flacco, Vel quod ait Luceius L. Flaccum sibi dare cupisse, ut fide se abduceret, sestertium uicies: & eum tu accusas auaritiæ, quæ dicis uicies uoluisse perdere? Tacitus libro x i i 1. de Nerone loquens, Sed nobili familiæ honor auctus est, oblatis in singulos annos quingenis sestertijs, quibus Messala paupertatem innoxiam sustentaret. Aureo quoq[ue] Cottæ & Aetherio Antonio annuam pecuniam statuit princeps, quanquam per luxum habitas opes dissipassent. Quo in loco ne quinquagenis legedum putetur, Tranquillus de eodem, Senatorum, inquit, nobilissimo cuiq[ue], & à re familiari destituto, annua salaria, &

Transcription: Translated (English)

they might be thrown out as refuse, which at last that wretch even dared to take back and to refuse. Again, Suetonius, in Otho, And he first of all, by virtue of his power, subscribed for nothing less than five hundred million sesterces for the completion of the Golden House. He is speaking of Nero's Golden House, when he had already put himself to death. And in Galba, Nero during the middle of his principate lived mostly in retirement: he never set out on a journey even for carrying things, except that with him in the nearest cart he would take out ten million sesterces in gold. The same Tacitus, in the aforesaid book, By the same Nero, for the colony of Bononia, which had been consumed by fire, a gift of one hundred million sesterces was made. Cicero, in that famous Philippic, Where is the seven thousand times one hundred thousand sesterces which in the tablets that are at Opis were on public view? Indeed, that money was accursed; but if it were not returned to those to whom it belonged, what could free us from taxes? And you, the four hundred million sesterces which you owed on the Ides of March, why on the Kalends of April did you cease to owe them? And again, a bond for one hundred million sesterces, drawn up through ambassadors, good men but timid and inexperienced, without his own consent and without the consent of the other guests of the king, was made in the women's quarters. Consider what you are to do about the bond. And in the Pro Flacco, where Lucius says that Flaccus wanted to give him, so that he might secure his good faith, twenty million sesterces: and do you accuse him of greed, when you say that he wished to lose twenty million? Tacitus, book XII, speaking of Nero, says: But the honor of a noble family was increased, by gifts of five hundred sesterces each year, with which Messala supported innocent poverty. And to Cotta and Aetherius Antonius too the prince assigned an annual sum of money, although by their luxury they had squandered their fortunes. In this passage, lest one should think quinquagenis should be read, Suetonius says of the same man: To the most noble of the senators, and to those destitute of family resources, annual salaries, &

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET & quibusdam quingena constituit. Et de Vespas. Exple= uit censum Senatorum, consulares inopes quingenis se= stertijs annuis sustentauit. Et rursus in Nerone, Pompeiu[m] Paulinum uectigalibus publicis præposuit cum insecta= tione priorum principum, qui grauitate sumptuu[m] iustos reditus anteissent, se annuum sexcenties festertium Reip. largiri. Et rursus, Cladem Lugdunensem quadragies se= stertio solatus est princeps, ut amissa urbi reponerent. Et iterum, Bis & uicies mille festertium donationibus Nero < Suetonij loc.> effuderat. ubi non mille, sed millies contra fidem exempla= rum lego. Verumenimuero quandoquidem immensa ac caliginosa autoritatum sylua restat apud iuratissimum quemq[ue] autorum linguæ Latinæ sparsarum, tempus iam uersandi cardinem ipsum obscuritatis esse duco, & illud fortasse præsandi per parodiam, Pandite nunc Hælicona deæ. - ne si in densiores sensim tenebras insinuemus, nulla (ut sic dicam) face explicationis prælucente, interim lectores ma gis in hallucinationem inducere, quàm lucè aliqua affër= re tenebricosis locis uidear. proindè ut rem obscuram illustrare quoquo modo possim, lucem ab ipso capite rei < As nummulus.> accersendam habeo. As igitur, qui & assis dicitur, ut antea dictum est, libralis nummulus erat, quod nomen in= ditum est nummo iam inde ab eo tempore quo Romanus populus ære graui pro nummo utebatur. Plin. lib. x x 1. de Scipione cognom[m]eto Suarione loquens, Nec ei fuit in bonis funeris impensa. asses ergo contulit populus, ac fu= nus elocauit: quaq[ue] parte ferebatur, flores è prospectu o= mni sparsit. Tranq[ue] in Augusto, Ex nocturno uisu stipem quotannis die certo emendicabat à populo, cauam manu[m] < Libella.> asses porrigentibus præbens. Idem numus libella dicitur, per

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. On the aes et and certain other things he established at five hundred. And concerning Vespasian: he replenished the census of the senators, and supported impoverished consulars with five hundred sestertii annually. And again, under Nero, he assigned Pompeius Paulinus to the public revenues, with criticism of former emperors, who, by the burden of their expenses, had anticipated fair income, yet he himself was giving six hundred thousand sestertii a year to the Republic. And again, the prince consoled the Lugdunian disaster with forty million sestertii, so that what had been lost might be restored to the city. And again, Nero had poured out twenty-two thousand sestertii in gifts. <Suetonii loc.> where I read not “thousand,” but “millions,” contrary to the faithfulness of the copies. But indeed, since there remains among the most sworn authors of the Latin tongue an immense and shadowy forest of authorities scattered here and there, I now judge the time has come to turn the very hinge of obscurity itself, and perhaps to chant that opening by parody: “Open now, goddesses, Helicon.” lest, if we slowly enter denser darkness, without any lamp, so to speak, of explanation shining before us, we should meanwhile seem to lead readers more into confusion than to bring any light to these dark places. Therefore, in order that I may somehow illuminate a dark matter, I must draw light from the very head of the subject. <As nummulus.> Therefore the as , which is also called assis , as has been said before, was a coin of a pound’s weight; this name was given to the coin from that time on, when the Roman people used heavy bronze as money. Pliny, book x x 1, speaking of Scipio surnamed Suarion, says: “There was no expense for the funeral among his possessions. The people therefore contributed asses and paid for the funeral; and along the whole route where he was carried, they scattered flowers from every viewpoint.” And again in Augustus: “From a nocturnal vision he used every year, on a set day, to beg alms from the people, offering his hollow hand to those presenting asses.” The same coin is also called the libella , by

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 107 per diminutionem à libra: quanqua[m] libella argentea esset, ut autor est Varro. Cicero in Verre actione I I I. Ecquis Volcatio, si sua sponte uenisset, unâ libellam dedisset? Li= bellam pro asse posuit, ex eo dictam, quòd libra æris uale bat, id est, asse. Cum autem minimam pecuniolam signifi= care uolebant, assem & libellam dicebant. Idem pro Ro= scio Comædo de poena plus petentium loquens, Si petie= rit sestert. L I I I. hic nisi planum facit sestert. L I I I. ad libellam sibi deberi, causam perdit. id est, si minimo qui dem nummo minus debitum fuit, ex formula plus petitio= nis causa cadit. Plautus in Pseud. Si quidem hercle etiam supremi promptas thesauros Louis, tibi libellam argenti nunquam credam. Libella aute[m] argenti ideo dicitur, quòd numulus erat argenteus, ut prædiximus. Quin & signa= ta statim argentea pecunia, constitutum ut denarius num= mus libris decem æris ualeret, & sestertius dipondio & semisse: qua ratione quaterni sestertij denarium unum æquabant, ut autor est Festus. Diu autem Populus Rom. æreo nummo usus est, cuius rei testis est Pli. lib. XXXIII. his uerbis, Argentum signatum est anno Vrbis quingen= tesimo octogesimoquinto, Q. Fabio Cōsule, quinq[ue]; annis ante primum Punicu[m] bellum: & placuit denarius pro de= cem libris, quinarius pro quinq[ue]; sestertius pro dipondio ac semisse. Idem populus Ro. ne argento quidem signato ante Pyrrhum Regem deuictum usus est. Libralis, unde etia[m] nunc libella dicitur, & dipondius appedebatur assis. Quare æris grauis poena dicta, & adhuc expesa in ratio nibus dicuntur: item impendia, & pondera. Quin & mi= litum stipendioru[m], hoc est, stipsis ponderandæ pensatores, libripendes dicuntur: qua cōsuetudine in ijs emptionibus quæ mancupi sunt, etiam nunc libra interponitur. hacte= nus

Transcription: Translated (English)

by diminution from a pound: although it was a silver libella, as Varro is the authority. Cicero in the Third Action against Verres: “Was there any one who, if he had come of his own accord, would have given a libella?” He used libella for an as, called thus because a pound of bronze was worth an as, that is, an as. But when they wished to signify the smallest sum of money, they said an as and a libella. The same writer, in speaking in defense of Roscius the comic actor, concerning the penalty for excessive claims: “If he has claimed 53 sestertii, unless he clearly proves that 53 sestertii were due to him at libella, he loses his case”; that is, if he was owed even one smallest coin less, he falls from the claim for overcharge according to the formula. Plautus in the Pseudolus : “Indeed, by Hercules, though you should offer me all the treasures of Jupiter himself, I would never trust you with a libella of silver.” A libella of silver is so called because the coin was silver, as we said before. Moreover, once silver money was coined, it was established that the denarius should be worth ten pounds of bronze, and the sestertius two and a half asses: in this way four sestertii equaled one denarius, as Festus is the authority. For a long time the Roman people used bronze coin; evidence of this is Pliny, book XXXIII, with these words: “Silver coin was struck in the five hundred and eighty-fifth year of the City, when Quintus Fabius was consul, five years before the First Punic War; and it was decided that the denarius should be for ten pounds, the quinarius for five, and the sestertius for two asses and a half.” The same Roman people did not even use coined silver before King Pyrrhus was defeated. Libralis, whence even now libella is also said, and dipondius was weighed out from an as. For this reason a heavy penalty is called a penalty of bronze, and in accounts things are still said to be expended: likewise expenses and weights. And the paymasters of soldiers’ stipends, that is, the weighers of the contributions to be weighed, are called libripendes : by this custom, in those purchases that are subject to mancipium , even now the balance is introduced. Thus far.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nus Pli. Ego in uerbis supradictis ex antiquis exemplari= < Plinij locus.> bus duo uerba emendanda censeo, ut pro pondera depen dere legatur, et pro mancupi mancipij. Quid autem sit dare et uendere mancipio, nos primi, ut arbitror, docui= mus in Annotationibus in Pandectas editis. Fuit autem hic < Aes graue.> ordo rei nummariæ, ut primùm Romani ære graui, id est, nummo rudi et informi usi sint: postea ære signato, quod fuit sub sexto demum Rege: deinde argento signato anno Vrbis quingentesimo octogesimoquinto, autore Plin. his uerbis, Seruius Rex primus signauit æs: antea rudi usos < Pecunia.> Romæ Remeus tradit. signatu[m] est nota pecudu[m]; unde et pe cunia appellata. Maximus census centu[m] decem nulia assiu[m] fuit illo rege: et ideo hæc prima classis. Nummu[m] autè et < Idem nummus & sestertius.> sestertium idem fuisse notius propè erat, quàm ut probari deberet, nisi in hoc Merula uir doctus fæl; us esset, ut suprà admonuimus: et Calderinus uir ingeniosus nummu[m] apud Iuuen. Satyra v 1. denarium esse dixisset. Cic. in Ver. act. I I I I. Facta est sponsio sestertijs quinq; coegit Scandi= lius recuperatores aut iudicem postulare. Et paulò post, Coëgit enim, inquit, Scandiliu[m] quinq; illa nulia nummi in dare ac numerare Apronio. Et rursus inferius, Cogit Scâ dilium Apronio ob singularem improbitatem, atq; auda= ciam, prædatione[m]q; nefariæ societatis, sestertium quinq; milia, mercedis nomine ac præmij dare. Quinq; sestertia, quinq; millia sestertium, et quinque millia nummum pro codè dixit. Vitruuius lib. 1. Ab Senatu populoq; Rom. pe= tijt, ut liceret transferre oppidum: constituitq; moenia, et areas diuisit, nummoq; sestertio singulis municipibus mācipio dedit. id est, sestertijs singulis areas ædificaturis ciuibus uendidit, quæ res instar donationis, imaginè uen= < Addicere num mo.> ditionis habet: quo modo et nummo addicere Suetonio in Cæ

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nus Pli. In the aforementioned words, from ancient exemplars, I think two words should be corrected, so that pondera depen dere should be read for pondera depen dere , and mancupi for mancipij . But what it is to give and sell by mancipio , I believe we were the first to explain in the Annotations on the Pandects that were published. This was, moreover, the < Aes graue.> order of monetary matters, namely that first the Romans used bronze bullion, that is, coarse and unshaped money: afterward stamped bronze, which was under the sixth king only: then stamped silver in the year 585 of the City, according to Pliny, in these words: “King Servius was the first to stamp bronze; before that they used raw < Pecunia.> bronze at Rome,” as Remeus reports. It was stamped with the mark of cattle; whence also pe cunia was so called. The largest census under that king was one hundred and ten thousand asses: and therefore this was the first class. A nummus and < Idem nummus & sestertius.> a sestertius were the same is almost more obvious than that it should need proof, unless in this matter Merula, a learned man, were mistaken, as we noted above; and unless Calderinus, a man of ingenuity, had said that the nummus in Juvenal, Satire 5, line 1, was a denarius. Cicero, in Against Verres, action IV: “An agreement was made for five sestertii; Scandilius forced the appointment of recuperatores or a judge.” And a little later: “For Scandilius, he says, compelled [him] to pay and count out to Apronius those same five thousand nummi.” And again below: “He compels Scandilius, because of his singular wickedness and audacity, and because of the plunder of that nefarious partnership, to give five thousand sestertii, in the name of a fee and reward.” He used five sestertia, five thousand sestertii, and five thousand nummi for the same thing. Vitruvius, book 1: “He petitioned the Senate and Roman people for leave to move the town; and he laid out the walls and divided the plots, and gave each of the citizens a plot by mancipio for one sestertius each,” that is, he sold the building plots to the citizens for one sestertius each, a thing which has the force of a gift, though in the appearance of a sale: in the same way, also, to assign by one nummus, according to Suetonius in < Addicere num mo.> Ca

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 109 in Cæsare. Valcrius lib. v. M. inquit, Cornuto prætore fu nus Hircij & Pansæ iussu Senatus locante, qui tunc libi= tinam exercebant, tum rerum suarum usum, tum muniste= rium suum gratuitum polliciti sunt, perseverantiq[ue] postu latione extuderunt, ut exequiarum apparatus sestertio nummo ipsis præbentibus addiceretur. Ab huiusmodi co= suetudine emanauit illud Vlpiani in l. si quis, de acquiren da possess. Si quis conduxerit, & rogauerit precariò uti possideret, si quidem nummo uno conduxit, nulla dubita= tio est quin & precarium solum teneat. Columella libro quarto, Vinitor licet sit emptus sex uel potius sestertijs octo mulibus, cum ipsum solum septem iugerum totidem mulibus nummorum partum, uineasq[ue] cum sua dote, id est, cum pedamentis & uiminibus binis milibus in singula iu gera positas duco, fit tum in assem consummatum preciu[m] sestertiorum uigintinouem millium. Huc accedunt semis= ses usuraru[m] sestertia tria millia & quadringenti octogin ta nummi biennij temporis, quo uelut infantia uincarum cessat à fructu. fit in assem summa sortis trigintaduoru[m] mil lium quadringetorum octoginta nummorum: quod quasi nomen si ut foenerator cum debitore, ita rusticus cum ui= neis fecerit, eius summæ ut in perpetuum prædictam usu= ram semissium dominus constituat, percipere debet in an= nos singulos mille nongentos quinquaginta sestertios. Mirum uideri non debebat pro septem iugerum, octo iu= gerum apud Columellam lectitari, nisi & apud Hermo= laum in altera editione itidem legeretur, ea parte in qua castigationes condidit in librum decimum quartum Pli= nij, ubi hic locus citatur ad comprobationem eorum quæ de usuris semissibus trientibusq[ue] & centesimis ipse do= ctissimè scripsit: ita ut primus errorem non modo iurispe= riterum Locus Hermo lai de uiuris.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART OF HIS BOOK I. 109 in Caesar. Valerius, book v. M. says that, when Cornutus was praetor, the funeral of Hirtius and Pansa, by order of the Senate, was put out to hire by those who then exercised the business of undertakers; they promised both the use of their own resources and their services free of charge, and by persistent demand obtained that the funeral equipment should be assigned to them for a single sesterce paid by them. From this kind of custom there arose that statement of Ulpian in the law Si quis, de acquirenda possessione: “If anyone has hired and asked to possess by precarium, if indeed he has hired for one coin, there is no doubt that he holds only by precarium as well.” Columella, in book four, though a vine-dresser may be bought for six, or rather eight, sesterces with mules, when I reckon the ground itself of seven iugera purchased for the same number of sesterces, and the vineyards together with their equipment, that is, with props and with two wattles for each iuger set in place at two thousand per iuger, then the total price comes out in full to 29,000 sesterces. To this are added semisses as interest, 3,480 sesterces for the two-year period during which the infancy, as it were, of the vines is exempt from fruit. Thus the total principal comes to 32,480 sesterces; and if, as a lender with a debtor, so the farmer with the vines should make that sum, then for that sum the owner ought to receive, for all time, the aforesaid half-rate interest, namely 1,950 sesterces each year. It should not seem strange that, where Columella has seven iugera, eight iugera are read, unless the same is also found in Hermolaus in another edition, in that part where he placed his emendations in the fourteenth book of Pliny, where this passage is cited to confirm what he most learnedly wrote about half-rate, third-rate, and centesimal interest: so that the first to commit the error was not only the jurists Hermolaus’ passage on interest.

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ritorum, sed & omnium neotericorum ostenderit. quem locum si ad calculum exigere uoluit, facile fuit animaduertere errorem exemplarium. Quonam modo enim ex octo millibus (quod precium serui uinitoris Columella statuit) & altero tanto, id est, octo iugerum precio, & octies binis nullibus (quæ summa pro pedanda uinciendaq; uite iugerum octo taxatur) confieri summa undetriginta millium possit? Quòd si solum septem iugerum legatur, conueniet ratio. Id enim in promptu est uel in digitos calculum deducenti. Porrò cum in semissibus usuris millenarius quilibet sexagenarium pariat, & quingenariustricenarium: ex uiginti millibus summa fit usuræ mille ducenti nummi, & ex decem millibus sexcenti: ex quibus sexaginta ideo deducuntur, quòd sors no[n] triginta, sed undetriginta sit millium. quare semissis usuræ summa erit annua mille septingenti quadraginta nummi: quæ in biennio duplicata, tria millia quadringentos octoginta nummos festertios efficit. Sic fit as sortis & usurarum triginta duo millia quadringenti octoginta nummi. Rursus si hanc summâ sub semissibus usuris occupatam esse statuas: cum triginta millia ratione antedicta mille octingentos pariant: & duo millia centum & uiginti, id est, mille & nongentos uiginti: & si quadringentos octoginta pro quingentis intelligas, ut ex ijs triceni nummi annui pariantur: fiet summa usurarum mille nongenti quinquaginta nummi. alioquin si scrupulose exigas (quod Columellæ neglexit) tot nummi huic summæ deerût, quot uiginti in anno pariunt, id est, unus & circiter quadrans unius. id quod ideo explicare uoluimus, quia Hermolaus inexplici tum reliquit, contentus admonuisse loci: nec aliquid præterea addidit, quàm id quod sequitur: Ex his uerbis, in= quit

Transcription: Translated (English)

...of the rhetoricians, but he has also shown that of all the later writers. If he wished to reduce this passage to calculation, it would have been easy to notice an error in the manuscripts. For how could a total of thirty-nine thousand be made up from eight thousand (which is the price that Columella assigns to a vine-dresser’s slave) and another amount equal to it, that is, the price of eight iugera, and eight times two thousands with the zeros omitted (which sum is reckoned for the planting and tying of eight iugera of vines)? But if only seven iugera are read, the reckoning will agree. For that is immediately clear even to one who works it out on his fingers. Moreover, since at half-percent interest any thousand yields sixty, and any five hundred thirty: from twenty thousand the amount of interest is one thousand two hundred denarii, and from ten thousand six hundred: from these sixty are therefore deducted, because the principal is not thirty, but thirty-nine thousand. Wherefore the annual total at half-percent interest will be one thousand seven hundred and forty denarii; doubled in two years, this makes three thousand four hundred and eighty sestertii. Thus the total of principal and interest comes to thirty-two thousand four hundred and eighty denarii. Again, if you suppose this sum to have been employed at half-percent interest, then since thirty thousand by the calculation already given produce one thousand eight hundred, and two thousand one hundred and twenty, that is, one thousand nine hundred and twenty; and if you understand four hundred and eighty as five hundred, so that from these thirty denarii per year may be produced, the total of interest will be one thousand nine hundred and fifty denarii. Otherwise, if you make the calculation scrupulously (which Columella neglected), there would be missing from this sum as many denarii as twenty produce in a year, that is, one and about a quarter of one. We wished to explain this for that reason, because Hermolaus left it unexplained, content to have pointed out the place; nor did he add anything further except what follows: “From these words,” he says

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. III quit ille, euidentissime colligitur, ex usuris semissibus non quinquagenos de centenis, sed senos duntaxat in annum redire creditoribus: sicuti quaternos ex trientibus. Hoc quoq[ue], ut arbitror, addere debuit, si in mētem ei uenit, cur centesima usura diceretur: quando id plurimum ualet ad fidem faciendam erroris deprehensi, qui perdiu sefellerat. Atqui cù hæc ratio cætesimæ duodenos nummos annuos in singulos centenarios pariat, & mestruos singulos: facile patet ideo centesimam dictam, quòd centesimo mense <Centesima usura.> sortem æquet. V surarum enim dies olim in singulos menses cedere existimabantur, ut hodie moribus huius urbis tertio quoque mense cedunt earum pensitationum dies, quæ precio legitimo accepto prædijs imponu[n]tur, & mancipio datur, & citra uitium foenoris instar habent. Dicitur etiam centesima usura ideo (nisi fallor) quia cætesimus nummus pro foenore statuitur. Centum enim nummi sortis, pariunt singulos nummos menstruos. hæc à Græcis dicitur. Plutarchus in Lucul. μὴ ἐκποσιω ἐκελεσθε, καὶ μὴ πλεον εἰς τὰς τὸννς λεγίεαν. Vbi πιù μορίδα subintelligo. Quòd autem menstruæ esse censerentur usuræ, <Calendarium.> calendarium uocabulum docet, quo iuris consulti utuntur. Proinde cum centesima usura pro asse intelligatur, dimidiata centesima semissis dicitur: & semis rursus dimidiatus, quadrans. Similisq[ue] ratio in trientario foenore statuitur: quod Antoninus Pius R[everendus] princeps tanqua[m] minimu[m] exercuisse dicitur, ut patrimonio suo plurimos adiuvaret. Vidi homines iurisperitissimos qui adhuc centesimam usuram cum Accursio intelligerent, nec Hermolao assentirentur, nec ijs iurisconsultis qui cù eo sentiunt, calculo (ut arbitror) offensi, quem non facile expediunt homines eius artis ignari: quæ causa fuit ut eum locu[m] expla[n]nandum

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. III whence it is most clearly gathered that from semiannual interest, not fifty from one hundred, but only six per year return to the creditors; just as four from thirds. This also, I think, he should have added, if it came into his mind, why it was called centesima usura: since this is of great importance for establishing confidence in the detection of an error that had long deceived people. But indeed, if this reason produces for the cætesima twelve annual coins for each hundred, and each monthly one, it is easily clear that it was therefore called centesima, because in the hundredth month it equals the principal. For the days of interest were once thought to run through the individual months, as today, by the custom of this city, the days for those payments, which, a lawful price having been received, are imposed on goods and handed over with mancipium, and without the defect of usury have the force of interest, fall due every third month. It is also called centesima usura, if I am not mistaken, because the hundredth coin is fixed as the interest. For one hundred coins of principal produce one coin per month. This is said by the Greeks. Plutarch in Lucullus: μὴ ἐκποσιω ἐκελεσθε, καὶ μὴ πλεον εἰς τὰς τὸννς λεγίεαν. Here I understand πιù μορίδα. But that interest was thought to be monthly, the word calendarium shows, which the jurists use. Accordingly, since centesima usura is understood as an as, the half of the centesima is called semissis; and the semis, cut in half again, a quadrans. A similar arrangement is established in the trientary rate of interest: which Antoninus Pius, the reverend prince, is said to have exercised, as little as possible, so that he might help many from his own estate. I have seen very learned legal men who still understood centesima usura with Accursius, and would not agree with Hermolaus, nor with those jurists who side with him, offended by the reckoning, as I think, which men ignorant of that art do not easily work out: this was the reason why that passage had to be explained

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nandum ducerem. Verum ne de hoc posthac dubitetur, locus est apud Plinium in epistolis ad Traianum his uerbis rem manifestam reddens, Pecuniæ publicæ, domine, prouidentiatua & ministerio nostro et iam exactæ sunt, & exiguntur, quæ uereor ne ociosæ iaceant: nam & prædiorum comparandorum aut nulla aut rarissima occasio est, nec inuenciuntur qui uelint debere Reipublicæ præsertim duodenis assibus, quanti à priuatis inueniantur. Dispice ergo domine nunquid minuendam usuram, ac per hoc idoneos debitores inuitandos putes: & si nec sic reperiuntur, distribuendam inter Decuriones pecuniam ita ut recte Reipublicæ caueant. quod quanquam inuitis & recusantibus, minus acerbum erit, leuiore usura constituta. Duodenos asses appellat plenam centesimam, eo modo loquendi quo nunc in eare utimur duodecimu[m] denarium uel decimum quintum dicentes. Cicero in Præura urbana obijcit Verri quòd pecuniam sibi attributam ad coëmptionem frumenti publici, apud publicanos relictam unde erat attributa, duabus centesimis foeneratus sit. Duas centesimas Cicero quatuor & uiginti asses in centenarios singulos dixit. Demosthenes orator in oratione quam contra Aphobum unum ex tutoribus suis habuit, hoc apertissime docet. ait enim patrem suum Demosthenem Aphobo, quem tutorem sibi dederat, in testamento octoginta minas reliquisse dotis nomine, ut uxorem suam Demosthenis matrem, uxorem duceret: quas cum ille accepisset, matrem tamen uxorem non habuit. Sic igitur inquit, πινοικια ποινον ποινον ειχε λαδων. μὴ γαμαρλος δὲ αυτὴ πινοιμητικὴ πινοεμηλιω, ὑμνομος κελωδ πινοικια ὑφείλην ἐπειννεα ὑδολοῖς, ἐγώ δὲ ἐπι αρχαίη μόνον πίθμη, γινεται δὲ ἀντις σωθήν τὸ, τε ἀρχαίον ποι

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nandum ducerem. But lest there should hereafter be any doubt about this, there is a passage in Pliny’s letters to Trajan which makes the matter clear in these words: “The public funds, lord, have now, through your providence and our agency, been both paid out and are being collected, which I fear may lie idle; for there is either no opportunity, or a very rare one, to purchase lands, nor are there found those who are willing to owe the Republic, especially at twelve asses, for what private persons may be found to pay. Consider therefore, lord, whether you think the interest should be reduced, and by this means suitable debtors invited: and if even so none are found, the money should be distributed among the decurions, so that they may properly guarantee the Republic; which, although against their will and though they refuse, will be less harsh if a lower rate of interest is fixed.” He calls twelve asses the full centesimal rate, using the same way of speaking as we now do when we say the twelfth denarius or the fifteenth. Cicero, in the Praetura urbana , reproaches Verres because the money assigned to him for the purchase of public grain, left with the publicani from whom it had been assigned, he lent out at two per cent. Cicero said two per cent was twenty-four asses per hundred. Demosthenes the orator, in the speech which he made against Aphobus, one of his guardians, makes this most clearly known. For he says that his father, Demosthenes, had left to Aphobus, whom he had appointed his guardian, by testament eighty minae under the name of a dowry, so that he might take his mother, the wife of Demosthenes, in marriage; but when he had received these, he nevertheless did not take the mother as his wife. Thus therefore he says, πινοικια ποινον ποινον ειχε λαδων. μὴ γαμαρλος δὲ αυτὴ πινοιμητικὴ πινοεμηλιω, ὑμνομος κελωδ πινοικια ὑφείλην ἐπειννεα ὑδολοῖς, ἐγώ δὲ ἐπι αρχαίη μόνον πίθμη, γινεται δὲ ἀντις σωθήν τὸ, τε ἀρχαίον ποι

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 113 νοι ἡ τῶν ἔνδια ἐτῶν, μάλιστε πία πάλαιντα. Verùm iste dotem huiuscemodi pacto habuit: quare cum matrem mea[m] uxorem non duxerit, lege quidem iubente debet dotem cum usuris nouenûm obolum restituere: sed fac drachmales tantum usuras eum debere.has si cum sorte aliquis supputauerit, duodecim annorum spatio tria largè talenta inueniet. Ego cum hanc rationem inirem, sic colligebam, octoginta minæ centenariæ, octo millia drachmarum ualent, siue octogies centenas. Cum autem in centesimis usuris quilibet centenarius siue quælibet mina in anno duodenarium pariat: si octogies duodenas drachmas ducerem, futuras in summa drachmas nongentas sexaginta: quæ summa si duodecies ducatur, fient undecim millia drachmarum, & quingentæ præterea & uiginti, ex quibus centum & quindecim minæ fiunt, & uiginti drachmæ superant: quibus si octoginta minas, id est, sortem addas, fiunt centum nonagintaquinque minæ. ita tria talenta fiunt, & quindecim minæ, cum L X. minæ talentum faciant, ut infrà uidebimus. Propter quod Demosthenes exactè summam colligere uolens, largè uel prolixè tria talenta dixit pro tribus taletis & quadrante. nouem autem obolos pro sesquidrachma posuit, qua ratione sesquicentesima usura procederet, quam ipse, ut omnino aduersario defensionis ansam præcideret, ad centesimam retraxit. Vsuræ sesquicentesimæ taxatæ erant ex lege decem tabularum in rei uxoriæ actione, eodem autore in oratione κατὴν νεαίρας. ita enim inquit, Νόμον πελοίει ἰὰν ἀγωπίμπι πιν γωνῶνα, ἀγαθοδοξια πιν περίκα. ἰὰν ἐμή, ἐπειννία ὑδολοῦντι πονερωρήν. Lex iubet eum qui uxorem repudiarit, dotem restituere, alioqui moræ tempore interusurium pendere sesquidrachmale. Ea autem actio σίν Σίκη μοcata est à Solone, ut h ex eo σίν Σίκη. Vsura sesquicentesima.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 113 The law of the yearly interest, especially the ancient one. But this man received the dowry under such an agreement: therefore, since he has not taken my mother as his wife, by law indeed he must restore the dowry with nine-obol interest; but suppose he owes only drachma interest. If anyone were to reckon these together with the principal, he would find three talents, in the space of twelve years, by a large amount. When I was working out this calculation, I was figuring it thus: eighty mina of one hundred drachmas each are worth eight thousand drachmas, that is, eighty times one hundred. But in centesimal interest, each hundred drachmas, or each mina, yields twelve in a year: if I took eighty times twelve drachmas, the total would come to nine hundred and sixty drachmas; and if this sum be multiplied by twelve, there will be eleven thousand drachmas, and five hundred and twenty besides, from which one hundred and fifteen mina are made, and twenty drachmas remain over: to which, if you add the eighty mina, that is, the principal, there come to be one hundred and ninety-five mina. Thus there are three talents, and fifteen mina, since sixty mina make a talent, as we shall see below. For this reason Demosthenes, wishing to collect the exact sum, said three talents in a broad or loose sense for three talents and a quarter. But he set nine obols for one and a half drachmas, by which calculation the interest would be one and a half per cent, which he himself, in order wholly to cut off any ground of defense from his opponent, reduced to one per cent. Interest at one and a half per cent was prescribed by the law of the Twelve Tables in the action concerning the wife’s property, as the same author says in the speech against Neaira. Thus he says: “The law commands that if a man repudiate his wife, he restore the dowry, otherwise in the period of delay he shall pay interest at one and a half drachmas.” This action was called σίν Σίκη by Solon, as from it σίν Σίκη. Interest at one and a half per cent.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ex eodem oratore nouimus. Itidem alio loco, ταῦτας ποίνω ἐχει τὰς πιάντας μνᾶς απὸ τὸ ὑγασηρία, (κεί κ ἐγρον ὑμτῶν δητῶ ἐτῶν, ὃ ἔχν ἐπί ἔφαχμή πς πεῖνον, ἀνλας ὑμή πιάντας μνᾶς ἐυρύσει. Has igitur, inquit, triginta minas habet ab officina, & partum eorum octo annorum: quem si quis drachmali usura occupatum esse ponat, alteras pariter triginta minas inueniet. Triginta minæ quotannis tricies duodenas drachmas pariunt, id est, trecentas & sexaginta, quæ octies ductæ duo millia & octingentas octoginta drachmas ualent. Hoc in loco orator numerum auxit mina una, & quinta parte minæ: superiore autem exemplo numerum diminuit, uel quia exacti calculi tædium uitare uolebat, uel ut summas potius rotundas faceret: utrobique tamen clarum est eum drachmalem usuram dixisse, quam Latini centesimâ dicunt. Est enim drachma, centesima pars minæ. Sic fit ut cētesima usura æquare sor tem dicatur, quia centesimo mense drachma in minam euadit. ut enim Romani ab assibus, sic Græci à drachmis usuras denominarunt, ut nos hodie à denarijs. Quòd autem menstruæ essent usuræ, apertius etia[m] ex oratione Aeschinis contra Ctesiphontem ostendetur. Criminose enim objiciens Demostheni quòd pro quodam Atheniensium plebiscito (quod Græci psephisma appellant) cuius ipse autor fuerat, à tribus ciuitatibus, in quarum gratiam id promulgatum erat, talenta tria dari sibi stipulatus esset, cum Oritæ, inquit, bello exhausti id dissoluere non possent, foenus ei talenti spoponderunt quoad talentum soluissent. ὑμαν ἀγαθῶν ὑπι ἐνεργητοῦν τὸ παίντο τὰς δημοσίας προσόδας, κεί τόμον ἐνεργητοῦν δημοδένει τὸ δημοδκύματος ἔφαχμή τὸ μηνῶς τὴς μνᾶς, ἐως ἀνεφάλαιον ἀπεδομαν. id est, Coacti autem Oritæ,

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET we have learned from the same speaker. Likewise in another place: “these have the same thirty minae from the interest-bearing sum,” with the rest somewhat corrupted; but the sense is that, having received thirty minae from the workshop and from their capital for eight years, if anyone supposes it to have been employed at drachma interest, he will likewise find another thirty minae. Thus, he says, thirty minae produce each year thirty times twelve drachmas, that is, three hundred and sixty; and these, multiplied eight times, amount to two thousand eight hundred and eighty drachmas. In this passage the orator increased the number by one mina and a fifth part of a mina; in the earlier example, however, he diminished the number, either because he wished to avoid the tedium of exact calculation, or so as to make the sums rounder. In both cases, however, it is clear that he meant drachma interest, which the Latins call centesima. For a drachma is the hundredth part of a mina. Thus it comes about that the centesimal interest is said to equal the principal, because in the hundredth month a drachma grows into a mina. For as the Romans derived interest from asses, so the Greeks derived it from drachmas, as we today do from denarii. That these were monthly interest payments will be shown even more clearly from Aeschines’ speech against Ctesiphon. For, accusing Demosthenes with some offensiveness that for a certain Athenian decree (which the Greeks call a psephisma), of which he himself had been the proposer, he had stipulated that three talents be given to him by three cities in whose favor it had been promulgated, when the Orites, he says, worn out by war could not pay it off, they promised him interest on that talent until the talent should be repaid. ὑμαν ἀγαθῶν ὑπι ἐνεργητοῦν τὸ παίντο τὰς δημοσίας προσόδας, κεί τόμον ἐνεργητοῦν δημοδένει τὸ δημοδκύματος ἔφαχμή τὸ μηνῶς τὴς μνᾶς, ἐως ἀνεφάλαιον ἀπεδομαν. that is, “But the Orites, being compelled,”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 115 Oritæ, cum pecuniæ inopia premerentur, uectigalia pu= blica in taleti summam ipsi oppignerauere, & foenus De= mostheni sceleratæ mercedis interim pependerunt, dra= chmas menstruas in singulas minas, quoad sortem reddi= derunt. Hoc unum exemplum maius est, quàm ut altero adminiculo egcat: quanquam & alijs exemplis non care= mus. Cicero ad Atticum libro v 1. Ei tamen sic nunc sol= uitur, tricesimo quoque die talenta Attica x x x I I I. & hoc ex tributis, nec id satis efficitur in usuram menstrua[m]. Simile est illud apud Athenæum circa finem lib. x I I I. ex oratione Lysiæ, ὑπος ὑπονοθος ομασαι ὑφείλων ὑφιερων ἐ= πι πισοὶ ὑφαχμῶς σωσίων ὑπο ταφεσίτη, προσελων πρὸς ἐ= με, ἐδυτο μὴ ποριλῶν αυτὸν σχε τὰς τὸν ὑπτων ἐκπεσῶντα. πατασκολάσμαι ἐν ἐφη τεχνω μυρετικῶ, ἀφε= μῶς ἐν Σεωμαι, καὶ δίσω δὲ σοι ἐννέα ὑδολος τῶς μυὰς τὸνς. Hic est iudices, qui cum uersuram fecisset à Sosimo trape= zita ternis drachmis, ad me uenit orans ut se foenore ob= rutum & facultatibus lapsum ne despicerem. Est mihi, in= quit, in animo unguentariâ factitare, sed facultas non sup= petit. Si mihi mutuam pecuniam dederis, nouenos tibi o= bolos in singulas minas pensitabo. Hæc uerba ita intelli= genda esse dico, ut ternas drachmas prius pro tribus cen= tesimis, & nouenos obolos pro sesquicentesima accipia= mus. Qui enim querebatur se graui foenore ad inopiam redactum, & ad pignorum distractionem, ab amico postu lat, ut dimidio leuiore usura pecuniâ sibi mutuet, ut cum officinam unguentariam instituerit, liberare se eo quæstu ære alieno possit. Siquidem singulæ drachmæ in singulas minas ac singulos menses pensitatæ, centesimam unam fa= ciunt, quæ centesimo mense sortem æquat. Ita ternæ dra= chmæ ternas centesimas faciunt. Noueni autem oboli ses= h 2 quidra

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 115 The Oritae, when they were hard pressed by a lack of money, pledged the public revenues to a sum in talents, and meanwhile paid Demosthenes the interest of his wicked gain, so many drachmas each month for each mina, until they repaid the principal. This one example is greater than to need any other support, although we are not lacking other examples either. Cicero, to Atticus, book V, 1: “And yet even now payment is made in this way, every thirtieth day, thirty-three Attic talents; and this from the taxes, and even that does not suffice to cover the monthly interest.” A similar passage is that in Athenaeus, near the end of book XIII, from a speech of Lysias: ὑπος ὑπονοθος ομασαι ὑφείλων ὑφιερων ἐπι πισοὶ ὑφαχμῶς σωσίων ὑπο ταφεσίτη, προσελων πρὸς ἐμε, ἐδυτο μὴ ποριλῶν αυτὸν σχε τὰς τὸν ὑπτων ἐκπεσῶντα. πατασκολάσμαι ἐν ἐφη τεχνω μυρετικῶ, ἀφεμῶς ἐν Σεωμαι, καὶ δίσω δὲ σοι ἐννέα ὑδολος τῶς μυὰς τὸνς. “Here is a man, gentlemen, who, after borrowing from Sosimus the banker at three drachmas, came to me begging that I would not despise him, as one overwhelmed by interest and fallen into poverty. ‘It is my intention,’ he says, ‘to set up in the perfume trade, but I do not have the means. If you lend me money, I will pay you nine obols for each mina.’” I say that these words must be understood in such a way that we take the three drachmas first as three per cent, and the nine obols as one and a half per cent. For the man who complained that he had been reduced to poverty by heavy interest, and to the selling off of his pledges, asks a friend to lend him money at a rate of interest half as high, so that when he has established a perfume shop he may be able to free himself from debt out of that business profit. For if each drachma, paid on each mina and each month, makes one hundredth, which in the hundredth month equals the principal, then three drachmas make three hundredths. But nine obols make one and a half centesimae.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET <Drachma. Obolus.> quidrachmam tantum ualent, cum drachma sex obolos penderet. Foenoris autem nautici exemplum est apud De= mosthenem in oratione quæ πρὸς λαχρίτο περαρραφω di= citur, his uerbis, ἰδύνθον ουδοκλής καὶ ναυμάτης δρίτι= μων ἐν απολλοδώρω φασμλίταις δρυμήν πιχιλίας άσαχιμᾶς, αθήνθεν ἐις μενθω, καὶ ἐντοδέν ἐις βοανορον, ἰαν ἔν βού= λων) ἐν ἐπι δριστερὰ μεχρι βορυδίνας, καὶ πύλιν αθήναζε, ἐπι άκακτιας ἐκεσπιέντε πος χιλίας, ἰαν καὶ μετ' δρικτήρον ἐκπλοδώσαν ἐκ τὴν πῶντε ἰδρον, ἐπι πιακτιαίας τὰς χι= λίας. Id est, Androcles & Naurates pecuniam foenera= ti sunt Artemoni & Apollodoro Phaselitis ad tria millia drachmarum, hoc est triginta minas: conuenitq[ue]; ut Athenis pecuniam Mendam exportarent, indeq[ue]; in Bosporon, aut etiam si placeret sinistrorum nauigare ad Borysthenen usque, & rursus Athenas cum mercibus redire. Statutus autem modus foenoris in millenas drachmas ducentæuice= næquinæ drachmæ. Quòd si post arcturum portum exe= ant è Ponto ad sacrum promontorium nauigaturi, trece= næ in millenas. Hoc perinde est ac si diceret, in denas mi= nas ternæ minæ, uel binæ cum quadrante minæ: quæ ratio longè abest ab illa centesima Accursianorum. Hoc enim conuento sænus non in mensem statutum intelligo, sed se= mel in maris commeatum remeatumq[ue], & in eius nego= ciationis exitum. Hæc autem quæ retuli, uerba sunt syn= graphæ nauticæ. Ipse Demosthenes in oratione quæ πα= ραρραφη πρὸς παραίνετον inscripta est, centum & quinque minarum tot idem drachmas menstruas ἐν γυνομητον τὸνερ esse dicit, hoc est iustam & legitimam usuram. μιδύται ἐγ παρ' μὴν τὸ γυνομητα τὸνα ἐν δρυμήω, πιντε καὶ ἐναρχε δακχιμὴν τὸ μὴνος ἐκάσα. Quibus uerbis circa principium eius orationis positis, significat, contractum illum nomine quidem

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASE AND <Drachma. Obolus.> they are worth only one-quarter of a drachma, since a drachma weighed six obols. An example of maritime interest is found in Demosthenes in the speech called πρὸς λαχρίτο περαρραφω, in these words, ἰδύνθον ουδοκλής καὶ ναυμάτης δρίτιμων ἐν απολλοδώρω φασμλίταις δρυμήν πιχιλίας άσαχιμᾶς, αθήνθεν ἐις μενθω, καὶ ἐντοδέν ἐις βοανορον, ἰαν ἔν βούλων) ἐν ἐπι δριστερὰ μεχρι βορυδίνας, καὶ πύλιν αθήναζε, ἐπι άκακτιας ἐκεσπιέντε πος χιλίας, ἰαν καὶ μετ' δρικτήρον ἐκπλοδώσαν ἐκ τὴν πῶντε ἰδρον, ἐπι πιακτιαίας τὰς χι= λίας. That is: Androcles and Naurates lent money at interest to Artemon and Apollodorus of Phaselis, up to three thousand drachmas, that is, thirty minas; and it was agreed that they should export the money from Athens, and from there to the Bosporus, or even, if they wished, sail to Borysthenes by the left-hand route, and then return again to Athens with their merchandise. The fixed rate of interest, however, on a thousand drachmas was two hundred and twenty-nine drachmas. But if, after passing the port of Arcturus, they should leave the Pontus and sail to the Sacred Promontory, the rate was three hundred and twenty in a thousand. This is as if one were to say, in ten minas, three minas, or two minas and a quarter: a rate far removed from that centesimal rate of the Accursiani. For by this agreement I understand not monthly payment in the usual sense, but once for the outward and return voyage by sea, and for the termination of that business. What I have reported here, however, are the words of a maritime contract. Demosthenes himself, in the speech entitled παραρραφη πρὸς παραίνετον, says that the same thing of one hundred and five minas, that is, 105 drachmas monthly, ἐν γυνομητον τὸνερ, is the just and lawful interest. μιδύται ἐγ παρ' μὴν τὸ γυνομητα τὸνα ἐν δρυμήω, πιντε καὶ ἐναρχε δακχιμὴν τὸ μὴνος ἐκάσα. By these words, placed near the beginning of that speech, he indicates that the contract, indeed by name

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 117 quidem conductionem fuisse, sed reuera mutuum usurarium. Quem contractum ne quis improbandum censeret, addidit usuræ loco pensitationem menstruam se stipulatum, quantam scilicet usuram stipulari per leges liceret. Eam autem esse in singulas minas drachmas singulas. Idem ἐν ἐν πρὸς νικοστον, ἐνημι ἐν τω συνοικιαν ἐκκαίδια μνῶν παμωταίν, ὑπο ουχς ὑπος προεξηνσεν, ἐπιδκτὸς δοξολος τω μνῶν διεκτατη τω μλως ἐκάσα. Oppigneraui igitur diuersorium meum in sedecim minas Pambotadæ, qui eam pecuniam repræsentauit, in singulas minas octonis obolis quolibet mense creditori foenoris nomine constitutis. atque hæc & hoc ipso interprete & proxeneta facta est constitutio. Hæc usura centesimam triente excedit. Vsura aute apud antiquos duplex fuit, terrestris, & nautica. Terrestris, id est, ἐγγεθ, menstrua erat. nautica iterum duplex fuit: una quæ in alteram tantum nauigatione statuebatur (hæc à Græcis heteroplus dicitur) altera ita contrahebatur, ut non aliter deberetur nec ipsa, nec sors eius, quàm si nais cum mercibus sospes domum redijsset. Hanc amphoteroplum dicunt, quasi in co[m]meatum remeatumq[ue] taxatam. de quo locutus est Modestinus in l. prima, de nautico foenore. Demosthenes πρὸς φορμύνα, καὶ ἐτο ἀυτὸς ἐδῶν δεινὸν αυτὸς οἰχιλίας άφαχμᾶς ἀμφωτερόπλαν, ὑς ἀπολατῶν αθύνποι οἰχιλίας ἐκαχείας άφαχμᾶς. Et hic quidem, inquit, mutuò dedit duo millia drachmarum pecuniæ utrobiqve traictitiæ, ut Athenis duo millia drachmarum & eo amplius sexcentas reciperet. His uerbis liquet id quod supra diximus, usuram nauticam non menstrua fuisse, sed una in omne tempus nauigationis & negociationis constitutione taxatam. Fuit enim pecunia à Lampide naucleo Phormioni foeneratò mutuata Athenis in Pon- h 3 tum

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 117 indeed it had been a lease, but in truth it was a usurious loan. And lest anyone should think this contract objectionable, he added that, in place of interest, he stipulated a monthly payment, namely such interest as it was lawful to stipulate by law. This was one drachma for each mina. The same in the text: ... I therefore mortgaged my inn to Pambotades for sixteen minas, who furnished that money, with eight obols per mina each month fixed for the creditor under the name of interest. And this agreement was made through this same interpreter and broker. This interest exceeds the centesima by one third. But among the ancients interest was of two kinds, terrestrial and nautical. Terrestrial, that is, ἐγγεθ, was monthly. Nautical interest was again of two kinds: one was fixed only for one voyage (this is called by the Greeks heteroplus); the other was contracted in such a way that neither the loan itself nor the principal was owed otherwise than if the ship had returned home safe with its cargo. This they call amphoteroplus, as if fixed for the outward and return voyage. Modestinus spoke of this in the first law, on nautical loan. Demosthenes, in the speech Against Phormio , says that he himself gave two thousand drachmas in a loan for both voyages, so that at Athens he might receive two thousand drachmas and six hundred more besides. From these words it is clear what we said above, namely that nautical interest was not monthly, but fixed by one agreement for the whole period of the voyage and trading. For the money was loaned at interest by Lampides the shipmaster to Phormio at Athens for the journey to Pontus h 3 tum

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tum, & Ponto Athenas. Et hæc ratio maior est sesqui= quarta, & iure Pandectarum non admissa. Nam legitimæ usura traiectitiæ pecuniæ non potest duplam centesimam excedere, ut autor est Papinianus in l. Nihil interest. A Græcis ephectos tocos uocatur, superexta usura: cuius exemplum luculentum est in supradicta πρὸς φορμύνα De= mosthenis oratione. Nouissimum exemplum addemus ex Isæo in oratione ποδί το ἀγνία κλήρα, in qua bona cuiusdam defuncti recensens, & nomina, ita inquit, χρία Π πι πονοις ὑφθλοιωα ποδί τετραχιχιλίας, ὑπο & ἐπιν ἐπι ἐννία ὑδολείς ἐπικοσία μὴ ἀνοι ἐπιχιαί ἀνοιν) το ἀνιωτή. Nomina autem usuraria ad quatuor millia drachmarum, cuius quæstus singulis annis septingētæ uiginti drachmæ fiunt foenore nouenûm obolorum. Post hæc uerba quis controuersiam referre audeat eorum quæ diximus? Cum enim centesima in singulos mullenarios centum & uiginti annuas pariat, sequitur ut sesquicentesima centum & octoginta pariat, qui numerus quadruplicatus septingentas & uiginti efficit. Nostra autem ratio hodie in pensitationibus & uectigalibus quæ prædijs imponuntur, bessales usuras referre quodammodo uidetur: sed qui innocentius stipulari uolunt religione obstricti, aut ciuili foenori detrahere aliquid, aut precio addere solent. Vncaria usura est cum centenarius singulos parit, ut in l. Titium, de administratione tutorum. Qui autem religione soluti sunt, & hodie Epidecatum probant, nos uectigal decimarium appellare possumus, quod nec boni uiri probant, & incuile iam existimatur: ex quo scilicet tempore idem Hermolaus rem usurariam male esse intellectam à iuris enarratoribus docuit. Quandoquidem autem Pauli responsum in capite, Si hæres, ad legem Falcidiam, uideo à iuris Epidecatum foenus. Locus Pauli jurisconsulti.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET then, and to Pontus, Athens. And this ratio is greater than one and a quarter, and is not admitted by the law of the Pandects. For the lawful interest on money sent by transfer cannot exceed one-tenth, as Papinian says in the law Nihil interest . Among the Greeks it is called ephectos tocos , that is, superadded interest: a clear example of which is found in the above-mentioned speech of Demosthenes πρὸς φορμύνα . We shall add the latest example from Isaeus, in the speech ποδί το ἀγνία κλήρα , in which, recounting the property of a certain deceased man and the debts, he says thus: χρία Π πι πονοις ὑφθλοιωα ποδί τετραχιχιλίας, ὑπο & ἐπιν ἐπι ἐννία ὑδολείς ἐπικοσία μὴ ἀνοι ἐπιχιαί ἀνοιν) το ἀνιωτή. The interest-bearing debts amount to four thousand drachmas, from which a yearly gain of seven hundred and twenty drachmas is made at a rate of nine obols. After these words, who would dare refer a controversy to the things we have said? For since one percent on each thousand produces one hundred and twenty annually, it follows that one and a half percent produces one hundred and eighty; and that number, multiplied by four, makes seven hundred and twenty. Our own practice today in payments and in taxes imposed on properties seems in a way to represent bessed interest; but those who wish to contract more innocently, under religious obligation, either subtract something from civil interest or are accustomed to add to the price. Vncaria interest is when a hundred yields a single one, as in the law Titium , on the administration of tutors. Those, however, who are free from religious scruples, and who even today approve Epidecatum , we may call a ten-percent tax, which neither good men approve nor is now considered suitable; from which time, of course, the same Hermolaus taught that the usurious matter had been badly understood by interpreters of the law. Since, however, I see the answer of Paul, in the heading Si hæres , to the Falcidian law, I see from the jurists Epidecatum interest. The passage of the jurist Paul.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. 1. 119 à iuris enarratoribus absurdè esse intellectum: de eoq[ue] ipse à iuris non mediocriter in eo studio eruditis interrogatus, Pauli sententiam penè ænigmaticam, Hermolai uerò in= terpretationem sensi planè uideri ieiunam, ipsoq[ue] Pauli di cto illis obscuriorem, licet ipse aliter existimem: idcirco mei muneris esse duxi, institutoq[ue] operi et proposito con uenire, eius responsi uerba enarratius explanare. Item si Reipublicæ (inquit Paulus) in annos singulos legatu sit, cum de lege Falcidia quæratur, Marcellus putat tantum uideri legatum, quantum sufficiat sorti ad usuras trientes eius summæ quæ legata est, colligendas. Hic primùm hoc præstandum habeo, quòd cum ad Falcidiam exercendam legatorum ratio initur, ut constare inde possit an ultra do drantem à testatore legata producta fuerint: ea legata quæ certam summam non habent, legitimo precio æstimantur. Esto igitur exempli gratia ut seni aurei Reipublicæ reli= cti sint annui in perpetuum. notum est eius summæ reditu[m] ab hærede alicunde comparandum, reiq[ue] publicæ ab eo mancipandum, unde stabilem obuentionem eius summæ habere quotannis possit: aut pro eo preciu[m] dandum. Nunc igitur si ratione legatorum ineunda quæratur quantum hæres eo nomine imputare in rationem debeat, responde= re possis ex Marcelli opinione, et Pauli sentetia, non tan tum imputandu[m] quanti sex aurei annui emi possunt trans= latitio et plerunq[ue] usitato precio, uel quanta est pecuniæ summæ: quæ si foeneratò collocetur, senos aureos quotan= nis parere potest ciuili et legitimo foenore: sed uberius ac plenius huius legati æstimationem ideo esse faciendam, quòd Reipublicæ relictum est. Nam cum per legem, Eos, in tractatu de usuris, Iustinianus Augustus sanxerit legi= timam et ciuilem usuram esse semussem, si priuato ipse b 4 homi

Transcription: Translated (English)

understood absurdly by the interpreters of the law; and when I was asked about this by those not a little learned in that study of law, I perceived Paul’s opinion to be almost enigmatic, but Hermolaus’s interpretation plainly to be rather meager, and Paul’s own statement to be more obscure than theirs, although I myself think otherwise. Therefore I judged it to be my task, and to be in keeping with the work undertaken and the purpose proposed, to explain the words of that response more fully. Likewise, if, says Paul, there is a bequest to the Republic for each year, when the Lex Falcidia is in question, Marcellus thinks that only so much is bequeathed as suffices for the principal sum to yield annual interest at one-third on the amount bequeathed. Here I must first make this clear: when, for the purpose of applying the Falcidian law, the calculation of legacies is made, so that it can be determined whether the bequests made by the testator have been carried beyond three-quarters, those legacies which do not have a fixed sum are to be valued at their lawful price. Let it be supposed, for example, that six golden pieces were left to the Republic annually in perpetuity. It is clear that income from that sum must be obtained by the heir from somewhere, and that it must be secured for the Republic from whatever source can provide it with a stable yearly return of that amount; or else the price must be paid for it. Now then, if, in making the computation of legacies, it is asked how much the heir ought to charge to the account on this score, you may reply, according to Marcellus’s opinion and Paul’s statement, that not only is there to be entered the amount for which six annual golden pieces can be bought at the customary and generally used transfer price, or the amount of the sum of money which, if invested at interest, can produce six golden pieces each year at civil and lawful interest; but that the valuation of this legacy is to be made more fully and more generously for the very reason that it was left to the Republic. For since, in the law Eos , in the discussion on interest, Augustus Justinian has enacted that lawful and civil interest is one-half percent monthly, if he himself, for a private person…

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

homini ponas aureos senos quotannis esse relictos à testatore: hæres tum non ultra centum aureos pro eo legato deducere in eam rationem poterit. Siquidem centenarius sortis (ut ex prædictis apparet) duodenarium quotannis parit foenoris, tum quidem, cum usura procedit centesima: quare in usura semisse, quæ dimidia est centesimæ, senarius anniuersarius è centenario conficitur. Sic fit ut legatum senûm aureorum priuato homini relictum, non ultra centum aureos æstimari debeat, cum ea summa foenori data, uulgo senos aureos pariat iuris concessione. At nunc cum Reipublicæ huiusmodi legatum esse relictum positum sit, opinione Marcelli æstimatio erit superioris sesquipla: quippe cum usura trientalis subsesquipla sit, id est, , semissis, hoc est, tertia parte minor, ut quaternarius subsesquiplus est senarj. Senarius enim tertia sui parte superat quaternarium, hoc est binario: quod perinde est ac si dicas senarium continere quaternarium, & quaternarj semissem, propter quod hemiolius eius dicitur, & sesquiplus. In hac igitur specie aureos senos legatos, centum & quinquaginta aureis æstimabit hæres, tantumq[ue] legatarijs eo nomine expensum feret. Quanto enim usuræ modus à testatore taxatus minor est unde legatum annum percipiendum, tanto est summa maior quæ precium est aut æstimatio legati. Hic autem licet testator non constituerit summam, tamen iuris interpretatione taxasse existimatur, Marcelli & Pauli opinione. ita enim constitui legatum annum, fundariq[ue] testatorem uoluisse ipsi interpretantur, non ut plerunque percipi posset, sed ut quouis tempore, id quod tum euenit, cum pecunia leuissimo foenore collocatur, uerbi gratia, trientali. Siquidem ex ea promptum est quouis

Transcription: Translated (English)

that you shall pay six gold pieces annually, left by the testator: the heir then will not be able to deduct more than one hundred gold pieces for that legacy in that calculation. For since a hundred capital (as appears from the foregoing) yields twelve annual gold pieces in interest when the rate of interest is one per cent: therefore, at half-interest, which is half of one per cent, a yearly six gold pieces are produced from a hundred. Thus it follows that a legacy of six gold pieces left to a private person ought not to be valued at more than one hundred gold pieces, since that sum, if given at interest, commonly produces six gold pieces by allowance of law. But now, since it is laid down that such a legacy has been left to the Republic, in Marcellus’ opinion the valuation will be one and a half times higher than the former: for when the triental rate of interest is sub-sesquiplicate, that is, half, that is, one-third less, as four is sub-sesquiplicate to six. For six exceeds four by a third of itself, that is, by two; which is just the same as if you should say that six contains four, and half of four, for which reason it is called hemiolius, and sesquiplicate. In this case, therefore, the heir will value the legacy of six gold pieces at one hundred and fifty gold pieces, and will charge the legatees so much on that account. For the smaller the rate of interest fixed by the testator is, compared with that from which the legacy is to be received annually, the greater is the sum which is the price or valuation of the legacy. Here, however, although the testator did not fix a sum, still by interpretation of law he is thought to have fixed it, according to the opinion of Marcellus and Paulus. For they interpret that the legacy was thus constituted and that the testator wished it to be based, not so that it could generally be received, but so that at any time, which then happens when money is placed at the lightest interest, for example, at the triental rate. For from that it is easy at any time

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 121 quouis tempore nomen facere, mutuamq[ue] eam accepturu[m] hominem inuenire, ita ut inde conditionem suam longè meliorè efficiat, si frugi est debitor: idq[ue] omnino est quod responsum Marcelli Pauli que significat. Capitolinus in Antonino Pio, Ipse foenus, inquit, trientarium, hoc est, mi= nimis usuris exercuit, ut patrimonio suo plurimos adiu= uaret. Hodie autem cum aut edicto aut lege municipali in hac urbe maximus pecuniæ fruclus partusq[ue] in empti= tijs pensitationibus, quas rentas quasi reditus aut redden= tes aut reuenutas lingua uernacula uocat, rationem bessa lis usuræ habeat, aut plusculo pleniorem (octoni enim cum triente è centenario conficiuntur) tantiq[ue] municipa= li priuilegio redimi quædocunq[ue] possunt pensiones in ur= bis ædificia uenditæ, quanticunque emptæ sint. Verùm, ut dixi, hodie ubi legatum Reip. factum esset, ipse ex sente[n]tia Pauli censerem, si sententiam rogærer, octonorum au= reorum legatum paulo minus centum & quinquaginta aureis æstimandum in ratione falciæ, aut alia consimili: quippe hæc summa sesquiplex est sortis, ex qua munici= pali lege octoni aurei ferè annui percipi[n]tur, in ijs co[n]tra= ctibus quibus p[er]esiones in prædia urbana aut rustica ueditantur, ita ut redhiberi possint, duntaxat cum ita com= modum est & libitum uenditori, non etiam emptori. Se= stertius igitur & nummus idem apud autores significant, quoniam quaterni denarium ualent. Itaq[ue] Cicero in Ver. Act. 1111. cum ita dixisset, Nam cum ex Sicilia legibus frumentum in cellam sumere liceret, idq[ue] frumentum Se= natus ita æstimasset, quaternis sestertijs tritici modium, binis ordei: iste numero ad summam tritici adiecto, tri= tici modios singulos cum aratoribus denarijs trinis æ= stimauit. Hæc autem uerba ipse ueluti declarans paulo b 5 post Denarius quaternis festertijs uualuit.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 121 at whatever time to have one’s name made out, and to find a man who would receive the same as a loan, so that his condition may thereby be made much better, if the debtor is an honest man: and that is altogether what the reply of Marcellus and Paulus signifies. Capitolinus, in Antoninus Pius: “He himself,” he says, “practised the trientary interest, that is, with very small usury, so that he might assist many with his own estate.” But today, whether by edict or municipal law, in this city the greatest profit and return of money is in emphyteutic payments, which the vernacular calls rents, as if returns or re-receipts, and which have the value of the bessa rate of interest, or somewhat more fully, for eight with a third are made out of a hundred, and by that municipal privilege all such payments on buildings in the city, however they may have been bought, can be redeemed. But, as I said, today if a legacy were made to the Republic, I myself, following the opinion of Paulus, would judge, if asked for my opinion, that a legacy of eight aurei should be valued at a little less than one hundred and fifty aurei, on the basis of the falcidia, or some similar rule: for this sum is one and a half times the principal, from which, by municipal law, nearly eight aurei a year are received in those contracts by which payments on urban or rural estates are sold, so that they may be redeemed only when it is convenient and agreeable to the seller, not also to the buyer. Therefore the sestertius and the nummus mean the same thing among authors, since four of them are equal to a denarius. Thus Cicero, in Against Verres, Act 11.11, when he had said, “For when it was allowed by the laws of Sicily to take corn into the granary, and the Senate had valued that corn at four sesterces a modius of wheat, two of barley: this man, after adding a number to the total of wheat, valued each modius of wheat with the farmers at three denarii.” But these words he himself, as it were explaining them, a little later The denarius was worth four sesterces.

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET post ita subdidit, Verumenimuero cum esset frumentum festertijs binis aut etiam trinus quibusuis in locis prouinciæ, duodenos festertios exegisti. & itidem hoc declarat multis alijs in locis eiusdem Actionis. At uerò denarius < Denarius drachmalis erat.> drachmæ pondus habebat duntaxat Atticæ. Plinius libro x x 1. Drachma Attica (serè enim Attica obseruatione medici utuntur) denarij argentei habet pondus. Plutarchus in Sylla, Potitus rerum Sylla, cum multos occideret, & libertini generis homo quendam ex proscriptis occultare uideretur; ideo'que è saxo præcipitandus esset, obiecit Syllæ quòd una simul in domo uitam egissent: cum interim ipse quidem pro superiore habitaculo duo millia nummum, ille autem pro inferiore tria nullia mercedem penderet: ita'que inter utriusq; fortunam mille nummos interfuisse, qui drachmas Atticas ducentas & quinquaginta ualebant, ὑδε τὴ πεχης ὑωτῶν τὸ μεταξύ ἀλίας νῦμως ἐν, ὑπι πεντήκοντα ἐνὴ διακοσίας ἀπαχημᾶς ἀπικὰς ὑναντα. Idem in Bruto, Testamento cum legasset Cæsar ciui cuilibet septuagintaquinque drachmas, præterea reliquisset hortos qui trans Tyberim erant, ingens beneuolentia & admirabile desiderium omnes tenuit. De hoc apud Tranquil. in Cæsa. ita legimus, Populo hortos circa Tyberim publicè, & uiritim trecenos festertios legauit. Si septuagintaquinque quater multiplices, trecentos efficies: quæ ratione quinque & uiginti drachmæ centenos festertios ualent. Idem Plutarchus in Antonio, C. Cæsar adolescens hæres à Cæsare scriptus, ex Apollonia redijt. debebat Romanorum cuique drachmas quinq; & septuagena ex testamento patris. Apud Appianum tamen in secudo bellorum ciuilium ita legitur, Populo horti trans Tyberim præbiti, singulis Romanorum ciui= bus

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET he then added this: But when grain was selling in many places of the province for two or even three sesterces, you demanded twelve sesterces. And likewise this is shown in many other places in the same Action. But a denarius < The denarius was the weight of a drachma.> had only the weight of an Attic drachma. Pliny, book xxi. The Attic drachma (for physicians use a later Attic standard) has the weight of a silver denarius. Plutarch, in Sylla: Sylla, having gained control of affairs and while he was killing many men, and seeing that a man of servile condition seemed to be hiding one of the proscribed, and was therefore to be thrown down from the rock, objected to Sylla that they had once lived together in the same house: meanwhile he himself paid two thousand nummi for the upper room, while the other paid three thousand nummi for the lower one as rent; and so there had been a thousand nummi between the fortunes of each, which were worth two hundred and fifty Attic drachmas, ὑδε τὴ πεχης ὑωτῶν τὸ μεταξύ ἀλίας νῦμως ἐν, ὑπι πεντήκοντα ἐνὴ διακοσίας ἀπαχημᾶς ἀπικὰς ὑναντα. The same in Brutus, when Caesar by his will had bequeathed to each citizen seventy-five drachmas, and had besides left the gardens beyond the Tiber, everyone was filled with great goodwill and remarkable longing. Of this we read in Tranquillus, in the Life of Caesar, thus: He bequeathed to the people the gardens around the Tiber, public property, and to each man three hundred sesterces. If you multiply seventy-five by four, you get three hundred: by which reckoning twenty-five drachmas are worth one hundred sesterces. The same Plutarch, in Antony, C. Caesar, when a young man, having been written in as heir by Caesar, returned from Apollonia. He owed to each Roman five and seventy drachmas from his father's will. But in Appian, in the second book of the Civil Wars, it is read thus: The gardens beyond the Tiber were provided to the people, to each Roman citizen

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 123 bus qui in urbe aderant, quinque & octaginta drachmæ Atticæ collatæ. Sed errorem esse numeri non dubiè affir= mauerim, quippe idem Appianus septuagintaquinque drachmas pro trecenis nummis dixit, ubi de Cæsaris li= beralitate loquens, Singulis, inquit, ex populo minam u= nam Atticam dedit. De quo Tranquillus, Trecenos quoque nummos, quos pollicitus olim erat, uiritim diui= sit. Quo ex loco probari uidetur minam Atticam quinq[ue] & septuaginta drachmarum fuisse: id quod apud Priscia= num legitur, quod tamen postea explicabimus. Sed inte= rim centenariam nunam intelligere oportet. < Sestertia singula, millia singula nummorum significant.> Nunc igitur causam tenemus cur sestertia singula, mille nummos sestertios significet. nam duæ libræ, & selibra seu (quod idem est) mnæ duæ & hemumnaon ducentas & quinquæ= ginta drachmas ualent: quæ si quaternario multiplicen= tur, mille nummos efficiunt. Quomodo igitur sestertij dicti sunt nummi, quòd duos asses & senussem singuli ualerent, id est, dipondium & senussem æris: ita sester= tia ex eo dicta sunt, quòd duas libras singula & selibrâ argenti ualerent. < Quadringenta festertia & quadringenta millia festertium nummorum.> Ita factum ut quadringenta sestertia, & quadringenta millia festertium nummorum antiqui pro eodem ac sine discrimine significatus dicerent. Verùm id adnotandum, quòd libram nunc & minam centenarias intelligimus, indifferenter utentes: quod pondo etiam i= dent idem appellatur. Plin. libro x x 1. Mna, quam no= stri minam uocant, pendet drachmas Atticas centu[m]. Quo in loco Hermolaus, Mnam, inquit, libram, minam, pon= do, pro eodem nostri dicunt, ut Græci μυαν, λιταν, ὀλυλιν. < Libra, mina, pòdo, procoûe ponuntur.> quod dictum ut non usquequaq[ue] ueru[m] est, ita in re numma= ria libram & nunam pro eodem ferè usurpari deprehen= dimus, uix ut differentiam animaduertere possis, quâlibet obserues

Transcription: Translated (English)

...those who were present in the city, eighty-five Attic drachmas were collected. But I would confidently affirm that there is an error in the number, for Appian himself said seventy-five drachmas for three hundred nummi, where, speaking of Caesar’s generosity, he says: “To each man of the people he gave one Attic mina.” Of this Tranquillus says: “The three hundred nummi, which he had once promised, he distributed among them individually.” From this passage it seems to be proved that the Attic mina was worth seventy-five drachmas: this is what is read in Priscian, though we shall explain it later. But in the meantime one must understand a centenaria nuna. <Each sestertium signifies a thousand nummi.> Now we have the reason why each sestertium signifies a thousand sesterce nummi. For two librae and a half-libre, or (which is the same) two minae and a hemimnaion, are worth two hundred and fifty drachmas; if these are multiplied by four, they make one thousand nummi. Just as the nummi called sestertii were so named because each was worth two asses and a semis, that is, a dipondius and a semis of bronze, so the sesteria were thus called because each was worth two librae and a half-libre of silver. <Four hundred sestertia and four hundred thousand sestertius nummi.> Thus it came about that “four hundred sestertia” and “four hundred thousand sestertius nummi” were used by the ancients as signifying the same thing, without distinction. However, it should be noted that we now understand the libra and the mina as centenaria, using the terms interchangeably: what is also called pondo means the same. Pliny, book XXI: “A mina, which our people call a mina, weighs one hundred Attic drachmas.” In this passage Hermolaus says: “Mina, libra, mina, pondo, are said by our writers to be the same, as among the Greeks μνα, λιτα, ὀλυλιν.” <Libra, mina, pondo are used as if the same.> Now although this statement is not entirely true, still in monetary matters we have found that libra and mina are used almost as the same, so that you can scarcely perceive any difference, however much you observe it.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET obserues accuratè & Latinos & Græcos. idq[ue] cum ex eo uidetur quod de festertijs diximus, tum uerò ex sequen= tibus magis comprobabitur. . autem interdum pon= dus significat, ut cum Dioscorides dicit, . , pondus trium obolorum. aliquando drachmam, ut apud eundem Dioscoridem idetidem. Drachma igitur non mo= dò pondus denarij Romani, sed etiam nummum signifi= cat eode[m] pondere percussum ab Atheniensibus, quod præ= ter autorum exempla etiam uersus illi significant, In scrupulis ternis drachmam, quo pondere doctis Argenti facilis signatur pondus Athenis. Ventum iam esse ad locum præcipitem, horrore quodam animi sentio, instantis & proximi periculi magnitudine[m] reputantis. hoc est enim caput eius rei quam agimus, hic cardo totius operis, hæc deniq[ue] alea ancipitis incepti, ut ostendere aggrediamur uel demonstrare potius, quid in= ter festertia centu[m], & festertium centies intersit. transitus omnino & lubricus & abruptus, ut aut in barathrum quoddam errorum præcipitaturus sim, si in eo quicquam titubauerim: aut tenorem inoffensum seruare commenta= tio hæc nequeat, si inibi uel tantulum à ueritate deflexe= rim. Cum alioquin ita sit hoc opus coagmentatum, ita ex sese tractatus hic aptus, nulla ut ferè pars conuelli citrae compaginis ipsius dissolutionem possit. Ac mihi quidem audendum omnino erat, & eorum exemplo periclitan= dum, qui res magni discriminis antea susceperunt, si non etiam ea esset huius libri ratio, ut genium nullum (ut di= citur) habiturus sit, nisi multarum ætatum & auitarum præcipue placita deleuerit, ut si (quod abominor) pro= positi compos non euaserim, designatoris ridiculi atque temerarij opinionem subiturus sim. Sed quid agas ubi eò iam

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON THE AS AND observe carefully both the Latins and the Greeks. And this is clear both from what we said about sestertii, and will indeed be more fully confirmed from what follows. . sometimes signifies a weight, as when Dioscorides says, . , the weight of three obols. At times it means a drachma, as in the same Dioscorides, in the same place. The drachma therefore signifies not only the weight of a Roman denarius, but also a coin struck by the Athenians with the same weight; which, besides the examples of the authors, those verses also show: In three scruples a drachma, by this weight Easy silver is marked out, the weight at Athens. I now feel that I have come to a perilous place, with a certain dread of mind, as I consider the greatness of the imminent and near danger. For this is the chief point of the matter we are discussing; here is the hinge of the whole work; here, finally, is the hazard of a venture of double edge: namely, that we should set out to show, or rather to demonstrate, what difference there is between a hundred sestertii and a hundred times a sestertium. The passage is altogether slippery and abrupt, so that if I should stumble in anything here, I shall be cast headlong into some abyss of errors; or this commentary will be unable to preserve an unbroken course if I should here deviate even a little from the truth. For indeed this work is so joined together, this treatise so fitted to itself, that scarcely any part can be detached without the structure itself being dissolved. And surely I had to venture it altogether, and run the risk in the example of those who formerly undertook matters of great danger, especially if this were not also the nature of this book, that it will have no spirit, as they say, unless it destroys the judgments of many ages and chiefly of our forefathers; so that if (which I abhor) I should not come off successful in my undertaking, I should incur the reputation of a ridiculous and rash exhibitor. But what are you to do when now already

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 125 iam peruicaciæ uentum est, ut & moderari tibi nequeas, & consulere integrum non sit? Quum eorum occursum uitare non possis, quibus hoc facturum te receperis, nisi si tibi publico interdixeris, id est, nisi domesticum tibi con= sciueris exilium, aut abstrusum secessum et lucifugum? A= gedum ab stupore animi rursus inferuescamus, & stylum iam languentem ad reliqua suscitemus. Audeamus deniq; primi (quando eò uentum est) affirmare, homines doctissi= mos, quibus alioquin omnia propemodum debemus, toto (ut aiunt) cælo, id est, centuplicatò errasse. Iamprimum Cicero in Prætura urbana, Dio quidam fuit Halesinus, qui cum eius filio Prætore Sacerdote hæreditas à propin= quo permagna uenisset, nihil habuit tum neq; negocij, neq; controuersiæ. Verres simul actetigit prouinciam, statim Messanam literas dedit, Dionem euocauit, calu= mniatores ex sinu suo apposuit qui illâ hæreditatem Ve= neri Erycinæ commissam esse dicerent. Hæc de re ostèdite seipsum cogniturum. Possum deinceps totam rem expe= dire, deinde ad extremum id quod accidit dicere, Dionem sestertium decies centena millia numerasse ut causam cer= tissimam obtineret. Hoc cum dicat Cicero in Prætura ur= bana, quæ secunda est in Verrem actio, idem in tertia a= etione hoc crimen repetens ita inquit, Simul at que è naui egressus est, dedit operam ut Halesinus ad se Dio conti= nuò ueniret. Hic est Dio, Iudices, nunc beneficio Quinti Metelli cuius Romanus factus, de quo multis uiris prima= rijs testibus, multorumq; tabulis uobis priore actione sa= tisfactum est sestertium undecies numeratum esse, ut eam causam in qua ne tenuissima quidem dubitatio esset, isto cognoscente obtineret: ita sester. undecies Q. Dionem, quòd hæreditas ei obuenisset, nullam que aliam ob cau= sam

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. HIS LIB. I. 125 now have we come to such a point of stubbornness that you cannot even restrain yourself, and it is impossible for you to consult your own interest? When you cannot avoid the meeting of those to whom you have pledged yourself to do this, unless you have banned yourself from public life, that is, unless you have condemned yourself to a domestic exile, or to some hidden and light-shunning retreat? Come now, let us rouse ourselves again from the stupor of the mind, and let us revive the stylus, now growing languid, for what remains. Let us dare at last, first of all (since we have come to this), to affirm that the most learned men, to whom otherwise we owe almost everything, have erred, as they say, by a whole heaven, that is, a hundredfold. First of all, Cicero, in the urban praetorship, there was a certain Dio of Halesinum, whose inheritance had come to his son, a praetor and priest, from a kinsman; at that time there was neither business nor dispute. As soon as Verres touched the province, he immediately sent letters to Messana, summoned Dio, and placed calumniators from his own bosom, who said that that inheritance had been entrusted to Venus Erycina. On this matter he announced that he himself would investigate. I can afterwards set out the whole case, and then say at the end what happened: that Dio paid ten times a hundred thousand sesterces so that he might obtain the most certain outcome in the case. Although Cicero says this in the urban praetorship, which is the second action against Verres, in the third action, repeating this charge, he says in this way: “As soon as he had come ashore, he took care that the Halesinian Dio should come to him at once.” This is that Dio, gentlemen, now a Roman by the favor of Quintus Metellus, concerning whom, by the testimony of many leading men and many records, it was already sufficiently established in the previous action that eleven hundred thousand sesterces had been paid, so that he might obtain in that case, in which there was not even the slightest doubt, the decision of that man as judge: thus eleven hundred thousand sesterces were paid to Quintus Dio, because an inheritance had come to him, and for no other reason

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sam perdidisse. Eæ horum locorum collatione intelligimus, quod decies centena millia sestertium dixerat in secunda actione, hoc in tertia undecies sestertium dixisse: <Cicero is locus.> quanquam in illa non decies centena, sed undecies legendum est, uel utrobique decies. Quare decies sestertium, non decem sestertia significat, sed mille potius, hoc est decies centena millia: summa scilicet centuplicata. Quòd autem undecies sestertium amplior sit summa quàm quadringenta sestertia, ex eadem oratione liquet. Sequitur enim statim post illud Dionis crimen & aliud, quod his uerbis prosequitur, Accipite aliam in minore pecunia non minus impudentem calumniam. So sippus & Epierates fratres sunt Agrigentenses. horum pater abhinc duo & uiginti annos mortuus est: in cuius testamento quodam loco si commissum quid esset, mulcta erat Veneri. ipsos x x. annos, cum tot interea prætores, tot quæstores, tot calumniatores in prouincia fuissent, hæreditas ab ijs Veneris nomine petita non est: causam Verres cognoscit per Volcatium: pecunias accepit ferè ad sester. quadringenta millia ab duobus fratribus. Quadringenta sestertia Cicero minorem pecuniam decies uel undecies sestertio appellauit. Quare iam ferè planum factum est, decies sestertiu[m], quadraginta partibus plus esse decem milibus sestertium. Et rursus statim infrà, Quæ uis erat Volcatio tanta, ut sester. quadringenta millia duobus hominibus auferret? Ecquis Volcatio, si sua sponte uenisset, unam libellam dedisset? at ego amplius dico: sestertium quadringenties accepisse te arguo contra leges. Ex his uerbis liquidò apparere potest quadringenties sestertium <Quadringenties sestertium.> longè ampliorem summam esse quàm sestertia quadringe[n]ta, cum omnia Verris furta quadringenties sestertiu[m] æstimauerit

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET I have likewise lost. From the comparison of these passages we understand that what he had said in the second action was “ten hundred thousand sesterces,” and that in the third he said “eleven sesterces”: <Cicero is locus.> although in that passage it should be read not “ten hundred thousand,” but “eleven,” or else in both places “ten.” Therefore decies sestertium does not mean ten sesterces, but rather a thousand, that is, ten hundred thousand: a sum multiplied a hundredfold, so to speak. But that undecies sestertium is a larger sum than four hundred thousand sesterces is clear from the same speech. For immediately after that charge against Dion there follows another, which he introduces in these words: “Listen to another slander, no less shameless, concerning a smaller sum of money.” So Sippus and Epierates are brothers, men of Agrigentum. Their father died twenty-two years ago: in his will, in a certain place, if anything were breached, the penalty was to Venus. During those twenty years, while so many praetors, so many quaestors, so many informers had been in the province, the inheritance was not claimed from them in the name of Venus: Verres hears the case through Volcatius. He received, from the two brothers, almost four hundred thousand sesterces. Cicero called four hundred thousand sesterces a smaller sum, using “ten times” or “eleven times” the sesterce. Wherefore it has now been made almost plain that decies sestertium is forty times more than ten thousand sesterces. And again immediately below: “What power did Volcatius have, that he should take four hundred thousand sesterces from two men?” Would Volcatius, if he had come of his own accord, have given one farthing? But I say more: I charge you with having received four hundred thousand sesterces against the laws. From these words it can clearly appear that “four hundred thousand sesterces” <Quadringenties sestertium.> is a much larger sum than four hundred thousand sesterces, since he has estimated all of Verres’ thefts at four hundred thousand sesterces.

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maverit, quæ innumera & incredibilia ab eo recensentur. ab uno enim homine, uno nomine, uno furto decies centena sestertia accepisse dicit: à tota autem Sicilia triennio & uarijs furtorum, expilationum, rapinarumq[ue] nominibus quadringenties sestertium (tanquam rem fidem excedentem) abstulisse oratoriè uociferatur. tanti enim æstimari uoluit litem repetundarum Verri ob iurisdictionis furta, ob negocia facessita, ob improbas dinundinationes, ob interuersas pecunias in frumento imperando, in locandis decimis frumenti, & ob expilationes publicas priuatasq[ue] signorum æreorum, & uasorum argenteorum: quæ crimina inusitata esse uidentur, & fidem excedentia ijs qui accusationes illas perlegunt. Quare ipse Cicero primam accusationem ita claudit, Dicimus C. Verrem, cum multa libidinose, multa crudeliter in ciues Romanos atque in socios, multa in deos homines que nescariè fecerit, tum præterea quadringenties sestertium ex Sicilia contra leges abstulisse. sic enim legit Asconius Pedianus, quanquam in exemplaribus c c c c. sestertia legitur etia[m] manu scriptis. Quapropter admirari hic subijt id quod Plutarch. de hoc scripsit his uerbis, [etc] < Cicero ob accusatione Verris male audiuit.> Hac ratione Verre damnato, crimini datum est Ciceroni quòd in litis æstimatione præuaricatus esset pecunia corruptus, ut qui quinq[ue] et septua ginta myriadibus litem eam æstimasset. id perinde est ac si tricies sestertiu[m] dixisset. et hic myriades drachmaru[m] intelligendu[m], quæ tricies cætena mil. sester. ualet. Quare coijcio diu post exiliu[m] Verris Cicerone[m] orationes emedauisse, < Orationes domiem edabant.> ut interdu[m] moris erat domi orationes limare & conficere, ut

Transcription: Translated (English)

the marvels, which he recounts as countless and incredible. For from one man, one name, one theft, he says that he received ten times a hundred thousand sesterces: but from the whole of Sicily in three years, by various thefts, plunderings, robberies, under the names of four hundred times a hundred thousand sesterces (as of a matter exceeding belief), he loudly proclaims that he was despoiled in oratorical fashion. For he wished the action for extortion against Verres to be valued at so great an amount, on account of the thefts committed in his jurisdiction, on account of the troublesome business transacted, on account of shameful sales, on account of money diverted in ordering grain, in letting the tithes of grain, and on account of public and private plunderings of bronze statues and silver vessels: which crimes seem unusual, and beyond belief to those who read through those accusations. Wherefore Cicero himself ends the first accusation thus: “We say that C. Verres, though he did many things lustfully, many cruelly against Roman citizens and allies, many things wickedly against gods and men, furthermore carried off from Sicily four hundred times a hundred thousand sesterces in violation of the laws.” For thus Asconius Pedianus reads it, although in the manuscripts c c c c. sestertia is also read. For this reason I was struck with wonder here at what Plutarch wrote about this in these words, [etc] < Cicero got a bad name because of the accusation against Verres.> When Verres had been condemned in this way, blame was laid upon Cicero because, in estimating the suit, he had acted fraudulently, being corrupted by money, in that he had valued that case at five and seven myriads. That is the same as if he had said thirty times the hundred thousand sesterces. And here myriads of drachmas are to be understood, which is worth thirty times one hundred thousand sesterces. Wherefore I conjecture that long after the exile of Verres Cicero revised the speeches, < Speeches were published at home.> as it was sometimes customary to polish and complete speeches at home, so that

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ut ex Cicerone eodem intelligimus in Catone, apud quem Cato ipse ita inquit, Septimus mihi liber Originum est in manibus. omnia antiquitatis monumenta colligo. causarum illustrium quascunq[ue]; defendi, nunc quàm maximè co[n]ficio orationes. & ex Plinio Iuniore in Epistolis. Existimo tame[n] potius apud Plutarchum ita legendum, πιακοντικοντα πιντε μυελασην. ut sit centies quinquagies sestertium. fortasse etiam maior summa errore librario= rum deest. Quod autem in Diuinatione legitur, Sicilia to ta si una uoce loqueretur, hoc diceret, Quod argēti, quod auri, quod ornamentorum, in meis urbibus, sedibus, de= lubris fuit, quod in unaquaque re beneficio Senatus po= puliq[ue]; Romani iuris habui, id mihi tu C. Verres eripuisti atque abstulist: quo nomine abs te sestertium millies ex le ge repeto. Hoc (inquit Asconius) per auxesim dictum est. Cicero enim postea hanc summam ad quadringenties co[n] traxit, ut in multis locis repetit. Idem Cicero in eundem Act. 111. Heraclius est Hieronis filius, Syracusanus, ho= mo in primis domi suæ nobilis, & ante hunc prætorem uel pecuniosissimus Syracusanorum, nunc nulla alia ca= lamitate nisi istius auaritia atq[ue] iniuria pauperrimus. huic hæreditas facilè ad sestertiu[m] tricies uenit testamento pro= pinqui sui Heraclij. plena domus celati argenti optimi, multæq[ue]; stragulæ uestis, preciosissimorumq[ue]; mancipio= rum. erat in sermone, magnam Heraclio pecuniam uenise: non solum Heraclium diuitem, sed etiam ornatum su= pellectile, argento, ueste, mancipijs, futurum. Et inferius, Posteaquam, inquit, damnatus est absens Heraclius, non solum illius hæreditatis de qua ambigebatur, quæ erat tricies sestertium, sed omnium bonorum paternorum i= psiis Heraclij (quæ non minor erat pecunia) palæstræ Syracuse=

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET as we also learn from Cicero in the Cato , where Cato himself says: “My seventh book of the Origins is in my hands. I am collecting all the monuments of antiquity. I am now putting together the speeches for all the famous cases I have defended.” And from Pliny the Younger in the Letters . I think, however, that in Plutarch it should rather be read as: πιακοντικοντα πιντε μυελασην. so that it may be one hundred and fifty sesterces. Perhaps even a larger sum is missing through a scribal error. But what is read in the De Divinatione : “If all Sicily were to speak with one voice, it would say this: Whatever silver, whatever gold, whatever ornaments there were in my cities, my seats, my shrines, whatever in each and every matter I possessed by the favor of the Senate and Roman people’s right, that you, C. Verres, have torn from me and taken away; on that account I claim from you by law one million sesterces.” This, says Asconius, was said by way of hyperbole. For Cicero afterwards reduced this sum to four hundred million, as he repeats in many places. The same Cicero in the same speech. Act. 111. Heraclius is the son of Hiero, a Syracusan, a man in the highest degree distinguished at home, and before this praetor the richest of the Syracusans; now, by no calamity other than this man’s greed and injustice, he is extremely poor. By the will of his kinsman Heraclius, an inheritance easily came to him amounting to thirty million sesterces. The house was full of hidden silver of the finest kind, and of many coverlets and garments, and of most precious slaves. It was being said that a large sum of money had come to Heraclius; that Heraclius would not only be rich, but also adorned with household furnishings, silver, garments, and slaves. And below: “After Heraclius had been condemned in his absence,” he says, “not only was the inheritance in dispute, which amounted to thirty million sesterces, but also all the paternal property of Heraclius himself (which was no smaller a sum), at Syracuse in the palaestra=

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 129 Syracusanorum, hoc est Syracusanis, possessio traditur. Et rursus in stius: Verùm est illud præclarum, Syracusanis qui præsuerant his Heraclij bonis uerbo redigendis, re dispertiendis, reddebant eorum negotiorum rationem in Senatu: dicebant scyphorum paria complura, hydrias ar genteas, pretiosam uestem stragulam, multa mancipia pretiosa Verri data esse: dicebant quantum cuique eius iussu nummorum esset datum. gemebant Syracusani: sed tamen patiebantur. Repentè recitatur uno nomine sester tiûm ducenta quinquaginta millia iussu Prætoris data. fit maximus clamor omnium. Et paulò pòst de pecunia illa reddit à Verre loquens, Numerantur illa ducenta quinquaginta sestertia Syracusanis. Non'ne ex hoc loco patet clarissimè, ducenta quinquaginta sestertia, hoc est du centa quinquaginta millia sestertium nummorum particulam unam esse tricies sestertij? Quippe tricies sestertium significat tricies centena millia sestertium nummorum: quomodo & illud Suetonij Tranquilli in Augusto, Senatorum censum ampliauit, ac pro octingentorum millium summa duodecies sestertium taxauit, id est duodecies centena millia sestertium. quod cum in omnibus exem plaribus legeretur, Antonius Sabellicus uir alioquin diligens & doctus emendasse se gloriatur, ut suprà dictum est, & pro duodecies sestertium, duodecies centies legendum esse contendit: cui etiam adstipulatus est Philippus Beroaldus, itidem ipse doctus, ac multæ lectionis; ambo nihil in ea re uidentes. Hoc & ex eodem autore alio loco ostendi potest in Othone, sperauerat, inquit, fore ut adoptaretur à Galba: idq[ue] in dies expectabat: sed postquam Pisone prælato spe decidit, ad uim conuersus est, instigante super eum dolorem etiam magnitudine æris i alieni Duodecies sestertium, census Senatorius.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 129 The property of the Syracusans, that is, to the Syracusans, is handed over. And again in this passage: “But that is very famous, that those who had been set over the Syracusans for the purpose of bringing the goods of Heraclius into account and redistributing them, were giving an account of those business matters in the Senate: they said that several pairs of drinking-cups, silver hydriae, valuable coverlets, many precious slaves had been given to Verres: they said how much money by his order had been given to each. The Syracusans groaned; but nevertheless they endured it. Suddenly it is read out, under one item, that two hundred and fifty thousand sesterces were given by order of the Praetor. A very great outcry arises from all. And a little later, when speaking of that money returned by Verres, those two hundred and fifty sestertia are counted out to the Syracusans.” Does it not most clearly appear from this passage that two hundred and fifty sestertia, that is, two hundred and fifty thousand of sesterces, is one part of thirty times a sestertium? For tricies sestertium means thirty times one hundred thousand sesterces; just as also that passage of Suetonius Tranquillus in Augustus, “He increased the census of senators, and for the sum of eight hundred thousand he fixed it at twelve times sestertium,” that is, twelve times one hundred thousand sestertium. Since this was being read in all the copies, Antonius Sabellicus, a man otherwise diligent and learned, boasts that he corrected it, as was said above, and maintains that instead of duodecies sestertium it should be read duodecies centies ; and Philip Beroaldus, likewise learned and very widely read, also agreed with him, both of them seeing nothing in the matter. This can also be shown from the same author elsewhere, in Otho: “He had hoped,” he says, “that he would be adopted by Galba; and he was expecting it day by day; but after his hopes fell when Piso was preferred before him, he turned to violence, his distress being further inflamed by the magnitude of his debt.” Twice twelve times sestertium, senatorial census.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET alieni. neque enim dissimulabat, nisi principem se stare non posse: nihil que referre, ab hoste in acie, an in foro sub creditoribus caderet. ante paucos dies seruo Cæsaris pro impetrata dispesatione decies sestertium expresse rat. hoc subsidium tanti coepti fuit: ac primò quinque speculatoribus commissa est res, deinde decem alijs, quos singuli binos produxerant. omnibus dena sestertia repræsentata, & quinquagenta promissa. per hos solicitati reliqui. Insignis erat ille locus ad animaduertendam differentiam inter dena sestertia, & decies sestertium, & tamen ibi quoque Sabellicus decies sestertium dena sestertia interpretatus est, conniuente Beroaldo. Si enim quindecim speculatoribus dena sestertia repræsentata, hoc est singulis decem, iam centum quinquaginta sestertia fiunt: & si quinquagenta promissa, hoc est singulis quinquaginta, septingenta quinquaginta in summa fiunt, quæ simul iuncta nongenta millia sestertium faciunt. At Tranquillus dicit decies sestertium subsidium tanti coepti fuisse, id est inuasionis imperij Romani. I am igitur effectum habemus, decies sestertium non minus esse nongentis sestertijs. Martialis in primo Epigrammatum: Millia pro puero centum me mango poposcit, Risi ego, sed Phoebus protinus illa dedit. Hoc dolet & queritur, dolet hoc mea mentula mecum, Laudaturq[ue] meam Phoebus in inuidiam. Sed sestertiolum donauit mentula Phoeb[us] Bis decies: hoc da tu mihi, pluris emam. Calderinus uir ingeniosus bis decies sestertium, x x. sestertia interpretatur, corrupto sensu epigrammatis: cuius dubio procul huiusmodi sensus est, non mirum esse si Phoebus puerum centum sestertijs licitatus esset, quanti Martialis

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND of another’s money. For he did not conceal that, unless he stood as a prince, he could not stand at all: and that it made no difference whether he fell before an enemy in battle or in the forum under his creditors. A few days earlier he had wrung ten times a hundred thousand sesterces from a servant of Caesar, in return for a granted dispensation. This support was the basis of so great an undertaking: and first the matter was entrusted to five scouts, then to ten others, whom each of the former had brought forward in pairs. To all ten thousand sesterces were paid down, and fifty thousand promised. By these means the rest were won over. That passage was remarkable for showing the difference between ten thousand sesterces and ten times a hundred thousand sesterces; and yet even there Sabellicus, with Beroaldus assenting, interpreted ten times a hundred thousand sesterces as ten thousand sesterces. For if to fifteen scouts ten thousand sesterces were paid down, that is, ten to each, then this makes one hundred and fifty thousand sesterces; and if fifty thousand were promised, that is, fifty to each, then seven hundred and fifty thousand in all are made, which together amount to nine hundred thousand sesterces. But Tranquillus says that ten times a hundred thousand sesterces was the support of so great an undertaking, that is, of the invasion of the Roman empire. Thus we now have it established that ten times a hundred thousand sesterces is no less than nine hundred thousand sesterces. Martial in the first book of the Epigrams: The dealer asked me a hundred thousand for the boy; I laughed, but Phoebus at once gave that amount. This pains me and I complain; this pains my prick as well with me, and Phoebus is praised to my jealousy over my own. But Phoebus gave my prick a little present of two times ten times a hundred thousand: give me that, and I shall buy a dearer one. Calderinus, a clever man, interprets “two times ten times a hundred thousand” as twenty thousand sesterces, corrupting the sense of the epigram; whose meaning, without doubt, is this: that it is no wonder if Phoebus had bid a hundred sesterces for the boy, for what value Martial

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Martialis emere non potuerat: quippe qui uicies centena millia sestertium ex quæstu collegisset, hoc est uicies tantum quanti puerum mercatus erat. alioquin sensus erit ab surdissimus. Cicero X 1 1 1. Epist. ad filium scribens, Titi Pinnij filio mirè erudito, studioso, & modesto, pecuniam Nicæenses grandem debent, ad sestertium octogies: &, ut audio, in primis uolunt ei soluere. Ibi interpres epistolarum, sestertium, inquit, pro sestertiorum ponitur, & subauditur millia, id est ad octoginta millia sestertium. Eleganter autem in his sermonibus ponunt oratores & poëtæ aduerbia pro nominibus: ut, debes decies sestertium, quadragies sestertium, & sic in cæteris, & utuntur genitiuo syncopato in nominibus nummorum. Dici= mus etiam hoc sestertium, & hic sestertius. Hactenus ille. Ego autem octogies sestertium, octogies centena millia sestertium significare affirmo, & grandem ob id pecuniam à Cicerone dictam. Hoc etsi ex prædictis satis confirmatum uidetur, non tamen scrupulo carebit, ut ui= deo. si enim hoc uerum est (dicet aliquis circunspectus obseruator) quo'nam modo intelligi illud potest quod apud Tranquillum in Vespasiano legitur, Sed & in funere Fauo archimimus personam eius serens, imitansq; (ut est mos) facta ac dicta uiri, interrogatis palàn procuratoribus quanti funus & pompa constaret, ut audiuit sestertium centies, exclamauit, centum sibi sestertia darent, ac se uel in T yberim proijcerent? Hic locus (ut arbitror) < Tranq. locus.> Tranquilli interpretes sesellit, ut idè esse putarent sestertium centies, & sestertia centum: quem tamen corruptum esse necesse est intelligere ex ijs quæ antè demo[n]strauimus. Vtrobiq; autem sestertium centies legendum esse argumentis probari non leuissimis potest. Nam præterquam i 2 quòd

Transcription: Translated (English)

Martial could not have bought it: for he had collected twenty million sesterces from his earnings, that is, only twenty times as much as the boy had been bought for. Otherwise the sense will be most absurd. Cicero X 1 1 1. In a letter written to his son, to the son of Titus Pinnius, a boy wonderfully educated, diligent, and modest, the people of Nicæa owed a large sum, up to eight times a hundred thousand sesterces; and, as I hear, they are especially willing to pay it to him. There the interpreter of the letters says that “sestertium” is put for “sestertiorum,” and that “millia” is to be understood, that is, eighty thousand sesterces. But elegantly, in such expressions, orators and poets use adverbs in place of nouns: thus, “you owe ten times a hundred thousand sesterces,” “forty times a hundred thousand sesterces,” and so on in the other cases; and they use the syncopated genitive in the names of sums of money. We also say “hoc sestertium” and “hic sestertius.” So far that author. As for myself, I affirm that “octogies sestertium” signifies eight times a hundred thousand sesterces, and for that reason a large sum of money, as Cicero says. Although this seems sufficiently confirmed by what has been said above, it will not, I see, be free from difficulty. For if this is true (someone cautious and observant will say), in what way can that passage in Suetonius, in the life of Vespasian, be understood: “But at the funeral of Favo the archimimus, wearing his mask and imitating, as was the custom, the acts and sayings of the man, when he openly asked the procurators how much the funeral and the procession cost, and was told one hundred times a hundred thousand sesterces, he cried out that they should give him one hundred sestertia, and throw himself into the Tiber”? This passage (as I think) has deceived Suetonius’ interpreters, so that they thought “sestertium centies” and “sestertia centum” to be the same; yet it must be understood that the text is corrupt, from what we have previously shown. In both places, however, that “sestertium centies” should be read can be proved by not insignificant arguments. For besides the fact that...

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quòd ueritati non congruit ut funus imperatorum centum sestertijs æstimaretur, quum Nero imperatorum omnium flagitiosissimus, qui destitutione conterritus, pugione sese interemerat, furtim raptimq[ue] à libertis sepultus, bis tanti= dem funeratus sit, de quo idè Tranquillus, Funeratus est, inquit, impensa ducentorum millium, stragulis albis auro intextis, quibus usus calendis Ianuarijs fuerat. reliquias Ecloge & Alexandria nutrices cum Acte concubina, gentili Domitiorum monumento condiderunt. Cum igitur id simile ueri non est, ut poëta mimographus Vespasiani funus, ut deparci principis, ita optimi, centum nullibus nummorum æstimarit, cum princeps nequissimus ante eum Nero ducentis funeratus fuisset: tum uerò sapientis poëtæ non fuisset, tam licenter illudere fastigio principali, ut ob paruam pecuniam eousq[ue] commotum fingeret, ut uel in Tyberim se abijci præoptaret, quàm tantula pecunia funerari. Eode igitur errore apud Tranquillum centum pro centies scriptum est librariorum temporumq[ue] uitio, quomodo apud Ciceronem in Actione Prima in Verrem quadringenta pro quadringenties, ut suprà diximus: & apud Plinium non semel idem error deprehenditur, ut infrà ostendetur. Maioris est illud anxietatis, <Plutarchi locus.> quod apud Plutarchum in Antonio legitur his uerbis, Antonij munificentiae unum exemplum narrabo. Cuidam ex amicis dari iusserat millia uigintiquinque hoc Romani decies appellant. procuratore autem admirante, & ut magnitudinem donationis ostenderet, in conspectu eius pecuniam depromente, rogauit Antonius quid hoc esset: illo autem respondente eam esse pecuniam quam dono dari iussisset, conspicatus hominis improbitatem, Equidem, inquit, arbitrabar ampliorem pecuniâ decies sester- tium

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON THE AṢS AND since it does not accord with the truth that the funeral of emperors should be valued at one hundred sestertii, when Nero, the most disgraceful of all emperors, who, terrified by his overthrow, slew himself with a dagger and was buried secretly and hastily by his freedmen, was buried at twice that amount; of whom likewise Tranquillus says: “He was buried,” he says, “at an expense of two hundred thousand, with white coverlets woven with gold, which he had used on the Kalends of January. The remains were laid in the family tomb of the Domitii by Ecloge and Alexandria, his nurses, together with Acte, his concubine.” Since therefore it is not at all like the truth that the comic poet should have valued the funeral of Vespasian, as of a sparing prince and yet an excellent one, at a hundred nummi, when the most wicked prince before him, Nero, had been buried at two hundred; then indeed it would not have been the part of a wise poet to mock so freely at the majesty of a prince, as though he were so moved by a small sum that he would prefer even to throw himself into the Tiber rather than be buried for so small an amount. For the same reason, in Tranquillus, “one hundred” has been written instead of “one hundred times,” through the fault of copyists and of the times, just as in Cicero, in the First Action Against Verres, “four hundred” is found instead of “four hundred times,” as we said above; and in Pliny the same error is detected more than once, as will be shown below. Of greater concern is that <Plutarchi locus.> which is read in Plutarch, in the Life of Antony, in these words: “I shall tell one example of Antony’s munificence. He had ordered twenty-five thousand to be given to one of his friends; this the Romans call ten times as much. But the procurator, astonished, and wishing to show the size of the gift, was taking out the money in his presence, when Antony asked what this was; and when the man replied that it was the money which he had ordered to be given as a gift, recognizing the man’s shamelessness, ‘Indeed,’ he said, ‘I thought the sum of money was greater than ten thousand sester-”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. tium continere. hoc uerò parum est. itaq[ue] tantudem super= adde. Sic in Plutarcho Latino facto legitur, & ille locus uno in loco ab Antonio Sabellico citatur, & ab Roberto Vulturio in libro de Re nulitari, & ab alijs itidem, qui de re nummaria scribentes, locum cum uerè traductum exi= stimauerunt: cuius tamen sensus pugnat cum eo quod o= mnes de sestertijs censuerunt. nam cum illi omnes concor di errore decies sestertium decem sestertia significare di= xerint, Plutarchus, si locus ille non mendosus est, uiginti= quinq[ue] significare dixit. Ego cum in eo quod tuendum suscepi, pertinaciter hæream: possim fortasse, si alium exi= tum rei non inueniam, uel in hanc præcipitem defensione crumpere, ut dicam Plutarchum hominem Græcum in Ro manorum consuetudine falli nonnihil potuisse. Sed cum ueritatem tueri alia uia possim, temerarium omnino esset, & inscitiæ plenum, futili uti umbone, & è medio sum= pto, autoris tanti eleuata autoritate, præsertim cum eius testimonio ut graui & irrefutabili usurus sim in sequen= tibus. Proinde eum Plutarchi locum accuratè mihi an= xieq[ue] uersanti, hoc etiam in mentem uenit, posse me & hoc quoq[ue] eius dicto uti ad confirmandum id quod dixe= ram, & id quod mihi obijci potest, in meam rem uertere. Primum igitur hoc dico, consentaneum ueritati non esse, uigintiquinque millia nummum magnificam donationem à Plutarcho dictam esse, præsertim eius imperatoris qui bonam partem imperij Romani teneret, & in suos usus uerteret, ut infrà ostedemus. Paruam autem esse eam sum= mam interim saltem ex eo liquebit, quòd Martialis pue= rum amasium centum millibus emptum esse in eo epigram mate scribit, quod suprà retulimus. Deinde hoc dico, hunc errorem ex eo inualuisse, quòd hæc uerba quamuis mendosa i 3

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. HIS LIB. I. to contain. But this is not enough. Therefore add just so much more. Thus it is read in Plutarch, turned into Latin, and that passage is cited in one place by Antonio Sabellico, and by Roberto Vulturio in the book De Re Nummaria , and likewise by others who, writing on the matter of coinage, thought the passage had been truly translated. Yet its meaning conflicts with what all have judged concerning sesterces. For whereas they all, in a harmonious error, have said that ten million sesterces signify ten thousand sesterces, Plutarch, if that passage is not corrupt, said that it signified twenty-five thousand. I, since I have undertaken to defend what is to be upheld, cling to it stubbornly: perhaps, if I find no other way out of the matter, I may even burst forth in defense to this extent, saying that Plutarch, being a Greek man, could have been somewhat deceived in the Roman usage. But since I can defend the truth by another route, it would be wholly rash, and full of ignorance, to use a flimsy shield, and, taking what is in the middle, to exalt the authority of such a great author; especially since I shall use his testimony as weighty and irrefutable in what follows. Therefore, while I turned that passage of Plutarch over carefully and anxiously in my mind, this also came into thought: that I could use this saying of his too, both to confirm what I had said and to turn what may be objected against me to my own advantage. First, then, I say this: that it is not in accordance with the truth that twenty-five thousand coins should be said by Plutarch to be a magnificent gift, especially from that emperor who held a good part of the Roman Empire and diverted it to his own uses, as we shall show below. Moreover, that the sum is small will at least be evident from this, that Martial writes in that epigram which we cited above that a boy beloved as a paramour was bought for one hundred thousand. Next I say this: that this error gained ground because these words, although corrupt

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET mendosa, ueritati tamen magnopere alludunt. Quomodo enim sestertius duos & semis asses ualet, & sestertia singulas duas libras & selibram, ut antea docuimus: sic illud genus tertium sestertij duo millia & quingentos nummos ualere posse uidebatur. Quare pulchrè ratio quadrare uidebatur, ut decies sestertium uicenaquina millia ualeret. Ego autem cum dixerim eius generis sestertium centum millia ualere, quod alij singula nullia ualere dixerunt, sed apud Plutarchum tamen pro binis millibus & quingentis legi (sic enim inquit Sabellicus) inuenienta ratio est, & quidem huic loco consentanea, quæ hunc scrupulum lectori eximere planè possit. ut aute[m] hoc fiat, necesse est accedere in singulas sestertij huius unitates nonagintaseptem nullia & quingentos nummos. hoc uero pulchrè fiet, si ita apud Plutarchum legamus, Cuidam ex amicis dari iusserat uigintiquinque myriadas drachmarum. Singulæ myriades, dena millia drachmarum, id est denariorum ualent: quæ quinquies & uicies multiplicata, ducenta quinquaginta millia denariorum faciunt. quæ summa rursus quater ducta, cum quilibet denarius quaternos sestertios ualeat, nulle sestertia efficit, id est decies centena millia sestertium. sic à Plutarcho Græcè scriptum esse aliquando ne dubitarem, antequam scilicet Plutarchi historiæ æreis formis editæ essent, fecit mos aliorum Græcorum, ipsiusq[ue] Plutarchi, atque ipsærei ueritas, quam consertis manibus retentanti mihi, nec mendæ librariorum eripere, nec errores interpretationum possunt. argum[en]to erit ille locus eiusdem Plutarchi in Galba, δικεῖ δὲ μὴ δὲ ἀν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἰδιοις μὸνον ἐλεάδα ἀρόθωνα ἀληρονομον, ἀκόλασιν ὑδῶς ἐκτὸ ὑποτελη, πεντακίχιλισμὸν μυειὰς ὑπος ἐφλήμασι ἐκαθαπτισμένον. Videtur autem Galba Othonem ne in

Transcription: Translated (English)

Although defective, they nevertheless very much allude to the truth. For in the same way that a sestertius is worth two and a half asses, and sestertii, as we showed above, are worth two pounds and a half each; so that third kind of sestertius seemed able to be worth two thousand and five hundred coins. Wherefore the calculation seemed beautifully to fit, so that ten sestertia would be worth twenty-five thousand. But when I said that a sestertius of that kind was worth one hundred thousand, whereas others said that each was worth no more than one; yet in Plutarch, however, I read that it was for two thousand and five hundred, for so Sabellicus says, a workable explanation is found, and indeed one suited to this passage, which can completely remove this difficulty from the reader. For this to happen, it is necessary to add to each unit of this sestertius ninety-seven thousand and five hundred coins. This indeed will happen beautifully if we read in Plutarch as follows: “He had ordered twenty-five myriads of drachmas to be given to a certain friend.” Each myriad, that is, ten thousand drachmas, is worth ten thousand denarii; multiplied twenty-five times, these make two hundred and fifty thousand denarii. This sum, again multiplied by four, since each denarius is worth four sestertii, makes no sestertia, that is, ten hundred thousand sestertii. Thus I would not doubt that it was written in Greek by Plutarch at some point, before, that is, Plutarch’s histories had been published in bronze type; the custom of other Greeks, and Plutarch’s own, and the very truth of the matter, which, with joined hands I have been trying to hold onto, neither the errors of copyists nor mistakes of interpretation can wrest away from me. As evidence will be that passage of the same Plutarch in Galba , δικεῖ δὲ μὴ δὲ ἀν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἰδιοις μὸνον ἐλεάδα ἀρόθωνα ἀληρονομον, ἀκόλασιν ὑδῶς ἐκτὸ ὑποτελη, πεντακίχιλισμὸν μυειὰς ὑπος ἐφλήμασι ἐκαθαπτισμένον. It appears, then, that Galba Otho in

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ne in priuato quidem patrimonio successorem sibi destinasse, ut quem sciret & uitæ incontinentia luxuq[ue] perdi tum, & insuper ære alieno mersum ad quinque millia myriadum. Hoc ut rectè interpres quinquagies decies < Quingenties festertium.> centena millia colligit, quod quidem ad numerum reddendum attinet: sic ego Latinè & usitatè quingenties sester tium uerterem, ita tamen, ut myriadas nummorum intelligamus: quod genus loquendi assequi nemo recentioru[m] potuit. quæ causa est ut in libris è Græco uersis alias prorsus summas legamus quàm in libris antiquis Latinorum, ut apud Appianum identidem, & apud Orosium uno in loco mox uidebimus: qui cum supra mille annos fuerit, priscum tamen morem non tenuit. Eum autem morem Græcorum fuisse, ut non per numerum nummorum, nec per sestertia, sed per myriadas drachmarum, omnes summas pecuniæ memoriæ traderent, duntaxat de Romanis scribentes, ex dicendis constabit, cum eorum autoritatibus utemur. Sed & de hoc more loquendi libro tertio uidebimus ex Demosthene. Cum autem post primam huius libri editionem legere mihi historiam Græcam eiusdem Plutarchi contigit, reces ex officinis Transalpinis publicatam, certam iam fidem habere coepi eius quod coniectura exacta antea collegeram. sic enim eo in loco historiæ legitur, τῶν φίλων πι μυριαστις ἐκελωσε πέντε καὶ ἔικοσι δεθλῶν, τῶν ὑφομοιοι ἀνίες ἐκλωσι. Amicorum cuidam myriadas quinque & uiginti dari iusserat: hoc Romani decies appellant. Quanquam autem per ea quæ hactenus dicta sunt, satis demonstrasse ui deri possim, quid sestertium decies à sestertijs decem differat, & ea quæ occurrere poterant dubia dissoluisse: iamq[ue] (ut arbitror) lectores cum ad hunc locum accurata in= tentione i 4

Transcription: Translated (English)

not even in his private estate had he appointed a successor for himself, as one whom he knew to be ruined by incontinent living and luxury, and, moreover, sunk in debt to the amount of five thousand myriads. The interpreter rightly reckons this as “fifty times ten quingenties sestertium ,” that is, five hundred thousand; for so far as the number is concerned, I myself would render it in Latin and in ordinary usage as quingenties sestertium , yet in such a way that we understand myriads of coins: a manner of speaking which no modern writer has been able to reproduce. This is why in books translated from Greek we read altogether different sums than in the old books of the Latins, as in Appian repeatedly, and in Orosius in one passage, as we shall soon see: although he lived more than a thousand years ago, he did not keep the ancient usage. But that it was the Greek custom to hand down all sums of money, when writing about Romans only, not by the number of coins, nor by sestertia, but by myriads of drachmas, will be made clear from what is to be said, when we use their authorities. We shall also see this way of speaking in book three, from Demosthenes. And after the first edition of this book had been published, when I happened to read a Greek history by the same Plutarch, recently published from Transalpine presses, I began to have firm confidence in what I had previously gathered by exact conjecture. For thus the passage in that history reads: “of his friends, he ordered five and twenty myriads to be given.” The Romans call this ten times over. Although, then, by what has so far been said I may seem to have sufficiently shown what distinguishes sestertium decies from sestertium decem , and to have resolved the doubts that could arise, now that the readers, as I think, with careful attention have come to this passage,

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tentione legendo peruenerint, fidem dictis nostris accom= modare non dubitaturi sint, ulterioremq[ue] nobis probatio= nem remissuri, quod ad hoc quidem attinet: hanc tamen in me legem ultro ferre planéq[ue] sancire hoc in opere sta= tui, ut nunquam per functus pollicitatione uidear, nisi ita omnia perspicua fecero, ut negare omnino quisquam ea quæ demonstrauero, citra improbitatem nequeat. Vt hoc autem efficere possim, utar rursus Ciceronis autoritate, qui in Actione 1 1 1. in Verrem, cum multa Verri furtæ obie= cisset per totam eam orationem, ad extremum uelut sum= mam criminum exaggerans, unius tantum oppidi furtæ ac paucorum mensium colligere statuit, ut de uniuersis pecu nijs per iniuriam ablatis documentum coniecturamq[ue] da= ret. Ait igitur se publicanorum tabulas conquisitas obsi= gnasse, & ad iudicium illud Verris attulisse, ut ex perscri= ptis sub nomine Prætoris nauium commeatibus, constare iudicibus ratio posset earum mercium, quas Verres tunc Siciliæ Prætor in Italiam deportandas curasset. < Locus Verri- næ tertiæ Ci- ceronis.> Eius igi= tur hæc uerba sunt circa finem orationis, Cum hæc pauco rum mensium ratio in his libellis sit, facite ut uobis trien= nij totius ueniat in mentem. sic contendo, ex his paruis li= bellis apud unum magistrum societatis repertis, uos iam coniectura assequi posse cuiusmodi prædo iste in illa pro= uincia fuit: quàm multas cupiditates, quàm uarias, quàm infinitas habuerit: quantam pecuniam non solùm nume= ratam, uerùm etiam in huiuscemodi rebus positam confece rit, quæ uobis alio loco planius explicabuntur. nunc hoc attendite: His exportationibus quæ recitatæ sunt, scribit sestertia L X. socios perdidisse ex uicesima portorij Sy= racusis. Pauculis igitur mensibus, ut hi pusilli & contepti libelli indicant, furtæ Prætoris quæ essent sestertium duo= decies

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE BEING AND if, in reading, they have come to have confidence in our statements, they will not doubt to give us further proof; and as far as this matter is concerned, I intend freely to impose this law upon myself and to establish it plainly in this work, namely, that I should never seem to have failed to fulfill my promise, unless I have made everything so clear that no one can deny what I have demonstrated without dishonesty. But in order that I may be able to accomplish this, I shall again make use of Cicero’s authority, who in Action 1 1 1 against Verres, when throughout that speech he had brought many charges of theft against Verres, at the end, as though gathering up the sum of the accusations, resolved to collect only the thefts of a single town and of a few months, so that he might provide proof and a basis for conjecture concerning all the money carried off by injustice. Thus he says that the books of the public contractors were searched out, sealed, and brought to that trial of Verres, so that from the entries under the name of the Praetor for ship provisions, the judges might be able to establish an account of those goods which Verres, then Praetor of Sicily, had seen fit to have transported to Italy. < Passage from the third Verrine of Cicero.> His words, then, are these toward the end of the speech: Since the account of a few months is in these little books, make it your concern to call to mind the whole three-year period. Thus I maintain that from these small booklets, found with one partner of the company, you may already infer what sort of plunderer that man was in that province; how many desires he had, how varied, how boundless; how much money he amassed, not only in cash, but also placed in such matters as will be explained more clearly to you elsewhere. Now pay attention to this: from these exportations which have been recounted, he writes that the associates lost 60,000 sesterces from the one-twentieth customs duty at Syracuse. Therefore, in a few months, as these tiny and contemptible booklets show, what the Praetor’s thefts amounted to was twelve million sesterces.

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 137 decies, ex uno oppido solo exportata sunt. Nego quen quam esse acutum ac perspicacem lectorem, qui post hæc uerba Ciceronis dubitare potuerit de eo quod adstruimus. quod ut omnibus etiam crassioris Mineruæ lectoribus planum fiat, paucis uerbis rem explicabo. Cum enim affirmet Cicero societate publicanorum ex uicesima portorij sexaginta sestertia, id est, sexaginta nummorum millia, ideo perdidisse, quòd Verres immunes merces tanquam prætorias, nec tamen improfessas transportabat, & ex eo colligat furtiuas merces ad sestertium duodecies ex uno oppido abstulisse: certo iam certius habeo sestertiu duodecies, mulle ac ducenta sestertia significare. si enim sexagenarium uicenario multiplicaueris, mille & ducenta fient in summa. atqui Cicero furtoru summâ à portorio uicesi mae probare facile potuit. Si ergo uicesima pars sestertij duodecies, sexaginta sestertia esse ab eo dicitur, necessariò sestertium duodecies, mille ac ducenta sestertia eodem autore erit. Hoc etiam post Ciceronem Martialis libro primo Epigrammatum docere his uerbis potuit, Si dederint superi decies mihi millia centum, Dicebas nondum Scæuola factus eques: Qualiter ô uiuam, quàm largè, quàmq; beatè? Riserunt faciles & tribuere dei. In ius ô fallax atq; inficiator eamus, Aut uiue, aut decies Scæuola redde deis. Sic enim & ipse & alij poëtæ loqui solent sine adiectione sestertij: ut idem ad Galenum, Non plenum modo uicies habebas, Sed tam prodigus atque liberalis, Et tam lautus eras Galene, ut omnes Optarent tibi centies amici. i 1 Vbiq;

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART I. OF IT. BOOK I. 137 ten times, were exported from one single town. I deny that there is any reader so sharp and penetrating who, after these words of Cicero, could doubt what we are maintaining. And so that this may be made clear even to readers of a coarser Minerva, I shall explain the matter in a few words. For since Cicero affirms that by the partnership of the tax-farmers, from the twentieth part of the customs duty sixty thousand sesterces, that is, sixty thousand nummi, were therefore lost, because Verres carried goods exempt from tax, as though they were praetorian, and yet not undeclared, and from this he infers that stolen goods to the amount of twelve times a hundred thousand sesterces were taken from one town: I now know for certain that twelve times a hundred thousand sesterces means one thousand and two hundred sesterces. For if you multiply sixty by twenty, the total will be one thousand and two hundred. And yet Cicero could easily prove the sum of the thefts from the twentieth part of the customs duty. If therefore the twentieth part of one sesterce is said by him to be twelve times a hundred thousand sesterces, it will necessarily be, according to the same author, that twelve times a hundred thousand sesterces means one thousand and two hundred sesterces. This too, after Cicero, Martial in the first book of the Epigrams could teach in these words, If the gods should grant me ten times a hundred thousand, You used to say, Scaevola, not yet a knight: How shall I live, how lavishly, how happily? The easy gods laughed and granted it. Let us go to court, O deceitful man and denier of debts, Either live, or pay back ten times a hundred thousand to the gods, Scaevola. For thus both he and other poets are accustomed to speak without adding sestertius: as also the same writer to Galen, You had not merely two hundred thousand, But you were so prodigal and generous, And so splendid, Galen, that all your friends Wished you a hundred times as much. i 1 Everywhere;

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Vbiq[ue] enim sestertium sub intelligendum. Et in tertio, Empta domus fuerat tibi Tongiliane ducentis, Abstulit hanc nimium casus in urbe frequens. Collatum est decies: rogo, non potes ipse uideri Incendisse tuam Tongiliane domum? Nec poëtas modo decies absolute, sed etiam prosa oratione loquentes solitos esse dicere Plutarchus in loco supradicto docet, ἐγώ πλεῖον ὑμων, ἐφη, ἐν δεξίες ἐν[εργ]ι. Docebunt & autoritates priscæ quæ à nobis sparsim in sequentibus citandæ sunt. Verum Martialis apertè docet decies sestertium maiorem multo pecuniam esse sestertijs ducentis: quo in loco Calderinus non ducenta sestertia, sed ducentos nummos ridiculo errore intellexit. sic enim ducenta absolutè dicuntur à Martiale, ut à Iuuenale quæ dringenta in prima Satyra, - Sed quinque tabernæ Quadringenta parant. - id est, censum Equestrem. Et in quarta decima, Sume deos equites, fac tertia quadringenta. Oratores plerunq[ue] adjiciunt sestertium. Rursus Martial. Dederas Apiti bis trecenties uentri, Sed adhuc supererat centies tibi laxum. Quo in loco Calderinus, Apitius, inquit, habebat septingenta millia: sex consumpserat luxu: & cum adhuc centu[m] superesset, ueritus ne non posset explere gulam ea pecunia, uenenum bibit. Centies ille pro centum milibus intellexit, centuplicatò scilicet (ut alij omnes) falsus. Martialis enim centies centena millia intellexit, id est, centies sestertium. Ortus est enim apud antiquos ille loquendi modus ex compendio sermonis. Nam cum primum dicerent centies centena millia sestertium mummum, postea usus obti

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Everywhere, indeed, “sestertium” is to be understood. And in the third, “The house had been bought for you, Tongilianus, for two hundred; A frequent disaster in the city took this away from you too soon. Ten times over was contributed: I ask, can you not yourself be seen To have burned down your own house, Tongilianus?” And Plutarch in the place cited above teaches that not only poets, but also those who speak in prose, were accustomed to say “ten times over” absolutely; ἐγώ πλεῖον ὑμων, ἐφη, ἐν δεξίες ἐν[εργ]ι. The ancient authorities, which we shall cite here and there in what follows, will make this clear. But Martial plainly teaches that “ten times sestertium” is a much larger sum than two hundred sestertii: in which place Calderinus, by a ridiculous error, understood not two hundred sestertia, but two hundred coins. For Martial uses “two hundred” absolutely, just as Juvenal does “four hundred” in the first Satire, - But five shops Make up four hundred. - that is, the equestrian census. And in the fourteenth, “Take the gods, equites; make the third four hundred.” Orators usually add sestertium. Again Martial: “You had given twice three hundred thousand to Apicius’ stomach, Yet there still remained for you a hundred thousand, unspent.” In this passage Calderinus says that Apicius had seven hundred thousand: he had consumed six in luxury; and when a hundred still remained, fearing that with that money he could not satisfy his gluttony, he drank poison. He took centies to mean one hundred thousand, that is, multiplied a hundredfold, and was mistaken, like all the others. For Martial understood centies centena millia, that is, centies sestertium. For among the ancients that manner of speaking arose from an abbreviated form of expression. For when they first said centies centena millia sestertium nummum, later usage obti

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 139 obtinuit, ut compendiose centies sestertium diceret: quem loquendi modum nonnulli recensoris memoriæ scriptores non percipientes, centies talentum protulerunt, quasi sestertium rectus aut accusandi casus sit, & no[n] potius genitiuuus. Poëtæ aute[m] & alij interdum scriptores compendium illud iterum contrahentes, non centies sestertium, sed centies tantum dicunt, ut in exemplis suprascriptis, subintelligi uolentes centena millia sestertium: ut in illo Martialis Epigrammate in secundo libro, Illa diues mortua est Secundilla, Centena decies quæ tibi dedit dotis. Decies enim cētena millia intelligendu[m]: ut apud Iuuenal. - Et ritu decies centena dabuntur Antiquo - Quam magnam esse pecuniam ex Horatio in primo Sermonum intelligimus, - Decies centena dedisses Huic parco, paucis contento, quinq[ue] diebus Nil erat in loculis. - Asconius quodam in loco, Luscius notus Centurio Syllanus, diues è victoria factus, nam amplius centies possederat. Cæterum ex obseruatione antiquorum didici, nunquam infra denarium numerum sic esse eos locutos, ut dicerent septies, uel octies, uel nouies sestertium: sed intra denarium per millia uel sestertia loqui solitos. Cicero libro 1. Epist. ad Atticum, Lucio Cincio sestertia nongenta pro signis Megaricis, ut tu ad me scripseras, cur aui. Et < Mos loquendi priscorum.> pro Cluentio, Initio permagnâ pecuniam poposcit, post ad id peruenit quod confici potuit, & sestertia sexcenta quadraginta millia deferri ad se domum iussit. Idem, Sedecim dico Iudices, ut Oppianicus absolveretur, corrumpendos

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART I. HIS BOOK I. 139 obtained the usage that he should say compendiously centies sestertium; which mode of speaking, not a few writers of memory of the reviewer, not understanding, have rendered centies talentum, as if sestertium were a nominative or accusative case, and not rather a genitive. But poets and other writers sometimes, contracting that abbreviation once more, say not centies sestertium, but simply centies, as in the examples written above, intending to be understood as “a hundred thousand sesterces”: as in that epigram of Martial in the second book: That wealthy Secundilla died, Who gave thee a dowry of a hundred times ten. For decies centena millia must be understood; as in Juvenal: - And by the old custom a hundred times ten thousand shall be given - How great a sum of money this is we understand from Horace in the first book of the Satires: - You would have given a hundred times ten thousand To this thrifty man, content with little; after five days There was nothing in the purse. - Asconius in a certain place says, “Luscius, known as Centurio Syllanus, became rich from victory, for he had possessed more than a hundred times ten thousand.” Moreover, from the observation of the ancients I have learned that they never spoke in such a way below the number ten as to say septies, or octies, or novies sestertium; but they were accustomed, within the number ten, to speak by thousands or by sesterces. Cicero, in book 1 of the Letters to Atticus, says, “For Lucius Cincius, nine hundred thousand sesterces for the Megarian statues, as you had written to me, I asked.” And < Mos loquendi priscorum.> In Pro Cluentio: “At first he demanded a very large sum of money; afterwards he came to the point at which it could be completed, and ordered six hundred and forty thousand sesterces to be brought to him at home.” The same author: “Sixteen of you, I say, judges, were to be corrupted, so that Oppianicus might be acquitted.”

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pendos fuisse: ad Stalenum sexcenta & quadraginta milia nummium esse delata. Et ad Ruffum scribens in quinto Epist. Nam de sestertijs nongentis mulibus certe ita relatum est, ut tu siue frater tuus referri uoluit. Supra decem per aduerbium & genitiuum antiqui fere locuti sunt, ut in exemplis omnibus superius adnotatis. Non me latet apud Plinium libro x x x v I. ad sestertia mille legi, & sestertijs mille ducentis: sed uetusta lectio non adstipulatur impressis libris. Tranq. in Cæs. Seruiliam Bruti matre ante alias dilexit, cui et proximo suo Consulatu sex agies sestertiu[m] margaritam mercatus est. Sic Pli. lib. I x. de Lollio, Vt neptis eius quadringenties sestertium operta spectaretur ad lucernas. In quibusdam tamen exemplaribus sestertio legitur. Tranq. in Caligula: Notares est, Aponio Saturnino inter subsellia dormitante, monitum præconem ne prætorium uirum crebro capitis motu nutantem sibi, præteriret: nec dicendi finem factum, quoad x I I I. < Suetonij loco>. gladiatores sestertium non agies ignoranti addicerentur. Quo tamen in loco non dicendi, sed licendi lego contra fidem exemplarium, id est, licitandi in auctione. Verum sestertium in superioribus exemplis gignendi casu dicitur, ut apud Ciceronem in Verrem actione prima: Cogno sceret ex me populus Rom. quid sit quod iudicijs ad Senatorium ordinem translatis, sublataq; populi Romani in unumquenque nostrum potestate, Quintus Calidius damnatus dixerit, minoris sestertium tricies prætorium hominem honestè non posse damnari. Quæ uerba licet notis scripta sint in libris impressis, Asconius tamen ita legit. In quo more loquendi (ut supra dixi) aliquid subaudendum facilè intelligimus, ut sit integrum, hominem prætorium damnari minoris tricies cætenis nullibus sestertium: &

Transcription: Translated (English)

...were said to have been sent: to Stalenus six hundred and forty thousand nummi . And writing to Rufus in the fifth Epistle: “For in the case of nine hundred thousand sesterces it was certainly so reported, as you or your brother wished it to be reported.” The ancients commonly used supra with “ten” and the genitive, as in all the examples noted above. I am not unaware that in Pliny, book xxxvi, one reads ad sestertia mille , and sestertijs mille ducentis ; but the old reading does not agree with the printed books. Tranq. in Cæs. He loved Servilia, Brutus’ mother, above all others, and in his next consulship he bought a pearl for her for six times a hundred thousand sesterces. So also Pliny, book ix, concerning Lollius, that his granddaughter was seen, covered up, by lamplight at the cost of four hundred times a hundred thousand sesterces. In some copies, however, sestertio is read. Tranq. in Caligula: You would have noticed that while Aponius Saturninus was sleeping on the benches, the crier was warned not to pass over a man of praetorian rank, nodding with repeated movement of the head, before he had finished speaking, until thirteen... <in the place of Suetonius> gladiators were assigned for not ten times a hundred thousand sesterces to the ignorant man. In this passage, however, I read not dicendi but licendi , contrary to the authority of the manuscripts, that is, bidding at auction. But in the earlier examples sestertium is said in the genitive case, as in Cicero, in the first action against Verres: “The Roman people should learn from me what it is that, by the trials having been transferred to the senatorial order and the power of the Roman people over each one of us having been removed, Quintus Calidius said when condemned: that a praetorian man could not be condemned honorably for less than thirty times a hundred thousand sesterces.” Although these words are written with abbreviations in the printed books, Asconius, however, reads them thus. In this manner of speaking, as I said above, something must easily be understood by ellipsis, so that the sense is complete: that a praetorian man could be condemned for less than thirty times a hundred thousand sesterces than others without any sesterces at all: and

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 141 & quoad XIII. gladiatores nonagies centenis milibus sestertium addicerentur Saturnino dormitanti. Sester= tium enim per syncopam pro sestertiorum dicitur, ut au= tor est Cicer. in Oratore perfecto. Frequentius tamen per ablatiuum legitur, ut Tacitus libro X V I. Cladem Lu= gdunensem quadragies sestertio solatus est princeps, ut < Sestertio.> amissa urbi reponerent. Plinius ad Caluisium libro tertio Episto. Vt scias quanti uideantur posse emi, sestertio tri= cies: non quia non aliquando quinquagies fuerint: uerum ex hac penuria colonoru[m], & temporis iniquitate, ut re= ditus agrorum, sic etiam precium retro abijt. Tricies se= stertio pro tricies centenis milibus dixit Plinius: tametsi uir alioquin & doctus & diligens, opinione inueterata omnium enarratorum ductus, triginta milibus id uerbum intrepretatus est. Valerius libro I X. de Cneo Domitio & L. Crasso loquens, Quem cum continuò Crassus quanti ipse domum suam æstimaret, interrogaret, atq; ut respon dit sexagies sestertio: Quo ergo eam, inquit, minoris fore æstimas, si decem arbusculas inde succidero? Ipse tricies sestertio inquit Domitius. Apud Ciceronem in Philip. II. sestertij in genitiuo legitur, Syngrapha sestertij centies < Sestertij.> per legatos uiros bonos, sed timidos et imperitos facta in gynæceo. Sic apud Tacitum lib X I I. Fixum est ære pu= blico Senatus consultum, quo libertinus sestertij ter millies possessor, antiquæ parsimoniæ laudibus cumulabatur. Idem, Eodem oratore Bononiensi Coloniæ igni haustæ subuentum est centies sestertij largitione. In Tranquillo semel omnino legi, ubi in Tyberio sic inquit, Publice mu nificentiam bis omnino exhibuit, proposito millies sester= tio gratuito in triennij tempus. Illud apud Tacitum aut mendosum est, aut insolens, Bis & uicies mille sestertium < Taciti locus.> donat

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 141 and, as to XIII. gladiators, that nine hundred thousand sesterces should be added for Saturninus dozing off. For “sestertium” is said by syncopation for “sestertiorum,” as Cicero is the authority in the perfect Orator. More frequently, however, it is found in the ablative, as Tacitus in book XVI: “He consoled the disaster of Lyons with forty thousand sesterces,” so that they might restore to the city what it had lost. Pliny to Calvisius, book III, Epist. “So that you may know at what price they seem able to be bought, thirty times a hundred thousand sesterces”: not because they had not sometimes been fifty times a hundred thousand; but, because of this shortage of colonists and the unfairness of the times, the price of land, like its yield, had also gone backward. Pliny said “tricies sestertio” for “thirty times a hundred thousand sesterces”; although, being in other respects both learned and careful, he followed the long-established opinion of all interpreters and explained that word as thirty thousand. Valerius, book IX, speaking of Gnaeus Domitius and L. Crassus: when Crassus immediately asked him how much he himself valued his house, and he replied, “sixty times a hundred thousand sesterces,” “What then,” he said, “would you value it at less, if I were to cut down ten small trees from it?” Domitius himself said, “thirty times a hundred thousand sesterces.” In Cicero, Philippic II, “sestertij” is read in the genitive: “Syngrapha sestertij centies,” “by envoys, good men, but timid and inexperienced, in the women’s quarters.” Thus also in Tacitus, book XII: “A decree of the senate fixed at public expense, by which the libertine, possessor of three million sesterces, was loaded with the praises of ancient thrift.” Likewise: “In the same speech at Bononia, the city, having been consumed by fire, was relieved by a donation of a hundred times a hundred thousand sesterces.” In Suetonius I have read it only once, where in Tiberius he says: “His public generosity he displayed only twice, by offering a million sesterces gratuitously for a period of three years.” That passage in Tacitus is either corrupt or unusual: “Bis & uicies mille sestertium” gives

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET donationibus Nero effuderat. Millies enim lego, non mil= < Liuij locus.> le. Liuius poëtærum more absolutè dixit libro octauo de bello Macedonico, In L. inquit, Scipione malim equidem mendu[m] quàm medaciu[m] scriptoris esse in summa auri atq[ue] argēti, et potius quadragies, quàm ducēties quadragies lite æstimatam, eò magis, quòd tantæ summæ ratione etia[m] ab ipso requisitam P. Scipione in Senatu tradu[n]t, librumq[ue] rationis eius cum L. fratrem afferre iussisset, inspectante Senatu suis ipsum manibus compressisse, indignatum quòd cum bis millies in ærarium retulisset, quadragies ratio ab se posceretur. Vbi tamen non compressisse, sed concerpisse < Plinij locus.> lego. Sic Cicero in frumentaria, Sic per triennium ad hanc frumenti emptionem centies et tricies erogatum est. Illud Plinij ad Caluisium in quinto Epistolarum, An cui de meo sedecies contuli: ita lego: An cui de meo sestertium decies contuli, huic c c c c. millia paulo amplius tertiam partem ex aduentitio denegem? Qua= dringenta enim sestertia, tertia pars est duodecies sester tiùm, et paulo amplior tertia parte decies sestertium, id est mille sestertiorum. Fuit autem cum existimarem omni= no ita loquendum esse, ut post aduerbium semper geniti= uum pluralem subiungeremus, hoc modo qui suprà rela= tus est, Hominem prætorium minoris sestertium tricies da mnari no[n] posse. et, Sexagies sestertium margaritam mer= catus est. et apud Cornelium Nepo. in uitæ Pompo. Tan taq[ue] fuit moderatione, ut neq[ue] in sestertium uicies quod à pater acceperat, paru[m] se splendide gesserit: neq[ue] in sester= tiùm centies affluentius uixerit. Aliquandiu igitur ita lo= quendum arbitratus sum, quoniam sermo integer hoc poscere uidetur, in quem contracta oratio sic resolui= tur, sexagies centenis milibus sestertium nummorum mar garitam

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. On the as and on donations Nero had lavished. For I read a thousand times, not a thousand mil- < Livius’ passage.> Livius, in the manner of the poets, spoke without qualification in the eighth book of the Macedonian War: “In L.,” he says, “under Scipio I would certainly prefer him to be a liar than a truthful writer,” in the matter of a very large sum of gold and silver, and rather forty millions than two hundred and forty millions, valued in a lawsuit; the more so because they report that so great a sum was also demanded from P. Scipio himself in the Senate, and when he had ordered his brother L. to bring the account-book, he compressed it with his own hands before the Senate, indignant that, though he had paid two thousand millions into the treasury, an account of forty millions was being demanded from him. Yet I read not “compressed,” but “torn to pieces.” < Pliny’s passage.> So Cicero in the corn-supply case: “So for three years, on this purchase of grain, one hundred and thirty millions were spent.” The passage of Pliny to Calvisius in the fifth book of the Letters, “To one to whom from my own means I contributed sixteen millions”: thus I read it: “To one to whom from my own means I contributed ten million sesterces, should I deny this man four hundred thousand, a little more than a third, from my private resources?” For four hundred sesterces is the third part of twelve thousand sesterces, and a little more than a third of ten million sesterces, that is, of a thousand sesterces. But there was a time when I thought that one ought altogether to speak in this way, so that after an adverb we should always add the plural genitive, in the manner cited above: “A man of praetorian rank cannot be condemned for less than thirty million sesterces”; and, “He purchased a pearl for sixty million sesterces”; and in Cornelius Nepos, in the Life of Pompey: “And so great was his moderation that he neither behaved in splendid fashion with the twenty million sesterces he had received from his father, nor lived more lavishly with one hundred million sesterces.” For some time, then, I thought that this was how one should speak, since the pure form of speech seems to require it, into which the condensed expression is thus resolved: “sixty times one hundred thousand sesterces’ worth of money, a pearl...”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 143 garitam mercatus est. Quare illum loquendi modu[m], Qua= dragies sestertio solatus est: , Libertinus sestertij ter millies possessor: iudicaba errore legentiu[m], librariorumq[ue]; ignorantia in exemplaribus inualuisse. Aliter tamen nunc censeo, quum huiusmodi locutione, etsi contra rationem recepta, tamen libri magnorum autorum scateant, quale illud Ciceronis in Sallustium simile supradictis, Ne cau= sam diceret, sestertio duodecies cu[m] Censore paciscitur. uel cum Cæsare potius, ut in antiquo legimus. Vnum in præ= tura urbana locum notaui pluraliter enunciatum, hoc mo do, Hinc sestertium quaterdecies P. Tadio numerata A= thenis, testibus planu[m] faciam. Quod sic resoluitur, Qua= terdecies centena millia sestertium numerata. quæ auto= ritas omni refutatione maior mihi uisa est. Contra tot tan= torumq[ue]; scriptorum autoritatem mouere nos non potest Lampridij dictum in Heliogabalo, Nunquam minus se= stertijs centum coenauit, hoc est, argenti libris triginta. a= liquando autem tribus millibus sestertijs coenauit, omni= bus supputatis quæ impedit. Antiqui enim scriptores non tria millia sestertia, sed tricies sestertium dicebant. Inter classicos autem scriptores nec Lampridius, nec Spartia= nus, nec Capitolinus numerari meruerut. Ausim enim af= firmare rarò antiquos ultra mille sestertia scripsisse: ac nescio etiam an rarissime mille dixerint: quomodo nun= quam aduerbijs usi sunt infra denarium numerum. alioquin ambiget sermo inter singulos millenos 'que nummos. Quî enim minus intelligas his Lampridij uer= bis Heliogabalum tribus millibus nummum coenauisse, quàm ter millies millibus, id est, tricies centenis millibus? & tamé Lampridius plus omnino centenis millibus dicere uoluit, id est, centenis sestertijs, alioquin etia[m] paru[m] Latinè dicitur

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 143 he bought garitam. Wherefore I judge that this manner of speaking, Quadragies sestertio solatus est; Libertinus, possessor of three hundred thousand sestertii, has arisen from an error of the readers and of the scribes; ignorance has prevailed in the manuscripts. Yet I now think otherwise, since books of the great authors abound in this kind of expression, even if accepted contrary to reason, such as that similar passage of Cicero against Sallust, “Lest he should bring the case forward, he makes peace with the Censor for twelve hundred thousand sestertii,” or rather with Caesar, as we read in the old text. I have noted one passage in the urban praetorship expressed in the plural, in this manner: “Hence, that fourteen times one hundred thousand sestertii were paid to P. Tadius at Athens, I shall make clear by witnesses.” This is thus resolved: “Fourteen times one hundred thousand sestertii were paid.” This authority seemed to me greater than any refutation. Against the authority of so many and such great writers, however, the statement of Lampridius in the Heliogabalus cannot move us: “He never dined for less than one hundred sestertii,” that is, for thirty pounds of silver; but at times he dined for three thousand sestertii, with all the sums reckoned, which causes difficulty. For the ancient writers did not say “three thousand sestertia,” but “thirty times sestertium.” Among the classical writers, however, neither Lampridius, nor Spartianus, nor Capitolinus deserve to be numbered. For I would dare to affirm that the ancients rarely wrote beyond one thousand sestertia, and I do not even know whether they ever said one thousand very often; just as they never used adverbs below the number ten. Otherwise the speech is left doubtful between single thousands of coins. For how much less would you understand these words of Lampridius, that Heliogabalus dined for three thousand nummi, than for three thousand times a thousand, that is, for thirty times one hundred thousand? And yet Lampridius clearly meant to say more than one hundred thousand in all, that is, one hundred sestertii; otherwise it is also not good Latin.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET dicitur tria millia sextertia, & tribus mulibus sextertijs, etiam si apud Ciceronem ita legatur pro Cluentio uel in libris membranaceis. Stalenus sextertia sexcenta quadraginta millia deferri ad se domum iussit. et sæpe alibi apud Columellam, Plinium, & alios: quæ mendosa esse facile conijsimus. nam & apud Ciceronem post alteram ab eo loco chartam sequitur, sexcenta & quadraginta nummum millia ad Stalenum esse delata. Sic pro Rabirio, Quid uo= ciferabere, decem millia talenta Gabinio esse promissa? ubi talentum gignendi casu lego, quomodo legendu[m] esse apud Curtium ex mebranacco codice admonitus sum. hic enim error uolumina passim iam olim occupauit, errore libra= riorum, qui ea uerba numerorum quæ notis scripta erat, uel una aut altera syllaba dimidiata, integra transcri= pserunt, nec numerandi rationem antiquam, nec La= tine loquendi tenentes. & alioquin sextertius num= mus, & sextertium genere neutro caliginem multam le= gentibus offuderunt. Nam ut pro nummo sextertium in recto dictum sit, mihi persuadere non possum, etiam si a= pud Festum Pliniumq[ue] semel legatur. sed ex collatione antiquorum uoluminum suspectum locum Plinij animad= uerti. Vt autem usque quaque priscam elegantiam, multa iam rubigine ignorantiæ exesam, ita reddamus interpo= lem, ut ex pristino nitore desiderari nihil possit, unu[m] tan= tum locum Ciceronis ex Prætura urbana citabimus, qui ad hoc ostendendu[m] cum præcedentibus satis erit, in quæ oratione de rationibus Quæsturæ provincialis relatis à Verre loquens sic inquit uerba ipsa rationum referens, Accepi uicies ducenta trigintaquinque millia, quadrin= gentos septemdecim nummos. dedi stipendio, frumento, Legatis, Proquæstori, cohorti Prætoriæ, sestert. mille sexcenta

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASEL AND it is said three thousand sesterces, and three thousand sesterces, even if in Cicero’s Pro Cluentio it is so read, or in parchment books. Stalenus ordered six hundred and forty thousand sesterces to be brought to his house. And often elsewhere in Columella, Pliny, and others: which we easily conjecture to be corrupt. For even in Cicero, after another page from that place, it follows that six hundred and forty thousand coins were brought to Stalenus. Thus in Pro Rabirio, “Why will you shout aloud, that ten thousand talents were promised to Gabinius?” where I read “talent” in the genitive case, as I was reminded how it ought to be read in Curtius from a parchment codex. For here this error has long since occupied books everywhere, through the error of copyists, who transcribed those words of numerals which were written in signs, or with one or another syllable half-written, as complete, paying no regard either to the ancient system of numbering or to correct Latin usage. And in other respects the word sestertius money, and sestertium in the neuter gender, have cast great obscurity over readers. For that sestertium should be used in the nominative for a coin, I cannot bring myself to believe, even if it is once so read in Festus and Pliny. But by comparison with the old volumes I noticed a suspicious passage in Pliny. Now, in order that we may restore everywhere the ancient elegance, already worn away by much rust of ignorance, so as to bring it back in such a way that nothing may be missed of its former brilliance, we shall cite only one passage of Cicero from the Urban Praetorship, which will be sufficient to show this when compared with the preceding examples. In that speech, when he speaks of the accounts of the provincial quaestorship submitted by Verres, he says, quoting the very words of the accounts: “I received 235,417 denarii. I paid out for pay, grain, to the envoys, to the proquaestor, to the praetorian cohort, 1,600 sesterces.”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 145 sexcenta x x x v. mil. quadringentos decem & septem nummos. reliqui Arimini festertium sexcenta millia. Hoc est rationes referre? hoc modo aut ego, aut tu Hortensi, aut quisquam hominum retulit? Quæ uerba ex collatione Asconij contra fidem exemplarium emendauimus, & nisi hoc modo legantur, ratio expensi acceptiq[ue]; non quadrabit, quam necesse est quadrare si sensum Ciceronis percipere uolumus. Siquidem ille Verrem Carbonis Quæstoré pecuniam publicam auertisse criminatur, falsis ac commentitijs rationibus ad ærarium relatis. Eas autem commentitias hoc argumento probat, quòd acceptorum expensorumq[ue] paginæ ad nummum quadrarint, ita ut nihil supersuerit reliquamenti: quod fieri uix potuit nisi in co[n]fictis rationibus. Cum igitur pagina accepti uicies centena millia & ducenta trigintaquinq[ue]; millia & quadringetos decem & septem nummos habuisset, Verres festertia (ut ita dicam) mille & sexcenta x x x v. quadringentos xvii. nummos, uarijs nominibus expensa reip. tulit, & sexcenta festertia Arimini deposuisse sese adscripsit, ne de residuis pecunijs teneri uideretur. Notandus est ergo loquendi modus antiquorum, Accepi uicies & ducenta, hoc est bis & uicies festertium, quod Cicero uel Verres potius dixisset, nisi minores illas summas addendas habuisset, id est xxxv. millia quadringentos nummos. Notandum tamen quòd festertia mille sexcenta dixit pro sedecies sester. Verris uerba referens, quod rarum est, ut uicies ducenta, pro bis & uicies. Cæterùm illum Lampridij locum alioquin medosum esse ex sequentibus apparebit, ut pro xxx. libris ccl. legi debeat: nisi fateri malim Lapridij tempore priscu[m] illum morem loquedi iam obsoletum fuisse, ut & ipsam linguâ propè Latinam. Interim k tamen

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. I. 145 six hundred and thirty-five thousand four hundred and seventeen nummi. the rest at Ariminum, six hundred thousand sesterces. Is this to render accounts? in this way either I, or you, Hortensius, or any man whatsoever would have rendered them? These words, from the collation of Asconius, we have corrected against the authority of the manuscripts; and unless they are read in this way, the account of expenditure and receipts will not agree, which must necessarily agree if we wish to understand Cicero’s meaning. For he accuses Verres, the quaestor of Carbon, of having diverted public money, and of having reported to the treasury false and fictitious accounts. But he proves them fictitious by this argument: that the pages of receipts and expenditures agreed to the last nummus, so that nothing was left over: which could scarcely have happened unless the accounts were forged. Since, therefore, the page of receipts had two hundred and thirty-five thousand and four hundred and seventeen nummi, Verres entered as disbursements to the state, in various names, (so to speak) one thousand six hundred and thirty-five thousand four hundred and seventeen nummi, and wrote down that he had deposited six hundred sesterces at Ariminum, lest he should appear to be liable for the remaining money. We must therefore note the manner of speaking of the ancients: “I received two hundred and twenty,” that is, twice and twenty sesterces; which Cicero, or rather Verres, would have said, unless he had had to add those smaller sums, that is, thirty-five thousand four hundred nummi. It must however be noted that he said “one thousand six hundred sesterces” for sixteen times a hundred sesterces, in reporting Verres’ words, which is unusual, as “two hundred and twenty” for twice and twenty. Moreover, that passage of Lampridius is otherwise obscure; from what follows it will appear that it should be read “for thirty pounds, 250”; unless I prefer to admit that in Lampridius’ time that ancient manner of speaking was already obsolete, and the language itself almost Latin. Meanwhile still

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LIBER I. tamen hoc uelim lectores sibi persuadeant, ita me omnia percepta, probata, comprehensa, perspicua, indubitata, de= monstrata deniq[ue] ac planè non controuersa relicturum, ut posthac referri earum rerum quæstio ex ijs scriptoribus non possit, qui secula sua stylo nobilitauerunt. Verùm eò iam progressa est commentatio, ut primus hic liber finem accipere commodè possit. Assis enim partiumq[ue] eius signi ficatus, atq[ue] eorum uerborum usum quàm latissimè paten= tem apud antiquos, exposuimus, ita ut nihil addi ad præ= dicta (ut existimo) possit, quin à nobis in sequentibus ex= pectandum sit. Diximus quid sit sestertius, quid sestertia, quid sestertium cum aduerbijs numeralibus iunctu[m]: usumq[ue] eorum uerborum oratoribus et poëtis multipliciter usur patum addidimus, omniaq[ue] (ut opinor) eôdem pertinen= tia, citatis, enarratis, interdumq[ue] emendatis scriptorum autoritatibus, quæ in ordinem dicendorum incur= rere uidebantur. Hac igitur fine librum primu[m] claudemus, ut hoc uelut interspiratu re= colligere impetum ad secundum a= tum non minus argumen= tosum possimus. GVLIEL

Transcription: Translated (English)

BOOK I. However, I would wish readers to be persuaded of this: that I shall leave all things so perceived, approved, understood, clear, unquestioned, and finally demonstrated and altogether not in dispute, that hereafter no question concerning these matters can be referred back to those writers who have made their age illustrious by their style. But the discussion has now advanced so far that this first book can conveniently come to an end. For we have explained the meaning of the as and of its parts, and the use of those words in the widest extent among the ancients, so that nothing, as I think, can be added to what has been said, except what must be expected from us in what follows. We have said what sestertius is, what sestertia is, what sestertium is when joined with numeral adverbs; and we have added the varied use of those words as employed by orators and poets, and all things pertaining to the same subject, with authorities of writers cited, explained, and sometimes corrected, wherever they seemed to come within the order of what had to be said. With this end, then, we shall close the first book, so that, as it were, by this breathing-space we may gather strength for the second, no less rich in matter. GVLIEL

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GVLIELMI BVDAEI PARISI ENSIS, CONSILIA= RII REG. DE ASSE ET PARTIBVS EIVS, LIBER II. BIBLIOTECA NAZIONALE ROMA RESTAT pars immensi laboris in hoc libro explicanda. etenim prima illa ope= ra quasiq[ue]; ærumna exanclata, demu[m] quod actum erat, parum uideri coepit, nisi & altera lucubratio ei haud dubiè connexa & uelut è uestigio sequens, instauraretur. Et quidem exi= stimaui (ut est animus humanus nullo inuento nisi suis nu= meris omnibus cumulato explebilis) qui à nobis hactenus dicta probassent, haud tamen ipsos in ijsdem acquieturos, nisi ut antiqui pecuniæ calculi deprehensa uocabula ego me tenere considerem: sic etiam eorum æstimationem colli= gerem. Etenim quonam tandem pacto commercium iustum plenumq[ue]; cum ætatis priscæ monumentis habebimus, si eorum numismatis indicatio exactaq[ue]; æstimatio nos fuge= rit? Perinde atq[ue]; si huius ætatis negociatores in gentem exteram & incognitam merces petant, quæ quanti ab ea gente indicentur, non percipiat, sed pro suo quisq[ue]; captu precium ijs statuant. Quare omnino faciendu[m] nobis est in hoc opere, ut nihil posthac memorabile aut apud quen= qua[m] Latinoru[m], aut apud Græcos historicos de reru[m] precijs aut de publicis priuatisq[ue]; opibus legatur, quin id à nobis k 2 ad num

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GUILIELMI BUDAEI PARISI ENSIS, CONSILIA= RII REG. DE ASSE ET PARTIBVS EIVS, BOOK II. BIBLIOTECA NAZIONALE ROME There remains a part of this immense labor to be explained in this book. For indeed, the first work having been almost like a hardship accomplished, what had been done began to seem of little value, unless the other study, clearly connected with it and following, as it were, on its very heels, were undertaken. And certainly I judged (for such is the human mind, never satisfied with any discovery unless it be filled out in all its parts) that those who had approved what we have so far said would not yet be content with the same things, unless I should also set down, as it were, the terms I have thus far established in the ancient reckoning of money; thus also gathering their valuation. For how, after all, shall we have a just and full commerce with the monuments of antiquity, if the indication of their coins and their exact valuation escapes us? It would be just as if the merchants of this age were to seek goods from some foreign and unknown nation, and not understand how much that nation judged them to be worth, but each person should assign prices according to his own notion. Therefore we must by all means take care in this work that nothing hereafter memorable, whether among any of the Latin historians or among the Greeks, concerning the prices of things or public and private wealth, be read without our having

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET. ad nummum ære nobis æquali æstimetur. ac ne id quidem modò, sed etiam ut Atticum argentum Romano permutemus, ac porrò etiam commentantes eousq[ue] pergamus, ut uel corollarium pronunciatæ dicendarum rerum summæ addidisse iudicemur. Quod cum effecerimus (facturum enim omnino me recipio) quid iam causæ erit, quin omnes libri Græci in Latinam linguam, aut Latini in uer naculam uersi, hac omnino parte illustrati uideantur & explanati? Hoc autem ut assequamur, ab integro rursus ordiædam rem habemus. Itaq[ue], ut antea dictum est, Seruius rex primus æs signauit. signatum est autem nota pecudu[m], unde & pecunia appellata. Maximus autem census (inquit Plinius) centum & decem millia assium illo rege fuit. <Millia æris.> & ideo hæc prima classis. Cum igitur apud antiquos millia æris legimus, millia assium intelligere debemus. Liuius libro v. ab Vrbe condita de Camilli exilio loquens, Absens (inquit) quindecim millibus grauis æris damnatur. De hoc loquens Plutarchus in eôdem Camillo ita inquit, Eκειν[ο]ν μὴν ὑμν μετασὰς ὑφλε πῶν δίκλω ἐγήμων, τίμημα μυσίων καὶ πενταίχιλιων ἀσαρίων ἐχασων, ὑγίνεται πρὸς ἀργυρία λόγον, χιλια ομαχια καὶ πεντακόσια, ἀσαριον γαρυν ἀργυριον. καὶ ἔναχαλλην οὕτως ἐκαλευτο διωάριον. Ille igitur cum solum iam uertisset, indicta causa desertóq[ue] iudicio damnatus est, cuius multa quindecim millium assium fuit: qua summa ad argenti supputatione relata, fiunt mille & quingentæ drachmæ. As enim tuuc erat pecunia, & <Denarius.> ita decussis denarius uocabatur. Ex quo intelligemus denarium fuisse argenteu[m], & denis assibus ualuisse. Assis autem à Plutarcho pro æreo nummo ponitur. nam Latini assem nunquam argenteum nomisma appellauerunt. Iam igitur habemus ex Plutarchi autoritate centu[m] & decemilla æris, quæ

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET. may be valued by us as equal to a bronze coin. And not only that, but also that we may exchange Attic silver for Roman, and furthermore even proceed so far in making commentaries as to seem to have added, as it were, a concluding supplement to the total sum of the matters to be spoken of. When we have accomplished this (for I undertake absolutely that I shall do so), what reason will there still be why all Greek books rendered into Latin, or Latin ones into the vernacular, should not seem in this part at least to have been illuminated and explained? But in order to attain this, we must begin the whole matter anew from the beginning. Thus, as was said before, King Servius first coined bronze money. It was stamped with the mark of cattle, whence it was also called pecunia, from pecus. The largest census, says Pliny, in that king’s reign was one hundred and ten thousand asses. <Thousands of bronze.> And therefore this is the first class. Since, then, in the ancients we read “thousands of bronze,” we must understand “thousands of asses.” Livy, in book 5 of From the Foundation of the City , speaking of Camillus’ exile, says: “In his absence he is condemned to a fine of fifteen thousand heavy bronzes.” Speaking of this, Plutarch, in the same Camillus, says thus: [Greek text]. Therefore he, when he had turned only the sole of his foot, was condemned without any charge being brought and with the court abandoned, and his fine was fifteen thousand asses; when that sum is referred to the calculation of silver, it makes one thousand five hundred drachmas. For the as at that time was money, and <Denarius.> thus the denarius was called a double as. From this we shall understand that the denarius was a silver coin and was worth ten asses. But the as is placed by Plutarch as a bronze coin, for the Latins never called the as a silver coin. So now, on the authority of Plutarch, we have one hundred and ten thousand bronze coins, which

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 149 quæ olim prima classis, id est, summus census fuit, undecim millia drachmarum ualuisse: & supra probatum est autoritate Plinij drachmam & denarium eodem pondere fuisse. ita iam constat, centum millia æris, quadraginta sestertiûm millia ualere, cum quaterni sestertij denos æris asses ualeant. Sic Camillus quum quindecim æris millia dissoluere nequiret, id est, sex millia nummûm, exilij causa solùm uertit. Appellatione autem æris assem intelligi constat ex Tranquillo in Augusto, Caium, inquit, & Lucium adoptauit domi per assem & libram emptos à patre Agrippa. Quod Tra[n]quillus per assem & libram dixit, lex XII. tabularum per æs & libram dicebat: quæ uerba in secundo libro Institutionum Iustiniani leguntur sub titulo de testamentis. Gellius lib. XIII. Tertium, inquit, testamentorum genus fiebat per familiæ emancipationem, cui æs & libra adhibebatur. Sed de hoc nos copiosè disseruimus in Annotationibus in Pandectas editis. As igitur æreus erat, & paruæ æstimationis, ut supra demonstrauimus, & ex Catullo patet illis uersibus, Viuamus mea Lesbia, atq[ue] amemus, Rumoresq[ue] senum seueriorum Omnes unius æstimemus assis. <Quinarius.> Denarius autem argenteus decem libris æris, id est, assibus decem ualebat. Et quinarius quinq[ue], hoc est denarij dimidio, ut sestertius quinarium dimidiatum ualebat, hoc est duos asses & senussem. Erat & quadrans (autore Plinio) nummulus, qui & triuncis uel triunx uocatus est à tribus unciijs. Vt enim sestertius quarta pars est denarij, ita quadrans quarta pars assis, hoc est libræ æreæ, quæ cum erat argentea, non assis argenteus, sed libella dicebatur, ut suprà docuimus. Fuit etia triens nummus tertia pars assis. k 3 Cæterum <Quadrans.> <Triuncis.>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 149 which was formerly the first class, that is, the highest census, was worth eleven thousand drachmas; and it has been proved above by the authority of Pliny that the drachma and the denarius were of the same weight. Thus it is now established that one hundred thousand of bronze are worth forty thousand sesterces, since four sesterces are equal to ten asses of bronze. So Camillus, when he was unable to pay fifteen thousand asses, that is, six thousand coins, turned aside only because of exile. By the term bronze, it is clear that the as is meant, from Suetonius in Augustus, where he says that Caius and Lucius were adopted at home, having been bought from their father Agrippa for an as and a libra. What Suetonius said as and libra, the law of the Twelve Tables called bronze and libra; these words are read in the second book of Justinian's Institutes under the title On Testaments. Gellius, book XIII: “The third,” he says, “kind of testaments was made by the emancipation of the family, to which bronze and libra were employed.” But on this matter we have treated at length in the Annotations on the Pandects published. The as, then, was of bronze, and of slight value, as we have shown above, and as is clear from Catullus in those verses: Let us live, my Lesbia, and let us love, and let us value the murmurings of old men more sternly all at one as. <Quinarius.> The denarius of silver, however, was worth ten pounds of bronze, that is, ten asses. And the quinarius was worth five, that is, half a denarius, just as the sestertius was worth half a quinarius, that is two asses and one semis. There was also the quadrans (according to Pliny), a small coin, which was also called triuncis or triuns from three unciae. For just as the sestertius is the fourth part of a denarius, so the quadrans is the fourth part of an as, that is, of a bronze libra, which when it was silver was not called an ass silver, but a libella, as we have shown above. There was also the triens, a coin, the third part of an as. k 3 Moreover <Quadrans.> <Triuncis.>

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Cæterum quem quadrantem Plinius & triuncem appel= < Teruncius.> lat, Cicero teruncium appellauit lib. 1 1 1. de Finibus, his uerbis: Interit enim magnitudine maris Aegæi, stilla mu= riæ, & in diuitijs Croesi teruncij accessio. Et ad Atticum libro v. Spero toto anno imperij nostri teruncium sum= ptus in prouincia nullum fore. Varro, Teruncius (inquit) à tribus uncij dictus, quòd sit libellæ quarta pars, quo= modo & quadrans assis. Iam antea ostendimus libram & minam centum drachmarum ac totidem denariorum fuis= se. qua ratione patet quadringentos sestertios in libra fuisse. < Sestertijs cætenis aureus æstimatius.> Nunc centum sestertios uno aureo ualuisse docebo. Tranquillus in Othone, Nullo igitur officij aut ambitio= nis in quenquam genere omisso, quoties cæna principem acciperet, aureos excubanti cohorti uiritim diuidebat. Plutarchus in eôdem dixit, id est aureum singulis distribuens. Tacitus de eodem lib. XVII. Flagrantibus iam militum animis uelut faces addiderat Meuius Pudens e proximis Tigillini. is nobilissimu[m] quen= que ingenio, aut pecuniæ indigum, & in nouas cupidita= tes præcipitem, alliciendo, eò paulatim progressus est, ut per speciem conuiuij, quoties Galba apud Othonem epu= laretur, cohorti excubias agenti uiritim cætenos nummos diuideret: quam uelut publicam largitionem Otho secre= tioribus apud singulos præmijs intendebat. Aureu[m] Tran quillus & Plutarchus dixerunt, quod Tacitus centenos nummos dixit. Ita tamen, ut intelligamus Othonem non manu sua (ne in suspicionem affectati imperij ueniret a= pud Galbam), sed per Meuium Pudentem mulitibus dedis= se. Sed quòd aureus centum nummis ualuerit, facilè ex se= quentibus cõstabit. Cum hoc dicto pugnat id quod à Iusti niano principe dicitur in Institut. iuris sub titulo De suc= cessione

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Besides, the fourth part, which Pliny calls a triuncis, < Teruncius.> Cicero called a teruncius in book III of De Finibus , in these words: “For it perishes in comparison with the size of the Aegean Sea, a drop of brine, and in the wealth of Croesus a teruncius is an addition.” And in the letter to Atticus, book V: “I hope that throughout the whole year of our rule there will be no teruncius of expense in the province.” Varro says, “Teruncius” (he says) is so called from three unciae, because it is a quarter part of a libella, just as the quadrans is of an as. We have already shown that a libra and a mina were of one hundred drachmas and the same number of denarii. From this it is clear that four hundred sesterces were in a libra. < Among sesterces, the aureus is more highly valued.> Now I shall show that one aureus was worth one hundred sesterces. Suetonius in Otho : “Therefore, omitting no kind of duty or ambitious attention toward anyone, whenever he received the prince at supper, he distributed gold coins one by one to the cohort on guard.” Plutarch says the same in that work, that is, distributing one aureus to each man. Tacitus, concerning the same man, book XVII: “By now the spirits of the soldiers were already inflamed; as if adding torches, Mevius Pudens from among Tigellinus’s intimates. By winning over each man in turn, especially anyone distinguished by talent or in need of money and ready to be drawn into new desires, he advanced so far that, under the pretext of a banquet, whenever Galba dined with Otho, he distributed cetenos nummos one by one to the cohort on guard: which Otho, as though it were a public largess, reinforced with more secret gifts to individuals.” Suetonius and Plutarch said “aureus,” because Tacitus said “one hundred nummi.” Yet this is to be understood in such a way that Otho did not give them with his own hand (so as not to come under suspicion of having aimed at seizing power under Galba), but through Mevius Pudens. But that an aureus was worth one hundred nummi will be easily established from what follows. This statement conflicts with what is said by the emperor Justinian in the Institutes of law, under the title De successione

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cessione libertorum, his uerbis, Sed nostra constitutio ita causam definiuit, ut si quidem libertus uel liberta minores centenarijs sint, id est minus centu[m] aureis habeant substantiam (sic enim legis Papiæ summam interpretati sumus, ac si pro mille sestertius unus aureus computetur) nullum locum habeat patronus in eorum successione. Nos unu[m] aureum centum sestertijs æstimamus, Iustinianus mille. Sed huic obiectioni ita respondeo, æstimatione[m] hoc in loco no[n] iustam, & ut Græci appellant argyrognomonicam esse, hoc est à collybo uel nummulariorum taberna petitam, sed pro arbitrio legem condentis factam, cui hoc placitum est de centenarijs libertis sancire, quod pridem lex Papia de millenarijs statuerat. Id quod mihi satis indicare uidetur hæc particula, ac si. Si quis enim totum illum locu[m] diligenter animaduertat, facile (ut opinor) iudicabit Iustinianu[m] legi Papiæ non in eo tantu[m] derogasse, quòd patronus olim liberto etiam liberis intra numerum ternarium extatibus in quadrante[m] succedebat, sed etiam in eo quòd qui liberti olim centenarij dicebantur à centum sestertijs, nunc centenarij dicuntur à centu[m] aureis, quæ multo minor est summa. <Centenarij liberti.> Potuit & numerus corrumpi, ut nulle pro centum legatur, errore ex notulis orto, ut infrà uidebimus. Potuit & mille sestertijs pro mille æris obrepere librarijs ab eadem causa. <Papiæ leges multæ.> Leges Papiæ multæ fuerunt, uel una fuit multi plex. Meminit Cic. pro Archia legis Papiæ, Tranquil. in Claud. Tertul. & Lactantius libro 1. Mouere igitur dictum illud Iustiniani neminem debet contra tot tantoru[m]q[ue] scriptoru[m] autoritates. <Sestertius.> Sestertius enim nunqua[m] æreus fuit, sed ab initio statim duos asses & semisse ualuit. Assis uerò æreus erat. Plin. de Ladano lib. XII. Precia sunt laudatissimo in libras asses XL. De Hammoniaco, Preciu[m] optimi in libras k 4

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in the succession of freedpersons, in these words: But our constitution defined the case thus, that if a freedman or freedwoman has less than a hundred, that is, has property of less than one hundred aurei (for so we interpreted the sum in the lex Papia, as if one aureus were reckoned for one thousand sesterces), the patron shall have no place in their succession. We value one aureus at one hundred sesterces; Justinian at one thousand. But I answer this objection thus: the valuation here is not a fair one, and, as the Greeks call it, is argyrognomonic, that is, taken from the dealer in money-changing or from the money-changer’s shop, but made at the discretion of the lawgiver, who was pleased to enact this concerning freedpersons of a hundred, just as the lex Papia had formerly provided concerning those of a thousand. This, it seems to me, is sufficiently indicated by that phrase, as if. For if anyone carefully considers the whole passage, he will easily judge, I think, that Justinian did not derogate from the lex Papia only in the point that formerly the patron, even when the freedman had children within the number of three, succeeded to one-fourth, but also in this, that those who were formerly called centenarii freedmen from one hundred sesterces are now called centenarii from one hundred aurei, which is a much smaller sum. <Centenarii freedmen.> The numeral also may have been corrupted, so that nulle was read for centum, through an error arising from abbreviations, as we shall see below. And mille sesterces may have slipped in for mille asses by the same cause on the part of copyists. <The lex Papia many.> The Papiæ laws were many, or there was one law with many parts. Cicero mentions the lex Papia in Pro Archia , and Tranquillus in Claudius ; Tertullian and Lactantius also in book 1. Therefore that statement of Justinian ought to disturb no one against the authority of so many and such great writers. <Sestertius.> For the sestertius was never a bronze coin, but from the very beginning it was worth two asses and a half. But the as was bronze. Pliny, on ladanum, book XII: “The prices are, for the very best, in pounds, forty asses.” On ammoniacum: “The price of the best, in pounds...” k 4

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET libras asses x L. In antiquissimis tamen urobiq[ue] asses x x x. legitur. Quando autem non addit nomen nummi, quisnam intelligendus sit hæsito, ut de Casia ibidem, Precia nulli diuersiora. optimæ in libras x L. cæteris x v. Sic enim in antiquis omnibus legitur. Vtrum ne igitur asses, an sestertios, an denarios intelligamus? Et rursus ibi dem de Myrobalano, Precium in libras x. Sic enim in antiquis legitur, licet in impressis libras binas legatur. Sed obiter locus ille de Casia emendandus est, qui sic in impressis libris legitur, Frutex & Casia est, iuxtaq[ue] cinnami campos nascitur: sed in montibus crassiore sarmento, tenui cute, quem conteri, atq[ue] in cinnamomo leuari et exinaniri precium est. Ego ex antiquorum obseruatione lego, Quem contrà atque in cinnamomo, labare & exinaniri precium est. Suprà enim de cinnamomo loquens Plin. Vilissimum uirgulti, quod radicibus proximu[m], quoniam ibi minimum corticis, in quo summa gratia. Illud <Plinij locus.> leuius erratum de Ladano supradicto, Sunt qui herbam in Cypro ex qua id fiat, Ladam appellant. etenim illi Ladanu[m] uocant. In eo loco sæpe hæsi, antequam ex antiquis Ledam & Ledanu[m] legendum esse deprehendi. Eode[m] in libro de B dellio, Precium sincero in libras decem tantum. In antiquis non tantu[m] sed terni legitur, fortasse pro sestertij. Notum est enim sestertium duabus uirgulis erectis & semisse scribi solitu[m], ut hodie in Verrinis Ciceronis legitur: quod notam ternarij numeri librarij esse putauerut, quantu[m] co[m]ijcere possum. Veru[m] asses x L. Plinius pro quatuor denarijs dixit. Asses enim Plinius æreos numos intelligit æris grauis libra ualetes. Cornelius Nepos de frugalitate P[ro]ponij Attici loqués, Nec id (inquit) præteribo, quanqua[m] nonullis leue uisum iri pute[m]: Cu[m] in primis lautus esse

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G. BVD. OF THE ASE AND libras asses x L. However, in the most ancient texts everywhere, asses x x x is read. But when he does not add the name of the coin, which should be understood, I hesitate, as also in that passage on Cassia, “Prices differing in no way. The best at ten pounds, the others at five.” For so it is read in all the old copies. Whether, then, should we understand asses, or sestertii, or denarii? And again there, on Myrobalanum, “The price at ten pounds.” For so it is read in the ancient copies, although in the printed editions it is read as two pounds. But by the way, that passage on Cassia must be emended, which in the printed books is read thus: “It is a shrub, and Cassia, and it grows near the fields of cinnamon; but in the mountains, with coarser branches and thin bark, which to crush and, as in cinnamon, to strip away and empty is the price.” I, from observing the ancients, read: “Which, on the contrary, in the cinnamon tree, to be stripped and emptied is the price.” For above, when speaking of cinnamon, Pliny says: “The most worthless of shrubs is that which is nearest the roots, since there the bark is least, in which lies the chief value.” That is the passage of Pliny. A less serious error is the one above concerning ladanum: “There are some who call ladam the herb in Cyprus from which that is made.” Indeed they call it ladanum. In that place I often hesitated, until from the ancients I discovered that Ledam and Ledanum should be read. In the same book, on bdellium: “The price for pure quality at ten pounds only.” In the ancient texts it is read not “only,” but “terni,” perhaps for sestertii. For it is known that the sestertius used to be written with two upright strokes and a half, as is read today in Cicero’s Verrines: which, as far as I can gather, they thought to be the mark of the ternary number in pounds. But Pliny’s asses x L. means four denarii. For Pliny understands asses to be bronze coins of the weight of a heavy pound of bronze. Cornelius Nepos, speaking of the frugality of Publius Atticus, says: “Nor will I pass over this (he says), although it may seem light to some: that he was very splendid, especially when he was to be”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 153 esset Eques Rom. & non parum liberaliter domum suam omnium ordinum homines inuitaret, scimus non amplius quàm terna millia æris peræquè in singulos menses ex e= phemeride eum expensum sumptui ferre solitum. atq[ue] hoc non auditum, sed cognitum prædicamus. Millia æris di= xit ad differentiam millium nummûm uel sestertium. Li= uius libro ultimo de secundo bello Punico, de Scipione lo quens, Argenti tulit in ærarium pondo centum millia. mi= litibus ex præda quadragenos æris diuisit. Et libro II. de bello Macedonico de triumpho Quintij, Duceni quinquæ geni æris in pedites diuisi. Et rursus libro supradicto bel= li Punici, Legatis in singulos dona ne minus quinum mil= lium, comitibus eorum mille æris. Mille æris dixit pro cen tum drachmis, id est, argenti libra: sed genus nummi dati exprimere uoluit. Et libro nono de bello Macedonico. Senatus consultum factum est ut singulis centena millia æ= ris Quæstores urbani ex ærario darent. Hoc in loco qua= dragena millia sestertium intelligendum dico: quòd nisi æris addidisset, ego centum sestertia intelligerem: quanqua[m] si exempla in medium afferam, uix controuersias expe= diam. Plinius libro x v. de copia olei loquens, Vrbis qui= dem anno quingentesimoquinto, Appio Claudio Cæci nepote, L. Iunio Coss. olei libræ duodenæ assibus uenie= re: & mox anno sexcentesimo octogesimo M. Seruius æ= dilis Curulis olei denas libras singulis assibus præstitit po pulo Rom. per totum annum. Idem libro x v 1 1 1. de ar= borum frugiferarum precijs loquens, Nec minus miracu= lum in pomo est, multarum circa suburbana fructu annuo addicto binis millibus nummûm, maiore singularum re= ditu, quàm erat apud antiquos prædiorum. Fidem hoc di= stum excedet, si uera sunt quæ diximus, ut nummi appel= k 5 latione Mira precio pomorum Ro mæ.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 153 being a Roman eques and inviting men of all ranks to his house with no small liberality, we know that he was accustomed to lay out for expenses no more than three thousand asses each month, equally, as it were, according to the daily record of his expenditure. And this we proclaim not from hearsay, but from knowledge. He said milia aeris to distinguish them from thousands of nummi or sestertii . In the last book of Livy, on the second Punic war, speaking of Scipio, “He brought to the treasury a hundred thousand pounds of silver.” He divided forty asses among the soldiers from the booty. And in book II of the Macedonian war, concerning the triumph of Quintius, “Two hundred and fifty asses were divided among the infantry.” And again in the above-mentioned book of the Punic war, “To the ambassadors gifts of not less than five thousand each, and to their attendants a thousand asses.” He said “a thousand asses” for one hundred drachmas, that is, a pound of silver; but he wished to express the kind of coin given. And in book IX of the Macedonian war: “A senatus consultum was made that the urban quaestors should give to each a hundred thousand asses from the treasury.” In this passage I say that forty thousand sestertii are to be understood; for unless he had added “asses,” I should understand one hundred sestertia : although if I bring examples forward, I shall scarcely clear up the controversies. Pliny, in book XV, speaking of the abundance of oil, says: “Indeed, in the five hundred and fifth year of the City, in the consulship of Appius Claudius, descendant of the Blind one, and Lucius Junius, oil was sold at twelve pounds for an as; and soon after, in the six hundred and eightieth year, Marcus Servius, curule aedile, provided ten pounds of oil for a single as to the Roman people throughout the whole year.” The same author, in book XVIII, speaking of the prices of fruit-bearing trees, says: “No less a marvel is seen in the apple, for many trees around the suburbs are leased for an annual rent of two thousand nummi , each bringing in a larger return than among the ancients was the case with estates.” This statement will exceed belief, if what we have said is true, namely, that by the term nummi ...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET latione sestertiu[m] intelligere oporteat, & sic arboris unius usumfructum credamus in annos singulos duobus millibus sestertium conductum à propola, ut in eo quæstum face= ret: & in eadem urbe denas olei libras aut etiam duodenas singulis assibus aliquando uenundatas, cum singuli sester= tij dipondium & semissem ualuerint. Primum hoc respon- deo, uilitatem illam olei semel aut iterum contigisse, quam quam non tam negociationem aut uenditionem fuisse pu= to, quàm largitionem ædilitia[m] ad plebeium sauorem eme= rendum, ut alibi dicetur. Potest etiam numerus deesse in superiore loco Plinij, cum assibus tantum legatur, non sin gulis assibus, ut in sequenti. Potest etiam uilitas tanta fuis= se aliquo anno eo liquore exuberate, qui ultra annum non seruabatur: id quod Plinius ipse his uerbis significat, Ve= tustas oleo tædium affert, non item ut uino: plurinumq[ue] ætatis annuo est: prouida, si libeat intelligere, natura. Quippe temulentiæ nascentibus unis uti necesse non est, quinimo inuitat ad seruandum blanda inueterati caries. oleo noluit parci, fecitq[ue] ea necessitate promiscuum & uulgo. Memoria nostra Parisijs uno anno tanta fuit uili= tas uini, ut inopia uasorum quidam donare uel effundere co gerentur: quidam qui grandioribus cuppis condiderat, anno sequenti magno uendiderunt. Quod autem ad mer= cedem annuam singularum arborum attinet, non tam mi= rari id couenit, quam id quod ab eodem lib. x v. de persi= cis duracinis dicitur, quod genus ætate Plinij insitione re= pertum est. Aestate, inquit ille, præcopia intra x x x. an= nos reperta, & primò denarijs singulis uenundata. Et pau lò inferius, Precium, inquit, singulis iam triceni nummi fuere, nullius maiore. quod miremur, quia non aliud fuga= cius. longissima nanq[ue] decripto bidui mora est, cogitq[ue] se uenund

Transcription: Translated (English)

One ought to understand the expression “of sestertii” in this way, and so let us believe that the usufruct of a single tree was hired out from a dealer for two thousand sestertii per year, in order that he might make a profit from it; and that in the same city ten pounds of oil, or even twelve, were sometimes sold for a single as, when a single sestertius had the value of two asses and a half. My first answer is this: that that cheapness of oil happened only once or twice, and I think it was not so much a matter of trade or sale as a largess from the aediles to win popular favor, as will be said elsewhere. It is also possible that the number is lacking in the earlier passage of Pliny, since it is read only as “for asses,” not “for single asses,” as in the next passage. It is also possible that there was such cheapness in some year because of an abundance of that liquid, which was not kept beyond a year; and Pliny himself indicates this by these words: “Age brings disgust to oil, but not so to wine; and most oil is only good for a year: nature, if one wishes to understand it, is provident.” For since one need not use only fresh vintages, indeed a mellow aged flavor invites one to keep it; he did not wish oil to be spared, and he made it, by that necessity, common and vulgar. In our memory at Paris there was in one year such cheapness of wine that, because of a shortage of containers, some were forced either to give it away or pour it out; while some who had stored it in larger casks sold it at a high price the following year. As for the yearly rent of individual trees, it is not so surprising, as that which is said by the same author in Book XV about duracine peaches, a kind that in Pliny’s time had been discovered by grafting. “In summer,” he says, “premature fruits were found within thirty years, and at first sold for a single denarius each.” And a little below: “The price, he says, was already thirty coins each, higher than any other.” Which we may wonder at, because nothing else is more fleeting; for the longest delay, as described, is two days, and it forces one to sell.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 155 uenundari. His uerbis planè significat singula persica se= stertijs primùm quaternis uenundata, postea augescente gratia (ut fit) aliquando precium ad tricenos nummos e= uasisse. quare non murum est singulas arbores bina millia nummùm annuo reditu meruisse, cum septem & sexaginta poma hanc summam conficere potuerint, tricenis num= nis singula uenundata. Causam autem assignas tanti precij subdit Plinius, Vndiq[ue] pomum innocuum expetitur ægris, uel agris, ut in antiquis legitur. Huiusmodi hodie du racina (ut opinor) nomen retinent in Britannia Aremorica. <Memorabilis asinus.> Transeamus ad reliqua. Idem Plinius lib. VIII. Asinum quadringentis nummis emptum Qu. Asio Senatori autor est M. Varro, haud scio an omnium precio animalium uicto, opera sine dubio geruli mirifica arando quoq[ue], sed mularum maxime progeneratione. patria etiam spectatur in ijs, Arcadibus in Achaia, in Italia Reatinus. Sic omnia habent exemplaria etiam antiquissima. Plinius admiratur asinam Reatinam quadringetis nummis emptam, tametsi gerulam, & aratricem, & prolificam: existimatq[ue] hoc precium maius esse omnium animalium precio, nedum ueterinorum, & pluris tamen Romæ persica XIII. <Asina Reatina.> uenisse eodem autore affirmauimus. Vereor ne hæc Plini[us] salebra huius inuenti nostri cursum hactenus (ut arbitror) inoffensum, aut moretur, aut planè interpellet: et si quod sequitur, addam, ne commentarij nostri processus hæ reat. Quæstus, inquit, ex ijs opima prædia exuperat. Notum est in Celtiberia singulas quadragenis nullibus nummorum emi, ad mularum maximè partus. Si nummi semper sestertij intelliguntur, quonâ modo hæc loca duo conuenire possunt? Hic si dixero locum mendo sum esse, transultare utique confragosa loca, non æquabili gressu per transire

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 155 to be sold. By these words he plainly signifies that single peaches were first sold for four sesterces apiece; afterward, as their favor increased, the price sometimes rose as high as thirty coins. Wherefore it is no marvel that single trees earned two thousand coins in annual return, since sixty-seven fruits could make up this sum, each sold for thirty coins. But Pliny adds the reason for so great a price: "Everywhere a harmless fruit is sought by the sick, or for the fields," as is read in the ancient writers. Such fruits today, I think, retain the name duracina in Armorican Britain. <A memorable ass.> Let us pass to the rest. The same Pliny, in book VIII, says that an ass bought for four hundred coins by the senator Quintus Asius, on the authority of M. Varro, I know not whether surpasses all animals in price, a remarkable beast certainly for labor, both in plowing and especially in producing mules. In these matters even the homeland is considered, Arcadian in Achaia, and in Italy the Reatine. So all the manuscripts, even the oldest, have it. Pliny marvels at the Reatine she-ass bought for four hundred coins, though she was a bearer, a plow-beast, and prolific; and he thinks this price greater than that of all animals, not to say of beasts of burden, and yet peaches in Rome had fetched more, XIII. <The Reatine she-ass.> as we have affirmed from the same author. I fear lest this stumbling-block of Pliny hinder, or even altogether interrupt, the course of our discovery, which thus far, I think, has run unharmed; and if what follows requires it, I shall add so that the progress of our commentary may not stick. The profit, he says, from these surpasses rich estates. It is well known that in Celtiberia single ones were bought for forty coins each, chiefly for breeding mules. If coins are always meant to be sesterces, how can these two passages agree? Here, if I should say that the passage is corrupt, it would certainly be to leap over rough places, not to pass through them with an even step.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET transire dicar. Quod tamen quia & alibi necessariò mihi faciendum est, hic à lectoribus impetrare illud habeo, mi= hi quidem non iniquis, ut si hoc institutum meum hoc in loco, haud dubiè insigni, approbauero, ualeat in futuræ quoq[ue], siqua forte autorum interitu destituentur testimoniio. Audiamus igitur Varronem ipsum libro 1 1 1. rerum rusticarum, quem Plinius dicti sui autorem locupletissimu[m] esse censuit: in cuius dialogis Appius Claudius Augur ad Axium Senatorem ita inquit, Quòd si ea ædificia uillæ non sunt, quæ asinum tuum, quem mihi quadraginta millibus emptum ostendebas apud te, nunc habent, metuo ne pro uilla emam Ostiæ in littore Seianas ædes. Apud Plinium quadringetis nummis legitur, apud Varrone[m] ipsum quadraginta millibus, utrobiq[ue] corruptè. Vt enim nummis pro millibus illic legitur, sic quadraginta hic pro quadringen- tis: tametsi uix intra fidem id stabit cum ad æstimationem millium nummorum uenerimus. Hoc tamen cum ex Plinio uidetur, qui prius hoc precium Romæ admiratus, mox translatitium in Celtiberia esse tradidit: tum uerò ex eo= dem Varrone libro secudo eiusdem operis his uerbis, Qui non habent eum asinum quem supposuerunt equæ, & asinum admissarium habere uolunt, de asinis quenq[ue]; am= plissimum & formosissimum quàm possunt eligunt, quiq[ue] seminio natus sit bono, Arcadio, ut antiqui dicebant, ut nos experti sumus, Reatino, ubi tricenis ac quadringen- tis millibus admissarij aliquot uenierunt. Quo in loco tre= cenis & quadringenis millibus lego. quanquam hic rursus æstuare necesse est. Idem enim Varro alibi de eligendo pe= core loquens, Primùm, inquit, ut bonum pares pecus, sci= re oportet qua ætate quàm que pecudem parare habereq[ue] expediat. altera pars, cognitio formæ: tertia pars est, quo semi

Transcription: Translated (English)

I shall be said to pass over the matter of the ash-heap and such things. Yet since there is elsewhere a necessity for me to do so, here I must ask this indulgence of readers, not indeed unwilling ones, that if I approve this plan of mine in this place, which is doubtless distinguished, it may also be of force for the future, if perhaps testimonies should be lacking through the loss of authors. Let us therefore hear Varro himself in book I.1.1 of the Rerum rusticarum , whom Pliny judged to be the most authoritative writer on the subject: in whose dialogues Appius Claudius the Augur says to Axius the senator thus: “If those are not the buildings of a country villa, which have with them your ass, which you were showing me as having been bought for forty thousand, I fear lest I should buy Sejanus’ house on the shore at Ostia as a villa.” In Pliny it is read “four hundred nummi,” in Varro himself “forty thousand,” corrupt in both places. For as “nummi” is read there for “thousands,” so here “forty” for “four hundred”; although this can scarcely stand within belief when we come to an estimate of thousands of nummi. Yet this is supported by Pliny, who first marvelled at this price at Rome, then reported that it had been transferred to Celtiberia; and also by Varro himself in the second book of the same work, in these words: “Those who do not have the ass they have placed with the mares, and want to have an ass for breeding, choose from among the asses the largest and most handsome they can, and one born of good stock, as the ancients used to say Arcadian, or, as we ourselves have experienced, Reatine, where some breeding-asses have fetched thirty and four hundred thousand.” In this place I read “three hundred and four hundred thousand.” Yet here too it is necessary to be troubled again. For the same Varro, speaking elsewhere on the choosing of livestock, says: “First, in order that you may select good livestock, it is necessary to know at what age it is advantageous to buy and keep what kind of beast. The second part is knowledge of form; the third part is, what sort of

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seminio quærendum. Hoc enim nomine asini Arcadici in Græcia nobilitati, in Italia Reatini, usque eò, ut mea me= moria asinus uenierit sestertijs millibus sexaginta, & unæ quadrigæ Romæ constiterint quadringentis millibus. Se= mel iam testati sumus, ubicunque apud antiquos sestertijs & millibus coniunctim dicitur, non sestertijs, sed sester= tiùm legendum. Quare hic sestertium, non sestertijs le= go. Sed loca sic citare necesse est, ut apud autores legun= tur: quod in uniuersum dictum esse uelim. Sed quod ad rem pertinet, Varro in persona Scrophæ miratur asinum memoria sua emptum sexaginta millibus, & asinos qua= tuor iugales quadringentis. Quare dubius maneat hic lo= cus Plinij necesse est, ita tamen, ut lotos quidem pedes ex maculoso loco conflictatione non multa expedierim. Quanquam quis dubitet quadraginta millibus apud Pli= nium asserere, & tricenis ac quadragenis millibus apud Varronem, ne fidem alioquin abnegare antiquis monu= mentis cogamur? Atque eadem opera locum Plinij inibi < Plinij locus.> restituemus. quod enim in omnibus impressis libris legi= tur, Nec nisi spatio se incumbant, alias atteruntur. Varia nanque somnio uisa concipiunt, ictu pedum crebro: qui nisi per inane emicuerit, repulsu durioris materiæ claudi= tatem illico affert. ubi ego ex antiquis exemplaribus lego, Nec nisi spatiose incubitant laxitate. uaria nanq[ue], & cæ= tera. illa enim duo uerba, alias atteruntur, temere ab emen datoribus sunt addita: quæ superuacanea esse satis ex eo apparet quod sequitur, claudos illico fieri. Et hic Hermo= laus Barbarus uir ingeniosissimus gloriabitur se Plinium emendasse, altera etiam castigatione repetitum? Sed per= gamus porrò. Idem Plinius libro decimo: Maximè tamen insignis est in hac memoria Clodij Aesopi Tragici hi= strio Patina Aesopi.

Transcription: Translated (English)

seminium should be sought. For by this name the Arcadian asses were made famous in Greece, the Reatine in Italy, to such an extent that, in my memory, an ass sold for sixty thousand sesterces, and a pair of chariots in Rome cost four hundred thousand. We have already once testified that wherever, among the ancients, sestertijs and millibus are joined together, it is not sestertijs but sestertiùm that must be read. Therefore here I read sestertium , not sestertijs . But places must be cited as they are read in the authors; and I wish this to be said in general. Yet as far as the matter is concerned, Varro, in the person of Scropha, marvels at an ass bought, in his memory, for sixty thousand, and at four harnessed asses for four hundred thousand. Therefore this passage in Pliny must remain doubtful, though still I have managed to clear away the main obstruction from the muddy place, after not much contest. Although who would hesitate to affirm forty thousand in Pliny, and thirty and forty thousand in Varro, lest we be compelled otherwise to deny faith to ancient monuments? And by the same effort we shall restore the passage of Pliny here <Plinij locus.> For what is read in all printed books, “Nec nisi spatio se incumbant, alias atteruntur.” They conceive various things seen in sleep, by frequent striking of the feet: unless it has darted out into the open, a rebounding from the harder material at once brings lameness. Where I read in the ancient copies, “Nec nisi spatiose incubitant laxitate. varia nanq[ue],” and so forth. For those two words, “alias atteruntur,” have been rashly added by editors; and that they are superfluous is sufficiently apparent from what follows, “claudos illico fieri.” And here Hermolaus Barbarus, a most ingenious man, will boast that he has emended Pliny, repeated even with a second correction? But let us proceed further. The same Pliny, book ten: “Most remarkable, however, in this memory is Clodius Aesopus, the tragic actor of the stage...” Patina of Aesopus.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET strionis patina, sexcentis sestertijs taxata, in qua posuit aues cantu aliquo aut sermone uocales, nummis sex singulas coëmptas, nulla alia inductus suauitate, nisi ut in ijs imitationem hominis manderet, ne quæstus quidem suos reueritus illos opimos, & uoce meritos. Dignus prorsus filio, à quo diximus deuoratas margaritas. Ego antiquissimum exemplar habeo, in quo hoc uerbum, nummis, deletitio loco scriptum erat, ut conijciam non nummis, sed millibus prius scriptum fuisse. omnino enim sic legendum est. Centenariam enim patinam Aesopi fuisse intelligimus, id est centenis auibus structam, millibus senis coëmptis, ut in summa sexcenta fierent sestertia: de qua idem Plinius libro x x x v. Nam nos, inquit, cum unam patinam Aesopi Tragædiarum histrionis in natura auium dicemus sestertijs sexcentis stetisse, non dubito indignatos legentes. Hæc & huiuscemodi alia incredibilia omninò primore sensu uidebuntur, sed cum omnia in discussionem uenerint, inuicem sibi fidem ut faciant peruincemus. Huius libri lectio uicè præbet historiæ. Opulentia enim Romana simul & luxuria intelligentur, quæ instar (ut arbitror) habebunt historiæ cuiusdam uariæ & admirandæ. Sic enim rem temperatam oportuit, ut non magis in abaculo manus occuparetur, quàm animus rerum intelligentia interim oblectaretur. Sed iam uideamus de columbis apud eundem Plinium libro x. Harum, inquit, amore insaniunt multi, ac super tecta exædificant turres ijs, nobilitatemq[ue] singularum & origines narrant, uetere iam exemplo. Laxius Eques Rom. ante bellum ciuile Pompeianum denarijs quadringentis singula paria uendicauit, ut M. Varro tradit. Licet in omnibus exemplaribus & Laxius & uendicauit legatur, tamen & L. Plinius locus. Axius & uenditauit lego, cum Varro de pullis earum loquens

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASSE AND a dish, valued at six hundred sesterces, in which he placed birds vocal in some song or speech, bought at six coins apiece, drawn by no other delight except that in them he might store an imitation of man, not even sparing his own profit, those well-fed and voice-deserving ones. Truly worthy of the son, of whom we said that pearls were devoured. I have the most ancient copy, in which this word, nummis, was written in the place of a deletion, so that I conjecture that not nummis, but millibus had been written first. For that is certainly how it must be read. For we understand that Aesop’s was a hundred-coin dish, that is, set with a hundred birds, bought for six thousand, so that in all it amounted to six hundred sesterces: of which the same Pliny in book XXXV. For we, he says, when we shall speak of Aesop the tragedian’s dish as having stood at six hundred sesterces in the nature of birds, I do not doubt that the readers will be indignant. These and other such incredible things will certainly at first sight seem so, but when everything has been brought into discussion, we shall overcome them and make them mutually credible to one another. The reading of this book in turn presents history. For Roman wealth and luxury will be understood together, which will stand as the likeness, as I think, of a certain varied and admirable history. For thus the matter had to be arranged, so that the hand might not be occupied more with the sideboard than the mind with understanding of things meanwhile be delighted. But now let us see about pigeons in the same Pliny, book X. Many, he says, go mad for love of these, and above their roofs build towers for them, and tell the nobility and origins of each, after an ancient example. Laxius, a Roman knight, before the Civil War of Pompey, sold each pair for four hundred denarii, as M. Varro relates. Although in all the copies both Laxius and vendicauit are read, yet both & L. Pliny’s place. I read Axius & uenditauit, when Varro, speaking of their chicks,

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 159 quens ita dicat, Romæ, si sunt formosi, bono colore, integri, boni seminis, paria singula uulgò ueneût ducenis num mis: necnon eximia singulis millibus nummûm: quas nuper cum mercator tanti emere uellet à L. Axio Equite Rom. minoris quadringentis denarijs daturum negauit. Hactenùs Varro. Si ergo paria singula columbarum non semel, sed sæpe mille sestertijs nummis uendita sunt, aliquando etiam mille & sexcentis, id est quadringentis denarijs, cur non & aues humano sermone uocales, sex millibus eadem in urbe uendi potuerunt? quas tamen apud Plinium sex nummis emptas legimus, errore eorum seculorum, quæ in rei nummariæ uerbis prorsus nihil uiderunt. Huius rei irrefutabile argumentum ex eodem ipso autore referemus, qui libro eodem de Luscinijs loquens ita inquit, Certant inter se, palamq[ue] animosa contentio est. Victa, morte finit sæpe uitam, spiritu prius deficiente, quàm cantu. Meditantur aliæ iuniores, uersusq[ue] quos imitentur, accipiunt. Audit discipula intentione magna, ac reddit: uicibusq[ue] reticent. Intelligitur emendatæ correctio, & in docête quæda[m] reprehensio. Ergo seruorum illis precia sunt, & quidem ampliora quàm quibus olim armigeri parabantur. Ex his uerbis significatur luscinarum magna precia fuisse, cum < Luscinarum precia.> apud Columella[m] uinitor seruus octo millibus æstimatus sit, & pluris armiger uenire uinitore solitus sit, ut qui præsidium uitæ domino afferre posset. Quòd si id quod sequitur statim apud Plinium, emendari à nobis potuisset, memorabile aliquod precium in medium attulissemus eius lusciniæ albæ quæ Agrippinæ dono data est. Id quoniâ fieri non potuit, in uicem eius, locum alium eiusdem capitis in principio statim restituemus. Noctuarum genus in Creta insula non est, & etiam siquæ inuecta sit, emoritur. Nam

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quens thus says, at Rome, if they are handsome, of good color, sound, of good stock, pairs each commonly sell for twelve nummi, and exceptional ones for a thousand nummi each: indeed, not long ago, when a merchant wished to buy one for so much from L. Axius, a Roman knight, he refused to sell it for less than four hundred denarii. So far Varro. If therefore pairs of doves were sold, not once only, but often, for a thousand sesterces in nummi, and sometimes even for sixteen hundred, that is, four hundred denarii, why could not birds vocal with human speech also have been sold in the same city for six thousand? Yet we read that at Pliny's they were bought for six nummi, through the error of those centuries which saw absolutely nothing in the terms of monetary reckoning. We shall cite an irrefutable proof of this matter from the same author himself, who, speaking in the same book about nightingales, says thus: They contend among themselves, and there is plainly a spirited rivalry. The defeated one ends life often by death, the breath failing before the song. Some younger birds meditate and take up the verses to imitate them. The pupil listens with great attention, and repeats; and they alternate in silence. A correction with improvement is understood, and in the one teaching a certain rebuke. Therefore their prices are those of slaves, and indeed higher than those for which armor-bearers were once procured. By these words it is indicated that nightingales had very high prices, since at Columella's a vine-dresser slave was valued at eight thousand, and an armor-bearer was usually sold for more than a vine-dresser, as one who could bring protection to his master's life. But if that which follows immediately in Pliny could have been corrected by us, we should have brought forward some remarkable price of that white nightingale which was given as a gift to Agrippina. Since this could not be done, in its place we shall restore at once another passage from the beginning of the same chapter. There is no kind of owl in the island of Crete, and even if any is brought in, it dies. For

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Nam hæc quoque mira naturæ differentia, alia alijs locis negat, tanquam genera frugum fruticum ue, sic & animalium non nasci, translatitiorumq[ue] inuecta mori. Mirum quidem est illud unius generis aliti aduersum. quænam est ijs naturæ inuidiæ? Sic in omnibus impressis legitur, conniuenta Hermolao, & hoc totum caput intactum transmittente. Quæ uerba cum mihi corrupta inter legendum uiderentur, tandem aditis antiquis exemplaribus ita restituenda duxi, ut post uerbum animalium, distinctio fiat ue lut sensu finito: deinde ita inferamus, Non nasci, translatitium: inuecta mori, mirum. Quid est enim unius generis saluti aduersum? Translatitium hic pro solito, & in multis usitato & communi inter multos, ponitur: quod uerbu[m] maximè Plinianum est. Ita patet in uno uersu Plinij quatuor errata à castigatoribus relicta. De auiculis uocalibus Plinius alibi, Agrippina coniux Claudij Cæsaris turdum habuit (quod nunquam antè) imitantem sermones hominum. Cum hæc proderem, habebant & Cæsares iuuenes sturnum, item luscinias Græco atque Latino sermone dociles, præterea meditantes in diem, & assiduè noua loquè tes longiore etiam contextu. In diem autem, non in dies in omnibus libris legitur. ex quo intelligimus doceri solitas ut diebus diuersis non eadem, sed subinde nouu[m] aliquid loquerentur. Summa igitur supradictorum est, mille sester tiûm, & mille nummûm, duo millia ac quingentos æris ualere, & mille drachmas decem millia assium, & quatuor millia sestertium. Porrò centum drachmas unam mina[m] argenti efficere, quæ & libra & pondo dicitur. At uerò libras duas argenti & semisse, seu ut ueteres dixerunt, duapondo & semissem mille nummûm ualuisse. Hoc etsi satis antea confirmatum est, tamen & auctarium hoc addemus, ne

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET For this too is a remarkable difference in nature, that it denies some things in other places, as if kinds of crops and shrubs, so also of animals, to be born; and the imported ones to die. That too is certainly a wonder, hostile to one kind of bird. What envy of nature is there toward them? Thus in all printed copies it is read, Hermolaus having connived at it and passing over this whole chapter untouched. When these words seemed to me corrupt while reading, at last, after consulting ancient exemplars, I judged that they should be restored thus: so that after the word “animals” a division should be made, as though the sense were ended; then let us read thus: “Not to be born is common; to die, brought in; wonderful.” For what is there hostile to the safety of one kind? “Translatitium” here is used for what is customary, and in many places, and common among many; and this word is especially Plinian. Thus it is clear that in a single verse of Pliny four errors were left by the correctors. On birds that imitate speech, Pliny elsewhere says that Agrippina, wife of Claudius Caesar, had a thrush, which had never before been known, imitating human speech. When I published this, the young Caesars also had a starling, likewise nightingales trained in Greek and Latin speech; besides these, practicing day by day, and continually speaking new things even with a longer connected discourse. But “in diem” is read in all books, not “in dies”; from which we understand that they were accustomed to be taught so that on different days they would speak not the same things, but continually something new. The sum, therefore, of the things said above is this: one thousand sesterces and one thousand nummi are worth two thousand and five hundred bronze asses; and one thousand drachmas, ten thousand asses, and four thousand sesterces. Moreover, one hundred drachmas make one mina of silver, which is also called a libra and a pondo. But indeed two pounds and a half of silver, or, as the ancients said, a duapondius and a semis, were worth one thousand nummi. Although this has already been sufficiently confirmed, nevertheless we shall add this further point, lest

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ne cuiquam non satisfaciamus in eare in qua ab omnibus dissentimus. Liuius libro 1 1. de bello Punico, In permutandis captiuis co[n]uenerat inter duces Ro. Poenumq[ue], ut quæ pars plus reciperet quàm daret, argenti pondo bina et se= libras in militem præstaret. De quo co[n]uento Plutarchus in Fabio loquens, Conuenerat, inquit, inter Rom. Poenumq[ue] ducem, ex captiuis uirum pro uiro commutare, et qui plu reis reciperet quàm redderet, pro quolibet drachmas du= centas et quinquaginta solueret. Plutarchus quinquaginta drachmas pro semipondio dixit. Hic libens omuserim, si possim, errorem Nicolai Perotti hominis de lingua La= tina, ut illa ætate, bene meriti, qui in commentarijs suis de hac re loquens ita inquit, Pondo licet aliquando pro li= bra inueniatur, propriè tamen significat pondus duode= cim librarum. huiusq[ue] dicti autorem citat Liuium in loco suprà dicto, quasi Liuius pondo bina et sex libras, non selibras uocabulo composito dixerit, quasi que in capitæ statuerint Imperatores illi tricenas libras argenti: quod longè abest à uerò: quanquam Perottus homo elegantiarum obseruantissimus, uidere illud debuit, Liuium no[n] pon do bina et sex libras dicturum unquam fuisse, sed senas potius libras. Hic nominare eos necesse no[n] habui, qui eius errorem totidem uerbis in suos ipsi comentarios retulerunt. Idem Liuius lib. 1 x. de bello Maced. de censura Ca= toniana loquens, In césibus quoque accipiendis tristis et aspera in omnes ordines censura fuit. ornamenta, et ue= stem muliebrem, et uehicula quæ pluris quàm quindecim millium æris essent, in censum referre uiatores iussit. Item mancipia minora annis uiginti, quæ post proximum lu= strum decem millibus æris aut eo pluris uenissent, ut ea quoque decies pluris quàm quanti essent æstimarentur: De

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so that we may not fail to satisfy anyone in the very matter in which we all disagree. Livy, book 11 of the Punic War: In exchanging captives, it had been agreed between the Roman and Carthaginian commanders that whichever side received more than it gave should provide two pounds and six ounces of silver per soldier. Of this agreement Plutarch, speaking in Fabius , says: “It had been agreed, he says, between the Roman and the Carthaginian commander to exchange man for man from among the captives, and the side that received more than it returned was to pay two hundred and fifty drachmas for each.” Plutarch said fifty drachmas for half a pound. Here I would gladly excuse, if I could, the error of Nicolaus Perottus, a man of the Latin tongue, as was fitting for that age, and deserving well of it, who, speaking of this matter in his commentaries, says thus: “Pondo, although it is sometimes found for libra, properly nevertheless signifies a weight of twelve pounds.” And he cites Livy as the author of this statement in the passage mentioned above, as if Livy had said pondo bina et sex libras , not selibras , using a compound word, as if those emperors had fixed thirty pounds of silver in the capite; which is very far from the truth. Although Perottus, a man most attentive to refinements, ought to have seen that Livy would never have said pondo bina et sex libras , but rather senas libras . Here I have not needed to name those who have themselves repeated his error in the same words in their commentaries. The same Livy, in book 10 of the Macedonian War, speaking of the Censorship of Cato, says: “In receiving censuses too, the censorship was severe and harsh toward all ranks. He ordered that ornaments, and women’s clothing, and vehicles worth more than fifteen thousand asses should be entered in the census by travelers. Likewise slaves under twenty years of age, who after the next lustrum had been sold for ten thousand asses or more, were also to be valued at ten times their worth.” Of

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET De hac item censura Plutarchus in eodem Catone, Vt igitur, inquit, in omnes animaduerteret, coëgit uestis, carpen ti, mundi muliebris, & domesticæ supellectilis decuplum amplius in censum referri, quàm earum rerum preciu[m] si= neret, si mille & quingetas drachmas excessisset. His auto ritatibus fidem omnino facio, centum drachmas nulle æris < Libra nummaria cētum drachmas ualet.> ualere: & pondo, id est libram, centum drachmus, & mille æris par fuisse. At denarium & drachmam eundem fuisse nummum, aut eiusdem certè p[ro]deris & æstimationis, auto re Plinio demo[n]stratum est, & denarium quaternos ualuiss se sestertios. Quare in singula p[ro]do & in singulas libras minas que quadringentos sestertios intelligere necesse est. Proinde operis instituti partem profligatam habemus, uel materiem potius (ut Plautino uerbo loquar) exasceata[m]: quàm si coagmetare in instar operis absoluti uolumus, o= mia scriptorum dicta accommodare rebus iam explicatis necesse est: ita ut in opere tot autoritatibus compactili, nul lus locus hiulcus, nulla commissura sit conspicua. Quod quanta uigilantia, quàm acri intetione, quanto labore sit effectum, quanto denique literarum amore susceptum (nî hil enim maius dicere de me possum) ex operis ipsius co= page apparebit. Ego cum hæc proderem, quò magis exa= etè omnia perpenderem, libellam & ponduscula in con= spectu habui, nomismata que antiqua aurea argenteæ que satis multa, iampridem ut nunimè in hunc usum parata, sic admiratione uisendæ antiquitatis in delicijs habita. Eorum lectissimum quodque expensare institi, diligentia, ut arbitror, nummulariorum æmula. Quippe adulterata quædam uisuntur, & ad exemplar archetyporum fusim cusim que ita efficta, ut pro archetypis fallant, cuiusdam (ut diunt) pigmenti affrictu uetustatem ementietia. Vt igi=

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G. BVD. OF THE AS AND On this matter too Plutarch, in the same Cato , says: “So that he might take account of everything, he ordered that the clothing, carriages, articles of feminine adornment, and household furnishings be entered in the census at more than ten times their value, if their price were to exceed one thousand five hundred drachmas.” I give full credence to these authorities: one hundred drachmas had no value in bronze; <A money-libra is worth one hundred drachmas.> a libra, that is, a pound, was equivalent to one hundred drachmas, and to one thousand as. But it has been shown by Pliny that the denarius and the drachma were the same coin, or at least of the same value and estimate, and that the denarius was worth four sesterces. Therefore in each as and in each libra we must understand four hundred sesterces, or four hundred minae. Accordingly we have the completed part of the work in hand, or rather the material (to use Plautus’ word) cleared and prepared; and if we wish to fit everything together in the manner of a finished work, it is necessary to adapt all the statements of the writers to the matters already explained: so that in a work pieced together from so many authorities, no gap may be visible, no seam apparent. With what vigilance, with what keen attention, with what labor this has been achieved, and finally with what love of letters it has been undertaken (for I can say nothing greater of myself) will appear from the structure of the work itself. When I published these things, in order to weigh everything more exactly, I had at hand balances and small weights, and a good many ancient gold and silver coins, long since set aside for this use, but kept as prized curiosities because of the pleasure of seeing antiquity. I set about weighing each of the choicest of them, with a diligence, as I think, rivaling that of money-changers. For some appear to be adulterated, and so fashioned from original models, both by casting and striking, that they deceive as though they were genuine originals, having their antiquity feigned by the application, as they say, of some pigment. So then-

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 163 Vt igitur unumquodque certissimam prisci æui notam ha bere uidebatur, charactere uel collybo detrito, uel uctu= state fugienti, et æui situ obscuro, ita in libella à me statue batur. Inter argentea (ut auspicatò exordiar) < Recensio no-mismatum pri scorum. Nomisma Ciceronis.> unum erat Ciceronis, una parte integrum: in qua caput galeatum, decora facie plená que, promissa cæsarie, et erecta è cer= uice pendula. pone[n]scaput unicum hoc uerbum, Roma, scri ptum erat, nihil in ambitu. ex altera parte, quæ semesa erat, currus triumphalis quadrigis trahebatur, subter qué inscripta hæc duo uerba, M. Tullius. suprà hæc uerba X litera maiuscula, quam denarium significare arbitrabar < Decussare,> ex Valerio Probo: unde decussare uerbum uidetur esse deductum, de quo suprà dictum est. Nam in X litera, li= nea lineam in centro intersecat. Alterum fuit Cæsaris Di= ctatoris, in quo caput collecto ac redimito capillo, facie longiore, naso decorè prominenti, oblongaq[ue] ceruice: à tergo sub charactere quodam obscuro Cæsaris nomé scri= ptum erat, prænomine nullo: sed Dictatoris faciem ex sculptura antiqua noscitare didici, quam Romæ uidi, cu= ius etiam exemplum scitè effectum habebam in gemma. Erat etiam Augusti, ea facie quæ à Suctonio describitur; crisso capillo soluto que, inscriptione, Cæsaris Augusti: à tergo simulachrum uestibuli ædes sacræ ternis altrinse= cus his literis, M A R. V L T. uidelicet ob Martis ultoris ædem ab eo extructam. Fuit et aliud eiusdem, eade[m] inscri= ptione, ijsdemq[ue] lineamentis formæ, similiq[ue] capillo: in quo adnotaui faciem læua parte prominentem contra aliorum nomismatum morem etiam eiusde[m] principis. ab altera par= te erat stella radijs ad marginem usque nomismatis expas= sis, crinito uno radio, transuersaria inscriptione, Di= ui Iulij. quod intelligimus percussum ab eo fuisse post ludos

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BOOK II, 163 So, then, just as each item seemed to have the surest mark of antiquity, whether its character was worn away by rubbing or by age and obscured by the lapse of time, so it was arranged by me in the table. Among the silver coins (to begin auspiciously), Recensio no-mismatum priscorum. Nomisma Ciceronis. there was one of Cicero, intact on one side: on which was a helmeted head, with a handsome and full face, long hair, and a neck erect from which the head hung down. On the reverse, with this single word, Roma , written above the head, there was nothing in the border. On the other side, which was half worn away, a triumphal chariot was drawn by four horses, and beneath it these two words were inscribed, M. Tullius . Above these words was the letter X, in larger size, which I judged to signify a denarius, Decussare , from Valerius Probus; whence the verb decussare seems to have been derived, of which mention was made above. For in the letter X, one line cuts the other in the center. There was another of Caesar the Dictator, on which was a head with the hair gathered and bound, a longer face, a nose gracefully prominent, and a long neck: on the back, under a certain obscure character, the name Caesar was written, with no praenomen; but I learned to recognize the face of the Dictator from an ancient sculpture which I saw at Rome, of which I also had a skillfully made example in a gem. There was also one of Augustus, with that face which is described by Suetonius; with curly hair and the hair loose, bearing the inscription Caesaris Augusti . On the back was the image of the temple vestibule of the sacred building, on either side with these letters, M A R. V L T. , namely because he had built the temple of Mars the Avenger. There was also another of the same man, with the same inscription and the same features of form, and similar hair, in which I noted the face projecting on the left side, contrary to the custom of other coins, even of this same prince. On the other side was a star with rays spread as far as the edge of the coin, with one ray shaped like a hair, and the transverse inscription, Divi Iulij . By this we understand that it was struck after the games

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ludos funebres Cæsari consecratos in honorem stellæ crinitæ quæ septem diebus apparuit. Tertij generis fuit etia[m] eiusdem, ijsdem lineamentis, habituq[ue] eodem capitis, nisi quòd oculus dexter eminebat contrà quàm in secundo: à tergo animal erat hircinis cornibus, ac uilloso mēto, duo[m]bus tantu[m] cruribus, ijsdemq[ue] bisulcis, quibus quasi brachijs orbem amplexabatur, omnino armorum tenus hircus, cætera piscis, cuidam'rei incumbens, quàm agnoscere no[n] potui: inscriptione unius nominis Augusti. Id fuit genus nùmi quod Augustus syderis Capricorni nota percutere insti tuit ob genituræ suæ honorem, quàm ei olim Theogenes mathematicus Apolloniæ existenti uiuo adhuc Iulio Cæsare prædixerat imperatoriam esse. Quare cum thema suu[m] natalitiu[m], id est horoscopi configurationem inuulgari uellet, huiusmodi nummum percussit, ut autor est Suetonius. Habebam unum à M. Agrippa ob Cōsulatum percussum, facie nec Iulij nec Augusti, hac inscriptione, Cæsar diui Iulij F. altera pars pura erat, in qua media hæc erant uerba scripta, M. Agrippa Cos. desig. Vnum insigne notaui Augusti et Antonij in Triumviratu Reipub. constituendæ. ex altera parte Augusti facies malè expressa, hoc lemmate, Cæsar Imp. III VIR. R. P. C. in auersa parte facies M. Antonij ea plenitudine oris quæ à Plutarcho describitur, et ex Cicerone intelligitur in secunda Antoniana, crispo solutoq[ue]; capillo, ea ceruicis crassitudine, ex qua illam firmitatem corporis conijcere posses, quàm ei Ciceror in ea oratione obijcit, hoc epigrammate, M. Antonius III VIR. R. P. C. reliqua legere no[n] potui, nec coniectura assequi, quæ notis significabantur. cæterùm scitè expressa facies, et pulchrioribus literis circunscripta, quàm ea pars quæ Augusto dicata erat. Verùm (ut quod nunc

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funeral games consecrated to Caesar in honor of the comet which appeared for seven days. There was also a third kind of the same, with the same outlines and the same form of head, except that the right eye stood out differently from the second; at the back there was an animal with goat’s horns and a hairy chin, with only two legs, and those cloven-hoofed, with which, as though with arms, it embraced the globe; altogether a goat as to its limbs, the rest a fish, resting upon something which I could not recognize: the inscription of a single name, Augustus. This was the kind of coin which Augustus caused to be struck bearing the sign of the constellation Capricorn, in honor of his birth, because, as Theogenes the mathematician had once foretold to him at Apollonia while Julius Caesar was still alive, he was to be emperor. Therefore, when he wished to make public his natal theme, that is, the configuration of the horoscope, he struck a coin of this sort, as Suetonius says. I had one struck by M. Agrippa for the consulship, with neither the face of Julius nor of Augustus; with this inscription, Caesar, son of the divine Julius. The other side was plain, on which these words were written in the middle: M. Agrippa Cos. desig. I noted one remarkable coin of Augustus and Antony in the triumvirate for establishing the Republic. On one side, the face of Augustus was poorly rendered, with this legend, Caesar Imp. III VIR. R. P. C. On the reverse was the face of M. Antony, with that fullness of mouth described by Plutarch and understood from Cicero in the second Philippic, with hair hanging in curls and that thickness of neck from which you could infer the firmness of body which Cicero reproaches him for in that speech, with this epigram, M. Antonius III VIR. R. P. C. I could not read the rest, nor by conjecture make out what the marks signified. However, the face was skillfully rendered, and enclosed by more beautiful letters than that part which was dedicated to Augustus. But (so that what now

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 165 nunc agitur, agamus) cum horum aliorumq[ue] nummorum pondus ad libellam exigerem, id esse uerum deprehendi quod autore Plinio diximus, & ex Plutarcho & Appiano comprobatur, drachmam scilicet Atticam denarij Romani pondus habere. Quod ut docere possim, rem ad pondera nostra examinabo: sed ita, ut à nemine non intelligar. Libram nostrates duplicem habent. Zygostatica libra est quæ regia dicitur, qua negociatores & pigmetarij aroma tarijq[ue] utuntur, omnesq[ue] omnino qui appensas merces ueditant. Hæc senumdenum unciarum est. Eius semissem monetarij & aurifices & uascularij libram sibi fecerût, marcam eam uocantes. Hac nos libra nunc utemur ad id docendum quod suscepimus. Libram igitur Romani in XII. uncias distribuebant, & unciam in octo drachmas. Huius libre bessem, selibram nostram regiam esse dico, cuius modus à Zygostate publico statuitur Parisijs. Huius muneris fit mentio in lege altera de pôderatoribus libro x. Codicis. Hoc besse nunc utemur pro libra quam marcam uocitamus, eamq[ue] in uncias octonas distribuemus, unciam que rursus in totidem drachmas, & drachmas singulas in ternascrupula: ita ut hemidrachmium sesquiscrupulum ualeat. Primum hoc dico, drachmam Romanam & Atticam à nostris uocitari grossum, & scrupulum denarium, & semigrossum esse nobis semidrachmam Atticam: quam drachmam nostri sterlinos duos & dimidiatum esse dictitant: qua ratione pondus nostrum facilè congruet cum antiquo: hoc modò teneamus, libram nostram cum Latina libra comparatam, subsesquiplam proportionem habere, quam habet bes ad assem. quippe cum libra nostra (de octonaria semper loquor, quam marcam uocitari diximus) quatuor & sexaginta grossos capiat, id est octies octo: si

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 165 now under discussion, let us proceed) when I was bringing the weight of these and other coins down to the balance, I found to be true what we said on the authority of Pliny, and is confirmed from Plutarch and Appian: namely, that the Attic drachma has the weight of the Roman denarius. To make this clear, I shall examine the matter by our own weights, but in such a way that I may be understood by everyone. Our countrymen have a double libra. The zygostatic libra is the one called the royal one, which merchants and spice-sellers use, and all in general who sell goods by weight. This consists of sixteen ounces. Its half, the moneyers and goldsmiths and silversmiths have made into a libra for themselves, calling it the mark. We shall now use this libra for the purpose we have undertaken to demonstrate. The Romans therefore divided the libra into 12 ounces, and the ounce into eight drachmas. I say that the two-thirds of this libra is our royal libra, the standard of which is established by the public zygostat at Paris. Mention is made of this office in the second law on weighers, in book 10 of the Code. We shall now use this two-thirds part instead of the libra which we call the mark, and we shall divide it into eight ounces, and each ounce again into the same number of drachmas, and each drachma into three scruples, so that a half-drachma is worth one and a half scruples. First I say this: the Roman and Attic drachma are called by our people a gros, and the scruple a denier, and a half-gros is for us a half-Attic drachma; this drachma our people declare to be two and a half sterlings. By this reckoning our weight will easily agree with the ancient one: only let us hold this, that our libra, compared with the Latin libra, has a ratio of one and a half times less, just as a two-thirds part has to a whole. Indeed, since our libra (I am always speaking of the eight-ounce one, which, as we said, is called the mark) contains sixty-four gros, that is, eight times eight: if

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET octo: si trietem addideris bessi, id est duos & triginta grossos, seu quaternas uncias: libram utique efficies plenà antiquam, sex & nonaginta drachmus constantem, ut antea dictum est: qui numerus exit ex unciarum numero per drachmarum numerum multiplicato, hoc est ex duodenario in octonarium ducto. < Libra Romana eadem cum mina Græca.> Hæc est exacta libræ ratio: cui tamè semunciam addere nos oportet, cu[m] libra in ratione nummaria cum mina Græca exæquata sit, & planè sit cætenaria. Erit ergo libra Latina non modo sesqualtera nostræ libræ, id est sesquilibra nostra, sed etiam præterea quatuor drachmas habuisse intelligetur. Sed nihil hoc conturbare nos debet. Satis est enim ad facilem huius rei explicationem, quòd grossus noster cum drachma Attica conuenit, & denarius cum scrupulo. Grosso autem uocabulo utar no[n] uerecundè, cum Latinum uerbum sit, licet alio significatu antiquus usurpatum. Non me latet apud Pliniu[m] aliud de numero denariorum in libra lectitari: sed illud mox uiderimus. nullam enim omnino aut præuaricationis suspicionem, aut coniuentiæ lectori relinquemus. omnia in disquisitionem uocabuntur, cum omnia dissoluere possimus uel Herculis nodo perplexa: sustineant tatum lectores iudicia quoad omnia perlegerint. Interim tamè hoc affirma mus, in singulas libras, centenas drachmas statuendas esse: alioqui singula sestertia contra omnium scriptorum autoritatem denarijs Denis deficerentur, & singula nullia quadragenis sestertijs nummis: cum luce clarius ostensum sit quaternos sestertios in singulis denarijs drachmis que Atticis fuisse. Verumenimuero cum nomus mata iam dicta cum alijs permultis exquisita libra pensitarem, deprehendi Tullianu[m] illud, et illud Augusti Capricorni no signatum, aliaq[ue] nonnulla, ita pendere drachma[m], id est gross

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE AS AND eight: if you add a trieth, that is two and thirty grosso, or four unciae: you will certainly make a full ancient libra, ninety-six drachms in all, as has been said before: a number which comes from the number of unciae multiplied by the number of drachms, that is, from twelve multiplied by eight. < The Roman libra is the same as the Greek mina.> This is the exact ratio of the libra: to which we must, however, add a semuncia, since the libra, in reckoning money, has been equated with the Greek mina, and is plainly a catenary one. The Latin libra will therefore be not only one and a half of our libra, that is, our sesquilibra, but also moreover understood to have had four drachms besides. But this ought not to disturb us at all. For it is enough, for an easy explanation of this matter, that our grosso agrees with the Attic drachma, and the denarius with the scruple. I use the term grosso without shame, since it is a Latin word, though in antiquity it was used with another meaning. I am not unaware that in Pliny another number of denarii is read in the libra: but we shall see that presently. For we shall leave the reader no suspicion at all either of prevarication or of collusion. Everything will be brought into investigation, since we can untie everything, even if perplexed with the knot of Hercules: let the readers sustain judgment until they have read everything. Meanwhile, however, we affirm this, that in each libra a hundred drachms must be established: otherwise each sestertium would, against the authority of all writers, be short by ten denarii, and each nullius by forty sestertii in coin: since it has been shown more clearly than daylight that four sestertii were in each denarius, and drachms too Attic. But in truth, when I weighed the said nomus mata together with many other refined librae, I discovered that that of Tullius, and that of Augustus Capricorn no marked, and certain others likewise, so weigh a drachma, that is gross

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 167 grossum nostru[m], ut lanx ex æquilibrio facilè cu[m] nomismate uergeret: contrà autem duo illa, quorum alteru[m] Cæsaris Dictatoris, & alterum Augusti stellatu[m] erat, tam malignè grossum pèndere, quàm illa priora prolixè: ut tantundem istis percussoru[m] auaritia decessisse diceres, quàtum illis accessisse benignitate seculorum, & bona fide. Triumvirale, æquilibru[m] faciebat, quasi seueris magis quàm benignis autoribus. In Marci Agrippæ n[ost]umo bilanx raptim sidebat à pòdusculo, quæ in iusto nomusmate etiam surrigi debet. In eo quarta & uicesima pars (ut nunimum) no[n] detrita, sed detracta uidebatur: in alijs itidem permultis par ferè decessio, ut in eo Augusti, qui à postica facie hanc inscriptione habet, Ob ciues seruatos: quam ambit corona graminea. sed tamen ut quius facile iudicaret drachmæ pondere institutas eorum formas fuisse, eâ que ipsa tantidem oblocabilia. Habebam & recentiorum temporum, ut Maximini Imperatoris, & alioru[m] principum, in queis & matris Alexandri, hoc lemmate, Iulia Mamea Aug. literis iam à Romanis degenerantibus, ac semubarbaris: cæterùm argento & pondere suprà dictis deteriora. Hæc sufficere arbitratus sum ad examinationem pòderis: quod no[n] in meis tantum, sed etiam in alienis nummis exegi, quæ plurima & omnium propè Consulum, atque principum uidi. Confectum igitur iam habemus, libram Romanam centum grossos nostros habuisse. Quare si huius temporis æstimationem sequi uolumus, in singula pondo Romana, decem & septem Francicos, tres solidos turoneos, & nouem denariolos statuere necesse est. Aestimationem nunc legitimam sequor & edictalem, non negociatoriam & uulgarem. Edicto enim principali libra argenti undecim Francicis æstimata est, licet passim 1 4 duo Aestimatio prædictoru[m] no mismatum.

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grossus of ours, so that the scale would easily tip from equilibrium with the coin: whereas those other two, one of which bore the star of Caesar the Dictator, and the other that of Augustus, were struck so badly that they were as thick as the earlier ones were thin: so that you would say that as much had departed from these through the greed of the minters as had accrued to those through the generosity of the age and good faith. The Triumviral coinage, made the balance, as if by authors more severe than generous. In a posthumous piece of Marcus Agrippa the balance sank quickly from the little weight, though in a proper coin it ought even to rise again. In it the fourth and twenty-fourth part (at least so it seemed) was not worn down, but taken off; in many others likewise there was almost the same loss, as in that of Augustus, which on the reverse bears this inscription, Ob ciues seruatos: which a crown of grass surrounds. But still, as one could easily judge, their forms had been established by the weight of a drachma, and were themselves worth as much as they claimed. I also had examples from later times, such as of the Emperor Maximinus, and of other princes, among them that of Alexander’s mother, with this legend, Iulia Mamea Aug. in letters already degenerating from the Romans and half-barbarous; nevertheless, in silver and weight inferior to those mentioned above. I judged these things sufficient for the examination of weight, which I have carried out not only on my own coins, but also on those of others, of which I have seen a great many, and almost all of the Consuls and princes. Thus we now have it established that the Roman pound had one hundred of our grossi. Therefore, if we wish to follow the valuation of this time, it is necessary to set for each Roman pound seventeen French coins, three Tournois sols, and nine denarioli. I now follow the lawful and edictal valuation, not the commercial and common one. For by the principal edict the pound of silver was valued at eleven French coins, although everywhere 1 4 two Valuation of the aforesaid coins.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET duodecim iam ueneat. Cum enim (ut diximus) libra anti= qua sesquiplex fuerit nostræ, & præterea semunciam ha beat: pro duodecim unciijs, sedecim francicos & decem so lidos numerabimus: pro semuncia tredecim solidos, & no uem denarios. Ita fit, ut mille nummi, id est singula sester= tia, æstimari à nobis duobus & quadraginta francicis, un= deuiiginti solidis & quatuor denarijs debeât, uel (ut sum= ma rotundetur, & nunutiaru[m] tædio liberemur) tribus & quadraginta francicis. hi porrò ducatos duos & uiginti, & trigintaquinq[ue] solidos turoneos faciut: quibus si duos solidos & semissem addas, fient ducati tres & uiginti. Du Ducati. catos legitima æstimatione accipio, ut triginta solidis Pa= risinis ualeant, id est solidis turoneis trigintaseptem & se= misso. Hactenus igitur legitimam iustamq[ue] æstimationem in singula nullia nummum habemus: nisi quòd octo dena= riolos addidimus, id est bessem solidi. Huic summæ ad uul= garem æstimationem argenti paulo minus quatuor fran= cici desunt. nam cum argenti libra octonaria uulgo duode nis francicis permutetur propter argenti inopiam, & no= nismatis ieiunitatem, in singulas uncias ad legitimu[m] pre= cium bini solidi & semis accedunt: quas uncias in sester= tijs singulis tricenas singulas esse liquet ex ijs quæ suprà diximus: atque eo amplius quadrantem uncie, id est binos grossos. hi autem solidi paulo plus duobus ducatis ualent æstimatione antedicta: quæ ratione fit, ut in singula sester tia, si extendere precium uelis uulgari iudicio, quinq[ue] & uiginti ducatos statuere, aut certè totidem nostros solatos aureos possis. Ego tamen ad legitimam æstimationem nihil adderem, si commodum aliquem numerum in eo nactus es sem, quo ueluti radice uti ad maiorum summaru[m] cumula= tionem possem. id quoniam fieri nequit, quindecim tatum solid

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND shall already be worth twelve. For since (as we have said) the ancient libra was one and a half times our own, and besides has a semuncia: for twelve unciae we shall count sixteen francs and ten sous; for a semuncia, thirteen sous and nine deniers. Thus it comes about that a thousand nummi, that is, each individual sestertius, must be valued by us at forty-two francs, nineteen sous and four deniers, or (to round off the sum and spare us the trouble of fractions) at forty-three francs. These therefore make twenty-two ducats and thirty-five tournois sous; if you add two sous and a half to these, they will make twenty-three ducats. Ducati. I take ducats at their lawful valuation, so that they are worth thirty Paris sous, that is, thirty-seven and a half tournois sous. Thus far, then, we have for each nummus the lawful and just valuation, except that we have added eight denarii, that is, two-thirds of a sou. From this total, at the common valuation of silver, a little less than four francs are lacking. For when the libra of silver is commonly exchanged for twelve francs, because of the shortage of silver and the meagerness of the coinage, there are added to each ounce, at the lawful price, two sous and a half; and from what we said above it is clear that there are thirty such ounces in each sestertius: and in addition a quarter of an ounce, that is, two grossi. But these sous are worth a little more than two ducats by the aforesaid valuation; by which reckoning it comes about that in each sestertius, if you wish to extend the price by common judgment, you may set five and twenty ducats, or certainly as many of our gold solati. Yet I would add nothing to the lawful valuation, if I had found there some convenient number to use as a kind of root for the accumulation of larger sums. Since this cannot be done, only fifteen s

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 169 solidos adijciam, ut nulle nummûm, quinque & uiginti au reis coronatis æstimetur, id est quadragintatribus franci= cis & dodrante: cum eo ut coronatum quinque & trigin ta solidis esse intelligamus, quanti scilicet locabatur ubere re nummaria. Solidos autem semper appello qui duodena rij nunc dicuntur, in Italia no[n] ignoti. Proinde tandem ac= cedamus ad exempla, quasiq[ue] pedem cum rerum explica= tione conferamus: & primum illud uideamus Tra[n]aquilli in Augusto, quod corruptum esse, no[n] emendatum ab enarra= toribus diximus: Senatoru[m] censum ampliauit, ac pro octin gentorum nullium summa duodecies sestertium taxauit. Sic enim legit Blondus in Roma triumpha[n]te, tametsi hoc tempore ea uerba intelligi no[n] posse existimauit. Nos duo= decies sestertium docuimus significare duodecies centena nullia sestertium nummum, & in singula nullia, quinq[ue] & uiginti coronatos taxandos co[n]stituimus. Si igitur nulle ac ducetos quinquies & uicies numeraueris, triginta nullia coronatorum censum Senatorium fuisse comperies: & ex Tra[n]aquillo hoc noueris, Augustum censum Senatoriu[m] ex ui ginti millibus aureorum huiusmodi ad triginta millia auxiss se. Quò autem expeditius lector rationem eorum quæ di= ceda sunt, ineat, hoc tenere oportet, centum sestertia, duo millia & quingentos aureos coronatos ualere, hoc est ce= ties uicenosquinos. Vt autem ad hunc locum ægrè & su= spiriosè atque anhelabu[n]dè euasimus, ita ab hoc loco iam per prona eademq[ue] amoena aliquadiu euagari licebit. Id e[st] Tranquillus in Cæsare, Ludus Decius Laberius Eques Rom. mimum suum egit, donatus 'que quingentis sestertijs & annulo, sessum in quatuordecim ex scena per orche= stram transit. Laberius poëta donatus est censu Equestri, id est coronatorum nostrorum x 1 1. nullibus & quingen- tis. 1 3

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PART II. BOOK II. 169 I shall add solidi, so that each of the nummi may be reckoned at twenty-five aurei coronati, that is, forty-three francs and three quarters: with the understanding that we should take a coronatus to be worth thirty-five solidi, namely the price at which it was then leased in monetary matters. But I always use solidi for what are now called duodenarii, a term not unknown in Italy. Therefore let us at last come to examples, and, as it were, set our foot alongside the explanation of things: and first let us examine that passage in Tranquillus in Augustus, which, as we have said, has been corrupted, not emended, by the commentators: “He increased the census of the senators, and fixed the sum for eight hundred thousand at twelve times a hundred sestertia.” Thus indeed Blondus reads it in Roma triumphante, although he thought that these words could not be understood in the present age. We have shown that duodecies sestertium signifies twelve hundred thousand sestertii, and in each thousand sestertii we have determined that twenty-five coronati are to be reckoned. If therefore you multiply eight hundred thousand by twenty-five, you will find that the senatorial census was thirty thousand coronati: and from Tranquillus you will learn this too, that Augustus raised the senatorial census from twenty thousand aurei of this kind to thirty thousand. But so that the reader may more readily grasp the meaning of the things said, it must be kept in mind that one hundred sestertia are worth two thousand five hundred aurei coronati, that is, one hundred and twenty-five times twenty. And just as we have laboriously and breathlessly, as it were, escaped to this point, so from here we may now for a while wander down the same pleasant slopes. That is to say, in Tranquillus, in the section on Caesar, Decius Laberius, a Roman knight, performed his mime, and was given five hundred sestertii and a ring, and from the stage he passed through the orchestra to his seat in the fourteen rows. The poet Laberius was granted equestrian census, that is, one thousand five hundred of our coronati. 13

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tis. sic enim loqui mihi per anticipatione permittam, quasi iam tunc aurei nostri fuerint: quò expeditius hoc munere defungar. Macrobius libro 1 1. Satur. Laberium asperæ li bertatis Equitem Rom. Cæsar quingentis nullibus inuita= uit ut prodiret in scenâ, & ipse ageret mimos quos scri= ptitabat: sed potestas no[n] solum si inuitet, sed etiam si sup= plicet, cogit: unde se Laberius à Cæsare coactum in prolo go testatur his uerbis, Necessitas, cuius cursus transuersi impetum Voluerunt multi effugere, pauci potuerût, & reliq. Idem Publius numographus Romæ productus per Cæsa= ris ludos, omnes qui tunc scripta & operas suas locauere= rant, prouocauit, ut singuli secum posita inuicem materiæ pro tempore contenderet: nec ullo recusante superauit o= mnes, in queis & Laberium: unde Cæsar arrides hoc mo= do pronunciauit, Fauete tibi me uiectus es Laberi à Syro. statimque Publio palmam, & Laberio annulum aureum cum quingentis sestertijs dedit. Simule est apud eundem Tranquillum in Tyberio, Munus gladiatorium in memo riam patris, & alterum in aui Drusi dedit, diuersis tem= poribus ac locis: primum in foro, secundum in amphithea tro, rudiarijs quoque quibusdam reuocatis autoramento cetum nullium. Non murum Cæsarem mimographo poe= tæ duodecim nullia & quingentos aureos nostros dedisse, si Tyberius gladiatoribus, qui iam immunitatem & missionem gladiaturæ uel meruerant uel impetrarât, duo nullia & quingentos dedit in singulos, ut iterum depu= gnarent spectante populo. De censu Equestri Plinius li= bro x x x 1 1 1. Tyberij demum principatus nono an= no in unitatem uenit equester ordo, annulorumque au= toritati forma constituta est. Et paulo inferius, Hac de cau= sa con Census eque- rer.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tis. For thus I will allow myself to speak by anticipation, as though even then our aurei had already existed; so that I may discharge this task more quickly. Macrobius, book 11 of the Saturnalia , says that Caesar invited Laberius, a Roman knight of severe freedom, with 500,000 sesterces, to come upon the stage and himself act the mime pieces he had written; but power not only if it invites, but even if it begs, compels. Hence Laberius testifies in the prologue that he was compelled by Caesar in these words: Necessity, whose course many have wished to evade by a contrary impulse, few have been able to escape, and the rest. The same Publius, the mimenographer, having been brought forth at Rome during Caesar’s games, challenged all those who had then hired out their writings and performances, so that each in turn should contend with him for the subject matter set before them at the time; and, with none refusing, he overcame all, including Laberius. Whereupon Caesar, smiling, pronounced in this manner: “Favete tibi, me vici es, Laberi a Syro.” And forthwith he gave the palm to Publius, and to Laberius a golden ring with 500 sesterces. It is likewise found in the same Suetonius in Tiberius , that he gave a gladiatorial show in memory of his father and another in honor of his grandfather Drusus, at different times and places: the first in the forum, the second in the amphitheatre, and some retired gladiators were recalled with an honorarium of 100,000. Not to mention that Caesar gave the mime poet 12,500 of our aurei, if Tiberius gave to gladiators who had already either earned or obtained their exemption and dismissal from gladiatorial service 2,500 apiece, so that they might fight again in the sight of the people. On the equestrian census, Pliny says in book 33: at last, in the ninth year of Tiberius’ principate, the equestrian order was brought into a single body, and a form was established for the authority of the rings. And a little farther down, “For this reason con...” Census eques- rer.

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sa cõstitutum, ne cui ius annuli esset, nisi cui ingenuo ipsi, patri auoq[ue] paterno sestertia quadrin[g]eta census fuissent, & lege Iulia theatrali in X I I I. ordinibus sedendi. Ex hoc dicto Tranquilli patet censum equestrem à quingen- tis sestertijs ad quadrin[g]enta contractum, id est ad pristi- nam formam reductum. Plinius libro primo epistolarum populo Romano scribens: Esse autem tibi cētum nullia cē sum satis indicat quòd apud nos decurio es. Igitur ut te non decurione solum, uerùm etiam equite Romano per- fruamur, offèro tibi ad implendas equitis facultates trece- ta M. nummûm. te memorem huius muneris, amicitiæ no- stræ diuturnitas spondet. Recenseamus exempla, Cladem Lugdunensem (inquit Tacitus) quadragies sestertio solæ tus est princeps, ut amissa urbi reponerent. Ego quadra- <Quadragies festertium.> gies sestertium ære nostro centum nullia aureorum fuisse dico, quam pecuniam Nero ad reparandum Lugdunum oppidum cõtulit. Et apud Plinium Aesopi tragici histrio- nis patina sexcetis sestertijs taxata est, id est quindecim mi- libus coronatoru[m]. Quo in loco ne incredibile sit quod su- prà diximus, aucs centum canoras, aut honunis sermone uocales, senis nullibus singulas emptas, fide faciet Macro- bius, qui lib. 1. Saturnaliu[m] de liberalitate Augusti loquens, Sublimis, inquit, Aetiaca victoria reuertebatur. occurrit ei inter gratulates coruum tenes, quem instituerat hoc dice- re, Aue Cæsar victor Imperator. muratus Cæsar officiosam auem, x x. nullibus nummûm emut. socius opificis, ad quem nihil ex illa liberalitate prouenerat, affirmauit Cæsari ha- bere illu[m] & alium coruu[m], quem ut affirre cogeret rogauit. allatus, uerba quæ didicerat expressit, Aue victor Impera- tor Antoni. nihil exasperatus, satis duxit iubere illu[m] diuide re donatiuu[m] cum contubernali. Coruu[m] ergo loquacè Aug. uig

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it was established that no one should have the right to wear the ring unless both he himself and his father and paternal grandfather had a census of four hundred thousand sesterces, and by the Lex Julia theatrica, seating in the thirteen rows. From this statement of Tranquillus it is clear that the equestrian census was reduced from five hundred thousand sesterces to four hundred thousand, that is, brought back to its earlier form. Pliny, in the first book of his Epistles, writing to the Roman people, says: “But that you have a census is sufficiently shown by the fact that among us you are a decurion. Therefore, so that we may enjoy you not only as a decurion but also as a Roman knight, I offer you three hundred thousand sesterces to make up the property qualification of a knight. That you will remember this favor, the long duration of our friendship guarantees.” Let us recall examples. The destruction of Lyons, says Tacitus, cost the emperor forty million sesterces, so that what had been lost might be restored to the city. I say that forty million sesterces in our money amounted to one hundred thousand gold pieces, the sum which Nero contributed for restoring the town of Lyons. And in Pliny, the dish of Aesop the tragic actor was valued at six hundred sesterces, that is, fifteen thousand crowns. In this place, lest what we said above seem incredible, Macrobius will be witness for us, who, in the first book of the Saturnalia, speaking of the generosity of Augustus, says: “Returning in triumph after the victory at Actium, he was met among the congratulations by a crow, which he had taught to say: ‘Hail Caesar, victorious commander.’ Augustus, delighted by the obliging bird, bought it for twenty thousand sesterces. A partner of the artisan, to whom nothing from that generosity had come, affirmed to Caesar that he had another crow, and begged to have it brought so that he might make the offer. When it was brought, it repeated the words it had learned: ‘Hail, victorious commander, Antony.’ Augustus, not annoyed, thought it enough to order that the gift be divided with his companion.” Therefore Augustus bought a talking crow for twenty thousand sesterces.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET uiginti sestertijs emit, id est quingentis aureis nostris. & Cleopatra Aegypti reginarum nouissima, lautitiam epu= larum Antonij, omnemq; eius apparatum obtrectas, quæ= rente eo quid adstrui magnificetiæ posset, respondit una se cæna centies sestertium absumpturam. Cupiebat disce= re < Centies sester-tium.> Antonius, sed fieri posse non arbitrabatur. Centies se= stertium æstimatione supradicta duceta quinquaginta mul lia aureorum coronatorum ualet: & quadringeties sester tiu[m], decies cætena millia aureorum, quâti idem Plinius æsti mauit ornatum Lolliæ Paulinæ, de qua suprà diximus, & Cicero surta Verris in provincia. Quoniam uerò multa di cturi sumus fidem propemodu[m] excedetia, lectores præmo= nitos uelim ne Romanas priscasq; diuitias, huius temporis < De opulentia publica priuaraq Romano-rum.> opulentia publica priuataq; metiantur. Vrbem enim Ro= mam totius propè orbis spolijs locupletem fuisse, historica fide planum fieri potest, ijs quidè certè qui Latinos Græ= cosq; scriptores reru[m] gestarum lectitarint. non modò enim duces Imperatoresq; Romani ui aperta & bellica in ho= stico, sed etiam Proconsules prouinciarumq; præsides in pacato furtis rapinisq; & expilationibus grassabantur, quà sacrum quà prophanum domum suam quisq; auertent tes. Inde illud Satyrographi poëtæ, Inde Dolabella est, atq; inde Antonius, inde Sacrilegus Verres: referebant nauibus altis Occulta spolia, & plures de pace triumphos. Equide (quod ad me attinet) cu[m] hæc quæ in hoc opuscu= lum congressi, animo reputarem, ea mihi species urbis Ro= mæ animo obuersabatur, quasi arcem quandam expilato= rum orbis terrarum uiderem, & ueluti commune gentium < Cimeliarchiu[m],> omnium cimeliarchiu[m] (ut uerbo Iustiniani principis utar) id est sanctius conditorium rerum toto orbe eximiarum. Vidi

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET bought it for twenty sestertii, that is, for five hundred of our gold pieces. And Cleopatra, the last of the queens of Egypt, when she disparaged the luxury of Antony’s feasts and all his display, and he asked what could be added to magnificence, replied that with one dinner she would consume a hundred sestertia. Antony wanted to learn but did not believe it could be done. A hundred sestertia, by the valuation given above, is worth two hundred and fifty thousand gold crowns; and four hundred sestertia, ten times fifty thousand gold pieces, as Pliny estimated the adornment of Lollia Paulina, of whom we spoke above, and Cicero the loot of Verres in his province. But since we are about to say many things that will scarcely exceed belief, I would wish readers to be forewarned not to measure the old Roman wealth by the wealth of the present time. For that Rome was enriched by the spoils of nearly the whole world can be made clear by historical evidence, especially to those who have read the Latin and Greek writers of history. For not only Roman generals and emperors by open force and war plundered enemies, but also proconsuls and governors of provinces, even in times of peace, ran rampant with thefts, robberies, and plunderings, carrying off to their own houses whatever was sacred and whatever profane. Hence that line of the satirical poet: Hence Dolabella, and from there Antony, and from there the sacrilegious Verres: they brought back in lofty ships hidden spoils, and from peace more triumphs than from war. For my part, when I reflected in my mind on these matters which I have gathered in this little work, there came before my mind the image of the city of Rome, as though I saw a certain fortress of the plunderers of the whole earth, and as it were the common treasure-house of nations the common treasure-house of all precious things throughout the world (to use the word of the emperor Justinian), that is, the holiest repository of things distinguished throughout the whole world. Vidi

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 173 Vidimus iam de Lollio uerba hæc Plinij, Nec dona prodi= gi principis fuerat, sed auitæ opes, prouinciarum scilicet spolijs partæ. Hic est rapinarum exitus, hoc fuit quare M. Lollius infamatus Regu[m] muneribus in toto Oriete, inter= dicta amicitia à C. Cæsare Augusti filio, uenenu[m] biberet, ut neptis eius quadring[n]eties sestertium operta spectaretur ad lucernas. Hactenus ille. Quatam igitur summam rapi= narum Lollij fuisse existimamus, cum decies centenis milli= bus aureorum æstimare[n]tur gemmæ quæ ad nepte[n] eius per= ueneru[n]t? Vidimus & de Caio Verre, cui Cicero quadrin= g[n]eties sestertium litem æstimadam esse contendit. Ingentiæ autem commoda Romanorum magistratum etiam urba= na fuisse, ex hoc conijcere licet, quòd moris fuit, ut finito magistratu ludos ederet magnificos, & uenationes ac mu nera darent, id est gladiatorum multa paria ad uulgi ocu= los oblectandos depugnatura: quam ueluti mercedem po= pulus & precium accipiebat collatorum suffragio suo ma gistratum. quem morem commemorans Cicero in II. Of= ficiorum ita inquit, Qua[n]quam intelligo in nostra ciuitate inueterasse iam bonis temporibus, ut splendor ædilitatum ab optimis uiris postuletur. Itaq[ue] & Publius Crassus cum cognomine diues, tum copijs, functus est ædilitio maximo munere. Et paulum infrà, Hunc est Scaurus imitatus. ma= gnificetissima uerò nostri Pompeij munera secu[n]do Consu latu. in quibus omnibus quid nubi placeat, uides. uitada ta men est suspicio auaritiæ. nam Mamerco homini ditissi= mo prætermissio ædilitatis, Consulatus repulsam attulit. Quare etsi postulatur à populo, bonis uiris si non deside= rantibus, attamen approbantibus, faciendum est, modò pro facultatibus, ut nos ipsi secimus. Etsi aliquando res aliqua maior atque utilior populari largitione acquiri= tur

Transcription: Translated (English)

We have already seen these words of Pliny about Lollius: “These were not the gifts of a prodigal prince, but the wealth of his ancestors, namely acquired by plundering the provinces.” This is the end of robberies; this was why M. Lollius, disgraced by gifts to kings throughout the East, after friendship with C. Caesar, Augustus’ son, had been forbidden him, drank poison, so that his granddaughter might be seen by lamplight adorned with four hundred times a hundred thousand sesterces. So much for him. What sum, then, do we think Lollius’ plunder amounted to, when the gems that came to his granddaughter were valued at ten times a hundred thousand gold pieces? We have also seen concerning Gaius Verres, about whom Cicero maintains that a claim for four hundred times a hundred thousand sesterces was assessed against him. From this it may also be inferred that the advantages of Roman magistracies in the city were immense; for it was customary, when the magistracy was finished, to give magnificent games and hunts and shows, that is, many pairs of gladiators to fight for the entertainment of the crowd’s eyes: the people received this, as it were, as a reward and payment for their vote in granting the magistracy. Referring to this custom, Cicero says in the second book of the Offices: “Although I understand that in our state, by long-established custom in good times, the splendor of the aedileship is expected from the very best men.” Thus Publius Crassus, who was called “the rich” both by surname and in wealth, fulfilled the office of aedile with great magnificence. And a little farther on: “Scaurus followed his example.” Truly magnificent also were the shows of our Pompey in his second consulship. In all these things you see what pleases us. Yet suspicion of greed must be avoided. For in the case of Mamercus, a very rich man, the omission of the aedileship brought him defeat in the consulship. Therefore, although it is demanded by the people, if not by good men who do not desire it, at least by those who approve it, it must be done, but only in proportion to one’s means, as we ourselves do. And although sometimes some greater and more useful thing is obtained by popular liberality.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tur ut Horesti nuper prædia in semitis nomine decimæ, ma gno decori fuerunt. Ne M. quidem Seio id uitio datu[m] est, quòd in caritate annonæ asse modium populo dedit. Ma= gna enim se & inueterata inuidia, nec turpi iactura (qua[m] dò erat ædilis) nec maxima liberauit. Plin. libro V I I I. de hoc loquens, Leonum simul plurium pugnam Romæ princeps dedit Q. Scæuola P. filius in curuli ædilitate: centum autem iubatorum primus omnium L. Sylla, qui postea Dictator suit, in prætura post eum Pompeius ma= gnus in circod[icit]ac[um] ac in ijs iubatorum C C C X V. Cæsar Dictator quadringentorum. Qua[m]quam in antiquis libris uerbum D C. non legitur: ex quorum obseruatione locus ille mendosus esse uidetur. Idem de uarijs, id est pantheris loquens, Senatus consultum fuit uetus, ne liceret Aphricæ= nas in Italiam aduehere. contra hoc tulit ad populum Cn. Ausidius Tribunus plebis, permisitq[ue] Circ[um]sium gratia im portare. Primus autem Scaurus ædilitate sua uarias C L. uniuersas misit: deinde Pompeius Magnus quadringentas dece[m]diuus Augustus quadringentas uiginti. I bidem emen dandum unum uerbum censeo, quanquam refragante an= <Plinij loc.> tiquoru[m] exemplarium fide: Ferunt (inquit Plinius) co= lore earum mirè solicitari quadrupedes cunctas, sed capi= tis toruitate terreri, quamobrem occultato eo reliqua dul= cedine inuitatas corripiunt. Hoc Plinij dictum cu[m] ex Ari= stotele translatitium esse liqueat, nimirum ex eo emen= dari debet. Is enim libro nono de historia animalium, λεγασι ἡ κατανενηκημαν τὴν παρδελην ὑπο τὴν δομὴν ὑμτὴν ἀυτὴν ἐντωτὴν, Θηρευμ[.] προσπεναι γαρ ἐγγυς, και λαμβάνειν. οὕtio κατὰς ἐλάφος. Aiunt autem, in= quit, pantheram intelligentem quòd odore sui animantes gaudea[n]t, occultare sese, & ita eas captare; quippe acceden tes

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON THE ASSE AND Likewise, the estates of the Horesti, recently in the paths under the name of a tithe, were a great ornament. Nor was this held against M. Seius either, because in a time of dear provisions he gave the people an as for a modius of grain. For great and long-standing envy is not removed either by no disgraceful loss, when he was aedile, or by the greatest loss. Pliny, book VIII, speaking of this, says that Q. Scaevola, son of P. Scaevola, first gave at Rome a contest of several lions together in his curule aedileship; then, in the praetorship, L. Sylla, who later became Dictator, was the first of all to give one of a hundred maned lions; after him Pompey the Great gave three hundred and fifteen in the circus, and Caesar the Dictator four hundred. Although in the ancient books the word D C. is not read: from the observation of which that passage seems to be corrupt. The same author, speaking of various beasts, that is, panthers, says that there was an old decree of the Senate forbidding African beasts to be brought into Italy. Against this, Cn. Ausidius, tribune of the plebs, brought a bill to the people and allowed them to be imported for the sake of the Circus. Scaurus, however, first sent in his aedileship a total of sixty-one various beasts; then Pompey the Great four hundred; divine Augustus four hundred and twenty. Here I judge that one word must be corrected, although the authority of the ancient copies objects: “They say” (says Pliny) “that all quadrupeds are wonderfully attracted by their color, but are terrified by the fierceness of the head; wherefore, when this is concealed, they seize the rest, allured by the sweetness of the body.” Since this statement of Pliny is clearly borrowed from Aristotle, it must surely be corrected from him. For in the ninth book of the History of Animals he says: “λεγασι ἡ κατανενηκημαν τὴν παρδελην ὑπο τὴν δομὴν ὑμτὴν ἀυτὴν ἐντωτὴν, Θηρευμ[.] προσπεναι γαρ ἐγγυς, και λαμβάνειν. οὕtio κατὰς ἐλάφος.” But, he says, the panther, understanding that animals take pleasure in its scent, hides itself and thus captures them; for those approaching

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tes propius rapere, in quibus & ceruam. Odore igitur, no[n] colore apud Plinium legendum: quod ne à quoquam refel li possit, uel Plinio ipso iudice uincam, qui libro x x 1. de odoramentis loqués, Animalium, inquit, nullum odoratu[m], nisi de pætheris quicquam dictum est, si credimus. Idem Plin. Annalibus notatum est, M. Pisonc, M. Messala Co[n]sulibus, Domitium Aenobarbum ædilem curulem ursos Nu[m] nudicos cætum, & totidem uenatores Aethiopas in circo dedisse. Idem libro x x x i i i. In M. Scauri ædilitate tria nullia signorum in scena tantùm fuere te[m]porario thea tro. Et rursus lib. x x x v i. c c c l x. columnas M. Scauri ædilitate ad scenam temporarij theatri, & uix uno mē= se futuri in usu, uiderunt portari silentio legum. Et rursus alibi, Scaurus fecit in ædilitate sua opus maximum omniu[m] quæ unquam fuere humana manu facta, no[n] temporaria mora, uerum etiam æternitatis destinatione. Quibus uerbis significat Scaurum in ædilitate sua ad populi oblectatio= nem scenam temporariam, & statim ludis factis diruenda[m], fecisse: sed quæ uinceret magnificentia clarissimum opus omnium quæ unquam facta sunt etiam eo animo ut perpetua essent. Vitruuius in præfatione decimi libri, ludorum & munerum huiuscemodi meminit qui priuato sumptu fiebant: qui etiam eorum summa industria & machinatione apparandorum, prætoribus ædilibusq[ue] necessitatem iniungit. Quanti autem stetisse Marco Seio liberalitatem putamus, qui in caritate annonæ modium frum[m]eti asse populo uenditauit? quod Cicero dixit in loco supradicto. Asses deni in denario fuerunt, & sestertij quaterni. Hic æstimatione à nobis instituta, tribus duodenarijs & semisse ualuisse deprehenditur, cum libra decem aureis æstimetur: quæ ratione sestertius nummus decé denariolis & semisse, Aestimatio de narij & sester- tij.

Transcription: Translated (English)

to seize the very things, among them also a deer. Therefore, in Pliny it should be read “by smell,” not “by color”; and lest this be refuted by anyone, I shall prevail even with Pliny himself as judge, who in book x x i, speaking of perfumes, says: “No animal is odorless, unless something has been said of the pætheri, if we believe it.” The same Pliny notes in the Annals that, in the consulship of M. Piso and M. Messala, Domitius Aenobarbus, as curule aedile, gave in the circus bears and eighty African hunters. The same, in book x x x i i i, says that in the aedileship of M. Scaurus there were no less than three thousand images on the stage, in a temporary theatre. And again, in book x x x v i, c c c l x columns, in the aedileship of M. Scaurus, were seen being carried to the stage of a temporary theatre, to be in use scarcely for one month, in silence under the protection of the laws. And again elsewhere: “Scaurus, in his aedileship, made the greatest work of all that have ever been made by human hand, not with a temporary intent, but even with a destination to eternity.” By these words he indicates that Scaurus, in his aedileship, for the entertainment of the people, made a temporary stage, to be torn down at once after the games had been held; but one that surpassed in magnificence the most famous work of all that have ever been made, even with the intention that it should be permanent. Vitruvius, in the preface to the tenth book, mentions games and spectacles of this kind which were provided at private expense; he also imposes on praetors and aediles the duty of preparing them with the greatest diligence and contrivance. But how much do we think Marcus Seius’ generosity cost, who, in a time of dear grain, sold a modius of wheat to the people for one as? as Cicero said in the passage cited above. Ten asses made a denarius, and four sesterces. Here, by the estimation established by us, it is found to have been worth three duodenaries and a half, since a pound is reckoned at ten aurei: by which reasoning the sestertius coin is worth ten denarioli and a half. Estimation of the denarius and sestertius.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET semisse, id est obolo nostro ualet. sic asses singuli quaternis denariolis æstimabutur. Quanti autem frumentum esset Romæ, ex Cicerone conijcere possumus, qui in Frumêtaria actione ita inquit, Frumentum emere in Sicilia debuit Verres ex Senatusconsulto, & ex lege Terentia & Cassia frumentaria. Emundi duo genera fuerût, unum cæterarum decumarum, alterum quod præterea ciuitatibus æqualiter esset distributum illius decumani tantum, quantum ex primis decumis fuisset: tritici modiùm D C C C. millia. precium autem cōstitutum decumano, in modios singulos sestertijs ternis: imperato, sestertijs quaternis. Ita in frumetum imperatum, sestertium duodetricies in annos singulos Verri decernebatur, quod aratoribus solueret: in alteras decumas ferme ad nonagies. Sic per trienium ad hâc frumēti emptionem Siciliensem propè céties & tricies ero gatum est. Hanc pecuniam tantam tibi ex ærario inopi atque exhausto datam ad frumentum, datam ut Siculis aratoribus, quibus tanta onera respublica imponeret, soluere tur: abs te laceratam sic esse dico, ut possim illud probare si uelim, omnem te hâc pecuniam domum tuam auertisse. Hunc locum Ciceronis, qui longè aliter in exemplaribus legitur, sic emenda[n]dum esse censui, quo ad emendatiora reperiatur exemplaria: & eius hunc sensum esse, ut intelligamus triplicem frumentationem Siciliensem fuisse. Primam uectigalem, quæ Decumana erat. alteram itidè Decumanam, nô etiam gratuitam, sed ut aratores Siculi alteram decumam darent, ternis sestertijs in modios taxatam. has duas certas statiq[ue] numeri frumenti fuisse, id est octingenum millium modiùm in singulas. tertiam nô decumanam, sed incertam, & pro necessitate reipublicæ, indici solitam æqualiter ciuitatibus. propterea igitur decumani no mine

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET semisse, that is, it is worth our half-obol. Thus individual asses were valued at four denarii each. But how much grain there was at Rome, we may infer from Cicero, who in the action on the Grain Supply says thus: Verres ought to have bought grain in Sicily by decree of the Senate and by the Terentian and Cassian grain laws. There were two kinds of purchases: one of the remaining tithes, the other, in addition, what was distributed equally to the cities, of that tithe alone, as much as had been from the first tithes: 800,000 modii of wheat. The price, however, fixed for the tithe grain was three sesterces for each modius; for the imposed grain, four sesterces. Thus, for the imposed grain, 28 million sesterces were decreed to Verres each year, which he was to pay to the farmers; for the other tithes, about 90 million. In this way, over three years, for this Sicilian grain purchase, nearly 120 million sesterces were paid out. I say that this great sum of money, given to you from the treasury, poor and exhausted as it was, for grain, given so that it might be paid to the Sicilian farmers on whom the republic imposed such burdens, was torn apart by you in such a way that I could prove—if I wished—that you turned all this money to your own house. I have judged that this passage of Cicero, which in the manuscripts is read very differently, ought thus to be corrected, so that it may be found in more correct manuscripts; and that its meaning is this, namely, that we should understand that there were three grain distributions in Sicily. The first was a taxed one, which was the Decuman grain-tithe. The second was likewise Decuman, but also gratuitous, in that the Sicilian farmers gave a second tithe, valued at three sesterces per modius. These two were fixed and of a definite quantity of grain, that is, 800,000 modii in each case. The third was not decuman, but uncertain, and, according to the needs of the republic, was usually imposed equally upon the cities. Therefore, on account of the name of the decumani

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 177 mine Cicero quotannis duodetricies sestertium imputauit Verri. quippe cum frumenti modius trinis sestertijs æsti= matus esset, si ter octingenta millia numeres, fient uicies= quater millia nummum quotannis. quare potius DCCCC. nullia legendum uidetur, ut fiant septies & uicies cente na millia nummum: quæ si ter rursus numeres, fient semel & octogies centena millia nummum in triennio, ut sit quod Cicero dixit ferme ad nonagies, omnia augens ora= torie. Malim tamen locum mendosum relinquere, quàm hanc sententiam asserere: præsertim cum duodetricies no[n] quadret in annos singulos. Nonihil tamen adminiculatur hic locus ad id quod de sestertijs diximus, quum cæties & tricies sestertium pro tanta pecunia dixerit. Verum cum publica & æterna frumenti æstimatio quaternum esset sestertium in Sicilia frumenti seracissima, quanti putamus fuisse Romæ in caritate annonæ? Et quantum lucrum co= tempisso eum qui assibus uediderit, si domi repositum ha= buit: aut iacturam fecisse, si in Siciliam aut Carthaginem petijt? Namut in capita ciuium singulis modijs defun= ctus sit (quod credibile non est, ut postea intelligetur) no[n] minus quàm trecenta millia hominum plebeiorum fuerut. Legimus apud Eusebium, quo tempore Cicero Quintiu[m] reum patrocinio suo defendit, censu Romæ acto inuenta esse hominum nullia quadringenta sexagintatria. Vt ergo trecenta nullia hominum fuerint tantum, & Seius tot mo= dijs defunctus sit, nec pluris Romæ frumetum in annonæ inopia quàm apud Siculos in solita ubertate fuerit: Seius in populum nulle ac ducenta millia nummum, id est duo= decies sestertium dilargitus est, nisi quòd in singulos mo= dios assem seruauit. Quòd si ad uerisimile exigere hoc ue= lis, minimum hæc summa duplicabitur. Itaque meritò La= mstantius

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 177 mine Cicero every year charged to Verres twenty-nine million sestertii. For since a modius of grain had been valued at three sestertii, if you reckon three hundred and eighty thousand, the result will be twenty-four million nummi every year. Wherefore rather DCCCC. nullia seems to be the reading, so that there may be twenty-seven hundred thousand nummi: which, if you count it again three times, will amount in a three-year period to one hundred and eighty times one hundred thousand nummi, so that there may be nearly ninety million, as Cicero said, increasing everything in an oratorical way. Yet I would prefer to leave the passage corrupt rather than assert this interpretation, especially since twenty-nine million does not fit the individual years. Still, this passage offers some support for what we said about sestertii, when he called a very large sum “hundreds and tens of millions of sestertii.” But since the official and customary valuation of grain was four sestertii per modius in Sicily, where grain was most abundant, what do we think it was worth at Rome in a time of dear prices? And what profit did he gain by buying it with asses, if he had kept it stored at home; or what loss did he suffer if he sent it to Sicily or Carthage? For even if he had supplied grain at one modius per head to the citizens, which is not credible, as will be understood later, there were no fewer than three hundred thousand common people. We read in Eusebius that at the time when Cicero defended Quintius with his patronage, after the census had been taken at Rome, there were found four hundred and sixty-three thousand persons. Therefore, even if there were three hundred thousand people, and Seius had distributed grain in so many modii, and if grain in Rome during a shortage was no dearer than it was among the Sicilians in their usual abundance, Seius would have bestowed on the people two hundred thousand nummi, that is, twelve million sestertii, except that he saved one as per modius. But if you wish to bring this into line with probability, this sum will be doubled at the very least. And so rightly Laemtantius

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET etantius lib. v 1. ita scribit, Quid enim dicendum est de ijs qui populari leuitate ducti, uel magnis urbibus suffecturas opes, exhibendis muneribus impendunt: nisi eos dementes ac furiosos, qui præstent id populo, quod & ipsi perdant, & nemo eorum quibus præstatur, accipiat? Et rursus alibi, Quid prodest perditæ nequitiae bestiarios facere locupletes, & instruere ad flagitias? Plin. li. x x x iii. No[n] erat apud antiquos numerus ultra c[er]tum nullia: itaq[ue] & bodie multiplicantur hæc, ut decies c[er]tena millia, aut sæpius dicantur. foenus hoc fecit, nummusq[ue] percussus, & sic quoque æs alienum etiamnum appellatur: postea diuites cognominati: dummodo notum sit, e[ss]e qui primus acceperit hoc nomen, decoxisse creditoribus suis. Ex eadem gente M. Crassus negabat diuitem esse, nisi qui reditu annuo legionem tueri posset. In agris suis sestertium uiginti millia possedit, Quiritiu[m] post Syllem ditissimus. nec fuit satis, nisi totum Parthorum esurisset aurum. atque ut nomen quidem optimum occupauerit (iuuat enim insectari inexplebilem istam habendi cupiditatem) multos postea cognouimus seruitute liberatos opulentiores, pariter que tres Claudij principatu, Pallantem, Callistum, & Narcissum. Atque ut hi omittantur tanquam adhuc rerum potia[n]tur, C. Asinio Gallo, C. Martio C[er]esorino c o s. ad v 1. < Claudius Ili-dorus.> Calend. Februarias Cæcilius Claudius Isidorus testamento suo dixit, quamuis multa ciuili bello perdidisset, tamen relinquere seruorum quatuor millia centum sedecim, iuga boum tria millia sexcenta, reliqui pecoris ducenta quinquintaseptem nullia, in numerato pondo sexcenta nullia: qui funerari se iussit sestertijs undecim nullibus. Hæc uerba Plinij non modò sic in impressis exemplaribus, sed etiam in antiquis quibusdam leguntur: quæ si uerè legun- tur,

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Etantius, in book V, writes thus: “For what indeed is to be said of those who, led by popular levity, spend fortunes that would suffice even for great cities on the giving of public games, unless that they are mad and frenzied men, who provide to the people what both they themselves lose, and none of those to whom it is provided receives?” And again elsewhere: “What good does it do to make the desperadoes rich and to furnish them for infamy?” Pliny, book XXXIII. There was among the ancients no number beyond a certain limit; therefore even today these things are multiplied, so that ten times a hundred thousand, or more often, are spoken of. Usury brought this about, and coined money as well; and thus debt is still called “aes alienum”; later they were surnamed “rich,” provided it be known that the man who first received this name had gone bankrupt to his creditors. Of the same family, M. Crassus used to say that no man was rich unless he could maintain a legion from his annual income. In his estates he possessed twenty thousand sesterces, the richest citizen after Sulla. Nor was it enough for him unless he had devoured all the Parthian gold. And though he may indeed have secured the very best name (for it is a pleasure to pursue this insatiable greed for possession), we later learned of many men freed from servitude who became wealthier, and likewise under the principate of the three Claudii: Pallas, Callistus, and Narcissus. And to omit these as though they were still in possession of things, in the consulship of C. Asinius Gallus and C. Marcius Censorinus, ad v 1. < Claudius Ili-dorus.> On the Kalends of February, Caecilius Claudius Isidorus said in his will that, although he had lost much in the civil war, nevertheless he was leaving 4,116 slaves, 3,600 yoke of oxen, 2,576 head of other cattle, and 600,000 pounds in cash: he ordered himself to be buried at the cost of 11 million sesterces. These words of Pliny are found not only thus in the printed copies, but also in certain ancient ones: if they are truly read,

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 179. tur, nugatoria sunt quæ diximus, tametsi testatissima. In antiquissimo exemplari legimus, in agris sestertium M. M. possedit: ita ut duæ M M, simulitudinem haberent literæ postremæ in Græcorum alphabeto, sed inuersæ, cuiusmodi & alibi in antiquis libris legimus. Lego igitur, in agris sestertium bis nullies possedit, hoc est ære nostro quinquagies centena millia aureorum coronatoru[m]. Huius < Diuitiæ Craf. si.> si uicesimam partem pro reditu, annuo statuamus (siue in agris eum reditum, siue in mancipijs artificibus, siue iu foenore fuisse intelligimus) fient ducenta quinquaginta millia: quæ si ita dispensemus, ut gregarius nules quaternos in mesem aureos accipiat, duodequinquagenos in annum: decem cohortium quingenariarum legio ali potuit. Restabunt decem millia: quorum quinque nullia in quinquaginta Centuriones statuimus pro duplicando stupendo: & quinque altera pro ijs qui à Græcis , id est superordinati dicuntur, ut cornicines, signiferi, caduceatores, & fabri qui machinas faciunt. Hunc Crassum Cicero compellans in ultimo Paradoxo, ita scribit, Multi enim audierunt ex te cum diceres, nemunem esse diuitem, nisi qui exercitum alere posset suis fructibus, quod Populo Ro. ex tantis uectigalibus iampridem uix potest contingere ergo hoc proposito nunqua[m] eris diues antequa[m] tibi ex tuis possessionibus tantum resiciatur, ut ex eo tueri sex legiones & magna equitum ac peditum auxilia possis. Ia[m] fateris igitur te non esse diuitem. Quod autem sequitur in eodem Paradoxo, corruptum esse censeo, Capit ille ex suis prædijs sex cena sestertia, ego centena ex meis. Quòd si apud Pliniu[m] uiginti nullia sestertium legamus, significabu[m] tur quingeti aurei: si uicies sestertiu[m], quinquaginta millia: si uicies nullies, immesa summa. Errore igitur librarioru[m], m 2 lubrico

Transcription: Translated (English)

...then the things we have said are trifling, although most certainly attested. In the oldest copy we read: “in the fields he possessed sestertium M. M. ”; so that the two M M would have the shape of the last letters in the Greek alphabet, but inverted, such as we also read elsewhere in ancient books. Therefore I read: “in the fields he possessed sestertium bis nullies ,” that is, in our money fifty times a hundred thousand crowned gold pieces. Of this Crassi divitiae . If we reckon a twentieth part as annual income (whether we understand that income to have been from lands, or from craftsmen-servants, or from interest), there will be two hundred and fifty thousand: which, if we distribute it so that an ordinary soldier receives four gold pieces a month, that is twelve per year, a legion of ten cohorts of five hundred men could be supported. Ten thousand will remain: of which we assign five nullia to fifty centurions for doubling the pay, and the other five to those who are called by the Greeks “superordinati,” such as horn-blowers, standard-bearers, heralds, and the craftsmen who make machines. Cicero, addressing this Crassus in the last Paradox, writes thus: “For many have heard from you when you said that no one is rich unless he could support an army from his own income, which for the Roman People, from such great revenues, can now scarcely happen. Therefore, according to this principle, you will never be rich until such an amount is drawn from your own possessions that from it you can maintain six legions and great auxiliaries of horse and foot.” You therefore now admit that you are not rich. But what follows in the same Paradox I think is corrupt: “He takes from his estates six hundred thousand sesterces, I a hundred thousand from mine.” If, in Pliny, we read twenty nullia sestertium , five hundred gold pieces will be meant; if twenty sestertia , fifty thousand; if twenty nullies , an immense sum. Therefore, by the error of copyists,

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Transcription: ATR-1

lubrico quidem ipso in notis numerorum uel summarum, ut postea uidebimus, factum est ut pro sestertium bis nullies, sestertium uiginti nul. legeretur, adstipulatè scilicet tot ætatum ignoratia, præsertim quod ad hæc uerba pertinet. C[uius] hoc dicto pugnare uidetur id quod Seneca lib. de uitæ beata his uerbis inquit, M. Cato cum laudaret Curium & Coruncanum, & seculum illud, in quo crimen erat paucæ argenti armullæ, possidebat ipse quadragies sestertium, minus sine dubio quàm Crassus, plus quàm C[uius] sorius Cato. maiore spatio pro auum uicerat, quàm à Crass so uinceretur. Si igitur quadragies hic rectè legitur, oportet M. Porcium minus octoginta sestertijs, hoc est duo bus nullibus aureum nostrorum in censu habuisse: quum quinqua ginta partibus Crassus maiorem censum quadragies sestertio habuisse legatur, & tamen pluribus partibus quadragies sestertium maius fuisse censu Porciano dicatur à Seneca. Verùm hoc esse falsum facilè ex Plutarcho intelligimus, qui quæstu & parsimonia patrimonium auxisse Catonem seniorem testatur, ideoq[ue] iuniorem Cato nem hæreditatibus locupletatum esse narrat. Hoc ideo diximus, ne quid præterijsse consultò aut oscitanter uidere mur. Sed & in sequentibus nonnihil de Crassi diuitijs dicetur. Quod autem sequitur de Cæcilio, In numerato p[otes]t do sexcenta nullia, in antiquissimo lib. sestertium D C. legitur. Obseruaui autem in antiquis H & S cum apice significare sestertium: apicem autem porrectum super quæcunq[ue] numerum, nullia significare: ut D C. cu[m] apice sexcenta nullia. Sexcenta autem nullia pondo argenti æstimâtur à nobis sex agies centena nullia aurcorum: quæ cum immensa sit pecunia, & maior censu Crassi, qui Quiritium post Syllem ditissimus ab eodem Plinio fuisse dicitur: legendum

Transcription: Translated (English)

Indeed, it was made, in the notation of numbers or sums, as we shall see later, that instead of sestertium bis nullies, sestertium viginti nul. was read, of course because of the ignorance of so many ages, especially as regards these words. This saying of C[uius] seems to be contradicted by what Seneca says in the book On the Happy Life in these words: “M. Cato, when he praised Curius and Coruncanus, and that age in which the crime consisted in a few silver armlets, himself possessed forty times a hundred thousand sesterces, without doubt less than Crassus, more than C[uius] Sorius Cato. He had outdone his grandfather by a greater margin than he would be outdone by Crassus.” If, therefore, forty times a hundred thousand sesterces is read correctly here, it is necessary that M. Porcius had less than eighty sesterces, that is, two of the zeroes of our gold in his census: since Crassus is said to have had a census fifty times greater, forty times a hundred thousand sesterces, and yet Seneca says that Porcius’s census was said to have been greater by several times than forty times a hundred thousand sesterces. But this is easily understood to be false from Plutarch, who testifies that Cato the elder increased his estate by gain and frugality, and therefore says that the younger Cato was enriched by inheritances. We have said this for this reason, lest anything should seem to have been passed over intentionally or carelessly. But something will also be said in what follows about Crassus’s wealth. As for what follows concerning Caecilius, “In numerato p[otes]t do sexcenta nullia” is read in the oldest manuscript as “sestertium D C.” I have observed however that in ancient manuscripts H & S with a mark above signify sestertium; but a mark extended over any number signifies nullia: thus D C. with the mark means six hundred nullia. Six hundred nullia, however, by weight of silver is estimated by us as six times ten hundred nullia of gold: which, since it is an immense sum, and greater than the census of Crassus, who after Sulla is said by Pliny himself to have been the richest of the Romans: it must be read

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

legendum puto sestertiu[m] sexcenties, quod significat quin decies centena nullia coronatorum. Non enim memini me legisse ut Latini pondo aut libras de numerata pecunia di cerent, etiam si minis Græci in hac significatione ututur. Nam quod Liuius, argenti pondo bina & selibras in mi= litem præstaret, dixit, ad argentum infectum retulisse nubi uidetur: quo etiam loquendi modo nunc utimur, cum ar= genti marcam uel auri dicimus, tantam pecuniam signifi= cantes, quanti edicto principis æstimantur. Nec tamen me latet quod Plinius in mentione citrinarum dixit, qui locus in ordinem tandem incurret, & explicabitur à nobis. Il= lud quod sequitur, Qui funerari se iussit sestertijs x 1. le= go sestertium undecies. Ne aute[m] fide careat quod de Cras so diximus, citetur locus Plinij libr. x v i i 1. apud quem de positione uillæ & modo agri colendi loquentem, sic in omnibus libris impressis legitur, Modum agri in primis seruandum antiqui putauere. quippe ita censebant, satius esse nunus serere, & melius arare. Qua in sentetia & Ver gilium fuisse uideo, uerumq[ue] confitentibus latifundia pro= didere Italiam. Iam uerò & prouincias sex & semissem domini Africæ possidebant cum interfecit eos Nero prin ceps. Non fraudabo magnitudine hac quoq[ue] sua Cn. Po= peium, qui nunquam agrum mercatus est contermunum. Miror quid his uerbis significari Plinij emendatores in= tellexerint. Ego ita restituendum locum affirmo, Ve= rumq[ue] confitentibus, latifundia perdidere Italiam: iam ue ro & prouincias. deinde post distinctionem inferendum, Sex domini semissem Africæ possidebant, cum interfecit eos Nero princeps, non fraudado magnitudine hac quo= que sua Cn. Pompeio, & reliqua. Iam uerò, pro iam etia[m] & quinetia[m], locutio est Pliniana: ut, illa uerò, pro imo etia[m], m 3 uel Plinij locus re stitutus. Iam uerò. Illa uerò,

Transcription: Translated (English)

I think we should read sestertium sexcenties , which means fifteen hundred thousand crowns. For I do not remember ever having read that the Latins used pondo or libras for counted money, even though the Greeks do use minae in this sense. For when Livy said that “two pounds and a half of silver” were provided to the soldier, he seems to have referred to unwrought silver; and even now we use the same manner of speaking when we say “a mark of silver” or “of gold,” meaning so much money as is valued by the prince’s edict. Nor, however, is it unknown to me that Pliny, in mentioning the citrinae , used words which will in due course come into order and be explained by us. What follows, “He ordered himself to be buried for ten sestertii,” I read as “eleven hundred sestertii.” So that what we have said about Crassus may not lack authority, the passage of Pliny, book xvii, must be cited, where, speaking of the laying out of a villa and the manner of tilling the land, it is read in all printed editions: “The proper management of land the ancients thought should above all be maintained; for they held that it was better to sow than to plow.” I see that Vergil too was of this opinion, and, while confessing the truth, admitted that large estates ruined Italy. And indeed six and a half provinces were already in the possession of the lords of Africa when the prince Nero put them to death. I will not overlook Cn. Pompeius, to whose greatness also this applies, for he never bought neighboring land. I wonder what Pliny’s emendators thought these words meant. I affirm that the passage should thus be restored: “While confessing the truth, large estates ruined Italy; and indeed the provinces too.” Then, after the break, one should add: “Six lords possessed half of Africa, when the prince Nero put them to death”; “I will not, by reason of this greatness too, do wrong to Cn. Pompeius,” and the rest. Moreover, iam vero , “and indeed,” and quinetiam , “and moreover,” are Plinian expressions, as also illa vero , “but that,” or “nay rather,” and imo etiam .

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET uel quinimo illa, lib. x v 1. cap. xxxiii. & lib. xiii. cap. x x i i illi uero & uenientem, pro imo etiam. Sic apud Ciceronem, aut uerò, pro aut etiam: & nec uero, pro nec etiam: apud Græcos, [mercur]ij [mercur]ij, & [mercur]ij [mercur]ij, sic dicitur: hoc est ia[m] uerò, & neque uerò. Sensus est igitur latifundia[m] perdidisse no[n] modò Italiâ, sed etiam prouincias, hoc est steriles reddidisse, cum solum frugiferum malè cultum, malignè quoque fruges redderet, & Africæ propè dimidium ab hominibus sex opulentis obtinebatur, quo nomine à Nerone principe rapacissimo confiscati, insuper etiam ca[m] pite poenas luerunt. Hoc autem tum contigisse existimo, cum Nero spe destitutus quam de gaza antiqua Didonis conceperat, in Africa cruenda, ad rapinas improbissimas & delationes excitandas animum consceleratum intèdit, ut autor est Tranquillus. Vt autem sciamus quàm sint < Mendori numeri apud Plinium.> numeri apud Plinium mendori, age conferamus Plinium cum reliquis autoribus, atque etiam ipsum secum. I ampri num lib. supradicto ubi de ærario populi Romani ut copioso loquitur & opulento, Auri, inquit, in ærario populi Romani fuere Sex. Iulio, Lucio Aurelio coss. septem annis ante bellum Punicum tertium, pondo DCC. xxvi. argenti nonagintaduo nullia, & extra numerum CCC. & LXXV. Si priuatus homo Cæcilius Isidorus sexcenta millia pondo argenti habuit, quonam modo ærarium locuples existimabitur, quod centum nullia non habuit? Id e[st] paulò pòst, Intulit & Aemilius Paulus Perseo Rege Macedonico deuicto, prædam pondo trium millium: à quo tempore populus Romanus tributum pêndere desijt. Plus tarchus de triumpho Pauli loquens, Post armorum curruss tria uirorum nullia sequebantur, qui numismata ferebant argētea uasis trecètis quinquaginta. uas erat quod= libet

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET or rather that passage also, lib. xvii. cap. xxxiii. and lib. xiii. cap. xxii. "illi vero" and "uenientem," in the same sense also. So with Cicero, "aut uero," for "aut etiam"; and "nec uero," for "nec etiam": among the Greeks, [mercur]ij [mercur]ij, and [mercur]ij [mercur]ij, is thus said: that is, "iam uero," and "neque uero." The sense, therefore, is that the latifundia ruined not only Italy, but also the provinces; that is, they made them barren, when soil naturally fruitful, badly cultivated, also yielded crops badly; and nearly half of Africa was held by six wealthy men, on which account, when they were confiscated by the most rapacious prince Nero, they likewise paid the penalty with their lives. But this, I think, happened then, when Nero, deprived of the hope he had conceived from the ancient treasury of Dido, set his wicked mind on the plundering of Africa, to stir up the most shameful robberies and denunciations, as Tranquillus is the authority. But in order that we may know how much < Errors in Pliny's numbers.> Pliny's numbers are in error, come, let us compare Pliny with the other authors, and even with himself. In the aforementioned book, where he speaks of the treasury of the Roman people as abundant and wealthy, he says: "There was in the treasury of the Roman people, in the consulship of Sextus Julius and Lucius Aurelius, seven years before the Third Punic War, 726 pounds of gold, 92 thousand pounds of silver, and apart from that number, 375." If a private man, Caecilius Isidorus, had six hundred thousand pounds of silver, by what means will the treasury be thought rich, which had not a hundred thousand? That is a little later: "Aemilius Paulus also brought in, after King Perseus of Macedon had been defeated, booty weighing three thousand pounds; from that time the Roman people ceased to pay tribute." Plutarch, speaking of the triumph of Paulus, says: "Behind the chariot of the man with arms there followed three thousand men, who carried silver coin and three hundred and fifty vessels. A vessel was whatever

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libet trium talentorum. quatuor uiri singula uasa porta= bant: alij crateras argenteas, & phialas, calices que or= natissimos & ingentes certo ordine deferebant. Et paulo inserius, Postea sequebantur qui aurea numismata gere= bant in uasis trium talentorum, ut suprà de argenteis di= ctum est. numerus uasorum fuit tria & octoginta. His uer bis Plutarchus autor est nulle & quinquaginta talenta ar= genti, & ducenta undequinquaginta auri in ærarium il= lata esse, præter uasa aurea argenteaq[ue]: Plinius tria nullia pondo non addito auri argenti ue. At ego dico uicies ma= iorem numerum apud Plutarchum esse quàm apud Pliniu[m]: id quod ex dicendis apparebit. Alioqui quonam pacto Po pulus Romanus tributa pêndere propter ærarij opulen= tiam desijsset? Sequitur rursus eodem Plinij loco, Sexto Iu lio, L. Martio c o s s. hoc est belli Socialis initio, octin= genta quadraginta sex auri pondo fuere in ærario. Cæsar primo introitu urbis in ciuili bello suo ex ærario protulit laterum aureorum x x v. nullia, & numero pondo trece ta: nec fuit alijs temporibus R ess. locupletior. Hactenus il le. Quomodo memorabile Plinius existimauit in ærario Romano octingenta tunc auri pondo fuisse, cum Cæsar postea sex & uiginti aureorum laterum nullia ex ærario abstulerit? de quo loquens Orosius libro sexto ita inquit, Cæsar Romam uenit, negatamq[ue]; sibi ex ærario pecunium fractis foribus inuasit, protulitq[ue]; ex eo auri pondera 1111 M C X X X V. argenti pondera prope D C C C C. Oro= sij numerus multo minor est Pliniano, ut utrobiqve cor= ruptum esse appareat. Ego in antiquissimo exemplari ita primum illum locum legi, Auri in ærario Populi Ro= mani fuere Sex. Iulio, L. Aurelio c o s s. septem annis ante Punicum bellum tertium pondo x v i. D C C C X. m 4 argenti <Copiæ xrarij Romani.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

of three talents. Four men carried each vessel: some conveyed silver bowls and cups, and very ornate and large goblets in a certain order. And a little further on, afterward followed those who carried gold coins in vessels of three talents, as was said above about the silver ones. The number of vessels was eighty-three. By these words Plutarch is an authority that fifty-one thousand talents of silver and two hundred and fifty-one of gold were brought into the treasury, besides the gold and silver vessels: Pliny says three thousand pounds, without adding whether of gold or silver. But I say that the number in Plutarch is twenty times greater than in Pliny; this will be clear from what I am about to say. Otherwise, by what means had the Roman People ceased to pay tribute because of the wealth of the treasury? It follows again in the same place of Pliny, that under Sextus Julius and Lucius Martius, consuls, that is, at the beginning of the Social War, there were eight hundred and forty-six pounds of gold in the treasury. Caesar, at his first entry into the city in his civil war, took from the treasury twenty-five thousand golden bricks, and in number three hundred pounds; nor at other times was the Roman Republic richer. So far he. How did Pliny think it remarkable that there were eight hundred pounds of gold in the Roman treasury, when Caesar later took from the treasury twenty-six thousand golden bricks? Concerning this Orosius, speaking in the sixth book, says thus: Caesar came to Rome, and when money was denied him from the treasury he broke the doors and seized it, and from it he took 1111 M C X X X V pounds of gold, and nearly D C C C C pounds of silver. The number in Orosius is much smaller than Pliny’s, so that it is evident that in both places the text is corrupt. I, in the oldest copy, first read that place thus: “There were in the treasury of the Roman People, under Sextus Julius and Lucius Aurelius as consuls, seven years before the third Punic war, 16, D C C C X, m 4 silver” <Stores of the Roman treasury.>

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET argenti x x i i. lxx. et in numerato l x i i. lxxxv. c c c c. Sexto Iulio Martio c o s s. hoc est belli Socia= lus initio, auri x v i. lxx. d c c c. x x i x. C. Cæsar pri mo introitu urbis ciuili bello suo ex ærario protulit late= rum aureorum x v. argenteorum x x x v. et in nume= ro sestertium c c c c. nec fuit alijs temporibus Respub. locupletior. Intulit et Aemilius Paulus Perseo Rege ui= cto è Macedonica præda sestertium i i. i i i. à quo tem= pore pop. Roma tributum pêndere desijt. Hæc uerba inse renda huic operi duxi, ut legentibus iudicium integrum seruaretur. si quid tamen comminisci licet, hunc locum sic restituere possumus ex uetusti exemplaris et aliorum ob= seruatione, Auri in ærario Populi Romani fuere septem annis ante bellum Punicum tertium, pondo septingenta nullia uiginti sex, argenti nonagintaduo millia, et in nu= merato trecenties et septuagies quinquies. Item Sexto Iulio, L. Martio c o s s. hoc est belli socialis initio, auri pondo octingenta millia x l v i. Et inferius, Intulit et Aemilius Paulus Perseo Rege uicto è Macedonica præda sestertium ter nullies. In Cæsaris autem mentione locus mutilatus sic restituendus, Protulit laterum aureoru[m] quin decim, argenteorum x x x v. mil. et in numerato sester tium quadringenties. In harum summarum æstimatione incunda, in singula pondo centenos aureos solatos statue[m] dos esse arbitror, quia in tanta copia auri necesse est par= tem fuisse mediocris notæ, utpote quod esset conflatum è uasis et supellectili. sic fit ut singula centena millia, cen= ties cêtena nullia aureorum ualuerint. ita septingenta mil= lia, septingenties centena nullia ualuerunt. Argéti autem nonaginta duo millia denario multiplicata, nongentis ui= ginti nullibus coronatorum æstimantur, et trecenties et septuæ

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. On the as and silver: xxii. lxx. and in cash l x i i. lxxxv. c c c c. In the consulship of Sextus Julius Martius, that is, at the beginning of the Social War, gold x v i. lxx. d c c c. x x i x. C. Caesar, on his first entry into the city in his civil war, brought forth from the treasury fifteen bars of gold, thirty-five thousand of silver, and in cash four hundred thousand sesterces. And the Republic was not richer at any other time. Aemilius Paulus also brought in, after King Perseus had been defeated, from Macedonian spoils two hundred thousand sesterces; from which time the Roman people ceased to pay tribute. I have thought that these words should be inserted in this work, so that the judgment of the reader might be preserved intact. Yet if it is allowed to conjecture anything, we may restore this passage thus from an ancient copy and from the observations of others: There were in the treasury of the Roman people, seven years before the Third Punic War, gold, seven hundred and twenty-six thousand pounds, silver ninety-two thousand, and in cash three hundred and seventy-five times. Likewise, in the consulship of Sextus Julius and L. Martius, that is, at the beginning of the Social War, gold, eight hundred thousand pounds x l v i. And further down: Aemilius Paulus also brought in, after King Perseus had been defeated, from Macedonian spoils three hundred times nothing in sesterces. But in the mention of Caesar the mutilated passage should be restored thus: He brought forth fifteen bars of gold, thirty-five thousand of silver, and in cash four hundred thousand sesterces. In estimating these totals, I think that for each unit of gold weight one hundred gold coins were to be reckoned, because in so great a quantity of gold it is necessary that part should have been of ordinary quality, since it had been melted down from vessels and furnishings. Thus it comes about that each hundred thousand gold pieces were worth one hundred times one hundred thousand. So seven hundred thousand were worth seven hundred times one hundred thousand. But the ninety-two thousand of silver, multiplied by the denarius, are estimated at nine hundred and twenty thousand coronati, and three hundred times and seven...

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septuagies quinquies sestertium nongentis quadraginta circiter nullibus. Sed uix uerisimule est septies plus auri quam argenti fuisse. Quòd si uetustum exemplar uerum esse aliquis existimauerit, sic legendum erit fortasse, Pon= do sedecies septingenta, argenti nonagies bis octoginta= quinque nullia (quanquam in uetusto, uicies bis L X X: C C C C. legatur) et in numerato sexagies bis octoginta= quinq[ue]. Hæc summa immensa est omnino, quippe sedecies centena nullia et septingenta pondo intelligo, quæ centies multiplicata, nullies et sexcenties centena nullia aureorum ualent: argenti autem summa nonagies bis, decies multiplicata, noningenties uicies centena, præter numeratam pecuniam. Quæ utrum ad sestertia, an ad aureos referenda sit, mihi non liquet: quare nihil statuo. si tamen uetusti numeros sequi placeat, no[n] uideo quomodo X X I I. L X X. C C C C. aliter legere possimus, quàm uicies bis septuaginta nullia quadringenta: quæ summa argenti ad n[ost]r[um] mum relata, ducenties uicies septies centena et quatuor nullia coronatorum efficit. Idemq[ue] censeo de eo quod sequitur, Belli socialis initio auri pondo X V I. X X. D C C C. X X I X. quod si non mendose legitur, utiq[ue] sic interpretandum est, Sedecies uiginti nullia octingenta undetriginta, hoc est sedecies centena uiginti nullia. C[æ]tena enim antiqui subintelligenda relinquare solebant: eo modo quo in his uerbis, quadringenties sestertium, pro quadringenties c[æ]tena nullia sestertium, ut docuimus, et debere duceties, hoc more sæpe locutum Plinium docebimus lib. I I I I. cu[m] locus occurrerit. Cicero in Prætura urbana, Accepi, inquit Verres, uicies ducet[ur] trigintaquinq[ue] nullia quadringentos quindecin nummos. hoc perinde est ac si dixisset Cicero uicies bis centena X X X v. nullia: ut manifestè ex m 5 sequen

Transcription: Translated (English)

seventy-five times 940 sestertii, approximately, in nullia. But it is hardly believable that there was seven times more gold than silver. But if someone should think the ancient exemplar to be genuine, it will perhaps have to be read thus: Pon- do, sixteen times 700; silver, ninety-two times eighty- five nullia (although in the old text, twice twenty X X X: C C C C. is read) and in cash sixty-two times eighty- five [ ]. This total is altogether enormous, since I understand sixteen hundred nullia and 700 pounds, which, multiplied a hundredfold, amount to nullies and six hundred times one hundred thousand gold pieces: but the sum of silver, ninety-two times, multiplied tenfold, makes nine hundred times twenty hundred, apart from the cash. Whether this is to be referred to sestertia or to aurei, is not clear to me; therefore I determine nothing. If, however, one prefers to follow the numbers of the ancient text, I do not see how we can read X X I I. L X X. C C C C. otherwise than twice twenty seventy thousand four hundred: which sum of silver, reduced to our money, makes two hundred and twenty-seven hundred and four thousand coronati. I judge the same of what follows, at the beginning of the Social War, gold weighing X V I. X X. D C C C. X X I X. which if it is not read corruptly, must certainly be interpreted thus: sixteen times twenty thousand eight hundred and twenty-nine, that is, sixteen hundred twenty thousand. For the ancients were accustomed to leave the hundreds to be understood: in this way, in the words quadringenties sestertium, for quadringenties c[æ]tena nullia sestertium, as we have shown, and it must be read duceties, Pliny will often have spoken in this manner, as we shall show in book IIII, when the passage occurs. Cicero, in the urban praetorship: “I have received,” says Verres, “twice twenty thirty-five thousand four hundred fifteen denarii.” This is just as if Cicero had said twice twenty hundred XXX v. thousand: as is clearly apparent from the following m 5 sequen

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sequentibus patet, & ex Asconio Pediano. Vt autem legamus x v 1. nullia p[ro]do, ut in eo uetusto legitur, ridiculum est: cum apud Suetonium legamus Augustum una dona- tione in cellam Capitolini Louis sedecim nullia pondo au- ri, & quing[ue]tices sestertium contulisse. Quare lectionis fides sit penes uetusta exemplaria, si usquam esse potest ho die: uerborum autem interpretatio sit penes antiquitatis studiosos. < Pli. historia.> Admirari n[ost]uc Plinium subit, sæpeq[ue] in hoc ope re subibit, qui res tot memorabiles omnis eui memoriæ prodere co[n]cupiuit, si per tot seculorum cariem, incuriam, ignorantiam, & compediariæ scriptionis discrimina, per tinax exemplarium fides ad nos euadere potuisset: ut si quando multis adnitentibus, & inuentis uetustioribus li- bris restitui potuerit, unum eum autorem studiosi harum literarum habeant, cui totius propè uetustatis cognitione[m] explicatam acceptam referre possint: utiq[ue]; quod ad eas res pertinet, quers inter scribendam rerum gestarum historiam locus esse n[ost]o solet. Cuius rei reputatio magnu[m] mihi nego- cium in hac commentatione exhibuit: cum res partim con clamatas, partim etiam elatas tot doctorum hominu[m] præ- iudicio, semianimes à rogo referri posse atq[ue]; etia[m] à tumu- lo non diffiderem. Ne quid autem comminisci uidear, pe- nes me futura antiqua exemplaria profiteor, ut nulli non adire liceat, quem quidem initiatum his sacris esse sense- ro. Credibiles fortasse has summas, atq[ue] etiam omnino cre- dibiles facit locus Suetonij in Vespasiano his uerbis: Sunt contrà qui opinentur ad manubias & rapinas necessitate compulsum summa ærarij fisciq[ue]; inopia, de qua testifica- tus sit initio statim principatus, professus quadringenties millies opus esse ut Resp[ublica] stare posset. Si enim Vespasianus sperauit se quadringenties millies sestertium cogere posse ad

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. From BVD. OF THE ASSE AND the following passage makes it clear, and from Asconius Pedianus. But as for reading x v 1. nullia p[ro]do, as it is read in that ancient copy, it is ridiculous; for we read in Suetonius that Augustus, by a single donation, contributed to the treasury of the Capitoline temple sixteen million pounds of gold, and five hundred thousand sesterces. Wherefore let the faith of the reading rest with the ancient exemplars, if such a thing can anywhere exist today; but let the interpretation of the words rest with students of antiquity. < Pl. historia.> I am moved to admire Pliny, and often in this work this same admiration will arise: he, who desired to hand down so many memorable things of all ages to memory, if only, through the lapse of so many centuries, through negligence, ignorance, and the dangers of abbreviated writing, the steadfast fidelity of the manuscripts could have made its way to us: so that, if ever, with many persons exerting themselves and with older books discovered, he can be restored, scholars of these letters may have one author to whom they may gratefully refer the exposition of almost all antiquity to have been made clear; indeed, so far as those matters are concerned, which is usually our place when writing a history of events. The consideration of this matter caused me great trouble in this commentary; for I did not despair that things partly proclaimed, partly even raised, by the prejudgment of so many learned men, could be brought back, half-lifeless, from the funeral pyre, and even from the tomb. But lest I seem to be inventing anything, I declare that the ancient exemplars are in my keeping, so that it may be permitted to anyone without exception to consult them, provided I should recognize him as initiated into these rites. Perhaps these totals, and indeed altogether credible ones, are made so by the passage of Suetonius in Vespasian, in these words: “There are, on the other hand, those who think that he was driven to spoil and plunder by necessity, from the extreme poverty of the treasury and the fisc, of which he testified at the very beginning of his principate, declaring that four hundred million sesterces were needed if the Republic was to stand.” For if Vespasian hoped that he could gather four hundred million sesterces up to

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ad instaurandam dignitatem Imperij Romani, quæ à Ne rone & successoribus per luxus inusitatos exhausto æra= rio conciderat: & si tantum auri argentiq[ue] esse sub impe= rio Romano potuit: simulimum ueri esse potest, eo tempo re quo imperium Romanum in Senatus autoritate & po puli potestate situm erat, potuisse ex Orientis Africæq[ue] spolijs, & uectigalium residuis, quartam eius summæ par tem in ærario coactam esse. Maxima enim superioru[m] sum ma non excedit centies nullies sestertium, id est bis nullies & quingenties centena nullia aureorum nostrorum. Hæc adnotauisse no[n] ab re fuit, ut arbitror, etsi nihil habui quod hoc loco statuerem. Existet enim fortasse aliquis qui uetu= stis exemplaribus diligenter euolutis, uel uerisimuliora in= ueniet, uel commentationi nostræ fastigium imponet, admo nitione hac nostra extimulatus. Magnam autem esse sum mam pecuniæ quam Cæsar ex ærario protulit, ex calculo intelligere licet. Si enim x v. nullia laterum aureorum fue runt, non dubito centum & quinquaginta nullia pondo auri fuisse, cum quilibet laterculus decem pondo minimum fuerit: qua ratione fiunt aureorum solatoru[m] centies quin quagies centena nullia. Si autem huic summæ, argenti æ= stimatio addatur, cum eo quod in numerato fuit, immen= sa fiet summa. quod uerò in uulgatis exemplaribus & quibusdam antiquis legitur, & numero pondo trecenta, omnino corruptum est. numeratam enim pecuniam non libris, sed sestertijs significabant antiqui. Appianus in se= cundo bellorum Ciuilium, Tesauros, inquit, à nemine con tactos usq[ue] in illum diem, nulitibus rapere concessit, quos olim execratione proposita conditos fuisse memorant, ut nisi in tumultu belli Celtici non promerentur. Ex quibus uerbis intelligimus Cæsarem usque ad fecem æra= rium Sanctius æra- rium à Cælare expilatum.

Transcription: Translated (English)

for the restoring of the dignity of the Roman Empire, which, having been exhausted by Nero and his successors through unprecedented luxury, had fallen into decay: and if there could have been so much gold and silver under the Roman Empire, then it is most likely true that, at that time when the Roman Empire was situated in the authority of the Senate and the power of the people, a quarter of that sum could have been gathered into the treasury from the spoils of the East and Africa, and from the remnants of the revenues. For the greatest total of the earlier period does not exceed one hundred times one million sesterces, that is, twice one hundred times one million and five hundred times one hundred thousand of our gold pieces. I thought it was not without reason to note this, although I had nothing to establish here. For perhaps someone will arise who, after carefully turning over the ancient exemplars, will either discover more probable things, or will add finish to our commentary, stirred on by this warning of ours. And that the sum of money which Caesar took from the treasury was very great can be understood from the calculation. For if there were ten thousand gold ingots, I do not doubt that there were one hundred and fifty thousand pounds of gold, since each small ingot had weighed at least ten pounds: by which reckoning there comes to one hundred and fifty million of gold coins. But if to this sum the valuation of the silver is added, along with what was in cash, the total will be immense. What is read in the common editions and in certain ancient ones, “and in number three hundred pounds,” is altogether corrupt. For the ancients indicated money in cash not by pounds, but by sesterces. Appian, in the second book of the Civil Wars, says: “The treasures, untouched by anyone until that day, he allowed the poor to seize; these, they say, had once been deposited under a curse, so that they were not to be brought out except in the turmoil of the Celtic war.” From these words we understand that Caesar, down to the last remnant of the treasury, had plundered it. The treasury was plundered by Caesar.

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET rium exhaustisse, quanquam Plinius dicat tunc ærarium locupletissimum fuisse, sed intelligimus prælibatum à Pô= peio & Senatu. Tranquillus & Plutarchus de hoc siluerunt, ut & ipse Cæsar in Commentarijs suis. Lucanus in I I I. Pharsaliæ de hoc loquens ita inquit, - Tunc conditus imo Eruitur templo multis intactus ab annis Romani census populi, quem Punica bella, Quem dederat Perses, quem uicti præda Philippi: Quicquid parcorum mores seruastis auorum, Quod dites Asiæ populi nuscere tributum, Victoriq[ue] dedit Minoa Creta Metello: Quod Cato longinqua uexit super æquora Cypro: Tunc Orientis opes, captorumq[ue] ultima Regum, Quæ Pompeianis prælata est gaza triumphis, E geritur: tristi spoliantur templa rapina: Pauperiorq[ue] fuit tunc primum Cæsare Roma. Quibus uerbis magna uis auri argenti que significatur. Sic autem ut diximus, hic Plinium locutum esse credo, coniecturam ex alijs autoribus faciens, & ex alijs ipsius locis argumento erunt etiam ea quæ postea dicentur à nobis, si quis diligenter animaduertat. Hanc autem depra= uationem exemplarium induxit antiquorum librariorum institutum, qui numeros & summas sua quamque notula scribebant, aliter enim sestertios nummos, aliter sestertia, aliter sestertium gignendi casu notabant, aliter libram & talentum, aliter & denariu[m]: & nulle & nullies non eode[m] modo. Quare per tot secula ueri rerum numeri alijs atq[ue] alijs subinde traducibus exemplarium inserti, ad nostram auorumq[ue] memoriâ peruenire non potuerunt, præsertim accedente librariorum culpa, qui pleraque oculis solis, paucæ Numerorum deprauatorum ratio.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET rium had been exhausted, although Pliny says that then the treasury was most richly supplied; but we understand it to have been plundered by Pompey and the Senate. Suetonius and Plutarch were silent about this, as was Caesar himself in his Commentaries. Lucan in book III of the Pharsalia, speaking of this, says thus: - Then, long concealed in the deepest shrine, and untouched through many years, the Roman census of the people is brought forth, which the Punic wars, which the Persian had given, which the spoil of conquered Philip: whatever the customs of thrifty ancestors had preserved, the tribute that wealthy peoples of Asia had paid, and victorious Crete gave to Metellus, along with Minoa: what Cato carried over the vast seas from far Cyprus: then the riches of the East, and the last spoils of captive kings, which was set before Pompeian triumphs as treasure, are taken away: with sad plunder the temples are despoiled: and Rome was first made poorer under Caesar. By these words a great amount of gold and silver is indicated. Thus, as we said, I believe that Pliny spoke of this, making a conjecture from other authors, and from other passages of his own will also be evidence of what we shall say later, if anyone carefully observes. This corruption of the manuscripts was introduced by the practice of the ancient scribes, who wrote numbers and sums each with its own sign; for they wrote sesterces in one way, sestertia in another, the genitive case of sestertium in another, libra and talentum in another, and denarius likewise: and nulle and nullies not in the same way. Therefore, through so many centuries, the true numbers of things, being continually transferred into different manuscript traditions, could not come down to our memory or that of our ancestors, especially with the added fault of the scribes, who copied most things with their eyes alone, few Reason for the corruption of numbers.

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 189 Insigne preciu[m] triclinariu[m] Babylonicorum. pauca etiam mente transigunt. Age quis illud libri octa= ui tueri possit? Metellus Scipioni triclinaria Babylonica octingentis nullibus uenisse iam tunc posuit in capitalibus crinunibus, quæ Neroni principi quadringentis nullibus sestertium nuper stetere. Si stragula Babylonica octingentis nullibus ab homine priuato comparata sunt, quo= nam modo memorabile est, Neroni principi profusissimo quadringentis nullibus stetisse? In antiquis duobus exemplaribus quadringenties sestertium legimus: in uno antiquissimo quadringentis, sed ita, ut conspicuè deletilem membranæ locum cerneres, & quadringenties principio fuisse intelligeres. Est alioquin locus non uno aut altero uerbo corruptus. in antiquorum enim nullo capitalibus criminibus legitur, sed uel in Catonis, uel in Capitonis: nec posuit sed ponit, nec Scipioni sed Scipio in recto. locus igitur sic restituendus, Metellus Scipio triclinaria Babylonica sestertium octingentis nullibus uenisse iam tunc, ponit in Capitonis criminibus, quæ Neroni principi quadringenties sestertium nuper stetere hoc sensu, ut Metellus Scipio Capitonem accusauerit, & ei obiecerit quòd triclnares tapetas, quibus triclinia uel sternebantur, uel obtendebantur, uiginti nullibus aureorum nostrorum parare ausus esset, quæ tamen postea Nero decies centenis nullibus parauisset ad ornatum aureæ domus. Capitonis Cossutiani meminit Tacitus libro x v 1. Crimina, inquit, Capito. obliterari non sinebat Capito Cossutianus, præter anima[m] ad flagitia præcipitem, inimicus Thraseæ, quòd autoritate eius co[n]cidisset, iuuantis Cilicum legatos dum Capitonem repetundarum interrogant. cuius accusationis memunit etiam Iuuenalis Sat yra octaua, Capitonem Cilicum piratam uocans: sed de hoc Capitone intelligi dictum Plinianum

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. BOOK II. 189 The remarkable price of the Babylonian dining-couch. They also work through a few other matters in their minds. Come now, who could defend that passage of the eighth book? Metellus has already stated in the capital charges that Scipio’s Babylonian dining-couches were sold for eight hundred thousand sesterces, whereas for the emperor Nero not long ago they cost four hundred thousand sesterces. If Babylonian coverings were bought by a private man for eight hundred thousand, then how is it notable that for the emperor Nero, a most extravagant spender, they cost four hundred thousand? In two ancient copies we read “four hundred thousand sesterces”; in one very old copy “four hundred,” but in such a way that you could clearly see a deleted place in the parchment, and understand that “four hundred thousand” had originally stood there. Otherwise the passage is corrupt in more than one word. For in none of the ancient copies do we read “capital charges,” but either “in Cato’s” or “in Capito’s”; nor is it “posuit” but “ponit,” nor “Scipioni” but “Scipio” in the nominative. The passage therefore should be restored thus: “Metellus Scipio says that Babylonian dining-couches were sold for eight hundred thousand sesterces; in Capito’s charges, those which recently cost the emperor Nero four hundred thousand sesterces.” The sense is that Metellus Scipio accused Capito and charged him with having dared to procure at twenty thousand of our gold pieces those dining coverings with which dining couches were either spread or hung, whereas later Nero himself would procure them for ten times one hundred thousand for the adornment of the Golden House. Tacitus mentions Cossutianus Capito in Book XV: “Capito,” he says, “did not allow the charges to be erased,” meaning Cossutianus Capito, besides being by nature headlong into shameful acts, was an enemy of Thrasea because his authority had been undermined, while he was assisting the Cilician envoys as they were questioning Capito on extortion. Juvenal also makes mention of this accusation in Satire Eight, calling Capito a Cilician pirate. But Pliny’s statement should be understood of this Capito.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Plinianum non potest, quia & is Thraseam Petum reum peregit sub Nerone, quo nomine quinquagies sestertium præmij loco tulit. Accusatoribus, inquit Tacitus, E prio & Cossutiano, quinquagies sestertium singulis, Ostorio duodecies, & quæstoria insignia tribuuntur. Quo ex loco intelligere possumus quam ille sceleratissimus princeps, etiam perditus luxu & prodigentia fuerit, qui duo bus calumniatoribus ad accusandum uirum egregiu[m] subornatis, ducenta quinquaginta nullia coronatorum dederit, id est centies sestertium. Semel in uniuersum testatus sum, me ita in hoc tempore locuturum, quasi iam olim coronati nostri percussi fuerint, ut expeditius trasigere hoc negocium possim. Capitonis Fonteij meminit Horatius in primo Sermonu[m], æqualis Mecænatis. Hunc igitur uel patrem eius Metellus hoc nonine accusasse uidetur. Capitalem autem luxum Romæ fuisse non comperimus, ne exilio quidem multatum, tametsi probosè obijci solitum, ut de L. Crasso uidebimus. Quare Tranquillus de Cæsare adhuc priuato loquens, Tabulas operis antiqui semper animosissimè comparasse eum multi prodiderunt: seruitia recentiora politiora que immenso precio, & cuius etiam ipsum puderet sic, ut rationibus uetaret inferri. Quo modo igitur, capitalibus, uerbum apud Plinium cogruere potest? Vtinam autem eo in loco Plinius per omnia emendari <Plinij loc.> posset, ut in eo quod sequitur in eodem capite, Vidi mus iam & bidentium uellera purpura, cocco, conchylio sesquipedalibus libris infecta, uelut illa sic nasci cogente luxuria. Ego ut uiuentium non bidentium lego, sic sensu exposcente: ita sesquipedales libras non intelligo. Quòd si labris legamus, tamen sesquipedalibus non congruit. Potius igitur sesquipondialibus legendum censuerim

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Plinianum non potest, because he prosecuted Thrasea Paetus under Nero, on which account he received, as a reward, fifty thousand sesterces. “To the accusers,” says Tacitus, “to Eprio and Cossutianus fifty thousand sesterces each, to Ostorius twelve thousand, and the insignia of quaestorship are granted.” From this passage we can understand how that most wicked prince, though ruined by luxury and extravagance, nevertheless was, who, having bribed two slanderers to accuse an excellent man, gave them two hundred and fifty crowns, that is, a hundred thousand sesterces. Once for all I have declared that I shall speak in this matter as if our crowned men had already long since been struck down, so that I may carry through this business more easily. Horace mentions Capito of Fonteius in the first Book of Satires, a contemporary of Maecenas. Thus Metellus seems to have accused either him or his father under this name. But we do not find that capital luxury existed at Rome, not even that any man was punished by exile, although it was commonly charged upon the good, as we shall see in the case of L. Crassus. Wherefore, when Tranquillus speaks of Caesar as still a private citizen, many have reported that he always most eagerly acquired the records of an old estate: newer slaves, more polished, at an immense price, and such as he himself would even have been ashamed of, so that he forbade them to be entered in the accounts. How then can the word “capital” be fitting in Pliny? I wish that in that passage Pliny could be corrected in every respect <Plinij loc.> so that in what follows in the same chapter, “We already see the fleeces of sheep dyed with purple, scarlet, and conchylia in weights of a cubit and a half, as though luxury compelled them to be born so,” I, reading “of the living” instead of “of the sheep,” understand the sense as requiring it; thus I do not understand “weights of a cubit and a half.” But if we read “labris,” still it does not agree with “sesquipedalis.” Rather, therefore, I should judge that “sesquipondialibus” ought to be read.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 191 suerim, eo sensu fortasse, ut libræ purpuræ & conchylij centenis & quinquagenis drachmis constarent. Nam de precio purpuræ loquens libro nono ita inquit, Nepos Cornelius qui diui Augusti principatu obijt, Me, inquit, iuuene uiolacea purpura uigebat, cuius libra denarijs centum uenibat, nec multò pòst rubra Tarentina. Huic successit dibapha Tyria, quæ in libras denarijs mille non poterat enu. Hac Lentulus Spinter ædilis curulis primus in prætexta usus improbabatur, Qua purpura quis non iam, inquit, triclinaria facit? Spinter ædilis fuit Cicero= ne Consule. Dibapha tunc dicebatur, quæ bis tincta es= set, ueluti magnifico impendio: qualiter nunc omnes pe= nè commodiores purpuræ tinguntur. Quod sequitur, corruptum est, In conchyliata ueste cætera eadem sine buccino, præter'que ius temperaturæ æquè pro indiuiso humani potus excremento dimidia, & medicamina ad= duntur. Vbi sic legendum censeo, Vis temperatur aqua. Sed ex uerbis Plinij purpuræ & conchylij precia magna apparet fuisse. Coccus autem quo hodie utimur in lancis uestibus, non excedit in libras singulas nostras binos au= reos: quòd uerò in serica ueste cramesinum appellant, non absimile est cocco, radicibus adhærens cuiusdam her= bæ in Germania: nec excedit quaternos ducatos in libras, ut negociatores nostri aiunt. Ex quo apparet multo pre ciosiores, & maioris luxus uestes antiquorum fuisse. Pur= pura hodie negociatoribus ignota est, etiamsi Damasci in usu esse quidam affirmat: sed precium antiquis precijs non respondet. Athenæus libro duodecimo Dipnoso= phiston de luxu Ionum loquens, Theopompus autem, inquit, libro decimoquinto autor est mille uiros Colo= phoniorum per urbem errantes uideri solitos in ueste purpurea

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 191 I suppose, perhaps in the sense that a libra of purple and conchylium would cost one hundred and fifty drachmae. For, speaking of the price of purple in the ninth book, he says thus: Cornelius Nepos, who died in the reign of the divine Augustus, says, “In my youth violet-purple was in fashion, a libra of which sold for one hundred denarii, and not long after the red Tarentine.” This was succeeded by Tyrian dibapha, which could not be bought for less than one thousand denarii per libra. Lentulus Spinter, the curule aedile, was the first to use it in the praetexta, and was blamed for it. “What dress,” he says, “is not now made of that purple into triclinia?” Spinter was a curule aedile when Cicero was consul. It was then called dibapha when it was dyed twice, as if at great expense; just as now almost all the more expensive purples are dyed. What follows is corrupt: “In a conchyliated garment the rest is the same without the buccinum, and besides the measure of the mixture equally, as though undivided, half human drink dregs and medicines are added.” I think it should be read thus: “The force of the mixture is water.” But from Pliny’s words it is clear that the prices of purple and conchylium were very high. As for the coccus that we use today in fine garments, it does not exceed two gold coins per libra; and what is called cramesinum in silk cloth is not unlike coccus, adhering to the roots of a certain herb in Germany; and it does not exceed four ducats per libra, as our merchants say. From this it appears that the garments of the ancients were far more costly and of greater luxury. Purple today is unknown to merchants, although some affirm that it is in use at Damascus; but its price does not correspond to ancient prices. Athenaeus, in the twelfth book of the Deipnosophists, speaking of the luxury of the Ionians, says, however, that Theopompus, in the fifteenth book, states that one thousand men of Colophon were accustomed to be seen wandering through the city in purple clothing.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET purpurea, quod Regibus tum rarum erat, & magno studio affectatum. purpura enim argento rependebatur. ὑπερ καὶ ἔασπιλον απάνιον τὸν ἐν καὶ ποιοι αποκατασων. ἰδοσάπος ἀρὴν ἀν ὑποφύρα πρὸς ἀργυριον ἐξετασμύν. Cicero in Phi lippica secunda, Conchyliatis Cnei Pompeij peristromatis seruorum in cellis lectos stratos uideres. Quamobrem desinite mirari hæc tam celeriter esse consumpta, non modò unius patrimonium quamuis amplum, ut illud fuit: sed & urbes & regna tanta nequitia deuorare potuisset. Tra[n]a quillus in Nerone, Et cum interdixisset usum amethystini ac tyrij coloris, summisissetq[ue] qui nundinarum die pauculas uncias uenderet, præclusit cunctos negociatores. Quo in loco perculit lego, id est fortuuis euertit. De hac Plinius ita inquit libro supradicto, Non est satis abstulisse gemmæ nomen Amethystum: rursum absolutus inebriæ tur Tyrio, ut sit in utroque nomen improbum Tyriamethystus. Olim etiam purpura, id est sanguis pisciculi, cum cocco quo nunc utimur, miscebatur. id quod idem autor testatur his uerbis, Quin & terrena miscere, coccoq[ue] tinctum Tyrio tingere, ut fieret his bissinum. Vbi <Plinij loc.> prisca exemplaria his schymum habent: quare hysginu[m] lego, ex eodem Plinio libro x x x. in mentione purpurissi. & ex Vitruvio libro v i i i. his uerbis, Fiunt etiam purpurei colores infecta creta rubiæ radice, & hysgino. <Purpura insigne Imperatorum Roman. Purpura pro magistratu summo.> Purpura, insigne Romanorum Imperatorum fuit. Plutarchus in Crasso, Fertur eo die Crassum non purpureum (ut Romanorum Imperatcrum mos erat) sed atrum paludamentum indutum ad mulites processisse. Quapropter purpura pro summo magistratu ponitur à Plinio libro x. capite x x 1. de Gallis loquente, Vt planè dignæ aliti tantum honoris tribuat Romana purpura. Et ideo im- perio

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET purple, which was then rare among kings, and was eagerly sought after. For purple was paid for in silver. ὑπερ καὶ ἔασπιλον απάνιον τὸν ἐν καὶ ποιοι αποκατασων. ἰδοσάπος ἀρὴν ἀν ὑποφύρα πρὸς ἀργυριον ἐξετασμύν. Cicero in the Second Philippic says, “In the colonnades of Cnaeus Pompey, laid with conchylian carpets, you would see the beds of servants.” Wherefore cease wondering that these things were consumed so quickly, since not only one estate, however large, as that was, but also cities and kingdoms could be devoured by such wickedness. Tranquillus in Nero says that when he had forbidden the use of amethystine and Tyrian color, and had sent out a man who on market days sold a few ounces, he blocked all the merchants. In this passage he struck, that is, he overthrew by fortune. On this matter Pliny says thus in the aforesaid book: “It is not enough to have taken away the name of the gem, the amethyst: again, made free from drunkenness by Tyre, so that in both there may be the offensive name Tyriamethystus.” In former times too purple, that is, the blood of a little fish, was mixed with the coccos which we now use. This the same author attests in these words: “And to mix earthly things as well, and to dye with Tyrian coccos, so that by these there might be bissinum.” Where <Pliny's passage> older copies have schymum; therefore I read hysginu[m], from the same Pliny, book xxx, in the mention of purpurissum. And from Vitruvius, book viii, these words: “Purple colors are also made from dyed chalk with madder root, and hysgino.” <Purple, the emblem of the Roman Emperors. Purple as the sign of the highest magistracy.> Purple was the emblem of the Roman Emperors. Plutarch in Crassus says that on that day Crassus is reported to have gone out to the soldiers not dressed in purple, as was the custom of the Roman Emperors, but in a black military cloak. Therefore purple is used by Pliny, book x, chapter xx1, when speaking of the Gauls, “So that Roman purple may clearly confer so great an honor on birds worthy of it.” And therefore to the office of emperor

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 193 perio Romano ad monarchiam deducto, principes ipsi, qui etiam (ut olim) Imperatores dicebātur, quoniam regium nomen Romæ infaustum inuisumq[ue]; erat: purpuram pro insigni imperatorio seruauerunt, ut autor est Capito linus in Maximinis, & in Gordiano. Plinius libro uigesimosecundo paludamentum imperatorium cocco tinctum fuisse dicit, his uerbis, Iam uerò infici uestes scimus admirabili succo: atque ut sileamus Galatiæ, Africæ, Lusitaniæ grannis coccum Imperatoris dicatum paludamentis, transalpina Gallia herbis tyrium ac conchylium tingit, omnesq[ue]; alios colores, nec quærit in profundis murices, sese obijciendo, dum præripit, escam belluis marinis. In titulo de uestibus holobryzis, uel holoseris, nunc murex, nunc conchylium, nunc purpura uocatur, qua solus princeps utitur. Hæc obiter dicta sint propter uerbum sesqui pedalibus, quod in Plinio corruptum esse apparet. Sesquipondium autem sic Latinum est, ut dipondium, & centipondium: seu cētumpondium apud M. Catonem & Plautum. < Sesquipondium. > Est & aliud ibidem ulcus, quod quia persanare non poteram, ne attingere quidem potius esse duxi. Cæterùm < Census equestris Senatoriusq[ue]. > quod de censu Senatorio & equestri diximus, non mirum uideri debet, ut Romæ Senator esse non potuerit, qui minorem censum triginta millibus coronatorum in censu habuerit. Hoc enim statutum eo demum tempore fuisse uideatur, quo imperium Romanum in Asiam transijt, aut certè extra Italiam promotum est. Quare Plinius lib. XIII. luxuriam posteriorum temporum, & rerum honestarum incuriam insectans, Reges, inquit, innumeri honore artium colebantur, & in ostentatione has præserebant, opè & immortalitate sibi per illas prorogari arbitra[n]tes, quare abundabant & præmia & opera uitæ. posteris laxitas n mundi Luxus Romanorum. Plinij locus.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 193 When the Roman Empire had been brought to a monarchy, the princes themselves, who were also called Emperors, as formerly, because the royal name at Rome was hateful and inauspicious, preserved the purple as the emblem of imperial authority, as Capito linus says in the Maximinis and in Gordian. Pliny, in book twenty-two, says that the imperial cloak was dyed with scarlet, in these words: “Now indeed we know that garments are dyed with a marvelous juice: and to say nothing of the coccum of Galatia, Africa, and Lusitania, dedicated to the Emperor’s cloaks, transalpine Gaul dyes Tyrian purple and conchylian with herbs, and all other colors, nor does it seek in the depths the purple-shells, throwing itself in, while it snatches food from the sea-beasts.” In the title concerning holobrizous, or holoseric, garments, it is now called murex, now conchylium, now purpura, which the prince alone uses. Let these things be said in passing on account of the word sesqui-pedalibus, which appears to be corrupt in Pliny. Sesquipondium, however, is as properly Latin as dipondium and centipondium; or cētumpondium in M. Cato and Plautus. < Sesquipondium. > There is also another sore in the same place, which, because I could not heal it thoroughly, I judged it better not even to touch. Moreover, < Census equestris Senatoriusq[ue]. > what we have said about the senatorial and equestrian census ought not to seem surprising, namely, that at Rome a man could not be a Senator unless he had a census of less than thirty thousand crowns. For this statute seems to have been established only at the time when the Roman Empire passed into Asia, or certainly when it was extended beyond Italy. Therefore Pliny, in book XIII, attacking the luxury of later times and the neglect of honorable things, says: “Countless Kings were honored for their arts, and displayed them in public, thinking that through these means power and immortality would be prolonged to them; therefore there was an abundance both of rewards and of works of life.” For later generations, the looseness of the world Luxus Romanorum. Plinij locus.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET mundi, & rerum amplitudo damno fuit, postquam Sena- tor censulegi coeptus, iudex fieri censu, magistratum du- cemq; nil magis exornare quàm census, postquam coepere orbitas in autoritate summa & potentia esse, captatio in quæstu fertilissimo, ac sola gaudia in possidendo: pessum iere uitæ pretia, omnesq; à maximo bono liberales dictæ artes, in contrarium cecidere, ac scruitute sola profici coe- ptum, eodem tamen habendi quò eat spes, omniu[m] tendente uoto, Sic enim legedum censeo ex uetustæ lectionis obser- uatione, licet in exemplaribus quæ circunferuntur, aliter extremum membrum legatur. Iudicem autem fieri censu Plinius ideo dixit, quòd Equites etiam iudices uocaban- tur, propter Equitum decurias quæ ex Equestri ordine erant. Idem lib. x x x i i i. Laquearia, quæ nunc & in priuatis domibus auro teguntur, post Carthaginem euer- sam primò inaurata sunt in Capitolio, censura L. Mum- mij, inde transiere in cameras, in parietes quoq; qui iam & ipsi tanquam uasa inaurantur, cum sua ætas uaria de Catulo existimauerit, quod tegulas æreas Capitolij inau- rasset primus. Idem paulo superius, Et nos fecimus quæ posteri fabulosa arbitrentur. Cæsar qui postea Dictitator fuit, primus in ædilitate munere patris funebri, omni ap- paratu arenæ argenteo usus est, ferasq; argenteis uasis in- cessere tum primum uisum, mox (quod etiam in munici- pijs æmulantur) Caius Antonius ludos scena argentea fe- cit. Idem Lucius Muræna. Ite paulo inferius, Claudij suc- cessor Nero Pompeij Theatrum operuit auro in unum diem, quo Tiridati Armeniæ regi ostenderet. Et quotæ pars ea apparatus fuit aureæ domus ambientis urbem? Id e Plinius lib. x x i x. de medicis loquenis, Multos præ- tereo medicos, celeberrimosq; ex ijs Cassios, Carpetanos, Aruncios

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET the world, and the wealth of things was a loss, after the Senator had begun to be a censused judge, and by census to be made a judge, no magistracy and no command is adorned more than by the census, after orphanhood began to be in the highest authority and power, solicitation in the most fertile gain, and the only joys in possession: the prices of life went to ruin, and all the liberal arts, so called from the highest good, fell into the opposite, and it was begun to be advanced by slavery alone, yet with the same hope of getting to where desire goes, with everyone striving in their wish. For thus I think it should be read, from the observation of the ancient text, although in the copies that circulate the last clause is read otherwise. But Pliny said that one was made a judge by census because even the Equites were called judges, on account of the equestrian decuriae that were from the equestrian order. The same in book xxxiii. Coffered ceilings, which now also in private houses are covered with gold, after Carthage was destroyed were first gilded in the Capitol, during the censorship of L. Mummius; from there they passed into vaults, and even into walls, which now also are themselves gilded like vessels, since his age would have judged differently about Catulus, because he first gilded the bronze tiles of the Capitol. The same a little above: And we have done things that posterity will consider fabulous. Caesar, who later became Dictator, was the first, in his aedileship, at the funeral games of his father, to use a complete apparatus of silver in the arena, and then it was first seen that wild beasts advanced amid silver vessels; soon after, as is even imitated in the municipia, Gaius Antonius held games with a silver stage set. The same, Lucius Muraena. Go a little lower: Nero, successor of Claudius, covered Pompey’s Theatre with gold for one day, in order to show it to Tiridates, king of Armenia. And what part of that was the apparatus of the golden house surrounding the city? The same Pliny in book xxix, speaking of physicians: I pass over many physicians, and among them the most celebrated, Cassii, Carpetani, Arunci

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 195 Aruncios, Albutios, Rubrios C C L. sestertia annua mer= cede ijs fuere apud principes. Quintus uerò Sertinius im putauit principibus, quòd sestertijs quingenis annus con tentus esset. sex cena enim sibi quæstu urbis numeratis do= mibus ostendebat. Ducenta & quinquaginta sestertia, id < Stipendium medicorum Romæ.> est sex millia ducentos quinquaginta aureos annua merce de celebres multos medicos Romæ à principibus habuisse dicit: Sertiniu[m] uerò etia[m] summam altero tanto maiore[m], hoc est duodena millia quingentenos, cum priuato quæstu & urbico denaquina millia cogere posset. Quapropter hoc etia[m] imputabat principibus, quòd centu[m] sestertia quæstus eoru[m] gratia conteneret. Sequitur apud Pliniu[m], Par & fra tri eius merces à Claudio Cæsare infusa est: censusq[ue]; quam quam exhaustis opibus Neapoli exornata ita auctus, ut hæredi sestertia c c c. relinqueret, quadrigena Aruncius solus. Sic locu[m] legit Hermolaus Barbarus, quibusdam uerbis contra fide exemplariu[m] additis: quod diuinare est, non emendare. Ego ex uetustæ lectionis obseruatione sic < Plin. locus.> legendum censeo, Censusq[ue]; quamquam exhausti operibus Neapoli exornata, hæredi sestertium treceties reliquere, quantu[m] Athena, id est Aruncius solus. Vt intelligamus Arunciu[m] cognomento Athenam dictum. Sensus est autem non qualis ab Hermolao ponitur, ut trecenta duo fratres reliquerint hæredi, quod Plinius pro re prædicada posuit, sed treceties, quæ centuplicato maior est pecunia, hoc est septingeta quinquaginta millia. In quo insignis fuit & concors nostra auorumq[ue]; memoria omnium hallucinatio, ut antea dictu[m] est: qui nescio quo fato uelut iure quodam sic errore recepto, omnes uniuersiq[ue]; pedibus iceru[m] in eius sente[m] tiam, quæ primu[m] horu[m] uerboru[m] intelligetia sefellit. Quaqua[m] partim eoru[m] rem egregiè Latinam multis in partibus gesserint < Omnes recen- tiores in haru[m] rerum ignoratia concordes fuerunt.>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 195 Aruncii, Albutii, Rubrii, 250,000 sesterces a year in salary were theirs among the princes. But Quintus Sertinius blamed the princes because he was content with an annual income of 500 sesterces. For six dinners, indeed, he showed the houses of the city paid for by his earnings. 250,000 sesterces, < Stipendium medicorum Romæ.> that is, 6,250 aurei a year in salary: he says that many distinguished doctors in Rome were had from the princes; but Sertinius also had a sum twice as large, that is, 25,000 denarii, although with his private earnings and those from the city he could gather 100,000 denarii. For this reason he also blamed the princes, because he retained 100,000 sesterces for the sake of their earnings. Next, in Pliny: the pay of him and his brother was lavished by Claudius Caesar; and their census, although their resources had been exhausted by embellishing Naples, was increased so that he left to the heir 300,000 sesterces, Aruncius alone having 40,000. Thus Hermolaus Barbarus read the passage, adding some words against the authority of the manuscripts: which is to guess, not to emend. I, from observing the ancient reading, think it should be read thus: < Plin. locus.> and their census, although their resources had been exhausted by embellishing Naples, left to the heir 300 times 100,000 sesterces, as much as Athena, that is, Aruncius alone. So that we may understand that Aruncius was called by the surname Athena. The sense, however, is not as Hermolaus gives it, namely that the two brothers left 300 to the heir, which Pliny stated to make the thing remarkable; but rather 300 times 100,000, a sum one hundred times greater, that is, 750,000. In this there was a notable and shared hallucination in the memory of us all and of our ancestors, as has been said before: by some fate or by a certain right, as it were, all, together and individually, ran headlong into that opinion, which first deceived the understanding of these words. Although some of them handled the matter in a notably Latin way in many respects, < Omnes recentiores in harum rerum ignorantia concordes fuerunt.>

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET serint, partim Græcorum penetralia atque etiam ad ytæ reserarint, ut acriore ui animi atque ingenij quàm ego, sic maiore operæ pretio. Quo nomine simul eorum memo riam & colo & ueneror, simul eorum monumentis pro= pemodum acceptum sero quicquid literaru[m] studio doctri= næ (quantula in me est cunque) assecutus sum. id quod eo magis ex animi sentetia dico, quòd nullius docti uiri quic quam eo nomine uoci debeo, quod quidem à prælegente acceperim, ut Phemius ille Homericus, qui sese autodida= cton uocat; alioquin & doctorum obseruantissimus, & omnia eorum causa cupiens. Sed sic fuit fatum meum, ut mihi tantum & libris operam satis multam, præceptori= bus longè rariorem quàm tonsoribus dederim. Cuius sor= tis etsi magnopere me poenitet, interdum etiam suppudet, quod tamen celare plerosq[ue] non possum, palam omnibus fateri non erubesco, utique cum ea re commemoranda ar= gumentum mihi ueniæ præstruere uidear. Iuuat igitur do ctissimorum hominum luculentam culpam in rebus arduis meminisse, non quòd uendibilius inuentum meu[m] ea re fieri sperem, sed quò mihi, iure etia[m] optimo, ueniam erratorum haud dubiam spondeam, præsertim si nec inauspicato co= natu nec irrito in communem studiosorum causam incu= buisse inueniar. Sequitur eodem loco Plinij, Tum Cri= nas Massiliensis arte geminata, ut cautior religiosiorq[ue]; ad sideru[m] motus ex ephemeride mathematica cibos da[n]do, horasq[ue] obseruado, autoritate cum præcessit, nuperq[ue] se= stertia c[uius] reliquit, muris patriæ, mœnibus quoq[ue] alijs pe= nè non minori summa extructis. Lego sestertium centies, non sine uetustæ lectionis adstipulatu: alioquin quo'nam modo centum sestertia sufficere mœnibus Massiliæ pos= sent? aut cur Plinius magnam hanc summam esse diceret? Sequitur < Dolet Budæo quòd nullum prælectore[m] aut præceptor[e] na ctus sit, > < Plinij locus, >

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET they have in part opened up the inner sanctuaries of the Greeks and even to this day unlocked them, with greater force of mind and talent than I possess, yet with far greater labor. For which reason, while I both remember and revere their memory, I at the same time make over to their monuments almost whatever I have achieved in the study of letters and learning (whatever little there is in me). And this I say the more from the heart, because I owe nothing to any learned man in that respect, namely for anything that I have received from a reader, as that Homeric Phemius, who calls himself self-taught; otherwise, however, most respectful of the learned, and wishing everything for their sake. But so it was my fate that I have devoted as much time to books as to myself, and to teachers far less often than to barbers. Although I greatly regret this lot, and at times am even ashamed of it, which nevertheless I cannot hide from many, I am not ashamed to confess it openly to all, especially since by mentioning this matter I seem to prepare an argument for pardon for myself. Therefore it is a pleasure to remember the clear fault of most learned men in difficult matters, not because I hope that my invention will become more marketable by that means, but so that I may, with very good right too, promise myself no doubtful pardon for my errors, especially if I am found to have applied myself to the common cause of students neither under an unlucky beginning nor in vain. There follows in the same place in Pliny: Then Cri- nas of Massilia, with doubled skill, so as to be more cautious and devout; giving food and observing the hours according to the motions of the stars from a mathematical ephemeris, he rose to authority, and recently left twenty million sesterces, with walls for his native city, and other works of fortification too, built at almost no less a sum. I read “a hundred million sesterces,” not without the corroboration of old reading; otherwise in what way could a hundred sesterces suffice for the walls of Massilia? Or why would Pliny say that this was a great sum? There follows < Budaeus complains that he has found no reader or teacher, > < the passage of Pliny, >

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Sequitur ex eodem cap. Per quæ effectum est, ut nihil ma= gis prodesse uideretur, quàm multitudo grassantium. neq[ue] enim pudoris æmuli pretia summittunt. notum est ab eo= dem Charmide unum ægrum ex provincialibus sestertijs ducentis conductum, Archontio uulnerum medico sester tijs centum condemnato ademisse Claudium principem, eidemq[ue] in Gallia exulanti & deinde restituto acquisitum non nunus intra paucos annos. Lego, Neque enim pudor, sed æmuli pretia summittunt, & Archontio uulnerum me= dico sestertium centies Claudium ademisse, bonis eius con fiscatis. Sententia enim Plinij hæc est, quanquam medici Romæ multa nefariè admitterent artis suæ licetia, potius tamen esse coepisse ut plures essent, quàm pauci: quia olim cum pauci essent, pretia immodica aut stipulabantur ab ægris, aut quouis modo exprimebant. nullo enim pudore deterrebantur ut immensis mercedibus abstineret: sed mu tua (ut fit) æmulatione, minoris operas suas addicere tunc coeperunt, cum multi extitere medici. Cùm autem uellet Plinius impudentiam flagitantiu[m] docere, Charmidis facinus tanquam exemplum improbitatis medicæ commemorauit, < Medicorum improbitas,> qui ægru[m] unum provincialem sanandum quinq[ue] (ut ita dicam) millibus coronatorum conduxit. Vt autem doceret quàm quæstuosa tunc medicina esset, uulnerariu[m] Archontium dixit ducentis quinquaginta millibus aureorum confiscatione amissis, intra paucos annos totidem in exilio quæsiuisse. Huius dicti firmamentum erit id quod ab eode[m] autore libro x x v 1. dicitur, ubi de lichenibus loquitur. Siquidem, inquit, certum est Manilium Cornutu[m] ex prætorijs, legatum Aquitanicæ prouinciæ, sester. ducentis elo casse in eo morbo curandum sese. Sic enim legi debet ille locus, etiamsi aliter in chartaceis libris legatur. Præter n 3 loca

Transcription: Translated (English)

It follows from the same chapter. By this it came about that nothing seemed to be more beneficial than the multitude of those practicing the profession. For rivals of shame do not lower their prices. It is known from the same Charmides that he took one sick man from the provincials for two hundred sesterces, and that Archontius, a wound-doctor, being condemned for one hundred sesterces, took from Claudius the emperor, and that the same man, while exiled in Gaul and afterwards restored, acquired not a little within a few years. I read: “For not shame, but rivals lower their prices,” and that Archontius the wound-doctor took from Claudius one hundred times a hundred thousand sesterces, after his goods had been confiscated. For Pliny’s meaning is this: although at Rome physicians committed many heinous acts through the license of their art, yet it had begun to be the case that there should rather be many than few; because formerly, when there were only a few, they either exacted excessive fees from the sick or squeezed them out by any means whatsoever. For they were restrained by no sense of shame from refraining from immense payments; but by mutual rivalry, as happens, they then began to let out their services for less, when many physicians had appeared. But since Pliny wished to teach the shamelessness of those who made demands, he mentioned Charmides’ deed as an example of medical wickedness, <the wickedness of physicians,> who took one sick provincial for treatment at five thousand, so to speak, crowns. And in order to show how profitable medicine then was, he said that the wound-doctor Archontius, after losing two hundred and fifty thousand gold pieces by confiscation, had within a few years earned as much again in exile. The support for this statement will be what is said by the same author in book xxv.1, where he speaks about lichens. “For,” he says, “it is certain that Manilius Cornutus, of praetorian rank, legate of the province of Aquitania, paid out two hundred sesterces in that illness for his treatment.” Thus that passage ought to be read, even if it is read otherwise in the paper copies. Besides, n 3 places

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET loca supradicta etiam alium eodem cap. in transitu emendabimus. ubi enim legitur, Itaque hercule in hac artium so la euenit, ut cuicunque medicum se profitenti, statim credatur, cum sit periculum in nullo mendacio maius. Non tamen illud intuemur. adeò blanda est spirandi per se cui- < Quæ dicenda restat, fide maiora uidebuntur.> que dulcedo. Lego, sperandi pro se, non spirandi per se. Hæc quæ de medicorum mercede ex hoc I linij loco dicta sunt à me, fide fortasse maiora nonnullis uidebūtur, utpote ab hodierno non modò censu, sed etiam sensu abhorrentia. < Mos mathematicorum in demonstratio- alibus.> Itaque cum hæc scribere coepissem, in mentem mihi ue nit eam me rationem in his commetarijs sequi esse necesse, quam geometra & mathematici in demonstrandis speculamentis suis instituerunt. Quomodo enim illi ex primis probat ordine sequentia, & simul atque theorema quoddam compererunt, illi statim ut confecto adnectunt assuuntq; aliud, & illi rursus aliud atque aliud serie perpetua, cum sequentia consistere sine antgressis nequeant. Nam absq; hoc foret, res ipsi in communem sensum haud incurrentes, rudibus adhuc animis approbare demonstrare que non possent, minutisq; eos assensionibus usque adeo obstringere, ut cum prægressa pro compertis habere se fateantur, subeuntia quoq; inficiari nequeant, cum hæc ex illis necessariò confiant. Vt igitur Mathematicis necesse est primum quodq; deinceps theorema ita ei quicum disputant, approbare, ut omnem fatendi tergiuersationem, atq; etiam dubitationem eximant: sic nos præcedentia (ut arbitror) ucluti propositiones quasdam planè demonstratas tenemus, ex quibus hæc quæ nunc agimus, ratione non solum probabili, sed etiam propemodum necessaria adstruere possumus. Verumenimuero quando in lectorum animis quamlibet persuasis (de meo enim coniecturam facio)

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET the places mentioned above we shall also amend another passage in the same chapter as we go along. For where it reads, “So it happens, by Hercules, in this art alone, that whoever professes himself a physician is at once believed, although there is no greater danger in any lie.” Yet we do not consider that. So pleasing in itself is the sweetness of hoping for life. <What remains to be said will seem more trustworthy.> I read, “hoping for life,” not “breathing in itself.” These things which I have said from this passage of Hylas concerning physicians’ fees may perhaps seem to some more trustworthy than is fitting, as they are at odds not only with present practice but also with common feeling. <The custom of mathematicians in demonstrations.> And so, when I began to write these things, it occurred to me that it was necessary for me to follow in these commentaries the method which geometers and mathematicians have established in demonstrating their speculations. For just as they prove the consequences in order from the first principles, and as soon as they have discovered some theorem, they immediately append and attach another to it, and then another and another in an unbroken sequence, since the later things cannot stand without the earlier ones, so too, without this method, they could not, by demonstrations and tiny acts of assent, bind those still rough in mind with things that do not at first enter common understanding, so as to such a degree constrain them that, when they admit the earlier points as established, they cannot deny the subsequent ones, since these necessarily follow from them. Therefore, just as it is necessary for mathematicians to prove each theorem in sequence to whomever they are disputing with, so as to remove every evasion in admitting, and even every doubt: so we, I think, hold the preceding matters as though they were certain propositions already fully demonstrated, from which we can establish what we are now dealing with not only by probable reasoning, but almost by necessity. But when in the minds of readers already persuaded in any degree—for I infer this from my own judgment)

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 199 facio) identidem (ut ita loquar) rebellaturam hæsitationem uideo: non committam, ut hactenus contestatis acquiescens, non omnino compos propositi euadam. Spe enim decidisse uidebor, si re in iudicium hominum deducta, non protinus secundum nos ab omnibus pronuntietur. Equidem ut Castor & Pollux iudiciorum præsides obstare mi hi omni ope numine que contendant, plures tamen ego tribus ingeniorum feram. Proinde libens facio, ut re quamquam probata, rursus autoribus amplissimis denunciem testimonium, atque interim argumentis ualidissimis causam meam ita affirmem, ut omnem ambigentibus animis dubitationem abstergeam. Interea exempla ad id quod agebamus citabutur. Tacitus lib. x 1 1 1. de Nerone nondum deterrimo principe loquens, Sed nobili familiæ honor auctus est, oblatis in singulos annos quingenis sestertijs, quibus Messala paupertatem innoxiam sustentaret. Aureo quoque Cottæ & Atherio Antonino annuam pecuniam statuit princeps, quamquam per luxum habitas opes dissipassent. De eodem Tranquillus, Nobilissimo, inquit, cuiq[ue], sed à re familiari destituto, annua salaria & quibusdam quingena constituit. Et de Vespasiano, Expleuit censum Senatorium, Consulares inopes quingenis sestertijs annuis sustentauit. Si ergo Senatores quidâ Romani iam Consulares facti duodecim millia & quingentos aureos annuo stipendio à principibus habuerunt, cur incredibile sit id quod de medicis dictum est? Artes autem hoc tempore penè dixerim damnosas, olim non modò Romæ, sed etiam in Asia quæstuosas uel locupletatrices potius fuisse autoritatibus docebo. Iamprimum idem Tranquillus de Vespasiano principe auaritia infami, etsi cætera penè optimo: Ingenia, inquit, & artes uel n 4 maximè <Adnotanda Senatoribus salaria constituta,> <Artes olim in pretio habebâ tur, quæ nunc euiluerunt.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART IB. HIS BOOK II. 199 I see a hesitation, as it were, repeatedly becoming rebellious (if I may so speak); I shall not allow that, by resting so far on what has already been attested, I should become altogether out of keeping with my purpose. For I shall seem to have fallen short of my hope, if, once the matter has been brought before the judgment of men, it is not immediately declared by all to be in our favor. Indeed, though Castor and Pollux, the guardians of courts, may strive with all their might and power to oppose me, I shall nevertheless endure the judgment of more tribes than of minds. Therefore I gladly do this: although the matter has been proven, I again appeal to very eminent authorities for testimony, and meanwhile I so strengthen my cause with the strongest arguments that I may sweep away every doubt from wavering minds. In the meantime, examples will be cited for what we were discussing. Tacitus, book x 1 1 1, speaking of Nero, not yet the worst of princes: “But honor was increased for a noble family, by the grant of five hundred sesterces each year, with which Messala supported his blameless poverty.” The emperor also assigned an annual sum of money to the golden Cotta and Atherius Antoninus, although they had squandered their fortunes through luxury. Suetonius says of the same man: “To the most distinguished, though lacking resources in his household, he assigned annual salaries; and to some, five hundred sesterces.” And of Vespasian: “He filled up the Senatorial census; he supported impoverished ex-consuls with an annual allowance of five hundred sesterces.” If, then, certain Roman Senators, when already made ex-consuls, received from princes twelve thousand and five hundred gold pieces as an annual stipend, why should what has been said about physicians seem incredible? Moreover, I would almost say that the arts in this age are harmful; I shall show from authorities that once they were profitable, or rather enriching, not only in Rome but also in Asia. First of all, the same Suetonius, speaking of the emperor Vespasian, infamous for greed, though otherwise almost excellent: “Talents and arts, above all...” <Adnotanda Senatoribus salaria constituta,> <Artes olim in pretio habebatur, quæ nunc euiluerunt.>

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET maximè fouit. Primus è fisco Latinis Græcisq[ue] rhetoribus < Poëtarum & Rhetorum annua salaria.> annua centena constituit: præstantes poëtas necnon artifices coëmit. Annua centena non minus duobus millibus & quingêtis aureis fueru[n]t. quæ si nunc in breuiario principis anniuersario legerentur, non dico uni nomini expensa, sed in uniuersum literatorum genus: prodigij instar esse crederetur, portentiq[ue]; prima quaq[ue] occasione procurandi, ab ijs quidem magnis uiris qui ærarium nostrum libero penè arbitrio expensant. Ex quo intelligere licet < Quintiliani opes.> unde Fabius Quintilianus saltus illos coêmerit qui à Satyrico celebrantur. Primus enim Romæ ex Hispania ue[n]niens stipendium è fisco accepisse dicitur ab Eusebio sub Domitiano: quod tamen non esse ueru[m], ex dicto loco Tranquilli deprehenditur. Huius ætatis aliud est iudicium, præsertim in Gallia, suo sibi suffragio à ludo poëtico oratorioq[ue]; explosa, ut antea dictum est. Viginti talentis unam oratione[m] Isocrates uendidit, ut autor est Plinius in sexto, id est aureorum nostrorum duodecim millibus. Idem libro X X X I I I. Hominu[m] primus & auream statuam & solidam Gorgias Leontinus Delphis in templo sibi posuit, < Literaru[m] pretia.> septuagesima circiter Olympiade. Tantus erat docendæ oratoriæ artis quæstus. O tempora, O mores, Isocrates Athenis, id est in urbe eruditissima, orationem unam tanti uendere olim potuit, quanti nunc Gallia prouinciarum lo eupletissima, eadem & doctorum hominum egentissima, nec Latias nec Græcas Athenas æstimandas esse putat. Et nos mirabimur ab omnibus nobis uerba dari quibuscu[m] ne gotiu[m] habemus, cu[m] nec literas ipsi sciamus, nec imperio eas < Thucydides ab exilio reuocatus ob historiam quâ condidit.> obtinendo tuendoq[ue]; cõferre quicquam aut conducere pute mus? Thucydidem imperatorem Athenienses (inquit ide[m] Plinius) in exiliu[m] egere: reru[m] conditorem reuocauere: eloquentiam

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASSES AND was greatly taken with it. First from the treasury he assigned to Latin and Greek rhetoricians < Annual salaries for poets and rhetoricians.> annual stipends of a hundred each; he bought outstanding poets as well as craftsmen. Annual stipends of a hundred were not less than two thousand and five hundred gold pieces. Which if now in the prince’s breviary on the annual account were read aloud, I do not say as an expense to one man alone, but in general for the whole race of men of letters, it would be believed to be a prodigy, and something to be checked at the first opportunity, by those great men indeed who spend our treasury with almost unfettered discretion. From this it may be understood < Quintilian’s wealth.> from where Fabius Quintilianus bought those estates which are celebrated by the Satirist. For he is said to have been the first in Rome, coming from Spain, to have received a salary from the treasury under Domitian, according to Eusebius; but that this is not true is shown by the passage of Suetonius cited above. In this age the judgment is different, especially in Gaul, after their own approval has displaced the poetic and oratorical school, as was said before. Isocrates sold one oration for twenty talents, as Pliny says in the sixth book, that is, twelve thousand of our gold pieces. The same author, in book XXXIII, says that Gorgias of Leontini was the first of men to set up in the temple at Delphi a golden and solid statue of himself, < The prices of literature.> around the seventieth Olympiad. Such was the profit of teaching the art of oratory. O times, O morals: Isocrates at Athens, that is, in the most learned city, once could sell a single oration for as much as now Gaul, the richest of the provinces, and also the most lacking in learned men, thinks that neither the Latin nor the Greek Athenians are to be esteemed. And shall we marvel that words are put into our mouths by all with whom we have to do, when we ourselves know no letters, and think that they confer nothing useful either for obtaining or for preserving power? Thucydides, says the same Pliny, the Athenians drove into exile as a general; they recalled him as the author of his history: eloquence

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 201 quentiam mirati, cuius uirtutem damnauerant. Thucydides ab exilio publico decreto reuocatus est, ut historia[m] scriberet, quæ nunc extat. Nunc uerò Quis dabit historico quantum daret acta legenti? ut inquit ille Satyrographus. Vnde fit ut res à maioribus nostris gestas tam commemorare possimus, quàm terra editi homines auos citare suos. Quanquam non magno= pere fortasse refert nostri temporis res gestas obliuione transmitti, qui nihil aut pauca literis celebranda gessimus: certè multa potius silentio mandanda sunt. Quo minus nurum est summos rerum nostraru[m] arbitros nullo in numero beneficiarioru[m] habere instituisse literatos homines, ut qui res gestas prodere æternæ memoriæ gaudeat. Alexander Magnus inter spolia Darij Persaru[m] regis unguentoru[m] scrinio capto, quod erat auro gemmisq[ue]; ac mar garitis preciosum, uarios eius usus amicis demonstrantibus, quando tædebat unguenti bellatoru[m] et militia sordidum, < Alexander Homeri Pindarius cultor.> Imò Hercule, inquit, librorum Homeri custodiæ detur. ut preciosissimum humani animi opus quàm maximè diuiti opere seruaretur. Idem Pindari uatis familiæ penatibusq[ue]; iussit parci cum Thebas caperet. Aristotelis philosophi patriam condidit, tantæq[ue]; rerum claritati tam benignum testimonium miscuit. Autor idem Plin. Diu addu bitaui an id quod sequitur, adderem. Veritus sum enim ne temporu[m] nostrorum iniquitas fidem historiæ derogaret, in cachinnosq[ue]; tandem res memorabiles abirent. Ad extremum tam[m]e literarum amor, et ueri admiratio peruicit ut adscriberem. Apud Athenæum lib. I X. Dipnosophistaru[m] Laurentius uir Romanus unus eoru[m] ita inquit, de Tetrace aue loques, ἀνοιζων ἐν τὴν παρὰ ἐθελειστελθι μὴν μὴν ἐθελειτο ἐν ποῦν ἐν τὴν ὑπολυτοκλάντω παραματεῖα (δυπανόσια γερελημανια)

Transcription: Translated (English)

...admiring the insolence of those whose virtue they had condemned. Thucydides was recalled from exile by public decree, that he might write the history which now exists. And now, “Who will give to the historian as much as is given to the reader of the acts?” as that satirical writer says. Whence it comes that we can recount the deeds performed by our forefathers just as easily as men born upon the earth can cite their ancestors. Although perhaps it matters little whether the deeds of our own times pass into oblivion, we who have done either nothing or only a few things worthy to be celebrated in letters; certainly many things should rather be consigned to silence. For this reason it is no wonder that the highest arbiters of our affairs have resolved to have learned men in no number among the recipients of their favors, as those who rejoice to hand down accomplished deeds to eternal memory. Alexander the Great, among the spoils of Darius, king of the Persians, having taken a casket of ointments, which was precious with gold, gems, and pearls, while his friends, pointing out its various uses, as the warrior was wearied by perfume and military life was sordid, < Alexander, admirer of Homer and Pindar.> “Nay, by Hercules,” he said, “let it be given for the safekeeping of Homer’s books,” so that the most precious work of the human mind might be preserved in the most costly vessel. The same man commanded that the household gods and family of the poet Pindar be spared when he captured Thebes. He founded the city of the philosopher Aristotle’s fatherland, and with such renown of achievement he blended so gracious a testimony. The same author, Pliny. For a long time I hesitated whether I should add what follows. I feared, indeed, lest the injustice of our times should detract from the credibility of the history, and at last memorable things should pass into laughter. In the end, however, the love of letters and admiration for truth prevailed, so that I should set it down. In Athenæus, book IX of the Deipnosophists, Laurentius, a Roman man, one of them, speaks thus, of Tetrace, ἀνοιζων ἐν τὴν παρὰ ἐθελειστελθι μὴν μὴν ἐθελειτο ἐν ποῦν ἐν τὴν ὑπολυτοκλάντω παραματεῖα (δυπανόσια γερελημανια)

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET φιναι τάλαντα παρ ἀλεξάνδρα τῶν σαγδρίπλω λόγος ἐχει μὲ πλῶ πορὶ τῶν ὑων ἰσορίαν) ἔδὲν εὐφον πορὶ αὐτή λειμωνον. Ego aute[m] existimās uirum doctissimu[m] Aristotelem digna[m] hanc auem putasse, de qua mentione[m] faceret, cum tractatu[m] illum eius tot taletis æstimatum adijssem (nam Stagiritem ipsum octingenta talenta ab Alexandro accepisse fama est ob historiam animalium) nihil quicquam in eo de ea aue inueni. His Athenæi uerbis eologium habemus summi regis Alexandri ad doctrinæ literarum indicaturam, qui unum tractatum Aristotelis præceptoris sui quadringentis & octoginta millibus aureoru[m] nostri temporis æstimauit ac redemit. De hoc loquens Plin. lib. octauo, ita inquit, Ari= stotelem in his magna secuturus in parte, præfandu[m] reor: Alexandro Magno rege inflammato cupidine animalium naturas noscendi, delegataq[ue]; commentatione Aristoteli summo in omni scientia uiro, aliquot millia hominum in totius Asiæ Græciæq[ue]; tractu parere iussa, omnium quos uenatus, aucupia, piscatusq[ue]; alebant, quibusq[ue]; uiuaria, ar= menta, aluearia in cura erant, nequid usquam genitum ignoraretur ab eo: quos percunctando, quinquaginta fer= me uolumina illa præclara de animalibus cōdidit. Si quin quaginta uolumina rectè legitur apud Plin. non omnia ad nos peruenerunt. nostræ tamen ætati gratulandu[m], quòd libri de anima, eorum præstantissimi, non interciderunt. Nam innumera propemodum uolumina eum scripsisse ex Laërtio nouimus. Quàm male autem cum promis con dis ærarij nostri ageretur, si eius regis æmulos principes haberemus? quàm longè autem abigerentur ab aula sori= ces illi Prætoriani diuisorum asseclæ, qui nobis sericati ob oculos incurrunt arroso argento principali tumidi? O mirificam officinam, quæ quamuis sordidos homines, sesqui

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND To say that there were talents from Alexander of the Sagdri? there is discussion, with a fuller account concerning the histories of the swine; there was nothing excellent about it, concerning that meadow. I, however, think that the most learned man Aristotle judged this bird worthy, of which he would make mention, when I had come upon that treatise of his valued at so many talents; for it is said that the Stagirite himself received eight hundred talents from Alexander on account of his History of Animals, yet I found nothing whatever about that bird in it. In these words of Athenaeus we have a eulogy of the great king Alexander, a proof of devotion to learning, who valued and redeemed a single treatise of his teacher Aristotle at four hundred and eighty thousand aurei of our time. Speaking of this, Pliny, book eight, says thus: “Since I am about to follow Aristotle in a large part of these matters, I think I should first state that Alexander the Great, the king inflamed with a desire to know the natures of animals, and having entrusted the work to Aristotle, the foremost man in all learning, ordered several thousand men throughout the whole expanse of Asia and Greece to obey him, so that nothing born anywhere might remain unknown to him, from those who maintained hunts, bird-catching, and fishing, and who had charge of preserves, herds, and hives; and by questioning them he composed those famous nearly fifty volumes on animals.” If fifty volumes are correctly read in Pliny, not all of them have come down to us. Yet we must congratulate our age that the books on the soul, the most excellent of them, have not perished. For from Laertius we know that he wrote almost countless volumes. But how badly would the treasury of our own resources fare if we had kings as his rivals? And how far would those Praetorian mice, followers of the divided spoils, be driven from the court, those who now strike our eyes in silk, swollen with the royal silver they have gnawed through? O marvelous workshop, which even though men are filthy, half-

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 203 sesquimense politos ad unguem nobis reddat. O' inania, ô ingrata, ô pudenda deniq; literarum studia, quibus ad= uersis fatis nequicqua[m] intabescimus: quos isti non sapien= tiæ amore captos, sed mēte potius putant. Verum ut quod instat agamus, idem Plin. lib. v 11. Medicinæ scientiam, inquit, in Theombroto Ptolemæus rex Megalensibus sa= cris donauit centu[m] talentis, seruato Antiocho rege. Et lib. x x i x. Erasistratus Chrysippi discipulus, Aristotelis < Præmia medi corum memorabilia.> filia genitus, Antiocho rege sanato, centu[m] talentis dona= tus est à rege Ptolemæo filio eius, ut incipiamus & præmia artis ostendere. Erasistratum & Theombrotum uel eundem fuisse intelligimus, uel Plinium non eundem auto rem utrobi que secutum. Centum talenta, sex aginta millia aureorum ualuisse post paulò docebimus. Idem libro se= ptimo, Aristidis Thebani pictoris unam tabulam centum talentis rex Attalus licitatus est, octoginta emit duas Cæ= sar Dictator, Medeam & Aiacem Timomachi, in templo Veneris genitricis dicaturus. Candaules rex Bularchi pi= ctura Magnetum exitij, haud mediocris, pari rependit auro. In antiquis legitur, medio crispanti. quare sic legen dum censeo, mediocris spatij rependit auro. Nam repen dere pari auro nunquam à Plinio dictum est. & alioqui Plinius mediocris magnitudine tabulæ, precij magnitudi= nem significare uoluit. Rependere auro plena est locutio. <Cicero de Oratore, Cui pro Gracchi capite aurum erat repensum. quod Plinius ipse libro x x x i i. imitatus est, his uerbis, Hæc paulatim exarsit rabie quadam, non iam auaritia, sed fames auri: utpote cum Septimuleius, C. Gracchi familiaris, auro repensum caput eius excisum ad Opinium tulerit. id est, πρὸς χυσὸν αυλιαθμισομύνη οἰκόν καράλω, uel πρὸς χυσὸν ἰοραστον. Quanta autem autorit> < Rependere auro.> < Cap. 3.>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 203 may it restore to us the polished, even-to-a-hair’s-breadth finished. O empty, O ungrateful, O finally shameful studies of letters, by which we waste away to no purpose under adverse fate: these men think us not captivated by love of wisdom, but rather by madness. But to do what lies before us, Pliny says likewise, in book v, chapter 11: “King Ptolemy, in the Theombrotean sacrificial rites, bestowed the science of medicine on Megalensian matters, with Antiochus the king preserved, for a hundred talents.” And in book xxix: “Erasistratus, disciple of Chrysippus, born of the daughter of Aristotle, after King Antiochus had been healed, was rewarded with a hundred talents by King Ptolemy, his son,” so that we may begin to show the rewards of the art. We understand that Erasistratus and Theombrotus were either the same man, or that Pliny in both places followed not the same author. We shall show a little later that a hundred talents were worth sixty thousand gold pieces. The same author, in book seven, says that King Attalus bid a hundred talents for one tablet by the Theban painter Aristides, and that Caesar the Dictator purchased two for eighty, Medea and Ajax, by Timomachus, intending to dedicate them in the temple of Venus Genetrix. King Candaules repaid the painting of Bularchus, the destruction of the Magnetes, a work of no small size, with an equal weight of gold. In the ancient manuscripts it is read, “with the middle curling.” Therefore I think it should be read thus: “he repaid the medium-sized work with gold.” For “to repay with equal gold” is never a phrase used by Pliny. And otherwise Pliny meant by the medium size of the panel the greatness of the price. “To repay with gold” is a fully established expression. <Cicero, On the Orator: “For Gracchus’s head, gold was repaid.” This same phrase Pliny himself imitated in book xxxii with these words: “This gradually flared up with a kind of frenzy, now no longer greed, but hunger for gold: namely, when Septimuleius, a friend of C. Gracchus, brought the head cut off and repaid with gold to Opimius.” That is, πρὸς χρυσὸν αὖθις μισθωμένη οἰκον καράλω, or πρὸς χρυσὸν ἰοραστον. But how great the authorit> < To repay with gold.> < Ch. 3.>

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET < Artium autoritas. Cap. 10. > autoritas artibus olim fuerit, etiam ex eo conijcere possu mus, quod idem lib. x x x v. inquit de Pamphilo pictore loquens, Docuit neminem munoris talento annis decem: quam mercedem Apelles & Melanthius ei dedere: & hu ius autoritate effectum est Sicyone primum, deinde & in tota Græcia, ut pueri ingenui ante omnia graphicen, hoc est, picturam, in buxo docerentur: recipereturq[ue] ars ea in primum gradu[m] liberaliu[m]. In uetustis tamen penè omnibus legitur, ut pueri ingenui omnia antigraphicen. licet hoc Hermolaus ex uetustis restituisse se dicat. Quare suspicor sic Pliniu[m] scriptu[m] reliquisse: Ingenui omnia ante graphi= cen: quasi hæc fastigiu[m] doctrinæ puerili imponeret. quod tamen admonendi animo dictum à me existimari uelim, non enim facile mutandam esse structuram ueterem cen= seo. Nonnihil hanc opinionem meam intendit id quod se quitur, Semper quide[m] honos ei fuit, ut ingenui eam exer= cerent, mox ut honesti, perpetuo interdicto ne seruitia docerentur. Cæterum quod hic dicitur neminem docuisse, minoris talento annis decé, non consentaneum mihi uisum est, ut cum tanta precia tabularum legeremus apud Pli= nium, idem tamen docendi precium tam paruum poneret, atq[ue] ita poneret, ut admirari nos uellet. Quare cum exem plaria antiqua adirem, reperi non annis, sed annuis legen= dum, nec decem, sed x L. ut sit, Docuit neminem minoris talentis annuis quadraginta. quanquam in antiquissimo scriptum erat quingenta, in pagella quidem, sed in mar= gine quadraginta. Vt minimum autem annuis decem le= gendum, hoc est, aureorum sex millibus. quod longissimè abest ab eo sensu qui ex impressis percipitur, absurdissi= mo illo quidem, cum etiam pluris hodie pictores insti= tuantur. Atqui ne decoxisse doctrinam eam Apelli pute= mus

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET < The authority of the arts. Chap. 10. > That authority once existed among the arts may be inferred also from this, that the same author, in book xxxv, speaking of the painter Pamphilus, says: “He taught no one for a fee of a talent for ten years,” which reward Apelles and Melanthius gave him; and by his authority it came about first at Sicyon and then throughout all Greece that freeborn boys were taught, before anything else, graphicē, that is, painting on boxwood, and that this art was received into the first rank of the liberal arts. Yet in almost all old copies it is read, “that freeborn boys [were taught] everything before antigraphice.” Hermolaus says that he restored this from ancient manuscripts. For this reason I suspect that Pliny had written thus: “The freeborn [learned] everything before graphice,” as though he were setting this at the summit of a boy’s education. However, I would wish this to be understood as said only to give warning; for I do not think that the old structure ought easily to be altered. This opinion of mine is somewhat strengthened by what follows: “Indeed, it was always held honorable for freeborn boys to practice it, later for honest men, with a perpetual prohibition that slaves should not be taught.” But in what is said here, that he taught no one for a fee of a talent for ten years, this did not seem consistent to me; for when we read in Pliny of such great prices of paintings, nevertheless he would assign so small a fee for teaching, and would assign it in such a way as to make us wonder. Therefore, when I consulted the ancient exemplars, I found that it should be read not annis, but annuis, and not decem, but x L; so that the sense is: “He taught no one for less than forty talents annually.” Although in the oldest copy it was written “five hundred,” in the page itself, but “forty” in the margin. But at the least it must be read as “ten annually,” that is, six thousand gold pieces. This is very far from the meaning perceived from the printed text, which is indeed most absurd, since even today painters are instructed at greater expense. And lest we think that this art had failed in Apelles

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 205 Lib. 35. ca. 10. mus, qui tanti picturam didicit: idem autor de eo loquens aliquanto pòst ita inquit, Pinxit & Alexandrum Ma= gnum fulmen tenentem in templo Ephesiæ Dianæ uigin= ti talentis auri. digiti eminere uidentur, & fulmen extra tabulam esse. Immane tabulæ precium accepit aureos mensura, non numero. Vel ut ex uetustissimo lego, tabulæ precium in nummo accepit aureo, mensura, non numero. Viginti auri talenta, ut minimum centum ac uiginti millia aureorum coronatorum ualent. quod tamen exquisitius postea uiderimus. Strabo libro x i i i. de Co insula lo= quens, & urbe eius cognomini, In suburbano est Aescu= lapij templum ualde nobile, simulachris multis refertum: in queis est Apellis Antigonus. Fuit etiam pridem Venus è mari emergens, quæ nunc diuo Iulio Cæsari dicata est Romæ, quam Augustus honori patris consecrauit, ut ge= neris autorem. Fama est Cois pro tabula centum talenta ex imperato tributo remissa esse, ἰασὶ ἐπιδοῦς ἀυτὶ ἡ παρις ἐκατον ταλάντων ἀρεσην ἀνταδὴ τὸ προσαχέντος φορα. Interpres eo in loco lapsus, anadyomenen, id est emergen tem Venerem, nudam transtulit, quasi apodyomenen. Est enim ἀνάδυσις emersus, cui opponitur ἀντάδυσις, quan= quam & aliud significat. Homerus, Plinius lib. supradicto, Venerê exeuntem è mari diuus Au gustus dicauit in delubro patris Cæsaris, quæ Anadyo= mone uocatur, uersibus Græcis tali opere dum laudatur uicto, sed illustrato. huius enim inferiorè parte qui refice= ret, nô poterat inueniri. Ego tame ex uetustis melius pos= se legi puto, Versibus Græcis tali opere dum laudatur ui= cto: sed per tot lustra huius inferiorè parte corruptam qui reficeret, nô potuit inueniri. Per lustra aute Cêsores olim sarta Anadyomene Apellis.

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PART II. BOOK II. 205 Book 35, ch. 10. He who learned painting at such a cost: the same author, speaking of him a little later, says thus, “He painted Alexander the Great holding a thunderbolt in the temple of Diana at Ephesus for twenty talents of gold. The fingers seem to stand out, and the thunderbolt to be outside the panel. He received an immense price for the panel in gold, by weight, not by number. Or, as I read in a very old text, he received the price of the panel in gold coin, by weight, not by number.” Twenty talents of gold are worth, at the least, one hundred and twenty thousand gold crowns; though this shall be examined more exactly later. Strabo, in book XIII, speaking of the island of Cos and its city of the same name, says, “In the suburb is a very famous temple of Aesculapius, filled with many statues; among them is Antigonus by Apelles. There was also formerly a Venus rising from the sea, which is now dedicated at Rome to the divine Julius Caesar, and Augustus consecrated it in honor of his father, as the founder of the family. It is said that the people of Cos were remitted one hundred talents from the imperial tax in return for the painting.” The interpreter in that place slipped, translating anadyomenen, that is, “Venus rising from the sea,” as though it meant apodyomenen. For ἀνάδυσις is “emergence,” to which ἀντάδυσις is opposed, though it also has another meaning. Homer, Pliny, in the aforesaid book, says that the Venus emerging from the sea was dedicated by the divine Augustus in the shrine of his father Caesar; it is called the Anadyomene, “praised in Greek verses while defeated by such a work, but made illustrious.” For no one could be found who could restore the lower part of this work. Yet I think it can be read better from the old texts: “Praised in Greek verses while defeated by such a work; but through so many lustrums no one could be found who could restore the damaged lower part.” For by lustrums the Caesars of old used to repair Anadyomene of Apelles.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sarta tecta ædium sacrarum tuenda locare solitos esse no= tum est. Romanoru[m] igitur res nummaria ita propemodu[m] <c>ostituta fuit. Græci drachmis, minis, & talentis usi sunt. Talentum multiplex fuit autore Festo. Atticum autem sex nullium denariorum fuisse dicit. (inquit Suidas) . Ta= lentum, inquit, nunarum est sexaginta, muna autem drach= marum centum. Hoc etiam legimus in uersibus illis qui a= pud Priscianum leguntur, & Faunini esse dictitantur: Cecropium superest post hæc docuisse talentum, Sexaginta minas seu uis sex milia drachmas, Quod summum doctis perhibetur pondus Athenis. Priscianus de ponderibus, Scrupulus, inquit, sex siliquæ. drachma, scrupuli tres. uncia, drachmæ octo. scrupuli x x i i i i. uncia x i i. libra. Libra, uel mina Attica, drachmæ l x x v. Libra uel mina Graia, drachmæ x c v i. talentu[m] Atheniense paru[m], minæ sexaginta. magnu[m], minæ l x x x i i i. & unciæ quatuor. Ad hoc probandu[m] citat Liuium, sed quonia[m] uerba Liuij apud Priscianum corru= pta leguntur, ab autore ipso repetenda sunt, qui lib. i i i i. de bel. Maced. de Tito Quintio loquens Græciæ libera= tore, Ingens, inquit, numerus erat bello Punico captoru[m], quos Annibal, cum à suis no[n] redimeretur, uenumdederat. Multitudinis coru[m] argumentu[m] est quod Polybius scribit, centum talentis eam rem Achæis stetisse, cum quingentos denarios precium in capita, quod redderetur dominis sta= tuissent. Mille enim ducentos Achaia ea regione habuit. Hactenus Liuius. Ex cuius uerbis intelligimus in centum talentis millies ac ducenties quingentos denarios esse, hoc est, sexceties mille. quod perinde est ac si dicas centies sex millia denariorum. Ita planum fit in quolibet talento sex millia

Transcription: Translated (English)

It is known that the skins and roofs of sacred buildings used to be entrusted for preservation to contractors. So the Roman monetary system was organized in roughly this way. The Greeks used drachmas, minas, and talents. The talent, according to Festus, was of many kinds. The Attic talent, however, he says, was six thousand denarii. (So says Suidas.) A talent, he says, is sixty minas, and a mina is one hundred drachmas. We also read this in those verses that are read in Priscian, and which are said to be by Faunus: There remains to explain the Cecropian talent, Sixty minas, or six thousand drachmas, Which is said to be the highest weight among the learned at Athens. Priscian, on weights: a scruple, he says, is six siliquae; a drachma, three scruples; an ounce, eight drachmas; twenty-four scruples; twelve ounces, a pound. A pound, or Attic mina, is seventy-five drachmas. A Greek pound, or mina, is one hundred and six drachmas. An Athenian talent, small, is sixty minas; large, eighty-three minas and four ounces. To prove this he cites Livy, but since the words of Livy as quoted by Priscian are found corrupted, they must be sought from the author himself, who in book 4 of the Macedonian War, speaking of Titus Quinctius, the liberator of Greece, says: “There was a vast number of captives in the Punic War, whom Hannibal had sold, when they were not being redeemed by their own people. The proof of their number is that Polybius writes that this matter cost the Achaeans one hundred talents, since they had fixed the ransom at five hundred denarii per head, to be paid back to the owners. For that region of Achaia had one thousand two hundred men. So far Livy.” From these words we understand that in one hundred talents there are one million two hundred and fifty thousand denarii, that is, six hundred thousand. Which is the same as saying one hundred and six thousand denarii. Thus it becomes clear that in each talent there are six thousand...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 207 millia denariorum fuisse, cum centesima pars eius summæ sint sex millia. Rem per se odiosam, quàm potui facilimè explicui, sicq; ubiq; facturum me co[m]paraui: ne qui hunc librum in manus sumpserint, idetidem necesse habeant eo tantisper deposito palimpsestum sumere. sic appellant ta= < Palimpsestos.> bellam deletilem quæ calculatores utuntur, quanquam Cicero pro charta utitur deletitia. Addit hoc Priscia. Denarios eo tempore nummos argenteos fuisse siliquaru[m] pondere uicenarum quaternarum: id quod Liuius in eo libro ostendit de triumpho eiusdem Quintij loquès, his uerbis, Signati argenti octoginta quatuor nullia fuere Atticoru[m], tetrarchiam uocant. trium ferè denariorum in singulis argenti est pondus. Quo in loco Liuij non tetrarchiam, sed tetradrachma lego:non ex Prisciano, apud quem inanis areola pro hoc uerbo relicta est, sed ex Cicerone, & Polluce libro nono de uocabulis rerum ad Commodum Cæsarem: < Didrachmum.> qui autor didrachmum, tridrachmum & tetradrachmum nomismata olim fuisse tradit, eumq; nummum ab Atheniensibus bouem appellatu[m] esse ab eius pecudis nota, < Tetradrachmum.> indeq; ficta ab Homero arma hecatombæa et enneabæa. Id etiam ex Prisciano satis intelligi potest, qui nummos illos Atticos fuisse scribit duarum & septuaginta siliquarum. Idem Liuius (inquit ille) ostendit libro x x x v i I. < Arma Hecato> ab Vrbe cond. magnum talentum Atticum octoginta habere libras & paulò plus, cum supradictorum computatio manifestet octogintatres libras & quatuor uncias habere talentum, quod est denariorum sex millium. Liuij uerba hæc citat, Talentum ne minus pondo L x x x. Romanis ponderibus pendat, uel sic decreuit Senatus, ut non plus quàm ternæ libræ & quaternæ unciæ singulis talentis desint. Hactenus Priscianus. Cuius co[m]putationem sic

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 207 that it was 100,000 denarii, since one hundredth part of that sum is 6,000. A matter in itself troublesome, I explained as easily as I could, and so arranged that I shall do it everywhere: so that those who take this book in hand may not have to set it down for a little while and take up a palimpsest instead. That is what they call a palimpsest, a very clean erasure used by calculators, although Cicero uses charta deletitia for it. Priscian adds this. He says that denarii at that time were silver coins of twenty-four siliquae in weight: which Livy shows in that book when speaking of the triumph of the same Quintius, in these words: “Wrought silver, 84,000 Attic units there were.” They call this a tetrarchia. In each, the weight of silver is nearly three denarii. In this place I read in Livy not tetrarchiam , but tetradrachma : not from Priscian, in whose text an empty little space has been left for this word, but from Cicero and from Pollux, book nine, on the names of things, addressed to Commodus Caesar: Didrachmum. That author states that didrachmum , tridrachmum , and tetradrachmum were once coins, and that this coin was called by the Athenians bous from the mark of that animal, Tetradrachmum. And hence Homer’s arma hecatombaea and enneabaea were formed. This may also be sufficiently understood from Priscian, who writes that those Attic coins were of seventy-two siliquae. The same Livy, he says, shows in book xxxvii. Arma Hecato from the founding of the City, that the great Attic talent has eighty pounds and a little more, whereas the calculation of the foregoing shows that the talent has eighty-three pounds and four ounces, which is 6,000 denarii. He quotes these words of Livy: “Let the talent not weigh less than 80 pounds”; or so the Senate decreed, that there should be lacking from each talent no more than three pounds and four ounces. Thus far Priscian. Whose calculation

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sic accipio (nihil enim aliud addidit) cum unumquodque talentum sex millia denariorum penderet, octo quoque millia drachmarum pendisse ratione prædicta. Hæc octo millia si in centenarios partiaris, octoginta utiq[ue] li= bras centenarias habebis. Atqui cum libra antiqua quam Liuius secutus est, drachmarum fuerit sex & nonaginta, supererunt quater octoginta drachmæ, id est, trecen= tæ & uiginti: ex quibus ratione dicta tres libræ conficiuntur, & insuper tertia pars libræ, id est, duæ et triginta drachmæ. Ita in talenta singula ternæ libræ cum trien= te tribuuntur ultra octoginta libras. Sciendum autem, in= quit ille, quòd secundum Liuij computationem centum minæ Atticæ, quarum singulæ L X X V. drachmas habent, faciunt talentum magnum. minus autem talentum sex aginta minæ secundum Dardanum faciunt. Maius autem & minus fuisse docet Terentius in Phormione, cum inquit, Si quis daret talentum magnum. Italica autem mina drachmas habet (ut suprà dictum est) nonaginta sex, quæ libra est X I I. unciarum, hoc est, denarij L X X I I. Quæ computatione L X X I I I. libræ Romanæ, & quatuor unciæ, quod magnum talentum esse diximus, centu minas Atticas faciunt. Seneca in decimo Epistol. ad Nouatum, X X I I I I. sestertia, inquit, id est, talentu Atticu paruu. X X I I I I. enim sestertia, sex aginta libras habet. Hactenus apud Priscia. legitur. Quo dicto Priscianus ipse sibi cōtrarius est. Hac enim ratioe talentu magnu septe millia & quingentas tantum drachmas habuisse probatur, quod Liuij supradicta ratione octo nullia habebat. Quippe cu[m] singula tetradrachma, id est, quaternarum drachmarum nummos, ternis denarijs æstimauerit, sena quoque millia denariorum octonis nullibus drachmarum æstimauit. At hoc

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET thus I understand it (for he added nothing else), since each talent weighed six thousand denarii, it also weighed eight thousand drachmas by the aforesaid reckoning. These eight thousand, if you divide them into hundredweights, will certainly give you eighty hundredweight pounds. But since the ancient pound, which Livius followed, was of ninety-six drachmas, there will remain eighty-four drachmas, that is, three hundred and twenty: from which, by the said reckoning, three pounds are made, and besides one third of a pound, that is, thirty-two drachmas. Thus for each talent there are assigned three pounds with a third, beyond eighty pounds. But it must be known, says he, that according to Livy's computation one hundred Attic minae, each of which has seventy-five drachmas, make a great talent. A smaller talent, however, consists of sixty minae according to Dardanus. But that there was both a greater and a smaller is shown by Terence in the Phormio, when he says, If anyone were to give a great talent. The Italian mina, however, has drachmas (ninety-six, as was said above), which is a pound of twelve ounces, that is, seventy-two denarii. By this calculation, seventy-two Roman pounds, and four ounces, which we said was the great talent, make one hundred Attic minae. Seneca in the tenth Epistle to Novatus says, twenty-four sestertia, that is, a small Attic talent. For twenty-four sestertia has sixty pounds. Thus far in Priscian it is read. By this statement Priscian himself is contradicting himself. For by this reasoning the great talent is proved to have had only seven thousand and five hundred drachmas, whereas by the above-mentioned reckoning of Livy it had eight thousand. For since he valued each tetrachma, that is, coins of four drachmas, at three denarii, he also valued six thousand denarii at eight thousand drachmas. But this

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 209 hoc quàm sit cōsentaneum cum postremo dicto, uideamus. In promptu est enim unicuique uidere, cum centum libræ centenariæ decem millia drachmaru[m] ualeant, si inde quar= tam partem eximamus, ut libræ iam sint septuagintaquin que drachmarum, non plus quàm septem millia & quin= gentas drachmas talentum ualiturum, quod tamen Liuiana computatione octo millia ualuit. Iam uerò octoginta= tres libras per numerum drachmarum, id est nonagies se= xies multiplicemus, fient in summa septem millia nongen= tæ sexaginta octo drachmæ. his si trientem supradictum, id est duas & triginta drachmas addiderimus, quæ ex qua ternis illis exuberantibus uncijs fiunt, numerum omnino octo millium habebimus. Quare manifesta est hallucina= tio in calculo supradicto: quem Prisciani esse ideo non credo, quòd in tribus libris antiquis, quos uidi, tractatus ille nonuisitur, uno etiam antiquissimo. Centum igitur minæ Atticæ talentum magnum ut fecerint, non id talen= tum erit cuius Liuius loco supradicto meminit: sed Eu= <Euboicum ta- lentum.> boicum fortasse, de quo idem Liuius libro eodem sic in= quit, de pace loquens cum Antiocho facta, Europa absti= nete, Asiaq[ue] omni quæ cis Taurum montem est, decedite. Pro impensis deinde in bellum factis, x v. millia ta= lentum Euboicum dabitis: quingenta præsentia: duo mil= lia & quingenta cum Senatus populusq[ue] Romanus pa= cem comprobauerit: mille deinde talenta per duodecim annos. Quid sit autem Euboicum talentum, docet Festus his uerbis, Euboicum talentum nummo Græco septem millium & quingentorum cistophorum est: nostro, qua= tuor millium denariorum. Cistophororum autem crebra <Cistophori.> est mentio apud Liuium, ut libro eodem in triumpho L. Scipionis, Tulit in triumpho argenti pondo c x x x= <Liuij locus.> O VII.

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PART OF ITS BOOK II. 209 let us see how consonant this is with the final statement. For it is plain for anyone to see that, when one hundred hundred-weight pounds are worth ten thousand drachmas, if we subtract one fourth part from this, so that the pounds are now seventy-five drachmas, the talent will be worth no more than seven thousand and five hundred drachmas, whereas by Livy’s computation it was worth eight thousand. Now then, let us multiply eighty-three pounds by the number of drachmas, that is, by ninety-six, and in sum there will be seven thousand nine hundred and sixty-eight drachmas. If to these we add the aforesaid third, that is, thirty-two drachmas, which are made up from the four superfluous ounces, we shall have the total number of eight thousand. Therefore the error in the above calculation is manifest: and I do not believe it was Priscian’s, because in the three ancient books I have seen, that treatise is not found, even in one of the oldest. If then one hundred Attic minas make a great talent, it will not be the talent mentioned by Livy in the place cited above, but the Euboic talent. Perhaps the Euboic talent, of which the same Livy, in the same book, says as follows, speaking of the peace made with Antiochus: “Keep off from Europe, and withdraw from all Asia which lies this side Mount Taurus. For the expenses made afterward in the war, you will give 15,000 Euboic talents: 500 at once; 2,500 when the Senate and Roman people shall have approved the peace; and then 1,000 talents for twelve years.” What the Euboic talent is, however, is explained by Festus in these words: “The Euboic talent, in Greek money, is worth 7,500 cistophori; in our money, 4,000 denarii.” There is frequent mention, moreover, of cistophori in Livy, as in the same book, in the triumph of L. Scipio: “He carried in his triumph silver weighing 130,000 [sic].” O VII.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET V I I. millia. Et paulò superius de nauali triumpho L. Aemilij, Pecunia translata nequaquam tanta pro specie regij triumphi. Tetracina Attica C C X X X I I I. millia. Cistophori C C C X X X I I. millia. In superiore exemplo non tetracinum & cistophori lego, sed tetradrachmum & cistophorum genitiuo casu. In hoc autem tetradrachma & cistophori: & ubique apud Liuium sic emendandum censeo. Tetracinum enim quid sit, nemo, ut arbitror, nouit. Nec tamen dictum Festi conuenit cum ratione Liuiana, quæ talentum sex millium denarium facit. Nisi etiam corruptum numerum apud Festum aliquis suspicari malit. quanquam alioquin Festus ipse sibi non constat, qui alibi talentum Atticum sex millium denarium facit, Rhodium cistophorum quatuor millium: alia etiam genera ponens nihil ad rem pertinentia. Quare potius adducor, ut talentum apud Liuium sit octogenarium, & proportionem epitriton habeat, id est sesquitertiam, uel ut alij loquuntur, tertiariam, ad talentum Atticum minus, quod sexagenarium est. Sic enim ratio quadrabit, ut quâ proportionem denarius ad drachmam habuisse dicitur, eandem Liuianum talentum ad uulgare, id est ad Atticum habeat. Libras nunc cætenarias intelligi uolo. Nam quod apud Priscianum legitur, ut talentum minus sexagenariu[m] sit, & libræ eius septuagintaquinque drachmarum, nullo autore confirmari potest. Cum enim Suidas, Pollux, Festus, Græci & Latini talentum Atticum sex millium drachmarum esse dicant, & sexaginta minarum, necesse est ut L X. minas non Atticas, sed Græcas intelligamus, & centenarias, quæ Atticas octoginta faciunt. Talenti magni meminit Plautus in Mostellaria his uerbis, Si hercle nunc ferat sex talenta magna argenti pro istis præsentaria, nunquam Talentum magnum.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BY THE ASSES AND VII thousand. And a little above, concerning the naval triumph of L. Aemilius, the money transferred by no means so great, considering the appearance of a royal triumph. Attic tetracina CCCXXXIII thousand. Cistophori CCCXXII thousand. In the former example I read not tetracinum and cistophori, but tetradrachmum and cistophorum in the genitive case. In this passage however tetradrachma and cistophori: and everywhere in Livy I judge it should be corrected thus. For what tetracinum is, no one, as I think, knows. Nor indeed does Festus’ statement agree with the reasoning of Livy, which makes the talent equal to six thousand denarii. Unless someone prefers to suspect that even the number in Festus is corrupt. Although otherwise Festus himself is inconsistent with himself, since elsewhere he makes the Attic talent six thousand denarii, the Rhodian cistophorus four thousand: also setting down other kinds that have nothing to do with the matter. Wherefore I am rather led to the view that the talent in Livy is an eighty-pound one, and has an epitrite proportion, that is, a sesquitertian, or, as others say, a third-and-a-half proportion, to the lesser Attic talent, which is a sixty-pound one. For thus the ratio will fit, so that in the same proportion in which the denarius is said to stand to the drachma, the Livian talent will stand to the ordinary one, that is to the Attic. By pounds I now wish to understand centenaries. For what is read in Priscian, that the lesser talent is sixty-pound, and its pounds are of seventy-five drachmas, can be confirmed by no authority. For since Suidas, Pollux, Festus, and the Greeks and Latins say that the Attic talent is six thousand drachmas and sixty minae, it is necessary that by the sixty minae we understand not Attic but Greek ones, and hundred-pound ones, which make eighty Attic minae. Plautus mentions the great talent in the Mostellaria in these words: If truly now he should bring six great talents of silver for those ready monies, never a great talent.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 211 quam accipiet. Locus autem ille Liuij qui apud Priscianu[m] citatur, non lib. x x x v i i. legitur, sed x x x v i i i. his uerbis, Argenti prohi x i i. millia Attica talenta data intra x i i. annos pensionibus æquis. Talentum ne minus pondo L x x x. Romanis ponderibus pendeat. Vbi tame[n] ordinem uerborum peruersum esse credo. Non enim La= tinè x i i. nullia tale[n]ta, sed talentum dicitur, quomodo & alibi & in loco suprà dicto locutus est Liuius. Quare hic Liuium scripsisse puto, argenti prohi Attica talenta xii. millia, uel Atticum talentum. Quod si de talento dicere ulterius pergam, exitum res non inueniet: usqueadeo de ta lento diuersa produntur & uaria ab autoribus. Suidas & Hesychius talentum apud quosdam centu[m] & uigintiquin que librarum fuisse tradunt, apud nonnullos genus fuisse nomismatis. Non omittendum id quod Pollux inquit, ta= lentum Atticum apud Athenienses Atticas drachmas ca= pere numero sex millia: apud alios eundem numerum, sed suarum cuiusq; loci drachmarum. Id quod eò pertinere potest, quod de talento Liuiano dictum est, siue Eubocu[m] siue aliud fuerit, ut quomodo Athenis & alibi talentu[m] sex millia drachmarum habuit uernacularum cuiusque loci, sic Romæ sex millia denariorum habuerit, quæ tamen æ= quauerint pondere octo millia drachmarum. Vitruuius li= bro x. de testudine Agetoris Byzantij loquens, Erigeba= tur autem machina in altitudinem ad disijciendum muru[m] circiter pedes centu[m]. Item à latere dextra ac sinistra pro= currendo perstringebat non minus pedes centum. Guber= nabant eam homines centum, habentem pondus talentum quatuor millium, quod fit quadringenta octoginta millia pondo. His uerbis, si emendatè leguntur, autor est Vitru= uius talentu[m] centum & uiginti pondo Romana co[n]tinere: o 2 quod Talentu[m] secundum Vitruuiu[m].

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 211 which it will receive. But that passage of Livy, which is cited by Priscian, is not read in book xxxvii., but in xxxviii., in these words: “Argenti prohi xii. Attica talenta data intra xii. annos pensionibus aequis.” Let a talent not weigh less than Lxxx Roman pounds. Yet here I believe the order of the words is inverted. For it is not in Latin “xii. nullia talenta,” but “talentum” is said, as Livy has spoken both elsewhere and in the passage mentioned above. Therefore I think that here Livy wrote, “argenti prohi Attica talenta xii. millia,” or “Atticum talentum.” But if I go on further to speak of the talent, the matter will find no end: so various and different are the statements about the talent made by authors. Suidas and Hesychius relate that with some the talent was one hundred and twenty-five pounds, and with others that it was a kind of coin. It should not be omitted what Pollux says: that the Attic talent among the Athenians contained six thousand Attic drachmas; among others, the same number, but of the drachmas proper to each place. This may be relevant to what has been said about the Livian talent, whether it was Euboic or some other, namely that just as at Athens and elsewhere the talent had six thousand drachmas in the local currency of each place, so at Rome it had six thousand denarii, which, however, were equal by weight to eight thousand drachmas. Vitruvius, in book x, speaking of the machine of Agetor of Byzantium, says: “The machine was raised to a height of about one hundred feet for the demolition of the wall. Likewise, extending from the right side and the left, it projected not less than one hundred feet. One hundred men controlled it, it having a weight of four thousand talents, which makes four hundred and eighty thousand pounds.” If these words are read correctly, Vitruvius is the authority that a talent contains one hundred and twenty Roman pounds. o 2 quod Talentum according to Vitruvius.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quod genus proximè accedit ad illud talentum quod Suidas & Hesychius posuerunt. In alijs libris quadringenta non aginta millia legitur. Qua ratione talétum centum & uiginti pondo & semissis fuit. quod ipsum ego non argenti talétum fuisse, sed negociatoriu & mercimoniale puto, quod duplicem fortasse ad talentum argēti proportionem habebat, ut hodiè libra argentaria & aurificum subdupla est zygostaticæ. Et sic singuli homines quina paulò minus millia pondo Romana mouebant machinali libramen to, nostra circiter tria millia & sexcenta. usqueadeo diuersa autores de talento scripserunt. Nihilo tamen secius constituere omnino habeo quid sit talentum, quantumq[ue]; sit ad Romanum nummum relatum: siquidem ad ulteriora progredi ordine instituto contendo. Obseruaui igitur Romanos non antè talenti uocabulo uti coepisse, quàm imperij fines ad eas usq[ue]; gentes prorogauerunt, quæ hoc uocabulo signati argenti utebantur. Tunc autem eos uerisimile est eodem genere talenti uti solitos, quo genere utebantur ij quibuscum commercia aut belli aut pacis habuerunt, nisi siquando certis uerbis cocepta foedera aliud genus induxerunt, ut in Antiochi foedere iam dicto factum est, quo cautum est de talenti quantitate. Ferè autem talentorum uocabulo usi sunt in rebus Græciæ & Asiæ. Quare cum Græci et Asiatici populi sena millia drachma rum & sexagenas minas talento tribuant, ego in colligen dis summis hanc rationem ut potissimam sequar. Malo enim extenuasse res uideri, quàm in maius auxisse. At qui nemo talentum apud scriptores rerum in Græcia aut Asia à Romanis gestarum, minus fuisse libris sexaginta contenderit, ut arbitror. Denarij autem & drachmæ promiscuam appellationem habebos, autoritate fretus Plutarchi &

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE AS OR TALENT and this kind comes nearest to that talent which Suidas and Hesychius have set down. In other books it is read as four hundred and ninety thousand. By which reckoning the talent was one hundred and twenty Roman pounds and a half. Which, I think, was not a talent of silver, but one of commerce and trade, which perhaps had a double proportion to the silver talent, just as today the silver pound and the goldsmiths’ pound are half the zygostatic one. And so individual men moved nearly five thousand Roman pounds by a mechanical weighing instrument; our own, about three thousand and six hundred. So variously have the authors written about the talent. Nevertheless I must by no means determine what the talent is, and how much it amounts to in relation to the Roman coin, since I am striving to proceed further in the order established. I have therefore observed that the Romans did not begin to use the word talent until they had extended the borders of their empire to those peoples who used silver marked with this term. Then indeed it is likely that they were accustomed to use the same kind of talent as that used by those with whom they had dealings, whether in war or peace, unless at some time treaties concluded in express words introduced another kind, as happened in the treaty with Antiochus already mentioned, where provision was made concerning the quantity of the talent. But they were generally accustomed to use the word talent in matters of Greece and Asia. Wherefore, since the Greek and Asiatic peoples assign six thousand drachmas and sixty minas to a talent, I shall follow this reckoning above all others in gathering totals. For I prefer to seem to have understated things rather than exaggerated them. Yet no one, I think, would contend that the talent, among writers on affairs in Greece or Asia conducted by the Romans, was less than sixty pounds. But for denarii and drachmas there will be a mixed usage of the term, relying on the authority of Plutarch and

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 213 & Plinij, & scribentium concordia. Nec me deterrebit locus ille Liuianus, in quo pro trium fortasse quatuor le= gendum est: quanquam & inter antiquum denarium & drachmam Atheniensem potuit aliqua esse differentia. quod tamen non probo. Habeo enim antiquissimum in ho norem Romuli & Remi percussum, quibus infantibus lu= pa sub ficu ubera præbet. Literæ exesæ uetustatem præ= ferunt. Pondus idem quod reliquis qui drachmales sunt. ab altera parte X litera denarium significare uidetur, sed potuit tetradrachmus nummus malignè percussus es= se in difficultate reipublicæ Atheniensium, ut aliquando Romæ factum esse docebimus: ita ut quatuor drachma= rum nummis non multo plus tridrachmo ualeret, id est de narijs tribus. παλαντων (inquit Suidas) μνῶν ἰσίν ἐν δὲ μυα δοξαχυων ἐν δὲ δοξαχυν ὑδονων ἐν ἐν. Talentum (in= quit ille) nunarum est sexaginta, nina autem drachmarum centum, drachma obolorum sex. Sed de minutis postea ui= derimus, ne quid addubitatum relinquatur. < Aestimatio talenti xere nostro.> Nunc talen= tum æstimabimus sexcentis coronatis nostris, hoc est sexa= gies Denis. Denos enim aureos in libras constituimus. Hæc ratione centum talenta centies sexcentos aureos ualent, hoc est sexaginta millia: quod promptum est colligere in di gitos tantum calculum deducenti. Centies enim quingen= ti, quinquaginta nullia efficiunt: & centies centum, decem millia. Eadem ratione decem talenta, sex millia coronato= rum ualent: & uiginti, duodecim: triginta, decem & octo: quadraginta, quatuor & uiginti: quinquaginta autem, triginta: & nulle, sexcenta nullia. Quod semel dicendum duxi, ne lectores posthac æstimandis summus hæreant. Ita fit ut quod Græci quinquaginta talenta argenti dicunt, Romani duodecies sestertium dicant, quæ summa census est

Transcription: Translated (English)

& by the agreement of Pliny and other writers. Nor will that passage of Livy deter me, in which for three perhaps four should be read; although between the old denarius and the Athenian drachma there could have been some difference. which, however, I do not approve. For I have a very ancient one struck in honor of Romulus and Remus, to whom, as infants, the she-wolf offers her teats beneath the fig tree. The letters worn away show its antiquity. It has the same weight as the others that are drachmae. On the other side the letter X seems to signify a denarius, but the coin could have been a tetradrachm badly struck in the distress of the Athenian state, as we shall show was sometimes done at Rome: so that a coin of four drachmas was worth not much more than a tridrachm, that is, three denarii. παλαντων (says Suidas) μνῶν ἰσίν ἐν δὲ μυα δοξαχυων ἐν δὲ δοξαχυν ὑδονων ἐν ἐν. A talent, he says, is sixty minas, a mina one hundred drachmas, a drachma six obols. But we shall look into the smaller denominations later, lest anything remain doubtful. < Estimation of a talent in our money.> Now we shall estimate a talent at six hundred of our crowns, that is, sixty tens. For we reckon ten gold pieces to the pound. By this calculation, one hundred talents are worth one hundred times six hundred gold pieces, that is, sixty thousand: which is easy to gather for anyone reducing the calculation to fingers. For one hundred times five hundred make fifty thousand; and one hundred times one hundred, ten thousand. By the same reckoning, ten talents are worth six thousand crowns; twenty, twelve thousand; thirty, eighteen thousand; forty, twenty-four thousand; fifty, thirty thousand; and zero, six hundred thousand. I thought I should say this once, so that readers may not afterward be left hanging over the estimating of sums. Thus it comes about that what the Greeks call fifty talents of silver, the Romans call twelve times a sesterce, which sum is the census.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET est Senatorij: quod ita postea probabimus, ut nemo in po- sterum ambigat. Veniamus ad historicorum loca. Plutarchus in Cæsare, Circa Pharmacusam insulam à piratis cæ pitur, qui per idem tempus nauibus magnis & immensis classibus mare occupauerant, à quibus cum pro eo redimendo uiginti poscerentur talenta, derisit, quòd qualem cepissent uirum, ignorarent: proinde quinquaginta se daturum pollicitus est. Tranquillus in eodem Cæsare, Numeratis deinde quinquaginta talètis, expositus in littore, non distulit quin è uestigio classe deducta persequeretur abeuntes. Quinquaginta talenta, triginta nullibus coronatorum æstimo. Idem Plutarchus, Cæsar ex Prætura prouinciam sortitus Hispaniam, cum proficiscenti creditores mæ gnis clamoribus impedimento essent, co[n]súgit ad Crassum, qui Romanorum ditissimus, aduersus Pompeij in Republica potentiam, acri Cæsaris ingenio ac seruore simul egebat. Crasso igitur contra inexorabiles maximè ac importunos creditores octingentorum & triginta talentorum sponsione interueniente, Cæsar in prouinciam abijt. Hoc perinde est ac si dicam, quadringenta & nonagintaocto nullia aureorum quæ Cæsar debebat, Crassum fide sua esse iussisse: de quo idem Tranquillus: Ex Prætura ulteriorem sortitus Hispaniâ, retinentes creditores interuentu sponsorum remouit. Appianus in secundo bellorum Ciuilium: Cæsar deinde in Iberiam delectus Prætor, cum magna facultatum partem ob ambitum ære alieno deuinxisset, huiusmodi uerbis usus esse dicitur, Bis nullies & quingenties centena millia sibi adesse oportere, ut nihil haberet. Quæ summa ære nostro maior est bis & sexagies centenis millibus Aes alienum aureorum. Huius dici fides ab exemplari Græco petenda mihi uisa est: quod mihi uidere longo interuallo con tigit

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET is Senatorial: which we shall afterward prove so clearly that no one hereafter will doubt it. Let us come to the passages from the historians. Plutarch, in Caesar: “Near the island of Pharmacusa he was captured by pirates, who at that same time, with great ships and immense fleets, were controlling the sea; and when they demanded twenty talents for his ransom, he laughed at them because they did not know what sort of man they had captured. Therefore he promised that he would give fifty.” Suetonius, in the same Caesar: “Then, after fifty talents had been paid, and he had been landed on the shore, he did not delay, but at once, once a fleet had been got ready, he pursued those who were departing.” I reckon fifty talents to be thirty nullities of crowned coins. The same Plutarch: “Caesar, having obtained by lot the province of Spain from the praetorship, when his creditors were hindering his departure with loud outcries, had recourse to Crassus, who, being the richest of the Romans and opposing Pompey’s power in the Republic, was at the same time in need of Caesar’s keen and active talent. So Crassus, by intervening on behalf of Caesar against the most inexorable and troublesome creditors, with a guarantee of eight hundred and thirty talents, Caesar went off to his province.” This is as if I were to say that Crassus, by his security, guaranteed the four hundred and ninety-eight nullities of gold coins which Caesar owed. On this matter the same Suetonius says: “Having obtained farther Spain by lot from the praetorship, he removed the creditors who were holding him back by the intervention of sureties.” Appian, in the second book of the Civil Wars: “Caesar then, chosen praetor for Iberia, when he had bound a large part of his fortune with debt because of electioneering, is said to have used words of this kind: that two million and five hundred thousand sesterces ought to be at his disposal, so that he might have nothing.” Which sum is greater in our money by two and sixty times a hundred thousand aurei of debt. The truth of this statement seems to me to be to be sought from the Greek exemplar; and this, after a long interval, happened to me to see.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. tigit beneficio Lazari Baysij utraque lingua doctissimi, ut scripta eius testantur: qui legatione Venetijs functus est, unde illud uolumen profectum. In eo autem sic locus hic legitur, [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] 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[n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. tigit beneficio Lazari Baysij utraque lingua doctissimi, ut scripta eius testantur: qui legatione Venetijs functus est, unde illud uolumen profectum. In eo autem sic locus hic legitur, [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Plutarchus in Crasso, Apud Romanos omnes constat uirtutes quas plurimas Crassus habuit, unius auaritiæ sordibus obscuratas fuisse: cuius uitijs clarissimum testimonium præbet magnitudo diuitiaru[m], quas breui admodum tempore sibi comparauit. Nam cum trecenta solum talenta ex paterna hæreditate accepisset: priusquam aduersus Parthos exercitum duceret, septem millium & centum talentorum summam coëgisse traditur, cum etiam decimam facultatum suarum partem Herculi consecrasset, & publicum epulum dedisset populo, ac tres minas in singula ciuium capita contulisset. < Crassi diuitiæ male partæ.> Harum diuitiarum maximâ partem (si uerum proferre licet) ex ciuilibus bellis atque incendijs comparauit, calamitatibus publicis ad priuatas utilitates abutens. Et paulò post enumeratis prædijs quæ in Vrbe & ruri sectionibus quæsiuerat, Seruos præterea, inquit, circiter quingentos enit fabrilis artis & architecturæ peritos: nec ijs tantum ad propriæ domus extractionem usus est, sed ciuibus ædificare uolentibus eorum operas mercede locabat, ac simul areæ spatium cuicunq[ue] pro arbitrio suo ad ædificandum uendebat. Cumq[ue] signati argenti maximam copiam, & agros mirificè cultos, in ijsq[ue] cultorum ingente numerum possideret, minimi tamen hæc omnia facienda uidebantur præ maxima turba seruorum quos uarijs artibus instructos habebat, lectores, scribas, pictores, argentarios, procuratores, mensarios, quos ipsemet summa diligetia curare, discentibus assistere, plerosq[ue] etiam docere consueuerat. < Seruorum cura maxima habenda.> Aiebat enim præcipuam domini curam circa seruos esse oportere, cum sint rei familiaris tanquam animata instrumenta. Septem millia & centum talenta, bis & quadrigies cætera nullia aureorum nostrorum ualèt, & sexaginta præterea. Quam summam si Cras

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ESTATE, ETC. Plutarch, in Crassus, says that among the Romans it is generally agreed that all the virtues which Crassus possessed were obscured by the stain of a single vice, avarice: the clearest proof of which vice is afforded by the magnitude of the wealth which he acquired in a very short time. For although he had received only three hundred talents from his paternal inheritance, before he led an army against the Parthians he is said to have amassed the sum of seven thousand and one hundred talents, even after consecrating a tenth part of his estate to Hercules, giving a public banquet to the people, and contributing three minas to the head of each citizen. He acquired the greater part of this wealth—if it is permitted to tell the truth—from civil wars and conflagrations, using public calamities for private gain. And shortly afterward, after enumerating the spoil which he had obtained in the city and in the country by sales of confiscated property, he says that, in addition, he had about five hundred slaves skilled in the mechanical arts and architecture; and he used them not only for the construction of his own house, but also hired out their labor for pay to citizens who wished to build, and at the same time sold to anyone, at his own discretion, a plot of land for building. And although he possessed a very great quantity of coined silver, and fields wonderfully cultivated, with a vast number of laborers in them, nevertheless all these things seemed of little account compared with the very large crowd of slaves whom he kept trained in various arts—readers, scribes, painters, silversmiths, stewards, accountants—whom he himself was accustomed to supervise with the greatest diligence, to assist while they were learning, and for the most part even to instruct. For he used to say that the master’s chief concern ought to be for his slaves, since they are, as it were, the living instruments of his household property. Seven thousand and one hundred talents, twice and forty times the rest, are worth no more than our gold coins, and sixty besides. If Cras

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. si Crassus post decimatas facultates suas, & largitionem popularem habuit, quid existimamus eum integris facul= tatibus habuisse? Quod si uerum est eum in singula capita ciuium Romanorum ternas minas dedisse: ut centum mil= lia ciuium fuerint ad donatiuum nomina sua dantium, mi= noris trecentis myriadibus, id est tricies centenis millibus defungi largitione non potuit. Quare hunc locum suspe= ctum habebam quod ad minas pertinet, antequam Græ= cum exemplar uidissem, præsertim cum circa hæc tempo= ra censu Romæ acto inuenta sint quadringenta sexaginta millia paulo ante proscriptionem Syllanam. Postea uerò quàm Græcum librum legi, interpretis errorem intellexi. Plutarchus autem ita Græcè scribit, πιακοσίων γείρ ο πλείω πεκτημεν ο ἐν ἔρχην παλάντων, ἐπα παρὰ πιο ωολιτεῖαν ἀγο= θύσας μὴ λοδ ἐρακλεῖ πιο δεκάτω, καὶ τὸν Λήμον ἔκάσως, φεῖς δὲ μὴνας ἐκάσω ὑμαίων σπηρεστον ἐκ τῶν αυτῶν παρα= χῶν, ὑμως πρὸς τὸν ἐπὶ πάθεις στατείας, αυτῶν αυτῶν θεμωνος ἐκλε= ρωμὸν τὸν ὑσίας, εὕρεν ἐκατόν παλάντων τίμημα πρὸς ἐπίκαίν χελίος. Cum enim ab initio non plus trecenta talenta pos= sedisset: postea cum ad Rempublicam administrandam se contulisset, interim decimam facultatum suarum Herculi polluxit. epulum priuatim fecit singulis ciuibus Roman. tesseram annonariâ trium mensium dedit. quibus peractis, tamen antequam in Parthos expeditionem suscepit, cum rationem census sui inisset, septem millium centumq[ue] talen torum æstimationem comperit. Interpres exemplari dece ptus, minas pro mensibus transtulit. Diximus supra apud Plinium legendum esse de codem Crasso, In agris sester= tium bis millies possedit, Quiritu[m] post Syllam ditissimus. Siquidem bis nullies, quinquagies centena nullia aureorum ualet. Quare Claudij libertus Pallas, qui à Cornelio Ta= cito se Pallas ter mil- le sestertiu[m] pos sedit, Crasso di tior.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. If Crassus, after his property had been reduced by one tenth and after his popular largess, had such wealth, what do we think he had while his fortunes were intact? And if it is true that he gave three minae to each head of the Roman citizens: since there were one hundred thousand citizens giving in their names for the gift, he could not have met the expense of the largess with less than three hundred myriads, that is, thirty hundred thousand. Therefore I had suspected this passage as regards the minae, before I had seen the Greek exemplar, especially since around this time, when a census was taken at Rome, four hundred and sixty thousand were found shortly before the Sullan proscription. Afterward, when I read the Greek book, I understood the translator’s error. Plutarch, however, writes thus in Greek: [Greek text]. For from the beginning he possessed no more than three hundred talents; later, when he turned himself to the administration of the Commonwealth, meanwhile he devoted a tenth of his property to Hercules. He gave a private banquet, and to each Roman citizen he distributed a ration ticket for three months’ grain. These things having been completed, yet before he undertook the expedition against the Parthians, when he had taken account of his census, he found the valuation of seven thousand one hundred talents. The translator, deceived by the exemplar, rendered months as minae. We have said above that in Pliny it should be read of the same Crassus: “In land he possessed two hundred million sesterces; after Sulla, as a Roman, the richest man.” For two hundred million is worth five hundred times ten thousand gold pieces. Therefore Pallas, the freedman of Claudius, who according to Cornelius Tacitus said: Pallas possessed three thousand sesterces, was richer than Crassus.

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET cito sestertij ter millies possessor dicitur, uicies & quinquies cætenis nullibus Crasso fuisse ditior perhibetur: quod etiam Plinius satis significauit his uerbis, Multos postea cognouimus scruitute liberatos, opulentiores, pariterq[ue] tres Claudij principatu, Pallantem, Callistum, & Narcissum. Diuitiæ autem Narcissi in prouerbium uenisse uidentur, cum Iuuenalis dicat, Nec Croesi fortuna unquam nec Persica regna Sufficient animo, nec diuitiæ Narcissi, Indulsit Cæsar cui Claudius omnia. - Magis id mirum forsitan uideri possit, quonam modo Demetrius Pompeij libertus unius ciuis R[everen]d[us] qui priuatum fastigium, aut certè ciuile non excessit, tantas opes parare potuerit: de quo Plutarchus in Pompeio ita inquit, Demetrij coniugem, qui Pompeij libertus plurimu[m] apud ipsum potuerat, quiq[ue] censum trium millium talætorum reliquerat, Pompeius præter naturæ suæ mores, nec humanè nec liberaliter habuit. De eius liberti insolentia & fastu & opibus multa ab eode[m] autore alio loco dicu[n]tur. Sed quod de Cæsare ex Appiano dixeram, id uerò uidendum est. fidem enim excedere uideretur, ut ciuis Romanus, id est ante Dictaturam, bis millies & quingenties æris alieni habuerit: quod quanti sit ære nostro, paulo superius dictum est. Iam primum Plutarchus de eo ita inquit, Ad impensas autem profusior, breuem ac momentancam sibi gloriam tam magnis opibus permutare uidebatur, cum tamen re uera paruis amplissima compararet. antea uerò quàm ullum inijsset magistratum, nulle ac trecentorum talentum conflasse æs alienum dicitur. mandata deinde illi Appiæ uiæ cura, ingentes prodegit pecunias. Aedilis c c c. & x x. paria gladiatorum exhibuit. Circa spectacula, pompas

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET cito is said to have possessed three million sesterces, and to have been twenty-five times richer than Crassus, with all the others as nothing: which Pliny also sufficiently indicated in these words, “We afterwards knew many freedmen enriched by servitude, and likewise, under the principate of Claudius, Pallas, Callistus, and Narcissus.” Moreover, the riches of Narcissus seem to have passed into a proverb, since Juvenal says, “Nor the fortune of Croesus, nor the Persian kingdoms Will ever satisfy the soul, nor the riches of Narcissus, To whom Caesar granted all that Claudius had.” Perhaps it may seem more surprising how Demetrius, Pompey’s freedman, a private man of one rank only, who had not exceeded a private, or certainly a civic, position, could have amassed such great wealth: concerning whom Plutarch, in his Life of Pompey, says as follows: “Pompey treated Demetrius, the wife of whom, being Pompey’s freedman, had great influence with him, and who had left a fortune of three thousand talents, neither humanely nor generously, contrary to his usual character.” Many things are said by the same author elsewhere about the insolence, arrogance, and wealth of this freedman. But what I had said of Caesar from Appian must indeed be examined. For it would seem to exceed belief that a Roman citizen, that is, before the dictatorship, should have had two million five hundred thousand in debt; what this amounts to in our money has been said a little above. First of all, Plutarch says of him thus: “As for expenses, he was more prodigal, and seemed to exchange for himself a brief and passing glory for such great wealth, although in truth he amassed the greatest things from small means.” Before he had entered upon any magistracy, he is said to have contracted debts amounting to three hundred talents. Then, when the care of the Appian Way was assigned to him, he squandered enormous sums of money. As aedile, he exhibited one hundred and twenty pairs of gladiators. Concerning spectacles, processions

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 219 pompas atque epulas profusissimis sumptibus usus, uni= uersas superiorum munificentias obliterauit. Quas ob res affectam sibi plebem reddidit, ut certatim honores ex= cogitarent quibus paria cum illo facerent. Tranquillus de eo loquens, Deposita prouinciæ spe, Pontificatum maximum petijt, non sine profusissima largitione. In quæ reputans magnitudinem æris alieni, cum mane ad comitia descenderet, prædixisse matri osculanti fertur, domum se nisi Pontificem non reuersurum. Plutarchus autem au= tor est dixisse eum matri, Aut Pontificem hodie uide= bis filium, aut exulem. Quanta autem summi Pontifica= < Pontificatus Maximus.> tus esset dignatio, et quàm opimus eius reditus, ex eo coniici potest, quod Tranquillus in Claudio inquit, Po= stremò etiam sestertium octogies pro introitu noui sa= cerdotij coactus impendere, ad eas rei familiaris angu= stias decidit, ut quum obligatam ærario fidem liberare non posset, in uacuum lege prædiatoria uenalis pepende= rit. Si enim pro sacerdotio uno Claudius tantum conferre non dubitauit, quid existimamus de Pontificatu maxi= mo, qui caput erat omnium, ut est hodie, et quem prin= cipes ipsi assumere solebant, ut ex nomismatis apparet? Idem Traquillus in Cæsare, Crassum Pompeiuq[ue] in urbè prouinciæ suæ extractos co[m]pulit, ut detrudendi Domitij causa Consulatu[m] alterum peterent: perfecitq[ue] per utrun= que, ut in quinquenniu[m] sibi imperium prorogaretur. Quæ fiducia ad legiones quas à Repub. acceperat, alias pri= uato, alias publico sumptu addidit. Idem alibi, Egit cum Tribunis plebis collegam se Pompeio destinantibus, id potius ad populum ferrent, ut absenti sibi, et quando= cunq[ue] imperij te[m]pus expleri coepisset, petitio secundi Co[m]= sulatus daretur, ne ea causa maturius et imperfecto adhuc bello

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with banquets and feasts at the most lavish expense, he eclipsed all the munificence of his predecessors. For this reason he won back the goodwill of the people, so that they vied with one another in devising honors by which they might place themselves on a par with him. Suetonius, speaking of him, says: “Giving up all hope of a province, he sought the Supreme Pontificate, not without the most extravagant largess.” Reflecting on the size of his debt, when he was going down in the morning to the election, he is said to have told his mother, as she kissed him, that he would not return home unless he were Pontifex. Plutarch, however, says that he told his mother: “Today you will see your son either Pontifex or an exile.” How great, moreover, was the dignity of the Supreme Pontificate, and how rich its income, may be inferred from the fact that Suetonius says in Claudius: “Finally, being forced to spend even eight million sesterces for entry into the new priesthood, he fell into such straits of household finances that, when he could not discharge his pledged debt to the treasury, he was sold by auction under the lex praediatoria with no value left.” For if Claudius did not hesitate to contribute so much for one priesthood, what do we think of the Supreme Pontificate, which was the head of all priesthoods, as it is today, and which the emperors themselves were accustomed to assume, as is clear from the coins? The same Suetonius elsewhere says that Caesar brought Crassus and Pompey, drawn out of their province into the city, to run for a second consulship in order to remove Domitius; and through both of them he secured an extension of his command for five years. With this confidence he added to the legions he had received from the Republic, some at private and some at public expense. Elsewhere he says that he dealt with the tribunes of the plebs, who were appointing a colleague for Pompey, and urged that they rather bring the matter before the people, so that the right to seek a second consulship might be granted to him while absent and whenever his term of command should begin to run out, lest on that account, too soon and while the war was still incomplete,

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET bello decederet. Quod ut adeptus est, altiora iam meditans, & spei plenus, nullum largitionis aut officiorum in quenquam genus publicè priuatimq[ue] omissit: forum de ma[n] nubijs inchoauit, cuius area super sestertium millies constitit: munus populo epulumq[ue] pronunciauit in filiæ memoriam, quod ante eum nemo fecit. Quorum ut quàm ma[teri]a expectatio esset, ea quæ ad epulum pertinerent, quæuis macellarijs oblocata, etiam domesticatim apparabat. Et paulo inferius, Legionibus stipendum in perpetuu[m] duplicauit: frumentum, quoties copia esset, etiam sine modo copiaq[ue]; præbuit, ac singula interdum mancipia & prædia uiritim dedit. Et rursus inferius, Tum reoru[m] obæratorum aut prodigæ iuuentutis subsidium unicum ac potentissimu[m] erat. Hæc & huiuscemodi alia etiam si post præturam Hispaniensem contigerunt, tamen eò pertinet, ut intelligamus Cæsarem ingenio admodu[m] profuso ac magnifico fuisse, & quod non nisi summa appeteret. Eiusde[m] generis sunt quæ sequuntur apud eundem autorem, Munditiarum lautitiarumq[ue] studio sissimum multi prodideru[n]t: uillam in Nemorensi à fundamentis inchoatam, quòd non tota ad animum ei responderet, totam diruisse, quanquam tenuem adhuc & obæratum. Et iterum alibi, Ante alias dilexit Marci Bruti matrem Seruiliam, cui & primo suo Consulatu sexagies sestertium margaritam mercatus est. Quod hic dicitur de margarita sexagies sestertiu[m] empta, fidem facit dicto Pliniano de margarita Cleopatræ cæties sestertium æstimata, id est aureis ducentis quinquaginta millibus. Ego cum inquirerem an id uerum esse potuerit, sic rationem ducebam, Dotem omnem margitarum, ut Plinius inquit, & gemmarij nostri confirmant, in candore, in magnitudine, in orbiculari forma, in læuore & pondere

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G. BVD. OF ASSE ET when he was about to depart from the war. And when he had obtained this, now meditating on greater things and full of hope, he omitted no kind of largesse or favor, whether in public or in private, toward anyone; he began the Forum of Janus, the site of which cost over a million sesterces; he announced a spectacle and a banquet for the people in memory of his daughter, which no one had done before him. As for the means by which such anticipation was to be met, he had even the provisions for the banquet arranged, having them contracted for among the market-sellers and even prepared in his own household. And a little further down, he doubled the soldiers’ pay for life; grain, whenever there was a supply, he furnished even without limit and in abundance; and at times he gave individual slaves and estates to men separately. And again lower down, then relief for debtors, the ruined, or prodigal youth was his one and most powerful support. These and other such things, even if they happened after his praetorship in Hispania, nevertheless serve this purpose, namely, that we may understand Caesar to have been of a very lavish and magnificent nature, and that he aimed at nothing but the highest things. Of the same kind are the following passages in the same author: many have reported that he was most devoted to cleanliness and luxury; that he demolished from the foundations a villa in the Nomentan district because it did not fully satisfy his taste, although he was still of slender means and in debt. And again elsewhere, He loved Servilia, the mother of Marcus Brutus, above all others, and in his first consulship he bought her a pearl for sixty million sesterces. What is here said about a pearl bought for sixty million sesterces lends credence to Pliny’s statement about Cleopatra’s pearl, valued at one hundred million sesterces, that is, two hundred and fifty thousand gold pieces. When I was investigating whether this could have been true, I reasoned thus: the whole value of pearls, as Pliny says and our jewelers confirm, lies in whiteness, in size, in round form, in smoothness, and in weight

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. De unionibus. pondere esse scimus. candorem nostri nitorem Indicum intelligu[n]t. Quare in unionum indicatione omnia hæc ob= seruant. Cum hæc proderem, percunctatus sum à gemma= rio quodam primi nominis mihi familiari, quem uidisset unquam preciosissimum unionem, quantum pendere me= munisset. Cum de hoc uerba faceremus, & ille tricenarios se uidisse respondisset, idq[ue] ut memorabile in præcipua bo nitate commemoraret, inter sermonem aduenit gemarius alter qui dixit pridie se unum tenuisse quadraginta ceratia pendentem. Hoc enim uerbo in gemmis appendendis utuntur, quod infrà à nobis exponetur. Is igitur cum rei pernoscendæ cupidu[m] me uideret, ait se postridie mihi eum ostensurum in manibus inclusoris aut uascularij qui illigadum eum monili conduxerat. Ea die ad constitutâ horam non affui. tertio die cum uenissem ad eum, comperi ab in= clusore redditum, cæterùm eum esse in dactylotheca prin cipali, tribus aureorum millibus emptum, auellanæ magni tudine, orbiculatum, eximiæ pulchritudinus, pondere (ut dixi) quadragenarium. Ab alio gemmario auduii, quo e= tiam familiariter ut ebar, unam se margaritam tenuisse, exquisita bonitate, pondere tricenariam, quatuor millibus aureoru[m] emptam à duce Borboniana Ludouici Regis un= decimi filia, uiragine cordatissima eadem & magnificen= tissima, socru ducis Borboniani: qui hodie in eo genere principum multorum opinione cèsetur, quos sapietissimè Homerus Amymonas appellabat, significare uolens ita o= mni reprehensione maiores, ut ne nasuti quidem homines rhoncos liuoris improbi plenos exhalare soliti; & ipse denique Momus aliquid in eis improbarent. Sed Plinius de unionibus loquens, Pondus (inquit) ad hoc æui se= munciæ pauci singulis scrupulis excessere. Hoc pondus sex & Amymones.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. On pearls. We know that they are said to be of weight. They understand the whiteness of our own as the brilliance of Indian ones. Therefore, in identifying pearls they observe all these things. When I was publishing this, I asked a certain gem dealer of the first rank, a man known to me, whether he had ever seen the most precious pearl, and what it might have weighed. As we were speaking of this, and he had replied that he had seen some weighing three hundred, and that he mentioned it as a remarkable thing among pearls of exceptional quality, another gem dealer arrived in the middle of our conversation, who said that the day before he had held one weighing forty ceratia. For this is the word they use in weighing gems, which we shall explain below. When he saw that I was eager to learn the matter, he said that on the following day he would show it to me in the hands of the jeweller or keeper who had hired it for fastening to a necklace. That day I did not appear at the appointed hour. On the third day, when I came to him, I learned that it had been returned by the jeweller; moreover, that it was in the prince's jewel case, bought for three thousand gold pieces, as large as a hazelnut, round, of exceptional beauty, and weighing, as I said, forty units. From another gem dealer, with whom I was also on familiar terms, I heard of a pearl which he had held, of exquisite quality, weighing thirty units, bought for four thousand gold pieces by the Duke of Bourbon, son of Louis XI, a most prudent and also most magnificent man, father-in-law of the Duke of Bourbon, who today is regarded in the opinion of many as one of the princes of that kind, whom Homer most wisely called Amymones, wishing to signify those who are superior to all reproach, so that not even the sharp-nosed men, accustomed to exhale snorts full of wicked envy, nor even Momus himself, could find anything to disapprove in them. But Pliny, speaking of pearls, says: “The weight for this purpose has rarely exceeded a semuncia by a few scruples in individual specimens.” This weight six and Amymones.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sex & octoginta ceratia, & bessem ceratij æquat, cum in uncia centum & sexaginta sint ceratia, & uiginti in drachma. Non mirum est igitur si unio omnis æui maxi= mus, & omni dote bonitatis præstantissimus, tanti ea æta= te æstimatus est, qua mundus auro & argento exubera= bat, ut ex sequentibus liquidò docebitur. Plinius libro x x x v i i. de Adamante loquens, ita inquit, Proxi= mum apud nos Indicis Arabicis que margaritis precium est, tertia autoritas smaragdis perbibetur, pluribus de causis. Hactenus Plinius. Ex cuius uerbis intelligimus mar < Ordo gemmaru[m] autoritatis.> garitam in ordine gemmarum adamanti tantum cedere, li= cet hoc tempore uix quartæ sit autoritatis. Idem tamen lib. i x. Principium ergo (inquit) culmenq[ue] omnium re= rum precij margaritæ tenent, Indicus has mittit oceanus. Ergo cum eo tempore unionum inter gemmas prima aut certè secunda esset indicatura, tuncq[ue] rerum precio ad summum licitationis excreuissent, & ille Cleopatræ unio pondere altero tanto præstaret, quem precio sissimum me= moriæ nostræ unionem gemmarum institores memine= runt, atq[ue] eo amplius scrupulo: non abhorere à side puto tanti æstimatum esse: simul quòd omnibus numeris com= mendationis absolutus erat, simul quòd ad culmen proba= tionis & primatum peruenerat, & ita inclaruerat fama, ut natura specimen sui secisse in duabus margaritis existi= maretur, ut ex Plinio apparet. Huius precij ratio sic arbi= tror iniri potest. Quum ex illo gemmario quærere quanti ex formula æstimaretur plurimo margarita quæ pondere quaternaria, & bonitate prima esset: triginta (inquit) au= reis eiusmodi emptâ uidimus. Quid octonariam (inquam) eiusde[m] notæ quanti æstimares? Ait, minimu[m] ducentis. Cum ulterius rogitando per accessiones pergerê, ita resp[on]dit, ut intellige

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G. BVD. OF THE AS AND sixty-eight ceratia, and it makes up eight tenths of a ceratium, since there are one hundred and sixty ceratia in an ounce, and twenty in a drachma. It is therefore no wonder if every pearl of the greatest age, and most excellent in every endowment of goodness, was esteemed at so high a value in that age, when the world abounded with gold and sil- ver, as shall be clearly shown from what follows. Pliny, in book xxxvii, speaking of the diamond, says thus: “The next in value among us are the Indian and Arabian pearls; the third rank is assigned to emeralds, for many reasons.” Thus far Pliny. From whose words we understand that the pearl in the order of gems yields only to the diamond, though at this time it scarcely holds the fourth rank in authority. Yet the same author, book ix, says: “Therefore the beginning and summit of the price of all things are held by pearls; the Indian ocean sends these.” Therefore, since at that time pearls among gems were rated first, or certainly second, and since the prices of things had then risen to the highest point of bidding, and that pearl of Cleopatra was worth twice as much by weight as that pearl—dearest to memory—which the sellers of gems have remembered, and by so much more by a scruple: I think it was not thought unworthy of the side, so highly was it valued; at the same time because it was complete in every point of commendation, at the same time because it had reached the summit of proof and the first place, and had become so renowned in fame that it seemed nature had made a specimen of itself in two pearls, as appears from Pliny. I think the reason for this valuation can be reckoned as follows. When, from that jeweller, I asked at what price a pearl of four grains’ weight and of first quality would be valued according to the formula, we saw thirty such pieces bought for gold. “What,” I asked, “would you value an eight-grain pearl of the same quality at?” He said, “At the least two hundred.” When I continued asking further by increments, he thus replied, so that I understood

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 225. intelligerem accessionem precij deinceps ex pondere, non numero, sed proportione fieri: ut quomodo duplicando pondere supradicto octonaria margarita paulo minus se= ptuplex quaternariæ æstimatione facta esset: sic in duo= denaria & uicenaria & ulterioribus maiore deinceps maioreq[ue] sursum uersus incremento precium augesceret. Qua ratione si precium Plinianæ illi statuamus, in immensum quoddam precium abibit taxatio. < Rursus ad Cæsarem redit. Vnio Scruiliæ datus.> Maius fortasse miraculu[m] sit Cæsarem centum quinquaginta millibus unione[m] unum enuisse, ut adulteræ donaret: de quo Tranquillus ita scribit (ut ad rem redeamus) In primo Consulatu tria millia pondo auri furatus è Capitolio, tantundè inaurati æris reposuit: societates ac regna precio dedit, ut qui uni Ptolemæo propè sex millia talentorum suo Pompeijq[ue] nomine abstulerit. Hæc Tranquilli autoritas fidem facere potest ijs quæ à nobis paulò antè dicta sunt. Plutarchus de eodem loquens, Inter hæc (inquit) res Gallica maximè Cæsarem extulit, qui in remotissimis locis cum esset, bellaq[ue] aduersus Belgas Britannosq[ue] consereret, aurum argentumq[ue] spolia, cæterasq[ue] diuitias ex hostibus partas (tanta horum aderat copia) magno numero Româ misit. horu[m] deinde largitionibus animos ciuium tentans, Aedili busq[ue] ad spectacula tribuës, Prætoribusq[ue] atq[ue] Cōsulibus eorumq[ue] uxoribus donans, multos sibi allexit. Quare in reditu superatis Alpibus, cum ad ciuitate[m] Lucanam hyber naret, uirorum & matronaru[m] magnum numerum eò accessisse memorant, cum plausu lætitiáq[ue] ingenti sese offerentium. Consulares uiri eò profecti sunt ducenti, inter quos Pompeius & Crassus fuere. Proconsulum quoq[ue] ac Prætoru[m] centu[m] & uiginti fasces ante Cæsaris fores inspecti. alios autem omnes spe donisq[ue] repletos Cæsar dimisit, cum

Transcription: Translated (English)

I understood that the increase in price thereafter was to be made according to weight, not number, but by proportion: so that, just as by doubling the aforesaid weight the eight-pearl necklace had become, by a reckoning based on fourfold value, a little less than sevenfold, so in weights of twelve, twenty, and beyond, the price would thereafter increase upward by a greater and greater increment. Accordingly, if we assign a price to that of Pliny, the valuation will pass into some immense price. < Then he returns to Caesar. A pearl given to Servilia.> Perhaps it is a greater miracle that Caesar acquired one pearl for one hundred and fifty thousand, to give to his mistress; concerning which Suetonius writes thus (to return to the matter): in his first consulship he stole three thousand pounds of gold from the Capitol, and put back the same amount in gilded bronze. He sold alliances and kingdoms for money, he who, in the name of himself and Pompey, took from one Ptolemy nearly six thousand talents. This authority of Suetonius can support the things we said a little before. Plutarch, speaking of the same man, says: “Among these things, the Gallic campaign especially raised Caesar, who, while he was in the most distant regions and was waging wars against the Belgae and Britons, sent to Rome in great quantity the gold and silver spoils and the other riches taken from the enemies (so great was the abundance of these things). Then, by his distributions, trying the feelings of the citizens, and giving to the Aediles for shows, and to the Praetors and Consuls and to their wives gifts, he attracted many to himself. Therefore, on his return, after crossing the Alps, when he was wintering at the city of Luca, they say that a great number of men and matrons came there, presenting themselves with great applause and joy. Two hundred consular men went there, among whom were Pompey and Crassus. Also seen before Caesar’s door were one hundred and twenty fasces of proconsuls and of praetors. But Caesar dismissed all the others, filled with hope and gifts, when

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET cum Crasso autem & Pompeio foedus inijt. Idem in Pompeio de initijs Ciuilis belli loquens, Cæsar (inquit) ualidius tum rebus imminebat: qui cum nondum longè Italia[m] attigisset, sedulò ad Vrbem destinabat milites ut comitijs adescent, multos illic tum ciues pecunijs alliciens, multos etiam primorum muneribus demulcens: inter quos Paulus Consul ob nulle & quingenta talenta mutatus est, & Curio Tribunusplebis ingenti ære alieno liberatus est. Hactenus ille. Ecquis est igitur qui animo concipere possit tantam corruptoris munificentiam, qui alterius tantum Consulis fauorem nongentis millibus aureorum redimere non dubitarit? quanquam maior illa fuit Curionis merces, qui sexcenties sestertium æris alieni habuit, ut autor est Valerius lib. 1 x. Ob illas rapinas Gallicas emanauit illud trimetrum iambicum Catulli, Quis hoc potest uidere, quis potest pati, Mamurram habere quod comata Gallia Habebat, & cuncta ultima Britannia? Eo'ne nomine Imperator unice Fuisti in ultima Occidentis insula, Vt ista uestra diffututa mentula Ducenties comesset aut trecenties? Mamurra. Quo ex loco satis conijcere est ingentem esse summam trecenties sestertium, quo Catullus Mamurram præfectum fabrûm Cæsaris locupletatum esse à Cæsare spoliata Gallia & Britannia conqueritur: de quo Plinius lib. xxxvi. sic inquit, Primum Romæ parietes crusta marmoris operuisse totius domus suæ in Cælio monte Cornelius Nepos tradit Mamurram Formijs natum, præfectum fabrûm Caij Cæsaris in Gallia. Neque indignatio sit tali autore inuentare. Hic nanque est Marmurra Catulli Veronensis carminibus

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET And with Crassus and Pompey he made an alliance. The same writer, speaking of Pompey and the beginnings of the civil war, says: Caesar, he says, was then pressing the situation more forcefully; for though he had not yet reached Italy by far, he was carefully sending soldiers toward the City so that they might attend the elections, alluring many citizens there with money, and also soothing many of the leading men with gifts. Among these, Paulus the consul was won over for one hundred and fifty thousand, and Curio, tribune of the plebs, was freed from enormous debt. So far he. Who, then, is there who can conceive in his mind such munificence of a corrupter, who did not hesitate to purchase the favor of a single consul for nine hundred thousand gold pieces? although that was an even greater reward in Curio’s case, who, as Valerius is author of book ten, had six hundred sestertii of debt. On account of those Gallic plunderings, Catullus’s iambic trimeter came forth: Who can see this, who can endure it, that Mamurra should possess what shaggy Gaul and the whole farthest Britain possessed? Was it for this, as commander, that you were on the farthest isle of the West, so that this your worn-out phallus might eat up two hundred millions or three hundred? Mamurra. From this passage it is enough to infer that the sum of three hundred sestertii was enormous, by which Catullus complains that Mamurra, Caesar’s prefect of engineers, was enriched by Caesar from the plundered Gaul and Britain. Of him Pliny, in book 36, thus says: “Cornelius Nepos relates that the first man in Rome to cover the walls of his entire house on the Caelian Hill with marble plaster was Mamurra, born at Formiae, prefect of engineering under Gaius Caesar in Gaul.” Nor should indignation be sought from such an author. For this is the Marmurra of the verses of Catullus of Verona.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 225 carminibus proscissus: quem, ut res est, domus ipsius cla= rius quàm Catullus dixit habere quicquid habuisset Co= mata Gallia. Quibus uerbis Plinius ingentem luxum ædi= ficij significauit, quòd Cæsaris & Mamurræ rapinas non modò præ se ferre, sed etiam clamitare uidebatur uoce la= tè exaudibili. Age quid de Luculli diuitijs existimare pos= < Lucullus.> sumus, qui cum Reipub. infensus, priuatæ uitæ se dedis= set, ædibus & prætorijs extruendis, hortis & coenatio= < Bibliotheca Luculli.> nibus amoenissimis incredibili sumptu paratis, & biblio= theca insigni utriusq; linguæ libris referta, atque omni= bus obuia & patenti, opes bello quæsitas conterere non potuit, cum interim quotidiano epularum apparatu in prouerbium propè uenerit? Vnum de eo dictum Plutarchi referemus, quod est in hanc ferme sententiam. Quodam die (inquit) cum Cicero & Pompeius Lucullum in foro sedentem ociosumq; offendissent, eo salutato dixerunt sese apud eum eo die coenaturos ea demum conditione, ut ni= hil ad solitam coenam eorum causa adderet. Quo primùm recusante, coenamq; in diem posterum reijciente, illi sese dicere neque diem alium constituturos, ac ne potestatem quidem illi facturos ut seruis aliquid in aurem imperaret. Hic Lucullus deprensum se uidens, id tandem orare eos institit, ut uel eorum uenia sibi liceret palàm uni ex ser= uis dicere ad Apollinis eo die se coenaturum. erat autem Apollo triclinij aut coenationis nomen. & ordinatas ille ita coenationes habebat, ut taxata coenaru summa unicuiq; < Memorabilis luxus Luculli.> loco esset. Eo igitur audito famuli quid agi ille uellet gnæ ri, coenâ continuò appararunt impèdio quinquaginta mil lium, & tanta celeritate & lautitia epularum, ut P[ræ]o[ph]eius & Cicero constupescerent. Quinquaginta millia num[m]um, mille ac ducétos quinquaginta aureos ualèt. In Plutarcho tamen P

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 225 scourged by verses: whom, as the matter stands, his own house, as Pliny said more clearly than Catullus, had whatever tawny Gaul had ever possessed. By which words Pliny signified the vast extravagance of the building, because it seemed not merely to display but even to proclaim in a loud voice, audible far and wide, the plunder of Caesar and Mamurra. Come now, what are we to think of the riches of Lucullus, who, after turning from public affairs and giving himself to private life, with incredible expense in building houses and praetoria, in laying out most delightful gardens and dining rooms, and in furnishing a remarkable library filled with books in both languages, open to all and accessible to everyone, was still unable to consume the wealth he had gained in war, while in the meantime, through the daily provision of banquets, he came almost into a proverb? We shall mention one saying about him from Plutarch, which is to this effect. On a certain day, he says, when Cicero and Pompey found Lucullus sitting idly in the forum, and had greeted him, they said that they would dine with him that day, on condition that he add nothing to their usual dinner because of them. When he at first refused and put the dinner off to the following day, they said that they would not appoint another day, and would not even give him leave to order anything to the slaves in a whisper. Lucullus, seeing that he had been caught, finally began to beg them that, at least with their permission, he might be allowed to say openly to one of the slaves that he would dine that day in Apollo's room. Apollo was the name of the dining room or banqueting hall. And he had his dining rooms arranged so that each place had a fixed sum assigned to it for dinner. When the servants heard this and knew what he wanted, they immediately prepared a banquet costing fifty thousand, with such speed and luxury of dishes that Pompey and Cicero were astonished. Fifty thousand sesterces equals one thousand two hundred and fifty gold pieces. In Plutarch, however, P

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tamen Græco hæc uerba leguntur, ἀυτὸς δὲ δεπνὴν ἐν τῷ ἀπόλλων πέντε μυριαδῶν. Solebat autem cœnare in Apolline quinque myriadibus, hoc est quinquaginta millibus drachmarum, quæ quinq[ue] nullibus aureorum à nobis æstimantur, & ducentis festertijs: quare malim myriades nummûm quàm drachmaru[m] intelligere. Huiusmodi multa à Plutarcho referuntur, fidem omnino excedentia, si ex præsenti seculo æstimentur. Athenæus libro X 1 1. de ijs loquens qui luxu & delicijs olim celebres fuerunt: Nicola[us] Nè [n]o[n] περιπατελκὸς ἐν τῷ δεκάτη καὶ εἰνοῦ[m] τῶν ἰσοριγν, λοθικαλὸν φισιν αρικομων &ς ὑμων καὶ θιαμελικοῦντα, λόγον τε ἀποδοντὰ τὴν πρὸς μεθεῖ δάτω ὑπολεμα, ἐξοκεῖλα & ὑπολυτελι διαταρεκ ἔν ἔν παρὰς σωφροσύνης. προφήτε περῶτον &ς. ἀπαν ὑμμαίος ἐγεμόνα γενεὰν, καρδοσκαμων δυεῖν βασιλεοιν πλῶτον μεθεῖ δάτα καὶ πηγὰνα. Nicolaus (inquit) peripateticus in decimo & uicesimo historiarum tradit, Lucullum cum Romam post expeditionem Ponticam redijsset, & ex eo bello triumphasset, rationes ad ærarium retulisse ob eius pecuniæ administrationem: quo facto se abrupta licentia ad uitam sumptuosam & elegantem ex ciuili & prisca frugalitate Romanorum contulisse, idq[ue] exemplum Romanis prodidisse, utpote qui duorum regum opulentiam in cæsum suum uertisset, publica victoria ex Mithridate ac Tigrane parta ad priuata commoda usus. Ex quibus uerbis intelligimus, ut & ex locis pluribus Ciceronis orationu[m], Imperatores Romanos rationes quidem speciosas ad ærarium referre solitos, sed ita tamen, ut reliquorum luculenta fragmenta apud se retineret. Ne nimiu[m] igitur Gallicaru[m] rerum dispensatoribus tanquam uiris ingeniosis & solertibus publica fama plaudat. semper enim huiuscemodi fueru[n]t, qui ex publicis actibus immodicè cre- scerent,

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET though in Greek these words are read, ἀυτὸς δὲ δεπνὴν ἐν τῷ ἀπόλλων πέντε μυριαδῶν. He used to dine, however, at Apollo’s on five myriads, that is, fifty thousand drachmas, which by us are reckoned as five thousand gold pieces and two hundred sesterces; wherefore I would prefer to understand myriads of coins rather than drachmas. Many things of this sort are reported by Plutarch, utterly beyond belief if judged by the present age. Athenaeus, in book XI, speaking of those who were once celebrated for luxury and indulgence: Nicolaus the Peripatetic in the tenth and twentieth of the Histories reports that Lucullus, when he had returned to Rome after the Pontic campaign and had triumphed from that war, rendered his accounts to the treasury concerning the administration of that money; whereupon, casting off restraint, he turned from the civil and ancient frugality of the Romans to a lavish and elegant life, and set that example before the Romans, in that he had turned the wealth of two kings to his own use, making private profit from the public victory won over Mithridates and Tigranes. From these words we understand, as also from several passages of Cicero’s orations, that Roman commanders were indeed accustomed to render plausible accounts to the treasury, but yet in such a way that they kept the more conspicuous fragments for themselves. Therefore let not the dispensers of Gallic affairs be applauded by public rumor as though they were men of genius and resourcefulness; for always have there been such as grew excessively from public acts,

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 227 scererent, ut Athenis Pericles & Phalereus. Varro lib. III. de Rerustica de piscinis Luculli loquens, Contrà ad Nea polim L. Lucullus post quam perfodisset montem, ac ma= ritinum flumen immisisset in piscinas quæ reciprocæ fue= re, ipse Neptuno non cederet de piscatu. In Baiano aut Ardeæ tanta ardebat cura, ut architecto permiserit ut su= am pecuniam consumeret, dummodo produceret specus è piscinis in mare, obiectaculo quo æstus quotidie ab ortu lunæ ad nouam proximâ introire, ac redire rursus in ma= re posset, ac refrigerare piscinas. Columella lib. 1 x. Atta= men ijsdem tèporibus quibus hanc memorabat Varro lu= xuriè, maximè laudatur seueritas Catonis, qui nihilomi= nus & ipse tutor Luculli, gradi ære sestertium milliu[m] qua= dringentoru[m] piscinas pupilli sui uenditabat. Tum enim ce lebres erant deliciæ popinales, cum ad mare deferebantur uiuaria: quorum studiosissimi uelut antè deuictarum gen= tium Numantinus & Isauricus: ita Sergius Aurata & Li cinius Muræna captorum piscium lætabantur uocabulis. Macrobius lib. III. Satur. Piscinas autem quàm refertas habuerint preciosissimis piscibus Romani illi nobilissimi principes L. Philippus & Hortensius, quos Cicero pisci= narios appellat, etiam illud indiciu[m] est, quòd M. Varro in lib. de Agricultura refert, M. Catone qui post Vticæ pe= rijt, cum hæres testamento Luculli esset relictus, pisces de piscina eius quadraginta millibus uedidisse. Locus autè Ci ceronis à Macrobio significatus legitur lib. 1. ad Atticum his uerbis, Sed posteaquam primùm Clodij absolutione, le uitatem infirmitatemq; iudicioru[m] perspexi, tum autem be= atos homines (hos piscinarios dico tuos) non obscurè no= bis inuidere, putaui mihi maiores quasda[m] opes et firmiora præsidia esse quærenda. Plinius lib. IX. Eadem ætate prior p 2 L. Muræ

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PART II. BOOK II. 227 scererent, as Pericles and Phalereus at Athens. Varro, book III. On Agriculture, speaking of Lucullus’ fishponds, says, on the other hand, near Napo les Lucius Lucullus, after he had cut through a mountain and let a marine stream into ponds that were tidal, would not yield even to Neptune himself in matters of fishing. At Baiae or Ardea his zeal burned so greatly that he allowed the architect to spend his own money, provided he would carry a cave from the ponds into the sea, with an obstacle so that the tide, every day from the moon’s rising until the new moon’s next approach, might enter and go back again into the sea, and cool the ponds. Columella, book X. Nevertheless, in those same times in which Varro was recounting this luxury, the severity of Cato is especially praised, who nevertheless, being himself tutor to Lucullus, sold the ponds of his ward for four hundred thousand sesterces. For then feasts of the table were celebrated, when fishponds were brought to the sea: whose most enthusiastic admirers, as though of nations already conquered, were Numantinus and Isauricus; thus Sergius Aurata and Li cinius Murena rejoiced in the names of captured fishes. Macrobius, book III of the Saturnalia. But how stocked with the most precious fishes those very noble Romans were, L. Philippus and Hortensius, whom Cicero calls fish- pond men, is shown also by this, that M. Varro in book On Agriculture relates that M. Cato, who died after the siege of Utica, when he had been left heir by Lucullus’ will, sold fish from his fishpond for forty thousand. The passage signified by Ci cero is read in Macrobius, book I to Atticus, in these words: But after first, through Clodius’ acquittal, I perceived the levity and weakness of the courts, then indeed, seeing that those blessed men (I mean those fish-pond men of yours) were openly envying us, I thought that I must seek greater resources and firmer protections. Pliny, book IX. At the same time, L. Murae

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET L. Muræna reliquorum piscium uiuaria inuenit, cuius deinde exemplum nobilitas secuta est, Philippus, Hortensius, Lucullus: qui exciso etiam monte iuxta Neapolim maiore impendio quàm uillam ædificauerat, Euripum & maria admisit: qua de causa magnus Pompeius Xerxem togatu eum appellabat. quadraginta ipsius piscinæ à desuncto illo ueniere pisces. Ex antiquo tamen melius legitur, x L sestertijs è piscina desuncto illo ueniere pisces. Quatre apud Columellam non millium quadringentorum, sed quadraginta legendum uidetur: quod tamen idem autor grande æs appellauit. Nos mille aureis eam summam taxamus. Idem Plinius libro eôdem, Murænarum uiuarium priuatim excogitauit C. Hirius ante alios, qui coenis triumphalibus Cæsaris Dictatoris sex millia numero murænaru mutua appendit. nam permutare quidem precio noluit, aliâue merce. Huius uillam inter quàm modicum x L millibus piscinæ uendiderunt. Hoc dictum Plinij eò pertinet, quod suprà diximus de magnificentia Cæsaris. Quantum enim æstimamus reliquarum epularum apparatum fuisse, cum murænæ sex millia numero fuerint, quamuis uenales tot reperiri non possent? Verùm ille locus Plinij emendandus est partim ex uetustis, in quibus ita legitur, Huius uillam intra quàm modicum x L piscinæ uendiderunt (mille autem adiectitium uerbum est) partim ex Varrone & Macrobio. Varro libro supradicto, Illæ autem maritimæ piscinæ nobilium potius exinaniut mar= supiu quàm replent. Primùm enim ædificat tur magno, secundò implentur magno, tertiò alutur magno. Hìrius circum piscinas suas ex ædificijs duodena millia sestertium capiebat: eam omnem mercedem, escis quas dabat piscibus, consumebat. nec mirum. uno te pore enim memini hunc Cæsari

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G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND THE L. Muræna first invented fish-ponds for the rest of the fish, and then the nobility followed his example, Philip, Hortensius, Lucullus: who, even cutting away a mountain near Naples at greater expense than he had built a villa, admitted the Euripus and the sea. For this reason the great Pompey called him Xerxes in a toga. From that dead man forty fish were sold from his own pond. Yet from the ancient reading it is better read, that fish were sold from that pond of the dead man for x L sesterces. At Columella’s four, it seems, should be read not four thousand four hundred, but forty: though the same author called that sum a great amount of bronze. We estimate that sum at a thousand gold pieces. The same Pliny, in the same book, says that C. Hirius, before the others, privately devised a fish-pond for moray eels, and at Caesar the Dictator’s triumphal banquets he furnished six thousand morays by number, on loan. For he was unwilling to exchange them for a price or for any other commodity. The villa of this man, with the fish-ponds, was sold for not much more than forty thousand sesterces. This statement of Pliny refers to what we said above about Caesar’s magnificence. For what do we suppose the provision for the rest of the banquet was like, when there were six thousand morays in number, although so many could not be found for sale? But that passage of Pliny must be corrected partly from the old manuscripts, in which it is thus read: “Huius villam intra quam modicum x L piscinae vendiderunt” (but “mille” is an added word), partly from Varro and Macrobius. Varro, in the book mentioned above: “Those maritime fish-ponds, however, drain the wealthy rather than fill them. For first they are built at great cost, second they are stocked at great cost, third they are maintained at great cost.” Hirius was receiving from the buildings around his fish-ponds twelve thousand sesterces; he consumed all that rent in the food he gave the fish. Nor is this surprising. For at one time I remember this man to Caesar

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 229 Cæsari sex nullia murænarum mutua dedisse in pondus, & propter piscium multitudinem quadragies sestertio uillam uenisse. Duodena sestertia Varro magnu[m] sumptum uocauit, nos trecentis aureis æstimamus. sic igitur locum Plinij lego, < Plinij loc.> Huius uillam intrà quàm modicam quadragies piscinæ uendiderunt, id est centum aureorum nullibus. Villam intra quàm modicam intelligo nunorem etiam me diocri. hoc enim modica significat: quod notius est quàm ut exempla requirantur. Verum huius emendationis Macrobiu[m] autorem habeo, cuius hæc uerba transcribenda duxi ex libro supradicto, < Intra quàm.> Autor est Plinius C. Cæsarem Dictatorem cum triumphales coenas populo daret, sex millia murænarum à C. Hirio ad pondus accepisse: huius Hirij uillam, quæuis non amplam aut latam, constat propter uiuaria quæ habuit, quadragies sestertium uenundatam. < Suprà quàm. Intra quàm.> Sic autem intrà quàm à Plinio dictum est, ut suprà quàm & extrà quàm dicuntur ab autoribus, & infrà quàm. Cicero, Stomachi autem partes quæ sunt infrà quàm cibus deuoratur, dilatantur: & arteria aspera ostium habet adiunctu[m] linguæ radicibus paulo suprà quàm ad linguâ stomachus adnectitur. Hic locus admonere nos debet quàm Plinius corruptus sit in huiusmodi rerum descriptione, ut antea diximus. Subiungam nunc aliqua eôdem pertinentia quò illa præcedentia. Plinius lib. x. Pauonem cibi gratia Romæ primus occidit orator Hortensius adijciali coena sacerdotij. saginare primus instituit circa nouissimum Piraticum bellum M. Ausidius Lurcho, exq[ue] eo quæstu reditus is sexagena nullia sestertium habuit. < Pauonum precia.> Varro libro supradicto, Ex pauonibus M. Ausidius Lurcho supra sexagena millia nummum in anno dicitur ea pere. Quod Varro nummum, Plinius sestertiu[m] dixit: ne de hoc p 3

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 229 To Caesar, six thousand muraenae had been given by weight in exchange, and because of the abundance of fish the villa had sold for four million sesterces. Varro called twelve sesterces a large expense; we estimate it at three hundred gold pieces. Thus then I read the passage of Pliny, < Plinij loc.> His villa, within which a very modest number of fishponds were sold, that is, a hundred gold pieces for nothing. I understand a villa within which even a mediocre number [of fishponds] was present. For that is what modica signifies: a point more familiar than to require examples. But I have Macrobius as the author of this emendation, whose words I judged should be transcribed from the aforesaid book, < Intra quàm.> Pliny is the author. When Dictator C. Caesar gave triumphal banquets to the people, he received six thousand muraenae by weight from C. Hirrius: this Hirrius' villa, although not large or broad, is known to have been sold for four million sesterces because of the fishponds it had. < Suprà quàm. Intra quàm.> Thus, however, intra quàm was said by Pliny, just as suprà quàm and extrà quàm are said by authors, and infrà quàm. Cicero: “But the parts of the stomach which are below where food is swallowed are dilated; and the rough windpipe has its opening adjacent to the roots of the tongue somewhat above where the stomach is attached to the tongue.” This passage ought to remind us how corrupt Pliny is in descriptions of this kind of thing, as we said before. I shall now add some things pertaining to the same subject as those preceding. Pliny, book X. Hortensius the orator first killed the peacock in Rome for the sake of food, as an addition to a sacrificial feast. M. Ausidius Lurcho first introduced fattening it around the end of the Pirate War, and from this source of profit he had an income of six hundred thousand sesterces. < Price of peacocks.> Varro, in the aforementioned book: From peacocks M. Ausidius Lurcho is said to have made over sixty thousand denarii in a year. Which Varro called denarii, Pliny called sesterces: not about this p 3

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET hoc postea dubitetur, quod antea diximus, nummum & festertium idem fuisse Romanis. Quonam modo autem uillatica pastio sexagena millia quotannis reddere uno no= mine, id est, pauonum sagina, potuerit, docet Varro his uerbis, Primus hos Q. Hortensius augurali adjiciali coena posuisse dicitur: quem multi secuti, citò precia eorum ex= tulerunt, ita ut oua eorum denarijs quinis ueneant, ipsi fa= cile quinquagenis, grexcetenarius facilè quadragena mil= lia festertium reddat: ut quide[m] Albutius aiebat, Si in singu los ternos exigeret pullos, perfici sexagena posse. Id e[m] pau lo superius, Hi ad cõstituedos greges parâtur bona ætate, et bona forma: pascu[n]tur omne genus obiecto frumeto, ma= xime hordeo. Itaq[ue] senis his dant in mèses singulos hor dei modios singulos. Ita ut foetura det uberius et antequâ sa= lire incipiât. hic à procuratore ternos pullos exigit, eosq[ue] cu[m] creuerint, quinquagenis denarijs uedit, ut nulla ouis hûc assequatur fructu. Sexagena festertia, quindena millia de= næriorum ualent, ut diximus. Si ergo in singula capita cen tenarij gregis ternos pauones reditus annui statuas, tre= centos pullos habebis: quos si grandiores factos & sagi= natos quinquagenis denarijs uenundatos intelligas, qui= nadena millia denariorum in summa erût, id est, quinquæ= gies trecentena. Rursus sexagena millia festertium, æsti= matione nostra mille ac quingentos aureos ualet, et quin= quaginta denarios, id est, selibram argenti, quinque co= ronatis æstimare solemus. Si igitur trecenties quinos uel quinquies trecenos aureos multiplices, mille ac quingen= tos in summa inuenies. ita ad nummum conuenit quod de nummo ac denario festertijsq[ue] diximus. Apud Varronem mendose legitur, Itaque senis his dant: pro, Scius his dat. Scianæ enim uillæ apud eum fit mentio, & alioquin mo= dius

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G. BVD. OF THE ASSE ET it may afterwards be doubted, what we said before, that nummus and festertium were the same among the Romans. But in what way country poultry-rearing could yield sixty thousand a year under one name, that is, from the fattening of peacocks, Varro explains in these words: “The first to have these, it is said, was Q. Hortensius, who put them on the table at an augural adjicial dinner; many followed him, and soon raised their price, so that their eggs sell for five denarii apiece, the birds themselves easily for fifty; a flock of a hundred will easily yield forty thousand festertium : as Albutius used to say, if he exacted three chicks from each, sixty thousand could be made.” A little above he says: “These are assembled to found the flocks at a good age and of good shape; they are fed with every kind of grain put before them, especially barley. Therefore they are given each month six modii of barley each. So that the breeding may yield more abundantly and before they begin to molt. Here the manager exacts three chicks from each, and when they have grown he sells them for fifty denarii, so that no hen gets any profit from this.” Sixty festertia are worth fifteen thousand denarii, as we have said. If therefore, for each head in a flock of a hundred, you assign three peacocks as the annual return, you will have three hundred chicks; and if you understand these to have grown large and been fattened and sold for fifty denarii, there will be in all fifteen thousand denarii, that is, three hundred times fifty. Again, sixty thousand festertia , in our reckoning, is worth one thousand five hundred gold pieces, and we commonly reckon fifty denarii, that is, half a libra of silver, as five crown pieces. If therefore you multiply three hundred times five, or five times three hundred, you will find one thousand five hundred in all. Thus it agrees exactly, to the last coin, with what we said about the nummus and the denarius and the festertium . In Varro it is read incorrectly, “Therefore these give six”; instead of, “Scius gives these.” For he mentions the villa of Sciana there, and otherwise modius

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dius sex pauonibus in mensem non sufficeret, qui uix uni sufficit, ut postea docebimus. Idem alibi de uillatica pa= stione Seij loquens, Certè, inquit Merula, ibi uidi gre= ges magnos anserum, gallinarum, columbarum, gruum, pauonum, necnon glirium, piscium, aprorum, cæteræq[ue] uenationis: ex quibus rebus scriba librarius eius in annos singulos plus quinquaginta nullia è uilla capere dicebat. Axio admirante, Certe nosti, inquit, materteræ meæ fun= dum in Sabinus, qui est ad uigesimuquartum lapidem uiæ Salaria à Roma. Quid ni, inquit? At qui in hac uilla qui est ornihon, ex eo uno quinque millia scio uenisse turdo= rum denarijs ternis, ut sexaginta millia ea pars reddide= rit eo anno uillæ: bis tantum quàm tuus fundus ducento= ru[m] iugerum Reate reddit. Quid? sexaginta, inquit Axius? sexaginta. sexagintæ derides? sexaginta inquam. Sed ut ad hunc bolum peruenias, opus erit tibi aut epulum aut triumphus alicuius, ut t[ame]n suit Scipionis Metelli: aut col= legiorum cænæ, quæ nunc innumerabiles excandesfaci[n]t annonam macelli: reliquis annis omnibus & hanc expe= ctabis summam. Quotus enim quisque est annus quo non uideas epulum aut triumphum, aut collegia coëpularis? qui nunc innumerabiles intedunt annonam. Non ne item L. Albutius homo (ut scitis) apprimè doctus, dicebat in Albano fundum suum pastionibus semper uinci à uilla? a= grum enim minus dena nullia reddere, uillam plus uicena. Idem secundum mare quo loco uellet si parasset uillam, se supra centum millia uilla recepturum. Age no[n] Marcus Cato nuper cum Luculli accepisset tutelam, è piscinus eius xL. millibus sestertium uedidit pisces? Ternis denarijs, id est, duodenis n[ost]umis turdos uenisse ad epulu[m] adijciale dicit, id est, ære nostro denis solidis turonicis et semisse. Si igitur p 4 quinquies

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Even six peacocks would not suffice for a month, when one scarcely suffices, as we shall show later. Speaking elsewhere of the stock-raising on Seius’ estate, “Certainly,” says Merula, “there I saw great flocks of geese, hens, doves, cranes, peacocks, as well as dormice, fish, boars, and the rest of the game: from these things his bookkeeper said that the farm yielded more than fifty thousand a year.” Axius, marveling, “Certainly you know,” he said, “my aunt’s estate in Sabinum, which is at the twenty-fourth milestone on the Via Salaria from Rome.” “Why not?” he said. “But on this farm, which is in Ornihon, from that one source alone I know that five thousand thrushes came in at three denarii each, so that that share brought sixty thousand in that year to the farm: twice as much as your two-hundred-iugera estate at Reate yields. What? sixty thousand,” says Axius? “Sixty thousand. Do you mock sixty thousand? Sixty thousand, I say. But in order to reach this level, you will need either a feast or someone’s triumph, as in the case of Scipio’s or Metellus’, or the dinners of the guilds, which now innumerable drive up the price of the market: in all the remaining years you will expect this sum as well. For how many years is there not some feast or triumph, or guild-banquet? “Do they not now innumerably strain the supply of the market? Was not L. Albutius, a man (as you know) remarkably learned, always saying in Albano that his estate was surpassed by his farm buildings? For the field yielded less than ten thousand, the villa more than twenty thousand. He said that if he had built a villa on the seashore, wherever he pleased, he would have realized more than a hundred thousand from it. Come now, did not Marcus Cato, when he recently took over Lucullus’ estate, sell the fish from his fishponds for forty thousand sesterces? He says that thrushes came to the feast at three denarii each, that is, at twelve nummi, that is, in our money at ten Turonian solidi and a half. If therefore

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quinquies duodena millia uel duodecies quina numeres, cum quinq; turdoru[m] millia fuerint, sexaginta millia num= morum efficies. Turdi apud nos hyeme non altiles, sed aucupio capti, & continuò occisi, ueneunt summùm se= nis denariolis, id est solidi semisse. Florentiæ altiles aui= culas comedi adipe omnino obesas, magnitudine alaudæ, sapore admodu[m] suaui, quæ tribus solidis nostris emptitari dicebantur: sæpe etiam pluris. Verùm hoc adnotandum, quòd ager ducentorum iugerùm, triginta millia reddere non poterat, cum uillatica pastio sexaginta millia uno no= mine redderet. Triginta millia ære nostro septingentos quinquaginta aureos ualent. Romanæ luxuriæ rationem inire in uniuersum ex Plinij uerbis possumus, qui libro < Luxuriæ Romanæ.> V I I I. de suibus loquens ita inquit, Et adhibetur ars ic= cori foeminarum sicut anserum: inuentum M. Apitij, fico arida saginatis, uel (ut in recentioribus libris) caryca, à satietate necatis repète mulsi potu dato. Neq; alio ex ani mali numerosior materia ganeæ: quinquaginta propè sa= pores, quum cæteris singuli. Hinc Censoriarum legum pa= ginæ, interdictaq; coenis abdomina, glandia, testiculi, uul= uæ, sincipita uerrina. Placuere autem & seri uesicæ. Ca= tonis Censoris orationes aprinum exprobrant callum. In tres tamen partes diuiso apro, media ponebant, lumbos apinos appellata. Solidum aprum Romanorum primus in epulis apposuit P. Seruilius Rullus, pater eius Rulli qui Ciceronis in Consulatu legem agraria[m] promulgauit. tam propinqua origo nuc quotidianæ rei est: et hoc annales no tarunt. Ex his uerbis intelligimus Plinij tempore solitum fuisse solidos apros inter fercula epularum apponere etia[m] in quotidianis luxuriosoru[m] epulis: quod etiam Seneca atte statur. Sed nihil maius est quàm ficis aridis sues saginare, & mul

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G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND if you reckon five times twelve thousand, or twelve times five thousand, when there have been five thousand thrushes, you will make sixty thousand num- ber. Thrushes among us in winter are not fattened, but caught by birdcatching, and immediately killed, they sell for at most six de- narii, that is, half a solidus. At Florence I ate fattened little birds filled entirely with fat, in size like a lark, with a very pleasant flavor, said to be sold for three of our solidi: often even for more. But this must be noted, that a field of two hundred iugera could not yield thirty thousand, while a farmyard poultry-raising could yield sixty thousand under one heading. Thirty thousand in our money are worth seven hundred and fifty gold pieces. We can in general estimate the account of Roman luxury from the words of Pliny, who, speaking in book < Luxuriæ Romanæ.> VIII. about pigs, says thus: And the skill of treating the liver of women as of geese is employed: an invention of M. Apicius, for those fattened on dried figs, or, in later books, caryca, killed to satiety, after mulled wine having been given to them to drink. Nor is there any other animal more abundant material for gluttony: nearly fifty flavors, whereas in the rest there is but one each. Hence the pages of the Censorial laws, and the bans on dinners: belly-meats, glandes, testicles, vul- vas, and sow's heads. But also the gall-bladders pleased people. The orations of Cato the Censor reproach the boar's rind. In three parts, however, the boar being divided, they set the middle part before one, the loin of the boar called. Publius Servilius Rullus, father of that Rullus who promulgated the agrarian law in Cicero's consulship, was the first Roman to have a whole boar served at banquets. So near is the origin of this everyday thing: and the annals recorded this. From these words we understand that in Pliny's time it was customary to place whole boars among the courses of feasts, even in the daily banquets of the luxurious: which Seneca also attests. But nothing is greater than to fatten pigs on dried figs, and mul

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 233 < Theriotrophium. Porcus Troianus.> mulsum ijs obijcere. Huiusmodi sues ex uiuarijs petebantur, quæ theriotrophia dicuntur: quale fuisse in Laurentina uilla Hortensij oratoris apud Varronem legimus. Eodem pertinet porcus Troianus, cuius in lege Fannia sumptuaria mentio facta est, qui mensis inferebatur alijs animalibus farctus, ut olim equus ille Troianus armatis inclusis grauidus in urbem Troianam illatus esse dicitur. Sed in uerbis Plinij suprascriptis ego duo uerba emendada sic censeo, ut legamus, Placuere autem & seri sues. I am Catonis, &c. ex uetusti obseruatione, in quo legitur, & seri uesicam. Nusqua enim, ut arbitror, uesicæ aprinæ fit mentio inter sercula antiquæ luxuriæ. Videamus de mancipijs Romanis. Plinius lib. v 11. Precium hominis in seruitio geniti maximum ad hanc diem (quod equidem compererim) fuit grammaticæ artis Daphnidis, Cn. Pisaurense uendente, & M. Scauro principe ciuitatis I I I. M. DCC. sestertijs licente. Excessere hoc in nostro æuo, nec modicè, histriones, sed libertatem suâ mercati, quippe cum iam apud maiores Roscius histrio I I I. M. D. Anniam mercasse prodatur. Sic in omnibus impressis exemplaribus legitur, in ijs etiam quæ Hermolaus castigando Plinio obseruasse se dicit. < Plinij locus.> Quo magis mirum est Hermolaum conniuentibus oculis hæc uerba prætermusisse, cum tame[n] eodem capite unum uerbum mutauerit contra fidem uetustæ lectionis, in quo ego ei non assentior. Quomodo autem sum num precium hominis serui esse potest tria millia & septingenti sestertij, cum Columella lib. I I I I. dicat de uinitore seruo loquens, Sed ego plurimoru[m] opinioni dissentiens, preciosum uinitore[m] in primis esse censeo: isq[ue] licet sit emptus sex uel potius sestertium octo millibus: cum ipsum solum septem iu gerum totidem millibus nummorum par- tum p 5

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PARTIB. OF BOOK II. 233 < Theriotrophium. Trojan Pig.> to throw mulsum at them. Swine of this kind were sought from the animal parks, which are called theriotrophia: such a one, we read in Varro, was in the Laurentine villa of the orator Hortensius. To the same belongs the Trojan pig, mention of which was made in the sumptuary law of Fannius, which was brought to the table stuffed with other animals, just as that Trojan horse is said of old to have been brought into the Trojan city, burdened with armed men enclosed within it. But in the words of Pliny written above I judge that two words should be emended thus, so that we read, Placuere autem & seri sues . I am of Catonian, etc., from an old reading, in which it is found, & seri uesicam . For nowhere, as I think, is the boar’s bladder mentioned among the dishes of ancient luxury. Let us look at Roman slaves. Pliny, book v. 11. The price of a man born into slavery, up to this day, was greatest, as far as I have found, in the case of Daphnis, a teacher of grammar, when Cn. Pisaurense sold him, and M. Scaurus, prince of the city, bought him for 3,700,000 sesterces. In our age they have exceeded this, and not slightly, the actors, but men who bought their freedom, since it is now reported that among our ancestors Roscius the actor bought Anniam for 3,000,000. Thus it is read in all printed copies, even in those which Hermolaus says he observed while correcting Pliny. < Passage of Pliny.> So much the more remarkable it is that Hermolaus, with eyes half shut, passed over these words, when yet in the same chapter he changed one word against the authority of the ancient reading, in which matter I do not agree with him. How, moreover, can the price of a slave-born man be three thousand and seven hundred sesterces, when Columella, book IIII, says, speaking of a slave-vine-dresser, “But I, differing from the opinion of the majority, consider a good vine-dresser to be especially valuable: and he, though purchased for six, or rather eight thousand sesterces; since the mere land of seven iugera has been acquired for the same amount of money—” p 5

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tum sit. Quod si apud Plinium sestertia genere neutro in telligas, immane erit precium, etiam præterquam quòd Latinè loquentium consuetudo refragatur, ut alibi diximus. Plutarchus in Catone maiore, Cum Babylonia supel lex hæreditate ei obuenisset, ut quàmprimùm uenundaretur curauit. Nullam eius uillam tectorium habuisse, nec ullum mancipium ultra milie & quingentas drachmas emus se dicit: quasi non delicatis & formosis, sed colonis ac robustis stabularijs & bubulcis sibi opus esset. Mille et quin gentæ drachmæ sex millia nummorum ualent. Quod conuenit cum dicto Columellæ, qui sex uel potius octo millibus uult emi uinitorem, quem preciosum uocat, id est centum quinquaginta uel ducentis aureis nostris emptum. Liuius lib. 1 x. de bello Maced. de censura eiusdem Catonis loquens, In censibus quoq; accipiendis tristis & aspera in omnes ordines censura fuit. Ornamenta & uestem muliebrem, & uehicula quæ pluris quàm quindecim milliu[m] æris essent, in censum referre uiatores iussit. Item macipia minora annis x x. quæ post proximum lustrum decem millibus æris aut eo pluris uenissent: uti ea quoq; decies pluris quàm quanti essent, æstimarentur: & his rebus omnibus terni in millia æris attribuerentur. Hæc æstimatio maior est tribus millibus septingentis sestertijs: uerùm ex Liuij loco intelligimus non impune olim, id est censuræ tempore, fuisse ijs qui precia rerum ultra modum intendissent: propter quod emanauit dictum illud Plinij in loco supra dicto eode[m] capite statim post uerba antedicta, Nisi siquis in hoc loco desiderat Armeniaci belli paulò antè propter Tyridatem gesti dispensatore[m], quem Nero III. C. XXX. manumisit: sed hoc preciu[m] belli, non hominis fuit, tam Hercules, quàm libidinus non formæ Paronetem spadonis Se- iano

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET then it is so. But if in Pliny you understand sestertia in the neuter gender, the price will be enormous, even aside from the fact that the usage of those speaking Latin is against it, as we have said elsewhere. Plutarch, in the Greater Cato, says that when the Babylonian furniture had come to him by inheritance, he took care to have it sold as soon as possible. He says that none of his villas had plastering, and that he had bought no slave for more than 1,500 drachmas: as though he needed not delicate and handsome servants, but sturdy farmhands and ox-drivers. 1,500 drachmas are worth 6,000 sesterces. This agrees with what Columella says, who wishes a vintner to be bought for 6, or rather 8, thousand, which he calls expensive, that is, bought for 150 or 200 of our gold coins. Livy, book 10 of the Macedonian War, speaking of the census of the same Cato, says, “In taking the census too, the strict and severe assessment was applied to all ranks. He ordered that women’s ornaments and clothing, and vehicles worth more than 15,000 asses, should be entered in the census. Likewise slaves under twenty years old, if after the next lustrum they had sold for 10,000 asses or more: so that these too should be estimated at ten times their value, and that on all these items three thousand asses should be assigned.” This estimate is greater than 3,700 sesterces; yet from Livy’s passage we understand that in former times, that is, at the time of the censorship, those who had driven up the prices of things beyond measure did not go unpunished. For this reason there arose that statement of Pliny in the passage cited above, in the same chapter immediately after the preceding words: “Unless perhaps in this place someone wishes the dispensator of the Armenian war, waged shortly before against Tiridates, whom Nero manumitted for 330,000 sesterces; but this was the price of the war, not of the man.” So too Hercules, and lust, not the beauty, of Paronetes the eunuch of Sejanus

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 235 idano I I I. M. D. mercante à Sutorio Prisco, quam quidem iniuriam lucrifecit ille, mercatus in luctu ciuitatis, quoniam arguere nulli uacabat. Quo in loco Peronetomi libentius legerim quam Paronetemi: quod quid significare possit, non uideo. fortasse nomen spadoni accommodatum, quasi exectis genitalibus etiam insibulatus. Legimus apud Senecam in epist. ad Lucillium libro I I I I. seruos anagnostas, id est lectores literaru[m] peritos, centu[m] mil= libus nummorum emptos: quod tum maximum habebatur precium. Caluissius, inquit, Sabinus memoria nostra fuit diucs. hic eruditus uideri uolebat. Hanc itaq[ue] compendiariam doctrinam excogitauit: magna summa emit seruos, unum qui Homerum teneret, alterum qui Hesiodum. Nouem præterea Lyricis singulos assignauit. Postquam hæc familia illi comparata est, suasit illi Satellius stultorum diuitum arrosor, & (quod sequitur) arrisor, ut grammaticos haberet analectos. cum dixisset Sabinus centenis millibus sibi constare singulos seruos, Minoris, inquit, totidem scrinia emisses. Quin & apud Plinium ipsum eodem in libro de exemplis similitudinumloquentem ita legitur, Toranius M. Antonio iam Triumuiro eximios forma pueros, alterum in Asia genitum, alterum trans Alpes, ut geminos uendidit: tanta unitas erat. Postquam deinde sermone puerorum detecta fraude, à furente increpitus Antonio est, inter alia magnitudinem precij requirente (nam ducentis mercatus erat festertijs) respondit uersutus ingenij mango, Ob id ipsum se tanti uendidisse, quoniam non esset mira simultudo in ullis eodem utero editis. Tranquil lus de Cæsare, Seruitia recentiora politioraq[ue] immenso precio co[m]parauit, & cuius etia[m] ipsum puderet, sic ut rationibus uetaret inferri. Proinde uel refragante ex[em]plariu[m] fide

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PART II. HIS BOOK II. 235 Idano III. M.D. sold by Sutorio Priscus, which insult he profited from, buying in the mourning of the city, since there was no time for anyone to accuse him. In this place I would more readily read Peronetomi than Paronetemi: what this may mean, I do not see. Perhaps a name adapted to a eunuch, as though with the genitalia cut away he was also fitted with a muzzle. We read in Seneca, in the epistle to Lucilius, book IIII, of serui anagnostae, that is, readers skilled in letters, bought for a hundred thousand sesterces: which was then considered the highest price. “Caluissius,” he says, “Sabinus was in our memory a rich man. He wished to seem learned. And so he devised this shortcut to knowledge: with a large sum he bought slaves, one who knew Homer, another who knew Hesiod. Moreover, he assigned one slave apiece to the nine Lyric poets. After this household had been procured for him, that flatterer of foolish rich men, Satellius, advised him—and what follows, a flatterer as well—that he should have grammaticos for his note-takers.” When Sabinus had said that each slave had cost him a hundred thousand, “You could have bought,” he said, “the same number of book-boxes for less.” And in Pliny himself, in the same book, speaking of examples of similarities, it is read thus: Toranius sold to M. Antonius, then Triumvir, boys outstanding in beauty, one born in Asia, the other across the Alps, as though twins: so great was their likeness. Afterwards, when the deceit was exposed by the boys’ speech, he was rebuked by the enraged Antonius, who among other things asked about the size of the price—for he had bought them for two hundred thousand sesterces. The crafty dealer of talent replied that he had sold them for so much for the very reason that there was no marvelous resemblance in any who were born from the same womb. Tranquillus says of Caesar that he purchased his household slaves more recently and with greater refinement, and at such immense cost that he was even ashamed of it, so that he forbade it to be entered in the accounts. Therefore, even if the evidence of the examples opposes it

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET fide hunc locum Plinij ita lego, M. Scauro principe ciuitatis CCC. millibus DCC. sestertijs licente. Excessere hoc in nostro æuo nec modicè histriones, sed libertatem suam mercati: quippe cum iam apud maiores Roscius histrio CCCCL. annua meritasse prodatur, uel potius, sestertiæ quingenta annua meritasse. Nota enim sestertij potuit immutari in aliam notam, ut alibi sæpe, sicut tria I I I, in locum trium CCC, irrepserant. Meritasse autem uerbum non sine admonitione uetusti unius exemplaris lego. Quod autem sequitur, Nisi si quis in hoc loco desiderat Armeniaci belli paulò antè propter Tyridatem gesti dispensatorem, < Plinij locus.> quem Nero I I I. C. X X X. manumisit: suspectum mendi habeo, ut fortasse centies uicies legedum sit, hoc modo, quem Nero sester. centies uicies manumisit. nam in uetusto < Sestertij nota.> I I I. C. X X. legitur. Sestertium enim antiqui longuriolis binis et semisse notabant, quam notam facile fuit intra iota decidere. Omnino statuendum est nonnulla etiam contra fidem quantumuis uetustæ lectionis emendare, cum argumentis ad hoc ualidis impellemur: ut alibi in eodem libro, ubi Plinius exempla numerosæ sobolis ponit. Extat, inquit, in monumentis etiam medicorum, et quibus talia consectari curæ fuit, uno abortu duo puerperia egesta. In omnibus libris sic legi, præterquam in uno uetustissimo, ubi, duo dicit puerperia, legitur, cum anxiè obseruarem propter Aristotelem qui duodecim dicit lib. V I I. de hist. animalium, ἐν ἡ γὰρ ἐνομένης Παρθορᾶς κεῦ δὲνα στιχὴ κινδυνα ἐκπεσεῖν τὰ ἐπικυμεῖντα. I am contigit corruptione in locis muliebribus facta, et decem et duodecim superfætatos partus egeri. Quare hic duodecim puerperia lego. Illud eodem in loco magis suspectum habeo, quàm ut emendare ausim, Quarto partu Dacorum nota in bra= chio

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND by faith, in this passage of Pliny I read it thus: “with M. Scaurus, the leading man of the state, for 300,000 700 sestertii.” Even in our age actors have surpassed this, and not modestly, but having traded on their own freedom; for indeed it is reported that in the days of our ancestors the actor Roscius earned 440,000 a year, or rather, 500 sestertii a year. For the mark of the sestertius could be altered into another sign, as often elsewhere, just as three I I I had crept in place of three CCC. I read the word “earned” also not without the warning of an old manuscript. But what follows, “unless perhaps someone in this place misses the dispenser of the Armenian war, recently conducted against Tiridates,” < Passage of Pliny.> “whom Nero manumitted for 310,000 sesterces”: I suspect corruption, so that perhaps it ought to be read as 12,000,000 sesterces, in this way: “whom Nero manumitted for 12,000,000 sesterces.” For in an old manuscript < Mark of the sestertius.> I I I. C. X X. is read. For the ancients marked the sestertius with two and a half long strokes, a mark from which it was easy for the iota to drop out. In general it must be established that some things too, even against the authority of however ancient a reading, must be corrected when we are driven to it by strong arguments: as elsewhere in the same book, where Pliny gives examples of numerous offspring. “It is found,” he says, “in the records of physicians also, and of those who took care to investigate such matters, that from one miscarriage two births were delivered.” In all books I read this so, except in one very old one, where instead of “two births,” “twelve births” is read, which I observed anxiously because of Aristotle, who says twelve in book VII of the History of Animals. ἐν ἡ γὰρ ἐνομένης Παρθορᾶς κεῦ δὲνα στιχὴ κινδυνα ἐκπεσεῖν τὰ ἐπικυμεῖντα. Now corruption has occurred in the parts concerning women, and ten and twelve superfetated births have been brought forth. Therefore here I read twelve births. That other passage in the same place I consider more suspect than to dare to emend it, “At the fourth birth the mark of the Dacians on the bra- chium”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 237 chio redditur. Aristoteles, ἐπιδειδων τῶν πιστων πι και σκια πισων, στῶν ἐκκοπος ἀνθή συμα ἐν ἔθει βραχοιονι, ἐ μὴν ἐγος ἐν ἐγένεθ, ὑ δὲ ἐγαίς ἐκκων ἐν ἐθεῖ αυτον ἐν πῶν στικεχυμευον μελαν. Iam tale quid aliquando & in tertiam prolem redijt. siquidem habentis inusti puncti notam in brachio, filius sine ea nota natus est: ex eo uerò nepos, eodem in loco brachij nigritiem quandam confusam retulit. Plinium autem eo in loco Aristotelem esse secutu[m], facile est utriusque autoris collatione iudicare, ut fortasse non Dacorum, sed uel decorum uel dedecorum legendum sit pro eo quod Aristoteles stigma dixit. Aliquando ita censui, quoad, ut interim nihil minus cogita[n]tibus accidit, in locum Artemidori incidi in pri. τῶν ὑδροκριπικῶν, ex quo facilè & Aristoteles uerba & Plinij intelligentur. sic enim inquit, ἀντιν ἐν ἐθη πιστων τῶν ἐθνῶν ἐσί παῦτα, θεῶς σεβαδικι και πιμαν, τεννα περφη, καθεστην νῦντων. ἰδια δὲ τὰ ἐθνικὰ καλῶνων, στῶν σινοντα παρὰ ἐγαζημ ὃι ὑγνευμ ἀπωδον, και παρὰ γέταις ἐγαω. Stigmate & nota inuruntur nobiles pueri. Aristoteles de huiusmodi nota in uniuersum locutus est, tanqua[m] suo tempore nulli ignota. Plin. de Dacis dixit quod Artemidorus de Thracibus scripsit. Plin. ipse lib. 1111. Ab Histro, inquit, in plenum omnes Scytharum sunt gentes, uariè tamen littori apposita tenuere, aliàs Getæ, Daci à Romanis dicti. Veruntamen emendationem illa superiorem insigni aliqua autoritate confirmare oportet, ne dubitandi argume[n]tum cuiquam relinquamus. Audiamus igitur Macrobiu[m] lib. 111. Satur. de saltatione histronica & histrionibus ita loquentem, Cæterùm histriones non inter turpes habitos Cicero testimonio est: quem nullus ignorat Roscio & Roscius & Aesopus. Aesopo histrionibus tam familiariter usum, ut res rationesq

Transcription: Translated (English)

...is restored. Aristotle, the marking of the faithful and the shadow of the faithful, the cut-off branch in the custom of the forearm, and indeed I myself in birth, but you in the custom of your own, in the scattered blackness of the writing. Now such a thing at times has also returned to a third generation. For a son born with no trace of the mark in the arm was born without that sign; and from him, in truth, a grandson brought back in the same place on the arm a certain confused blackness. But that Pliny here followed Aristotle is easy to judge by comparing each author, so that perhaps one should read not Dacorum, but either decorum or dedecorum in place of what Aristotle called stigma. I once thought so, until, when I was for the moment least expecting it, I fell upon a passage of Artemidorus in the first book of the Hydrokritikōn, from which both Aristotle’s words and Pliny’s will be easily understood. For thus he says: ... Stigma and a mark are burned into noble boys. Aristotle spoke of this kind of mark in general, as though in his own time it were known to none. Pliny said of the Dacians what Artemidorus wrote of the Thracians. Pliny himself, book 1111, says: “From the Ister, indeed, in the full extent of the whole, are the peoples of the Scythians, though variously occupying the shore; elsewhere they are called Getae, Daci by the Romans.” Nevertheless, we ought to confirm that emendation above with some notable authority, lest we leave anyone an argument for doubting. Let us therefore hear Macrobius, book 111, of the Saturnalia, speaking thus about the dancing of the Histriones and the actors: “But actors were not held among the base; Cicero is witness, who is well known to have had intimate dealings with Roscius and with Roscius and Aesopus. Aesopus among actors so familiarly used, that the affairs and reasons...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nesq[ue] eorum sua solertia tueretur. Et certè satis constat contendere eum cum ipso histrione solitum, utrum ille sæpius eandem sententiam uarijs gestibus efficeret, an ipse per eloquentiæ copiam sermone diuerso pronunciaret. Is est Roscius qui etia[m] Lucio Syllæ charissimus fuit, & annulo aureo ab eodem Dictatore donatus est. Tanta autem fuit gratia & gloria, ut mercedem diurna[m] de publico mil le denarios sine gregalibus solus acceperit. Aesopum uerò ex pari arte ducenties sestertium reliquisse filio constat. Hactenus ille. Mille denarij, quatuor millia nummum ualent, id est centum aureos nostros: quam mercedem si per singulos dies anni accepisse Rosciu[m] intelligeremus, fieret summa annuæ mercedis trigintasex millia & quingenti, quæ computatione Romana sestertium quaterdecies & sexaginta millia dicitur. At ea summa tribus partibus maior est ea quam Plinius posuit, id est trecentis & quinquæ genis millibus sestertium. Quare mille denarios diurnos suspicari possumus Macrobiu[m] intellexisse ludorum tantum diebus accepisse Roscium. Cicero in ea oratione, qua[m] pro Roscio habuit, mercedem publicam Roscium respuisse dicit, his uerbis; Roscio cur tanti fuerit ut socium fraudaret, causam requiro. Egebati[m] imò locuples erat. debebat? imò in suis summis uersabatur. auarus erat? imò etiam antequa[m] locuples, semper liberalissimus munificentissimusq[ue]; fuit. Proh deum hominumq[ue] fidem, qui HS. CCCLIII. CCCLIIII. CCCLIIII. quæslus facere noluit (nam certe HS. CCCLIIII. CCCLIIII. CCCLIIII. merere & potuit & debuit) is per summam fraudem & malitiâ & perfidiam HS. LIII. appetijt? & illa fuit pecunia immanis, hæc paruula: illa honesta, hæc sordidæ: illa iucuda, hæc acerba. Cur hi numeri ter legantur, non intelligo: sed CCCLM. legendum

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON THE AS AND and no doubt their own skill sustained them. And certainly it is well known that he was accustomed to compete with that very actor, whether he more often produced the same sentiment by varied gestures, or whether he himself, by the abundance of his eloquence, delivered it in different words. This is the Roscius who was also the dearest friend of Lucius Sulla, and was presented by that Dictator with a gold ring. So great, moreover, was his favor and glory, that he alone received from the public treasury a daily fee of one thousand denarii, without fellow performers. And it is certain that Aesopus, from the same profession, left two hundred sestertii to his son. So much for him. One thousand denarii are worth four thousand nummi, that is, one hundred of our gold pieces: if we understand that Roscius received this fee on each day of the year, the annual sum would amount to thirty-six thousand and five hundred, which by Roman calculation is said to be fourteen times sixty thousand sestertii. But that sum is three times greater than that which Pliny set down, namely three hundred and fifty-five thousand sestertii. Wherefore we may suspect that by one thousand denarii a day Macrobius meant that Roscius received it only on the days of the games. Cicero, in that speech which he delivered on behalf of Roscius, says that Roscius rejected the public fee, in these words: “I ask the reason why Roscius was so highly esteemed that he defrauded his partner. Was he in want? Nay, he was rich. Owed he anything? Nay, he was moving among his highest resources. Was he greedy? Nay, even before he was rich, he was always most liberal and most munificent. By the faith of gods and men, he who was unwilling to make a profit of HS. CCCLIII. CCCLIIII. CCCLIIII. (for certainly he both could and ought to have earned HS. CCCLIIII. CCCLIIII. CCCLIIII.) did he, by the greatest fraud, malice, and treachery, seek HS. LIII.? And that money was enormous; this was petty: that honorable; this sordid: that pleasant; this bitter.” Why these numbers are read three times, I do not understand; but CCCLM should be read

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 239 dum puto, ut ex tribus I I I fiat M. Est autem alioquin o= ratio illa, uel orationis fragmentum potius, & mutilatu[m], & in numeris suspectum: magnam tamen fuisse mercedem Roscij ex eo intelligimus, quod eode[m] in loco orationis se= quitur, Decem his annis proximis, inquit, sestertium sexa= gies honestissimè eô, equi potuit, noluit: laborem quæstus recepit, quæstum laboris reiecit: populo Romano adhuc seruire non destitit, sibi seruire iampridem destitit. hoc tu unquam Fanni faceres? sed si hos quæstus recipere pos= ses, non eodem tempore & gestum & animâ ageres? dic nunc te ab Roscio HS. L I I I. circunscriptu[m] esse, qui tan tas & tam infinitas pecunias non propter inertiam labo= ris, sed propter magnificentiam liberalitatis repudiarit. Infinitas pecunias Cicero sexagies sestertiu[m] appellat: nec mirum, cum centum & quinquaginta aureorum nostroru[m] millia esse iam docuerimus. Ergo singulis annis sexcenta sestertia, hoc est quindecim aureorum millia Roscius me= rere recusauit. Quod tum intelligimus factum fuisse, cum < Aureus annu- lus, equestris ordinis indi- cium.> diues esse coepit, cum etiam ad extremum annulo aureo, id est Equestri ordine donatus sit à Sylla. Re aute[m] acrius pensitata, Plinij dictu[m] de annuis trecentis & quinquagin= ta sestertijs, uel de quingentis potius, intelligo de Roscij mercede in seruitute existente. siquidem in eadem oratio= ne Ciceronis legimus Panurgum seruum comædum tanti operas suas locasse, qui Panurgus Roscij fuerat seruus. Sunt hæc uerba ex oratione transcripta, Panurgum tu Sa turi proprium Fannij dicis fuisse: at ego totu[m] Roscij fuisse contendo. Quod erat enim Fannij, corpus est: quod erat Roscij, disciplina. Facies non erat, ars erat preciosa. nemo enim illu[m] ex trunco corporis spectabat, sed ex artificio co mico æstimabat. Illa mebra merere per se non amplius po terant

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 239 while I think that from three III an M is made. But the passage is otherwise, or rather a fragment of an oration, and mutilated, and suspicious in its numerals; yet we understand how great Roscius’ fee was from the fact that in the same place in the speech he says: “For these last ten years,” he says, “he very honourably refused sixty million sesterces, if he could have had them; he accepted labour for gain, he rejected gain for labour; he has not yet ceased to serve the Roman people, but he had long ago ceased to serve himself. Would you ever do that, Fannius? But if you could receive these gains, would you not at the same time act both the part and the soul?” Now say that you were cheated by Roscius out of 53,000 sesterces, he who rejected such great and such immense sums, not because of an aversion to toil, but because of the splendour of his generosity. Cicero calls “immense sums” sixty million sesterces; and no wonder, since we have already shown that this amounts to one hundred and fifty thousand of our gold pieces. Therefore Roscius refused to earn six hundred thousand sesterces each year, that is, fifteen thousand gold pieces. We understand that this happened when he began to be rich, when finally he was also presented with the gold ring, that is, was given the Equestrian order by Sulla. But if the matter is considered more carefully, I understand Pliny’s statement about three hundred and fifty sesterces a year, or rather five hundred, as referring to Roscius’ fee while he was still in servitude. For in the same speech of Cicero we read that the comic slave Panurgus had hired out his services for such a sum, and this Panurgus had been Roscius’ slave. These are the words copied from the speech: “You say that Panurgus of your Saturnalia belonged to Fannius; but I maintain that he belonged wholly to Roscius. For what belonged to Fannius is the body; what belonged to Roscius is training. The face was not the point; the art was precious. For no one regarded him from the shape of his body, but valued him from his comic skill. Those limbs could no longer earn by themselves any more”

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET terant XII. æris: disciplina quæ erat ab hoc tradita, loca bat se non minus HS. C C C L I I. Nihil aute certi con= stitui potest ex illa oratione, quam non nisi impressam ui= dimus. In uolumine autem antiquo Orationum Ciceronis quod legere nobis cōtigit, illa oratio cum duabus alijs de= erat. Quantum tamen ex illo fragmento colligi potest, Pæ nurgus ille com[m]odus, qui cōmunis inter Roscium & Fannium erat, à Flauio quodam interfectus fuit, qui iudicio damni iniuriæ cōuentus, lite transactione decisa, C C C L. sestertia Roscio dedit pro parte sua. quare cum Fannius partem à Roscio auferre uellet tanquam in rem communé Roscius trāsegisset, Cicero primùm actionem Fannij de= pellere uolens, Roscium ait pro media tantum parte deci= disse, quippe qui amplius neminem eo nomine petiturum non spopondisset: deinde etiam contendit Fannium alte= rum tantum à Flauio abstulisse eodem nomine. propter quod Plinius non frustra dixit, Excessere hoc in nostro æuo nec modicè histriones, sed libertatem suam mercati. aucto enim in immensum peculio histrionicis mercedibus, facilè libertatem quantumuis magno emebant. Quòd si quis apud Macrobiu non mille denarios, sed mille num= mos legat: erit summa annuæ mercedis paulò id est, quin= decim tantum millibus sestertium maior quàm apud Pli= nium. Vt autem denarios mille etiam quotidianos per an= num totum meruisse Roscium credam, & nihil in Macro bio mutandum censeam: facit id quod sequitur, Aesopum ex pari arte ducenties sestertium reliquisse filio. Vt enim triginta tantum annua aureorum nostrorum millia mere= ret, oportuit eum duodeciginti annis ut minimum artem exercuisse, ut ducenties sestertium hæredi relinqueret. Plus autem quotannis meruisse ex eo coniecturam fa= cio,

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET terant XII. of bronze: the training that was handed down from this source amounted to not less than 352,000 sesterces. Nothing certain, however, can be established from that speech, which we have seen only in print. But in the old volume of Cicero’s Orations, which it happened to us to read, that speech was missing along with two others. Yet, as much as can be gathered from that fragment, that well-known Pænurgus, which was common to Roscius and Fannius, was killed by a certain Flavius, who, when summoned in an action for damages for injury, settled the case by agreement and gave 3,500 sesterces to Roscius for his share. Wherefore, when Fannius wished to take a share from Roscius as though in a common property, Roscius had transferred it; Cicero, first wishing to repel Fannius’s claim, says that Roscius settled only for half the matter, since he had not promised that no one else would thereafter sue on that account: then he even argues that Fannius took only the other half from Flavius on the same account. For this reason Pliny did not say in vain, “In our age actors have exceeded this, and not moderately so, but have bought their freedom.” For, since their wealth had grown enormously through stage fees, they easily bought their freedom, however high the price. But if anyone in Macrobius reads not “a thousand denarii,” but “a thousand nummi,” the total of the annual fee will be a little larger, that is, by only fifteen thousand sesterces, than in Pliny. Yet if I am to believe that Roscius earned even a thousand denarii daily throughout the whole year, and think that nothing should be changed in Macrobius, this is supported by what follows: Aesopus left 20,000,000 sesterces to his son from the same profession. For since he earned only thirty thousand of our modern gold pieces yearly, he must have practiced the art for at least eighteen years in order to leave 20,000,000 sesterces to his heir. But that he earned more each year I infer from this,

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Transcription: ATR-1

cio, quòd uix annis duodeuiqinti uox perdurare potuit ad actus fabularum: deinde (quod maius est argumentu[m]) inu= sitato luxu uitam transegisse dicitur. Quare ut tantum lu= xuriæ restaret, oportuit eum maiora multo stipendia ac ma gis opima secisse, de quo elogium illud extat Plinij lib. x. his uerbis, Maximè tamen insignis est in hac memoria Clo dij Aesopi Tragici histrionis patina, sexcentis sestertijs ta xata, in qua posuit aues cantu aliquo aut humano sermo= ne uocales, nummum sex millibus singulas coëmptas: di= gnus prorsus filio, à quo diximus deuoratas margaritas. De filio autem lib. I x. locutus est his uerbis, cum Antonij & Cleopatræ mentionem faceret: Non ferent tamen (in= quit, hanc palmam, spoliabunturq[ue] etiam luxuriæ gloria. prior id fecerat Romæ in unionibus magnæ taxationis Clodius Aesopi tragædi filius, relictus ab eo in amplis opi bus hæres (ne triumphatu suo nimis superbiat Antonius penè histrioni comparatus) & quidem nulla spōsione ad hoc productus, quo id magis regium erat: sed ut experire= tur in gloria palati quid saperent margaritæ. Atq[ue] ut mi= rè placuere, ne solus hoc sciret, singulos uniones conuiuis ad sorbendu[m] dedit. Quo in loco non triu[m]phatu, sed Triu[m] < Plinius locus.> uiratu lego ex uetusto libro. Docuimus supra hanc patina[m] Aesopi patris quindecim millibus coronatorum nostro= rum stetisse. Plinius dicit uniones magnæ taxationis fi= lium conuiuis singulis sorbendos dedisse. Quòd si du= centies sestertium ad id sufficere potuit, coniectura asse= qui possumus immanem esse summam duceties sestertium: præsertim cum Cicero sexagies sestertium infinitam pecu niam appellauerit. Athenæus lib. X I I I I. de quodam Amoebeo citharcedo loquens, ita inquit, Mihi uerò nihilo inferior esse uidetur antiquo illo Amoebeo, quem Aristea q in li

Transcription: Translated (English)

cio, because the voice could scarcely endure for eighteen years for the purposes of stage-acting: then, which is a still greater proof, he is said to have spent his life in unprecedented luxury. Therefore, since so much luxury was to be left, it was necessary for him to have earned much larger and more sumptuous wages, of which that remark of Pliny in book X survives, in these words: “Most conspicuous, however, in this record is the dish of Clodius Aesopus the tragic actor, valued at six hundred thousand sesterces, in which he placed birds vocal with some song or human speech, each bought for six thousand sesterces: truly worthy of the son, of whom we have said that pearls were devoured.” But concerning the son, in book IX he spoke in these words, when mentioning Antony and Cleopatra: “They will not, however, bear away this palm, and even the glory of luxury will be stripped from them. The first to do this at Rome, in pearls of great value, was Clodius Aesopus, son of the tragic actor, left by him heir to vast wealth (that Antony may not become too proud of his triumph, being almost compared with an actor), and indeed brought forward for this purpose under no wager, which made it all the more royal: but so that he might test in the glory of the palate what pearls tasted like. And when they had pleased him greatly, so that he might not be the only one to know this, he gave each pearl to the guests to swallow.” In this passage I read, not “triumphatu,” but “Triumviratu,” from an old book. We have shown above that this dish of Aesop the father cost fifteen thousand of our golden crowns. Pliny says that the son of pearls of great value gave each of the guests one to swallow. If two hundred million sesterces could suffice for this, we may infer by calculation that the sum was immense, two hundred million sesterces; especially since Cicero called sixty million sesterces an infinite amount of money. Athenaeus, book XIII, speaking of a certain Amoebaeus the citharode, says thus: “For my part, he seems to me no whit inferior to that old Amoebaeus, whom Aristea q in li

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET in lib. de Citharædis scribit Athenus habitasse, domumq[ue] prope theatru[m] habuisse: cumq[ue] in theatru[m] cantaturus prodiret, talentum unum Atticum in dies singulos merere solitum esse, [n]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on 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Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET in the book De Citharædis , Athenus writes that he lived, and had a house near the theater; and that when he went out into the theater to sing, he used to earn one Attic talent each day, not [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]on [ph]

bub_gb_2Iqok-Lv-wcC-page-249.png

Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 243 post paulum, Ad scenicas quoque & gladiatorias operas & equitibus Romanis aliquando usus est. spectandi uolu pate teneri se neq[ue] dissimulauit unquam, et sæpe ingenuè professus est. Itaq[ue] corollaria & præmia alienis quoq[ue] mu neribus ac ludis & crebra & grandia de suo offerebat. Idem in Vespasiano, Ludis per quos scena Marcelliani theatri restituta dedicabatur, uetera quoq[ue] acroamata re= uocauerat: Apollinari tragædo quadringenta, Tarpeio Diodoroq[ue] citharædis ducenta, nonnullis centenæ: quibus minimum, quadragena sestertia super plurimas coronas aureas dedit. Ex dictis liquidò apparet unde Aesopus tan tæ luxuriæ sufficere potuerit, quanquam ante hæc tempo ra fuerit: sed quibus erat non minus studiu[m] artis histrioni= cæ: & maius fortasse, quo magis primores urbis Romæ po pulum huiusmodi spectaculis conciliare sibi conabantur, eo tempore quo omnia in populi erant potestate. Qua[m]tam enim esse eam munificentiam putamus, quæ unico histrio= ni una donatione decem millia aureoru[m] dederit? quanqua[m] Cæsar Laberio quarta parte plus dedit. Hanc tam[m]e Aeso= pi prodigentiam Apitius nepotinis helluationibus exu= < Apitij luxus perditusimi.> perasse dicitur, ob quod in prouerbium Apitianæ coe= næ uenerunt: de quo Martialis in quinto Epigramma= tum: Dederas Apiti bis trecenties uentri: Sed adhuc supererat centies tibi laxum. Hoc tu grauatus, ne famem & sitim ferres, Summa uenenum potione duxisti. Quod perinde est ac si diceret, Apiti sexcenties sester= tium, id est quindecies centena aureorum nullia (de no= stris semper loquor, ijsq[ue] coronatis) inexplebili illa in glu uihelluatus, cu[m] posses adhuc ducentis quinquaginta mul= q 2 libus

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 243 after a little while, he also at times made use of scenic and gladiatorial entertainments and of Roman knights. He never concealed that he delighted in watching them, and often professed it openly. And so he offered corollaries and prizes from his own resources as well, both for the contests of others and for games, and in great numbers and at great expense. The same man, under Vespasian, at the games by which the stage of the Marcellian theater was being restored and dedicated, had recalled old performances too: to the tragic actor Apollinaris four hundred, to the cithara-players Tarpeius and Diodorus two hundred each, to several others one hundred; and to those receiving the least, forty thousand sesterces, besides very many golden crowns. From what has been said, it is clearly apparent how Aesopus could have been sufficient for such extravagance, although he lived before these times; but to whom there was no less devotion to the art of acting, and perhaps even greater, in proportion as the leading men of the city of Rome were trying to win over the people to themselves by spectacles of this kind, at a time when everything lay in the power of the people. For how great do we think that munificence to be, which gave to a single actor, in a single gift, ten thousand gold pieces? Although Caesar Laberius gave a quarter more. This prodigality of Aesop, however, is said to have been squandered by Apicius in gluttonous excesses of the most ruinous kind. < Apicius' utterly ruined luxury.> For this reason the phrase “Apician dinners” came into use; Martial speaks of this in the fifth book of the Epigrams: You had twice three hundred thousand sesterces for Apicius’ belly; Yet even now there remained a hundred thousand safely yours. Displeased by this, lest you should endure hunger and thirst, you hastened to your end with a draught of poison. Which is as if he were to say: Apicius, having devoured six hundred thousand sesterces, that is, fifteen hundred gold pieces, to no avail (I am always speaking of our own currency, and that in crowned pieces), in that insatiable gluttony—while you could still have had two hundred and fifty thou- q 2 lib.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET libus (quod centies laxum appellat) uitam lauto & elega[n]ti uiectu producere: tamen uenenum miser hausisti, ne patrimonio tanto superesses, quod iamiam te deserturum uidebatur. Longè autem falsus est in hoc Calderinus, qui bis trecenties pro sex millibus uel sexcentis nullibus intellexit: cum septingenties c[er]tena millia Martialis significauerit: quomodo & alibi secundo Epigrammatum. Illa illa diues mortua est Secundilla, Centena decies quæ tibi dedit dotis. Millia enim subaudiendum, ut apud Iuuenalem, - Et ritu decies centena dabuntur Antiquo. - Quomodo idem alibi, Optima sed quare Cæsonia teste marito? Bis quingenta dedit: tanti uocat ille pudicam. <Decies c[er]tena.> Id est decies c[er]tena millia, quod decies sestertium dicitur. Plinius propterea Apitium nepotum omnium altissimum gurgitem appellat lib. x. Phoenicopteri linguam præcipui saporis esse Apitius docuit, nepotu[m] omnium altissimus gurges. Et in i x. M. Apitius ad omne luxus ingenium mirus. Suidas, ἀπικιο μαρκο, ὃ διδρκη μυριον ὑνομα ἐπι τε ἀσωπικὴ μὴ ὑποπτεῖα, ἰκανὰς μυειάδας ἀρχωρία παταναλῶς ἔς ἔς τω γασίρα. Apitius Marcus, cuius adhuc nomen perdurat in luxum & inusitatos sumptus insigne, multas argenti myriadas in uentrem absumpsit. Martialis ex Seneca sumpsisse id uidetur, qui libro de Consolatione ad matrem Albinam ita inquit, Apitius nostra memoria uixit, qui in ea urbe ex qua aliquando philosophi uelut corruptores iuuentutis abire iussi sunt, scientiam popinæ professus, disciplina sua seculum insecit: cuius exitum nosse operæ precium est: Cum sestertium millies in culinam congestisset, cum <Apitius popinæ professor.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. On the Aes and libus (which he calls a hundred times wide) to spend his life with lavish and elegant living; yet, wretch, you swallowed poison, lest you should outlive such a great estate, which seemed about to desert you at once. But Calderinus is greatly mistaken here, for he understood “two hundred and three hundred times” as six thousand or six hundred noughts, whereas Martial meant seven hundred times a certain number of thousands: as also elsewhere in the second Book of the Epigrams. That, that rich Secundilla died, Who gave you a dower of a hundred ten times. For “thousands” must be supplied, as in Juvenal: - And by the old custom ten times a hundred will be given - Likewise elsewhere: But why the best Caesonia, if her husband is witness? She gave five hundred times two; he calls her chaste at that price. <Decies c[er]tena.> That is, ten times certain thousands, which is called “ten times a hundred thousand.” For this reason Pliny calls Apicius the deepest glutton of all the spendthrifts, book X. Apicius taught that the tongue of the flamingo has a most exquisite flavor: the deepest glutton of all spendthrifts. And in book IX: “Marcus Apicius, remarkable for every form of luxury.” Suidas: ἀπικιο μαρκο, ὃ διδρκη μυριον ὑνομα ἐπι τε ἀσωπικὴ μὴ ὑποπτεῖα, ἰκανὰς μυειάδας ἀρχωρία παταναλῶς ἔς ἔς τω γασίρα. Marcus Apicius, whose name still survives as a mark of luxury and unusual expense, consumed many myriad talents of silver upon his belly. Martial seems to have taken this from Seneca, who in the book On Consolation to his mother Albina says thus: “Apicius lived in our memory, who, in that city from which philosophers were once ordered to depart as though corrupters of youth, professed the science of the feast, and with his own teaching cut into the age; and it is worth the trouble to know his end: when he had piled up ten hundred million sesterces for the kitchen, when <Apicius, professor of cookery.>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 245 cum tot congiaria principum, & ingens Capitolij uecti= gal singulis comessationibus hausisset, ære alieno oppres= sus, rationes suas tunc primùm coactus inspexit: superfutu rum sibi sestertium centies computauit: & uelut in ultima fame uiecturus, in sestertio centies si uixisset, ueneno uitam finiuit. Quanta luxuria erat, cui sestertium cæties egestas fuit? imò putat pecuniæ modum ad rem pertinere. (sic enim lego) Sestertium centies aliquis extimuit: & quod alij uoto petunt, ueneno fugit. Hactenus Seneca: quem si secutus est Martialis, ut mihi uidetur, apud Martialem nô bis trecenties, sed ter trecenties legi debet. Is Apitius Ty berij tempore fuit, ut ex nonagesima epistola eiusdem Se= necæ ad Lucillium patet, his uerbis, M ullam ingentis for mæ Tyberius Cæsar missum sibi, cum in macellum de= ferri, & uenire iussisset: Amici, inquit, omnia me fallunt, nisi istum mullum aut Apitius emerit, aut Publius Octa= uius. Vltra spem illi coniectura processit. licitati sunt, ui= cit Octauius: & ingētem consecutus est inter suos gloriâ, cum quinque sestertijs emisset piscem, quem Cæsar uen= diderat, ne Apitius quidem emerat. Idem Martialis in eodem quinto, Insusum sibi nuper à patrono Plenum Maxime centies Syriscus, Insellariolis uagus popinis Circa balnea quattuor peregit. O' quanta est gula centies comesse? Admiratur gulam quæ ducenta et quinquaginta millia au reorum uorare potuerit. Non omittendu[m] uidetur id quod à Plinio eodem loco dicitur: sed quia locus ille uulgò cor= ruptè legitur, ideo eum ex animi mei sententia obserua= tis ueteribus libris referam. Asinius, inquit, Celer è Plinij locus, q 3 Con

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. II. 245 After he had swallowed up so many gifts of the emperors, and the huge vessel of the Capitol at each banquet, being oppressed by debt, he was then at last compelled to examine his accounts: he calculated that there would remain to him ten million sesterces; and as though he were to live in the utmost famine, if he had ten million sesterces, he ended his life by poison. How great was his luxury, for whom ten million sesterces was poverty? Indeed, he thinks that a limit of money is relevant to the matter. (For thus I read it.) Someone feared ten million sesterces; and what others seek by prayer, he fled by poison. Thus far Seneca: and if Martial followed him, as seems to me, then in Martial we must read not three hundred thousand, but three times three hundred thousand. This Apicius lived in the time of Tiberius, as is clear from the ninetieth letter of Seneca himself to Lucilius, in these words: “A mullet of enormous size had been sent to Tiberius Caesar; when he ordered it to be brought to the fish market and put up for sale, ‘Friends,’ he said, ‘all things deceive me, except that either Apicius has bought this mullet, or Publius Octavius.’” The conjecture went beyond expectation. They bid against each other; Octavius won; and he won great glory among his fellows, when he had bought for five sesterces a fish which Caesar had sold, and which even Apicius had not bought. Martial says the same in the fifth book: “Recently Syriscus, loaded by his patron with a hundred thousand sesterces, wandered about the little taverns of the cab-drivers around the baths for four days. O what a gluttony it is, to eat a hundred thousand sesterces!” He marvels at a gluttony that could swallow two hundred and fifty thousand gold pieces. Nor should what is said by Pliny in the same place be omitted; but since that passage is commonly corrupted, I shall therefore cite it as I find it in the old books, in accordance with my own judgment. Asinius Celer, says Pliny: the passage of Pliny, q 3 Con

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L I B E R I I. Precium uli piscis. Consularibus hoc pisce prodigus Claudio principe, unum mercatus sester. octo nullibus: quæ reputatio ausert trâsuer sum animum ad contemplationem eorum qui in conque= stione luxus coquos emi singulos pluris quàm equos quiri tabant. At nunc coci triumphorum precijs parantur, et cocoru[m] pisces: nullusq[ue]; propè iam mortalis æstimatur plu= ris, quàm qui peritissimè censum domuni mergit. [Memunit Liuius libro nono de bello Maced. de triumpho Manlij loquens, Epulæ quoq[ue]; ipsæ et cura et sumptu maiori ap parari coeptæ. Tum cocus, uilissimum antiquis macipium et æstimatione et usu, in precio esse: et quod ministeriu[m] fuerat, ars haberi coepta: uix tamen illa quæ tum conspicie bantur, semina erat futuræ luxuriæ. Hæc uerba congru[n]t cum Pliniano dicto, qui triumphorum precijs cocos empti tatos principum Romanorum temporibus admiratur, cu[m] olim Cato et alij seueriores urbis magistratus conciones queribundas ad populum haberent (quod quiritare à cre= bra Quiritium appellatione uocatur) ob id quòd ineun= te luxuria, coci iam equorum precijs pararetur. Octo nullia nummum ducentos aureos æstimare solemus: uerum apud Macrobiu[m] non octo nullia legitur, sed septem. Asi nius, inquit, Celer uir Consularis, ut Samonicus refert, mul lum unum septem nullibus nummum mercatus est. In quæ re luxuriam illius seculi licet æstimare, quòd Plinius secundus temporibus suis negat facilè nullum repertu[m] qui duas pondo libras excederet: at nunc et maioris ponderis passim uidemus, et precio hæc insana nescimus. Hactenus Macrobius. Iuuenalus de hoc dubitans Satyra quarta ita inquit, -Mullum sex nullibus emit Aequantem sanè paribus sestertia libris, Vt

Transcription: Translated (English)

LIBER II. Price of a mullet. When Claudio was prince, in the consulship, prodigal in this fish, one was bought for eight thousand sesterces: which reckoning turns my mind to the contemplation of those who, in complaint of luxury, said that chefs were bought singly for more than horses used to cost. But now cooks are procured for triumphs’ prices, and fish for cooks; and almost no mortal is now judged worth more than the man who most skillfully sinks the household fortune. [Livius, book nine, on the Macedonian war, speaking of the triumph of Manlius, remembers: “The banquets themselves also began to be prepared with greater care and expense. Then the cook, the basest of slaves among the ancients in both price and use, came to be held in esteem; and what had been a service began to be regarded as an art: yet scarcely were those things then being seen the seeds of future luxury.” These words agree with the statement of Pliny, who marvels that, in the times of the Roman emperors, cooks were bought at the prices of triumphs, whereas once Cato and other severer magistrates of the city used to make sorrowful speeches to the people (which is called quiritare, from the frequent appellation of the Quirites) because, at the beginning of luxury, cooks were already being procured at the price of horses. We are accustomed to reckon eight thousand sesterces as two hundred gold coins; but in Macrobius it is not read as eight thousand, but seven. Asinius, he says, Celer, a consular man, as Samonicus relates, bought one mullet for seven thousand sesterces. From this one may judge the luxury of that age, since Pliny the Younger denies that in his own time a mullet weighing more than two pounds could easily be found; but now we see larger ones everywhere, and we know nothing of this madness in prices. So far Macrobius. Juvenal, doubting this in Satire Four, thus says, — He bought a mullet for six thousand, Being indeed equal to sestertii by equal pounds, As

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 247 Vt perhibent qui de magnis maiora loquuntur. Ita in c[on]touersia apud autores duo millia man[n]et. Cocum igitur Plinius antiqua æstimatione non pluris æstimauit, quàm ducentis aureis, quanti Columella uinitore uult emi. non igitur precium hominis maximum tria millia & se= ptingenti sunt sestertij, ut suprà docuimus: sed tre c[on]etæ mul lia. Multa huiusce generis restabat, nisi hic liber iusta iam magnitudine excreuisset. Quare hactenus de nummo æreo argenteoq[ue] dictum sit, quorum explicationem aurea (ut ita dicam) c[on]mentatio excipiet, ampliore ipsa orsu ac tere tiore filo supradictis attexenda. GVLIELMI BVDAEI PARISI= ENSIS, CONSILIA= RII REG. DE ASSB ET PARTIBVS EIVS, LIBER III. LONGVM iam iter em[m]esis partim re= migio, partim uelificatu, c[uius] scopulos o= mneis præterueti uideremur, Plinius no bis manus improuisus iniecit, ac consiste= re coactos, etia[m] propemodum retro c[on]o[n]uer sis uelis inhibuit: apud quæ lib: x x x i i i. sic legitur, A u reus nummus post annos L x i I. percussus est quàm ar= genteus: ita ut scrupulum ualeret sestertios uicenos, quod efficit in libras ratione sestertij qui tunc erat, sestertios nongentos. Post hæc placuit x, L. millia signari ex au= q 4 rili Aureus num= mus.

Transcription: Translated (English)

On its parts, Book III, 247 As those say who speak of greater things in a grander way. Thus, in the controversy among authors, two thousand remains. Therefore Pliny, in the old estimation, valued a cook at no more than two hundred aurei, as much as Columella wishes a vintner to be bought for. Therefore the highest price of a man is not three thousand seven hundred sesterces, as we showed above; but three hundred and twenty-something ... Much of this kind remained, had this book not already grown to a proper size. Wherefore let this much have been said so far about bronze and silver coinage, the explanation of which an aureate commentary will follow, if I may so speak, to be added with a fuller opening and a smoother thread than the foregoing. GUILIELMUS BUDAEUS OF PARIS, COUNSELLOR TO THE KING, ON MONEY AND ITS PARTS, BOOK III. Already on a long journey, partly by rowing, partly by sailing, having passed by all the shoals, as it seemed to us, Pliny unexpectedly laid hands on us, and, forcing us to stop, almost turned us back with our sails reversed. In book XXXIII it is read thus: “The aureus coin was struck after sixty-two years before the silver one,” so that it was worth twenty sesterces to the scruple, which, by the reckoning of the sesterce then current, comes to nine hundred sesterces to the pound. After this it was decided that ten, fifty thousand should be minted from au- Aureus coin.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ri libris: paulatimque principes imminuêre pondus: mi= nutissimè uero ad x L v. nullia. Si enim hæc uerba emendata sunt, causam haud dico quin stylum uertere cogar, omniaq[ue] retexere quæ magno cum labore adhuc compro basse uideor. Etenim cum duodenæ sint unciæ in libra Romana, & in uncia, quaterna & uicena scrupula: fi[n]t in as < Scrupulum.> se scrupula ducenta octoginta octo. est enim scrupulu[m], du= cetesima octogesimaoctaua pars assis, ut inquit Columella. Si ergo scrupulum auri uicenos sestertios ualet, & ui= cenario numerum illum multiplicemus, fiet summa quin= que nullia septingêti sex aginta sestertij: quibus si semunciam addamus, ut sit libra centenaria quam antè institui= mus, fient sex nullia sestertium. siquidè quatuor drachmæ, id est semuncia, x 11. scrupula ualent: quæ uicies multipli cata, ducentos quadraginta efficiunt. ita fiunt sestertij sex nullia, uel denarij nulle & quingenti in auri libra. quæ ra tio prorsus cu[m] Pliniano dicto discrepat. Deinde quod se= quitur, Post hæc placuit x L. nullia signari ex auri li= bris: quonam modo explicari potest? Nam si nongenti se= stertij in libra, quonam modo x L. nullia? Quod si nullia æris intelligere libeat, non ideo magis negocium proce= det: cum x L. nullia æris, sedecim nullia nummum ualeant. Et ea ratio quam sequimur, x v. nullia æris, auri libra[m] ualeant. Morem autem antiquus fuisse nouimus, ut non modò nume ros notulis significaret exarandi compendia sectantes, ut nos quoq[ue] facimus: sed etiam ut denarios & sestertios & < Notæ nummo> sestertia proprijs quodq[ue] notis scriberent. Priscianus etia[m] < num antiquæ.> illas in Verrinis Ciceronis ad tempora sua extitisse testa= tur:

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE AS AND in the books: and little by little the princes diminished the weight: very slightly indeed to XL nullia. For if these words are corrected, I do not say there is no reason why I should be compelled to turn the style, and to rewrite everything that I seem thus far to have established with great labor. For since there are twelve unciae in the Roman libra, and in an uncia twenty-four scruples: there come in the as < Scrupulum.> two hundred and eighty-eight scruples. For a scruple is the two hundred and eighty-eighth part of the as, as Columella says. If therefore a scruple of gold is worth twenty sestertii, and we multiply that number by twenty, the sum will be five nullia seven hundred and sixty sestertii: to which if we add a semuncia, so that it be the centenaria libra which we formerly established, there will be six nullia of sestertii. For four drachmae, that is, a semuncia, are worth XI scruples: which, multiplied twenty times, make two hundred and forty. Thus there are six nullia sestertii, or five thousand and denarii in a libra of gold. This ra tio is altogether at variance with the saying of Pliny. Then what follows, “After this it seemed good that XL nullia be coined from librae of gold”: how can this be explained? For if there are nine hundred sestertii in a libra, how then XL nullia? But if one prefers to understand nullia of bronze, the matter does not therefore proceed any better: since XL nullia of bronze are equal to sixteen nullia nummum. And the ratio which we follow, XLV nullia of bronze, would be worth a libra of gold. We know, however, that it was the practice of antiquity not only to signify numbers by little marks, following the abbreviations of writing, as we also do: but also to write denarii, sestertii, and < Notæ nummo> sestertia each with their own signs. Priscian also < num antiquæ.> testifies that those signs were still extant in Cicero’s Verrines in his own time:

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. tur: quanquam Prisciani opusculum illud de numeris & ponderibus esse non puto, ut antea dixi. Lubricam autem scribendi rationem illam notulariam fuisse, ex eo conijce= re possumus, quòd nulle per M puram scribebant: & per eandem literam singulis apostrophis hinc & inde cir= cunscriptam, decem nullia: eaq[ue] rursus sic multiplicabant per apostrophos, ut centum nullia significare uolentes, I literam unitatis notam, ternis utrinque apostrophis cinge rent. Apostrophus autem dextera, simulis est omnino literæ c, quæ tertia est in alphabeto, qua numerus cètenarius, ut nunc, sic olim notabatur. Ita facile fuit uel duas uel tres a= postrophos pro duobus aut tribus c fallere, id est pro ducê tis & trecentis: apud eos quidem qui rationem numeroru[m] antiquariam ignoraret. Quanquam & is autor, siue Pri scianus siue alius fuit, parum sibi constare uideatur in ijs notulis declarandis. I am apud Valerium Probum X lite= < X-> ra quæ tertia est à fine alphabeti nostri, nota est denarij nummu, addita tamen à dextro latere uirgula transuersa: eademq[ue] litera pura, id est sine uirgula, nota est decem mul lium, apud Priscianum autem utrinq[ue] apostropho circun scripta. Idem Probus addit, quamlibet numerorum figu= < -I> ram, si ei præponatur linea ex trasuerso directa, tot signi= < -V> ficare nullenarios, quot per se ac pura unitatu[m] nota est, ut uerbi gratia, I nulle, & V quinque nullia, & X decè mul= < -X> lia, & itidem alias literas. Id quod mihi tractum à Græ= corum more uidetur. Quare simule ueri est numeros anti= quorum autorum ad nostram ætatem magna ex parte cor ruptos peruenisse, qui quidem notis scripti fuerunt. Libra= < -I> riorum enim ignorantiæ, & sæpius incuriæ, accessit eme= < -V> datoru[m] uel temeritas, uel hallucinatio: qualis est illa apud Tranquillum de césu Senatorio, quà antea adnotauimus. < -X> q 5 Mult

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART IV. BOOK III. However, I do not think that little work of Priscian was about numbers and weights, as I said before. But that the manner of writing by these symbols was a slippery one, we may infer from the fact that they did not write anything with a pure M; and by the same letter, with apostrophes placed on either side, they wrote ten thousand; and again they multiplied these in this way by apostrophes, so that, wishing to signify one hundred thousand, they enclosed the letter I, the sign of unity, with three apostrophes on either side. The apostrophe on the right is altogether the same as the letter c, which is the third in the alphabet, by which the number one hundred was, as now, so formerly also, indicated. Thus it was easy to mistake either two or three apostrophes for two or three c's, that is, for two hundred and three hundred: especially among those who were ignorant of the ancient system of numeration. Although even that author, whether he was Priscian or someone else, seems to me to be somewhat inconsistent in explaining these symbols. For now in Valerius Probus the letter X, which is the third from the end of our alphabet, is the sign of ten denarii, yet with a transverse stroke added on the right side: and the same letter pure, that is, without the stroke, is the sign of ten thousand, whereas in Priscian it is enclosed on both sides by apostrophes. Probus likewise adds that any numeral figure, if a line drawn across is placed before it, signifies as many thousands as the figure itself, standing alone and pure, is the sign of units; for example, I means one thousand, V five thousand, X ten thousand, and similarly the other letters. This, it seems to me, was taken from the practice of the Greeks. Therefore it is at once true that the numbers of the ancient authors have for the most part reached our time corrupted, having once been written in these signs. For to the ignorance of copyists, and often to their carelessness, there was added either the rashness or the blundering of correctors: such is the case with that passage in Tacitus about the Senatorial slaughter, which we noted earlier. < X-> q 5 Mult

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Multos apud Plinium locos huiusmodi deprehendimus, quorum partim expliciti sunt, partum post explicab[us]tur. De asino uidimus quadringetis sestertijs empto apud Var ronem, apud Plinium nummis totidem: & itidem de aui= culis uocalibus. Notabo nunc etia alios duos, interea dum & alij in ordinem suum reijciuntur. Apud Plinium igitur lib. X I I I. de citrinis mensis ita legitur: Extant hodie M. Ciceronis, in illa paupertate, & , quod magis murum est, il= lo æuo, emptæ libris X I. cu[m] his memorantur & Galli Asi nij, quæ libris X I. uenu[n]datæ sunt, et duæ à luba Rege ue[m] dente: quarum alteri precium fuit libris X v. alteri paulo minus. Interijt nuper incendio quam Cethegus decedens libris X I I I I. permutauerat, lati fundi taxatione si quis prædia tanti mercari malit. Sic quidem legitur in codicibus Venetæ impressionis etiam antiquæ, quam Hermolaus se= cutum se esse testatus est, qui tantum ipse admonito latifun dij pro lati fundi legendum esse, nihil præterea dixit. Ego impressos codices cum antiquis conferens, ita in duobus legi: Et quod magis murum est, illo æuo emptæ his memo= ratur, & Galli Asinij X I. uenu[n]datæ. Et rursus, incendio, ac tegus descendens his permutati lati fundi taxatione. His autem pro sestertijs legi, facile est conijcere, quod uer= bum antiqui interdum per aspirationem & s literam sic scribebat, H[om]i[n]s. quod duas libras & semis significabat. aspi ratio autem ex duplici I I. co[n]stat. Hunc locum igitur sic re stitu[er]edum puto ex uetustæ lectionis obseruatione, Extant hodie M. Ciceronis in illa paupertate, & , quod magis mi= rum est, illo æuo, emptæ sestertijs X I. Memorat[ur] & Gal li Asinij sestertijs X I. uenundatæ. sunt & duæ à luba Re= ge pendentes, quarum alteri precium fuit sester. X I I. al= teri paulo minus. interijt nuper incedio attegijs descendes sester Plini[us] locus.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND We have discovered many passages of this kind in Pliny, some of which are already explained, and others will be explained afterward. We saw of the ass, bought for four hundred sesterces in Varro, and in Pliny for the same number of coins; and likewise of vocal little birds. I shall now note also two others, meanwhile while the others are being restored to their order. In Pliny therefore, book XIII, concerning the citron tables, it is read thus: There still exist today Cicero’s, in that poverty, and, what is more surprising, in that age, bought for 11 livres; along with these are mentioned those of Gaius Asinius, which were sold for 11 livres, and two from King Juba, the seller: of which the price of one was 15 livres, of the other a little less. Recently it perished in a fire, which Cethegus, on departing, had exchanged for 14 livres, by the valuation of a broad estate if anyone would prefer to purchase properties for so much. Thus indeed it is read in the codices of the Venetian edition, even the old one, which Hermolaus declared that he had followed, who merely noted that latifundij should be read instead of lati fundi, and said nothing else. I, comparing the printed codices with the ancient ones, read thus in two: And what is more surprising, in that age, bought by these, it is mentioned, and those of Gaius Asinius sold for 11. And again, fire, and Tegus descending, exchanged by these, by the valuation of a broad estate. But it is easy to infer that the word for sesterces was read thus, because the ancients sometimes wrote that word by aspiration and the letter s, like H[om]i[n]s, which signified two and a half pounds. But the aspiration consists of the double II. Therefore I think this passage should be restored thus, from the observation of the ancient reading: There still exist today Cicero’s, in that poverty, and, what is more surprising, in that age, bought for 11 sesterces. Gaius Asinius is mentioned, sold for 11 sesterces. And two hanging from King Juba, of which the price of one was 12 sesterces, the other a little less. Recently it perished in a fire, while descending from the roofs, sester. Pliny’s passage.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 251 sestertijs x i i i i. permutata latifundij taxatione. In men= tione autem Ciceronis antiqui codices sestertijs tantu[m] ha= bent sine numeri adiectione. Cæterum uidere est pauculus in uersibus quot errata fuerint. Attegijs autem legendu[m] pu < Attegiæ.> to pro Maurorum casulis: quod non sine stomacho à Pli= nio dictum est, ut ex supellectili rusticæ domunculæ men= sa sestertijs x i i i i. parata sit, id est trecetis quinquagin ta aureis, quod Plinius precium appellat latifundij, id est agri latè patentis. Iuuenalis Sat yra decimaquarta, Dirue Maurorum attegias. Apud eundem Plin. lib. x i x. in prædictis exemplaribus ita legitur, ubi hortorum meminit, Etiamne in herbis di= scrimen inuentum est? olusq[ue] differentiam facere, in cibo etiam uno asse uenali? & in his aliqua quoque sibi nasci tribus negant: caule in tantum signato, ut pauperis men= sa non capiat. syluestres fecerat natura horridos, ut quis= que demeteret passim: ecce altiles spectantur asparagi, & Rauenna ternis libris rependit. Hæc uerba Hermolaus, & qui ante eum Plinium emendauere, pari coniuentia trans= nuserunt: cum tamen quædam ex antiquis exemplaribus < Plin. locus.> emendari potuerint, quibus obseruatis sic legere locum hunc institui, Etiamne in herbis discrimen inuentum est? opes que differentiam fecere in cibo etiam uno asse ue= nali: & in his aliqua quoque sibi nasci tribus negant: caule in tantum saginato, ut pauperis mensa non capiat. Syluestres fecerat natura corrudas, ut quisque demeteret passim: ecce altiles spectantur asparagi. Saginatum cau= lem dixit Plinius, non signatum, ut altiles uerbum satis si= gnificat. antiqua autem exemplaria horridas non horri= dos habent, & opus no[n] olus, & fecere no[n] facere in uetustis simo legimus. Plinius ipse alio loco eodem in libro, Hor= torum

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 251 sestertii x i i i i. by the taxation of the latifundium having been changed. But in Cicero’s mention the old codices have only sestertii, without the addition of the number. Moreover, one may see in the verses how many errors there were. But Attegijs should be read as pu < Attegiæ.> to, for Moorish huts: which is said by Pliny not without bitterness, so that for the furnishings of a rustic little house a table may be prepared at sestertii x i i i i., that is, three hundred and fifty gold pieces, which Pliny calls the price of a latifundium, that is, of a widely extending field. Juvenal, Satire Fourteen, Tear down the huts of the Moors. In the same Pliny, book x i x, in the aforesaid copies it is read thus, where he mentions gardens: “Was even a distinction found in herbs? and did vegetables make a difference, even though a single one was sold for an as? And in these some also deny that anything grows for them individually: with the stalk so marked that the poor man’s table cannot hold it. Nature had made the wild ones rough, so that each might gather them in passing: behold, cultivated asparagus is seen, and Ravenna pays three pounds for it.” These words Hermolaus, and those who before him corrected Pliny, passed over with equal negligence; although certain things could have been corrected from the ancient copies < Plin. locus.> if observed, and in accordance with these I have decided to read this passage thus: “Was even a distinction found in herbs? and riches made a difference in food even when sold for a single as; and in these some also deny that anything grows for them individually: with the stalk so fattened that the poor man’s table cannot hold it. Nature had made the wild ones corrudas, so that each might gather them in passing: behold, cultivated asparagus is seen.” Pliny said saginatum caulem, not signatum, as the word altiles sufficiently indicates. But the ancient copies have horridas, not horridos, and opus, not olus, and we read fecere, not facere, in the oldest text. Pliny himself elsewhere in the same book, Gardens

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET torum iudicauimus corrudam: hunc intelligimus syluestrê asparagum. Ex his uerbis satis apparet Plinium loco supe riore corrudas non horridos scripsisse. Idem, Omnium hor= tensiorum laudatissima cura asparagis. de origine eorum in syluestribus curis abunde dictum. Est & aliud genus incultius asparago, mutius corruda, passim etiam in mon= tibus nascens, refertis superioris Germaniæ campis, no[n] in= scito Tyberij Cæsaris dicto, herbam ibi quandam nasci simulimam asparago, uel (ut in antiquis codicibus) no[n] in= faceto Tyberij Cæsaris dicto. Cæterùm quod sequitur in superiore loco, Et Rauenna ternis libris rependit: haud scio an ternis sestertijs rependit, legi debeat, uel ternis nummus. Plinius alibi, Nullum gratius ijs solu quàm Ra= uentinum. Quòd si ternis libris legamus, ad pondus refe= rendum est: propterea quòd saginatos & altiles appella= uit: sed illud non conuenit, propter uerba quæ sequuntur: Heu prodigia uentris: mirum esset non licere carduis peco ri uesci, non licet plebi. Vt autem libris pro assibus intelli= gam, adduci non possum, cum legisse me non meruinerim, nec id precium esset quod plebem à macello arceret. E ius= dem autem annonæ fuit duracina persica tricenis nummis aut uicenis uenire, & asparagos singulos ternis nummis. In eodem capite obiter & alia emendabimus, Aues ultra Phasidem annem peti, nec fabuloso quidem terrore tu= tas, imò sic preciosiores: alias in Numidia atque Ae= thiopia in sepulchris aucupari: aut pugnare cum feris: ma[n] di ab eo cupientem, quod mandat alius. Lego ex anti= quis, Alias in Numidiæ atque Aethiopiæ sepulchra, aut depugnare cum feris, mandi que, capientem quod man= dat alius. Sic enim sensus argutior, & magis Plinianus. Ibidem, Hortorum Cato prædicat caules, hinc primùm agrico

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET we have judged corruda to be torum: by this we understand the wild asparagus. From these words it is clear enough that Pliny, in the passage above, did not write horridos, but corrudas. Likewise: “The most highly praised care of all kinds of garden plants is asparagus.” Enough has been said above about the origin of it in wild gardens. There is also another kind, more uncultivated than asparagus, called mutius corruda, growing here and there even on the mountains, in the well-stocked fields of Upper Germany, with the well-known saying of Tiberius Caesar, that there grows there a certain herb very like asparagus, or (as in the ancient manuscripts) the not unhumorous saying of Tiberius Caesar. But what follows in the above passage, “And Ravenna repays with three livres”: I do not know whether it should be read “repays with three sesterces,” or “with three coins.” Pliny elsewhere: “No food is more pleasing to them than that of Ravenna.” If we read “three livres,” it must be referred to weight; for that reason he called them fattened and stall-fed: but that does not fit the words that follow: “Alas, prodigies of the belly: it would be strange if it were not permitted to beasts to feed on thistles, though it is not permitted to the common people.” But as for my understanding “livres” as asses, I cannot be persuaded, since I have not deserved to have read it, nor would that be a price that would keep the common people from the butcher’s stall. Of the same produce, too, were peaches sold in the hard variety for thirty or twenty nummi, and asparagus singly for three nummi. In the same chapter we shall also casually emend other passages: “Birds are sought beyond the Phasis river, and not even protected by fabulous terror; indeed they are therefore the more expensive: others are hunted in Numidia and Ethiopia in graves; or they fight with wild beasts; to be eaten by him who desires it, what another commands.” I read in the ancient texts: “Others, in the tombs of Numidia and Ethiopia, either fight with wild beasts, and are to be eaten by him who receives what another commands.” For in this way the sense is more pointed, and more Plinian. There also, Cato praises cabbages in gardens; hence first the agricultu

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 253 agricolæ existimabantur prisci. Et sic statim faciebant iu dicium numquæ esset in domo matersanulas (etenim hæc cura foemunæ dicebatur) ubi indiligens esset hortus. Lego ex antiquis, Et sic statim faciebant iudicium, nequam esse in domo matremsanulas, id est parum frugi, nec ad re au= gendam acrem. hoc enim nequam significat, ut seruos ne= < Nequam.> quam dicebant qui bonæ frugi non essent. Et paulo infærius, Nam carnis desideria etiam erant in exprobratione. Legendum, gari, id est liquaminis. Respondet enim præce denti membro, Damnantes pulmentaria quæ alio egerent pulmétario. Et rursus inferius, Hortos uillæ iungendos no[n] est dubium, riuosq[ue] maximè habendos, si contingat, pro= fluo amne. si minus, è puteo pertica organis'ue pneumaticis tollendo non hausto rigando. Lego, Si contingat, præ= fluo amne: si minus, è puteo pertica organis'ue pneumaticis uel tollenonum haustu rigando. Liuius libro v 1 1 1. de bello Maced. circa principium, Collectis rursus animis, in arietes tollenonibus libramenta plumbi aut saxorum stipites robustos incutiebant. Huiusmodi tollenonum memunit < Tollenones.> Vegetius libro quarto. Dicuntur tollones à quibusdam, à tollendis rebus uel hominibus, hic autem à Plinio pro eo haistorio accipitur quod à Græcis ccloneum dicitur. In uetusto codice tollon nouum legitur, in alijs uel tollendo non: ex quibus facile erat conijcere tollenonum esse legendum. Sunt tollones à alia in eode[m] capite mendosa, quæ intacta ideo relinquenda duxi, quia comminisci nihil potui: aliqua etiam uix digna quæ attingantur, ut illud in quo Hermolaus conflictatus est, In remedio saturnica signa: ubi Saturica ex uetustissimo lego pro Satyrica, more antiquo. Quod aute[m] sequitur, Tot generibus usq[ue] ad infimam plebe[m] descendente anima: legendu[m] mihi uidetur an- nona,

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 253 the ancients were thought to be farmers. And thus they would immediately pass judgment whether there were matersanulas in the house (for this was said to be a woman’s duty) when the garden was neglected. I read in the ancient texts: And thus they would immediately pass judgment that matersanulas in the house were bad, that is, not very thrifty, and not keen for increasing wealth. For this is what nequam means, as they called servants nequam who were not of good thrift. And a little further down, For desires of the flesh were also in the reproach. It should be read gari, that is, of seasoning. For it corresponds to the preceding clause, condemning the dishes that needed another sauce-pan. And again further below, There is no doubt that the gardens of the villa should be joined together, and streams especially kept, if there chance to be a flowing river; if not, watering should be done from a well by means of a pole and machines, not by exhausting drawing. I read: If there chance to be a flowing river; if not, from a well by a pole and by machines or by tollenones not by exhausting drawing. Livy, book v 1 1 1, On the Macedonian war, near the beginning: having gathered their spirits again, with tollenones they would drive beams of lead or stones into the rams, stout stakes. Pliny mentions instruments of this kind < Tollenones.> Vegetius, book four. Some call them tollones, from the lifting of things or people; but here, by Pliny, the word is taken for that instrument which the Greeks call ccloneum. In an old manuscript tollon nouum is read; in others, or tollendo non: from which it was easy to infer that tollenonum should be read. There are other corrupt readings in the same chapter, which I therefore judged should be left untouched, because I could not devise anything. There are also some scarcely worth mentioning, such as that in which Hermolaus was troubled, In remedio saturnica signa: where I read Saturica from the very oldest copy instead of Satyrica, in the ancient manner. What follows, Tot generibus usque ad infimam plebem descendente anima: it seems to me should be read annona,

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nona, etiam si nulla autoritate exemplaris ducat. Hæc autem ideo commemoranda duxi, ut labefactatam esse exemplarium Plinianorum fidem lectores meritò iudicare possint, qui hæc & huiuscemodi alia toto hoc opere sparsa accuratè perpenderint: nec unius aut alterius loci autoritate rebus contestatissimis fidem derogandam esse: quamquam dictum Plinij supradictum huiusmodi est, ut res ipsa & mutilatum & corruptum esse locum clamutet, e[ss]e eius loci membra mutuò collidâtur. Si enim auri scrupulum ui cenis sestertijs ualuit, quonam tandem modo in libra sester tij tantum nongenti: sed sint sanè n[ost]o genti in libra sesterij, qui igitur fieri potest ut à noningentis ad X L. millia peruentum sit? Quare relinquetur ut Plinius hoc in loco suo sibi testimonio refellatur & concidat. In uno uenerandæ uetustatis libro ita legebatur, Quod efficit in libras ratione sestertij qui tunc erant D. n[ost]o genti: post hæc placuit, X. X L. signari ex auri libris. ex quo conijcio non millia X L. sed nummos Plinium reliquisse scriptum, & locum mutilatum post uerbum sestertij. In omnibus enim libris antiquis, erant pluraliter legitur, & X L. signari, n[ost]o X L. nullia. Quàm autem ancipites notæ fuerint inter nummos & nullia, patuit ex supradictis. Nec eò tamen pertinet longa hæc disputatio, ut ueritatis assertionem in hoc loco positam putem, aleamq[ue] huius operis in hoc uno cardine uerti. Nec enim usqueadeo exilibus argumentis nixus sum, ut si Plinius ipse reuiuiscat, & hunc locum agnoscere uelit ita ut lectitatur, aut si dies olim forte autographu[m] Plinij, aut eius ætatis uolumen æquale protulerit (ut id fieri posse cre damus) non ipsi etiam Plinio iudicem ferre ausim uniuersam antiquitatem, ni hoc perperam ac falsò scriptum sit, ut & alia quædam quæ postea dicetur. Dixi suprà argen- team

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET … even if it is supported by no authority of any exemplar. I judged that this ought to be mentioned for this reason: that readers may rightly judge that the credibility of the Plinian exemplars has been shaken, if they carefully consider these and other similar things scattered throughout this whole work; nor should credibility in matters of the most certain proof be taken away by the authority of one passage or another. Although the said passage of Pliny is of such a kind that the thing itself proclaims the place to be both mutilated and corrupt, since the parts of that passage conflict with one another. For if a scruple of gold was worth one hundred and twenty sesterces, how then could it have come to be nine hundred in a pound of sesterces? But let there be, indeed, in our age, sesterces in the pound; how then is it possible that it should have advanced from nine hundred to forty thousand? Therefore it will remain that Pliny in this place is refuted and overthrown by his own testimony. In one very ancient and venerable book it was read thus: “Quod efficit in libras ratione sestertij qui tunc erant D. n[ost]o genti: post hæc placuit, X. X L. signari ex auri libris.” From this I conjecture that Pliny wrote not “forty thousand,” but “nummos,” and that the place was mutilated after the word “sestertij.” For in all ancient books it is read pluraliter, “erant,” and “X L. signari,” not “X L. nullia.” How uncertain the marks were between “nummos” and “nullia” has already been made clear from what was said above. Yet this long discussion does not serve the purpose that I should think the assertion of truth rests on this passage, and that the whole gamble of this work turns on this one hinge. For I have not relied on arguments so slight that, if Pliny himself should come back to life and wish to recognize this passage as it is read, or if one day by chance an autograph of Pliny, or an equal volume of his own age, should be produced (as we believe this may happen), I should dare to pass judgment not only on Pliny himself but on all antiquity, unless this be written wrongly and falsely, as also some other things that will be said later. I said above, the silver…

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 255 < Aurea nominata expensa.> tea me nonusmata Romanorum diligenter expeditisse, ut id quod ratiocinatione & autoritate uetusta colligeba, rea= pse quoque comprobarem. In auro itidem faciendu[m] quum statuissem, quatuor & uiginti nonusmata (tot enim aurea eoq[ue] plura habebam) in altera lance posui, & ex aduerso sex uncias nostras statui. Quo facto, cum leuius aurum esse inuenirem, grossulorum duorum additamento cum paucu luminutijs, rem ad æquilibrium perduxi. has nunutias no strates grana uocant: nos momenta Latinè appellare pos= sumus. hæc quatuor & uiginti sunt in denario nostro, quod scrupulum Latinè uocitatur. Quomodo enim in un= cia Latina quatuor & uiginti sunt scrupula, sic in nostra quatuor & uiginti denarij: & ut drachma tria scrupula pendet, sic grossius tres denarios. Verùm hæc nonusmata cu[m] singillatim pesitarè, in ijs fueru[n]t Tyberij Augusti duo, in quibus effigies paru[m] iconice uidebatur: unum hac inscri= ptione: Tyb. Cæs. diui Aug. Augustus. & in auersa fa= cie, Pontif. Max. ubi simulachru[m] sedens. Alterum utrinq[ue] effigiem habebat, ut eodem habitu, sic sibi dissimulem, cum hoc elogio notis scripto, Tyberius Cæsar Augustus Tribu nitiæ potestatis quindecies. & in altera parte, Tyberius Cæsar diui filius. Singuloru[m] pondus erat didrachmu[m], id est denarij bini, argetei quadrigati, de quibus antè diximus. Alteru[m] fuit male imitatu[m], sed quod Augusti fuisse ex indice cognouimus, qui fuit huiusmodi, quatenus legi per uetustæ tem potuit, Cæsar Aug. Pater patriæ. & in postica facie, Cæsari Augusto. Hoc quanqua[m] attritum, grauissimum ta= men inuenimus, ut bina argentea traheget. Aliud eiusdem principis erat iconica effigie, qualis uulgò agnoscitur, à postica parte quadrigatum, dicterio tetragrammato in infimo margine, S. P. Q. R. significate Senatu populumq[ue] Romanu[m]. & in auersa parte nomen principis ipsius erat. hoc

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART II. HIS BOOK III. 255 <The expense called "Aurea".> I had diligently weighed the Roman nonusmata, so that I might actually confirm by experiment what I had gathered from reasoning and ancient authority. When I determined to do the same with gold, I placed twenty-four nonusmata, for I had that many gold pieces and even more, on one scale, and on the opposite side I set six of our ounces. When this was done, I found the gold to be lighter, and by adding two grossuli and a few small bits, I brought the matter into equilibrium. Our people call these small bits "grana"; we may call them "momentums" in Latin. Twenty-four of these are in our denarius, which is commonly called a scrupulum in Latin. For just as in a Latin ounce there are twenty-four scruples, so in our measure there are twenty-four denarii; and as a drachma weighs three scruples, so a grosz weighs three denarii. But when I weighed these nonusmata individually, there were among them two of Tiberius Augustus, in which the portrait was seen not very clearly. One had this inscription: Tyb. Cæs. diui Aug. Augustus. And on the reverse, Pontif. Max., where there was a seated figure. The other had an image on both sides, so that in the same dress, and yet unlike himself, it bore this inscription written in abbreviated form: Tiberius Cæsar Augustus Tribunitiae potestatis quindecies. And on the other side, Tiberius Cæsar, son of the divine. The weight of each was a didrachm, that is, two denarii, the silver quadrigati of which we spoke before. Another was badly imitated, but because we learned from the label that it had been Augustus's, it was of this kind, as far as could be read through its age: Cæsar Aug. Pater patriæ. And on the reverse face, Cæsari Augusto. Although worn, we nevertheless found it very heavy, so that it drew two silver pieces. Another coin of the same prince had an iconic portrait, such as is commonly recognized, and on the reverse a quadrigatus, with the tetragrammatic device at the lowest margin, S. P. Q. R., signifying the Senate and Roman people. And on the reverse side was the name of the prince himself. this

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET hoc iusto pondere leuius erat circiter granulis duobus, sed ita, ut detritum diceres quod ponderi deerat. Erat unum eiusdem Augusti & Antonij in Triumviratu percussum, utrinq[ue] effigie insigne: ijsdem elogijs quibus & argenteum illud cuius inter argentea meminimus, nec decoris characteribus, & cætera inscitè assimulatum, pondere no[n] detrito, sed iniquo, imminuto sex momentis. Incidit in manus meas et aliud in quo erat Augusti effigies pulchrè expressa, hoc titulo, S. P. Q. R. Cæsari Augusto Cos. X I. trib. Pot. V I. & in tergo, Ciuib. & sign. Milit. à Part. Recup. percussum in memoriam signorum quæ cum Crass so amissa erant, & postea Augusto à Parthis remissa sunt cum captiuis. < Nomismata prisca.> Appendi & aliorum principum, in queis et Tyberij Claudij Augusti, eleganter percussum, hoc epi grammate, Tyb. Claud. Cæs. Ger. I M. T R. P. iconicum, cuius imaginem ex Tranquillo agnosceres: à tergo hoc elogio, Constantiæ Augusti. quod quanquam detritu[m], pondus tamen iustum asseruauerat. Appendi & Neronis Cæsaris & iconica et scitè percussa hoc indice, Nero Cæsar Aug. Imp. in postica facie spicea erat corona, intus quatuor habens literas ex senatus consulto significantes decretam ei coronâ, ambiente extrorsus hoc elogio, Pōtif. Max. T R. P O. V I. Cos. I I I I. iusto pondere aliquanto leuiora. V num præterea Galbæ Neronis successoris iconicè effectum, cum corona spicea ambiente marginem, in auersa facie octo literarum elogio hoc significante, Sena tus po. q; Romanus ob ciues seruatos, leuius etia[m] aliqua[n]to Neronianis. Habui tu & Vespasiani superciliosa fronte, & nitetis uultu. Habui & Neruæ et Traiani Hadrianiq; principu[m], elega[n]ter quidem expressa, sed po[n]dere leuiuscula[m], octonis circiter detractis minutijs. suus unicuique index erat,

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE AS OF this was lighter than the proper weight by about two grains, but so that you would say what was lacking in weight was due to wear. There was one of Augustus and Antony, struck in the Triumvirate, with the image on both sides: with the same legends as that silver one of which we made mention among the silver pieces, and not inelegantly lettered, and the rest awkwardly imitated, with weight not worn away, but unjustly diminished by six moments. There came into my hands another in which there was a finely expressed effigy of Augustus, with this title, S. P. Q. R. To Caesar Augustus Cons. X I. trib. Pot. V I. & on the reverse, Civib. & sign. Milit. à Part. Recup. struck in memory of the standards which had been lost with Crassus and were afterwards sent back to Augustus by the Parthians with the captives. <Ancient coins.> I also weighed others of the emperors, among them one of Tiberius Claudius Augustus, elegantly struck, with this inscription, Tyb. Claud. Cæs. Ger. I M. T R. P. a likeness, from which one would recognize his image from Tranquillus: on the reverse this legend, Constantiæ Augusti; which, though worn, had nevertheless preserved the proper weight. I also weighed one of Nero Caesar, likewise portraiture and skilfully struck, with this mark, Nero Cæsar Aug. Imp. on the reverse face there was an ear of grain, containing four letters signifying by decree of the senate the crown awarded to him, with this legend around the outside, Pōtif. Max. T R. P O. V I. Cos. I I I I. with the proper weight somewhat lighter. I also had one of Galba, the successor of Nero, made in portrait, with an ear-of-grain crown surrounding the edge; on the reverse side, with an eight-letter legend signifying this: Senatus po. q; Romanus ob ciues seruatos, somewhat lighter even than the Neronian pieces. I had also those of Vespasian, with a stern brow, and a bright countenance. I had also those of Nerva and Trajan and Hadrian, indeed elegantly expressed, but rather lighter in weight, with about eight minute grains taken off. Each had its own mark,

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 257 erat supra dictis titulosior, ut in Neruæ, Imp. Cæsar, Ner ua Traian. Aug. Ger. P. M. T R. P O. C O S. II. P. P. Imperator Cæsar Nerua Traianus, Augustus Germanicus, Pontifex Max. Tribunitiæ potestatis, Consul iterum, Pater patriæ. Et in Traiani itidem, nisi quòd Dacici titulus accesserat. In cuius postica facie statua equestris erat hastam intorquens accuratè expressa, equo uehens incitato, cù honorifico hoc elogio, S. P. Q. R. optimo principi. Hoc nomisma, omnium quæ uidi, pulcherrimum erat, et facie augustissima, secundum quod Hadriani sucessoris eius no misma principalem dignationem atque autoritatem augustam præferre maximè uidebatur: quod etiam ipsum eque strem statuâ habebat, equo non pugnaci, sed uiatorio insi dentem. Cernere erat astur conem tollutim gradientem, et uelut à longis itineribus strigosum, credo, ut princeps terrarum peragator intelligeretur. sic enim appellatus est. Appendi etiam Antonini pij: M. Antonini cognomento Philosophi: Aurelij et Seueri, imminutiore sensim ponde re. In quibusdam à tergo est pro elogio liberalitas Augusti, in Aureliano hilaritas, in Seueriano æternitas imperij, et in Lucij Veri Victoria Augusti alata. M. Antonini Philosophi huiusmodi titulum habebat, M. Aurelius Cæsar Aug. Pij filius, tribunitiæ potestatis tertium, Consul iteru[m]. et in auersa facie Cōcordiæ simulachrum, brachijs leniter expassis, cuius latera altrinsecus eingebāt chamæteræ pusillæ singulæ, inuicem auersantes, quibus utraq[ue] manu lacinias stolæ porrigere Cōcordia uisebatur. Hic M. Philosophus, qui Verus ab Eusebio appellatur et ab Eutropio, Aurelius etiam dictus est Antonini Pij adoptione, ut autor est Capitolinus, qui etiam Faustinæ uxoris nomine nummum percussit hoc indice, Faustina Augusta, Pij Au- r gusti Concordiæ si- mulachrum.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART III. HIS BOOK III. 257 was more splendid than the aforesaid titles, as in that of Nerva: Imp. Cæsar Ner va Traian. Aug. Ger. P. M. T R. P O. C O S. II. P. P. Imperator Cæsar Nerva Traianus, Augustus Germanicus, Pontifex Maximus. Tribunician power, Consul for the second time, Father of his country. And in that of Trajan likewise, except that the title Dacicus had been added. On the reverse face of this there was an equestrian statue, with the spear accurately represented as being twisted, riding on a horse at full speed, with this honorable inscription, S. P. Q. R. to the best prince. This coin, of all I have seen, was the most beautiful, and of a most august face, according to which the coin of Hadrian his successor seemed to show the principal dignity and august authority most clearly: for that same one also had an equestrian statue, with the horse not in battle, but on a journey, seated upon it. One could see a horse walking at a slow trot, and as it were worn out by long journeys, I believe, so that the prince might be understood as a traveler over the lands. For thus he was called. I also added those of Antoninus Pius; of M. Antoninus surnamed the Philosopher; of Aurelius and Severus, with gradually diminished weight. On some, on the reverse, there is as the inscription the liberality of Augustus; in the Aurelian one, cheerfulness; in the Severian one, the eternity of the empire, and in that of Lucius Verus, the winged Victory of Augustus. M. Antoninus the Philosopher had such a title: M. Aurelius Cæsar Aug. son of Pius, tribunitian power for the third time, Consul again. and on the reverse the image of Concord, with arms gently outstretched, at whose sides on either hand were small chlamydes, turned away from one another, with which Concord seemed to extend the folds of her gown with both hands. This M. the Philosopher, who Verus is called by Eusebius and by Eutropius, was also called Aurelius by the adoption of Antoninus Pius, as Capitolinus says, who also struck a coin in the name of Faustina his wife with this inscription, Faustina Augusta, the Pious Au- gustus image of Concord.

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET gusti filia. Hæc ideo enarraui uerbosè fortasse, quòd hodie huiusmodi multa circunferuntur nomismata, ex quibus iu dicium fieri uolo, si quid aut falsò aut temere censuisse ui sus sim. neque enim de meis tantummodo iudicio facto ac= quieui. Aureum autem Romanu[m] Attici nummu instar per= cussum fuisse existimare debemus, coniectura ab argento nummo sumpta, de quo antè dictu[m] est. At aureus Atticus, qui stater ab eis appellatur, pondere didrachmus erat, ut autor est Pollux lib. IIII. de uocabulis rerum, [n]o[n] s[un]t Aureus, inquit, nummus duas drachmas Atticas habebat. de quo etiam infrà non= nihil dicetur. Existimo staterem esse quod in iure libra au ri uocatur, ut in lege Omnes, in Cod. Iustiniani in tracta tu de appel. & in l. Illustres, de modo multarum. Plus est enim auri uncia, quàm auri libra, ut ibidem liquet, & inferius dicetur, si locus occurrerit. Quare cum denarium Ro manum drachmali pondere fuisse còstet, aureum quoque Romanum didrachnum, id est duorum denariorum pon= dere percussum fuisse meritò iudicare debemus. quamquam quid opus est argumetis, cum nummu ipsi extent uetustat sis symbola asseruantes, ne imponere nobis nouitij pro ue teranus possint: proinde cum libra Romana sex & nona= ginta drachmarum fuerit, duodequinquaginta nummi di= drachni ex ea factitati sunt à principio: quibus si semun= ciam addideris, id est quatuor drachmas, ut ex libra fiat plena nuna (cum libram & minam in re nummaria idem fuisse docuerimus) erut in libra quinquaginta omnino no= mismata: ut apud Plinium quinquaginta potius quàm qua draginta legendu[m] sit. siquidem (ut dixi) cum illa nomisma ta uniuersa quatuor & uiginti exp[er]esarem, & unius numi loco pòdusculum didrachmum (grossum nûc appellamus) adderem

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE AS AND gusti, daughter. I have therefore perhaps explained this at some length, because today many such coins are being circulated, and I want a judgment to be made from them, lest I seem to have judged anything either falsely or rashly. Nor indeed have I rested merely on a judgment of my own making. But we must suppose that the Roman gold coin was struck on the model of the Attic one, drawing the inference from the silver coin, of which mention has been made before. The Attic gold coin, which they call the stater, was in weight a didrachm, as Pollux states in book IV of On the Words for Things: the gold coin, he says, contained two Attic drachmas. Something will also be said of this below. I believe the stater to be what in law is called a pound of gold, as in the law Omnes in the Code of Justinian, in the treatise on appeals, and in the law Illustres, on the assessment of fines. For more is the ounce of gold than the pound of gold, as is clear there and will be said below, if the place occurs. Wherefore, since it is established that the Roman denarius was of the weight of a drachma, we ought rightly to judge that the Roman gold coin too was struck as a didrachm, that is, of the weight of two denarii. Although what need is there of arguments, when the coins themselves survive, preserving the symbols of antiquity, lest newcomers be able to impose upon us in place of veterans? Therefore, since the Roman pound was of sixty-six drachmas, fifty-eight didrachm coins were made from it at first; if you added half an ounce to these, that is, four drachmas, so that a full pound might be made (since we have shown that the pound and the mina were the same thing in monetary matters), there would be in the pound altogether fifty coins: so that in Pliny fifty rather than forty should be read. Indeed, as I said, when I had removed all those coins, twenty-four in number, and added the little didrachm weight in place of one coin (which we now call the grossus)...

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 259 adderem, minimo minus sex uncias in æquilibrio tenebam, hoc est libræ nostræ argentariæ dodrantem. Ex quo intel= ligimus quinquagenos olim aureos in singulis libris fuis= se, duntaxat iusti ac legitimu nomismatis. Vetustos autem nummos extare, præter ea quæ dicta sunt, etia Pomponius Iuriscosultus admonere nos potest, qui lib. VII. Digesto= rum sub titulo de usu fructu sic inquit, Nomismatum au= reorum uel argenteorum ueterum quibus pro gemmis uti solent, usus fructus legari potest. Auaritia autem princi= pum, uel temporu iniquitate immunutio poderis postea in= ualuit. Id quod hodie apud nos, quanquam admurmurate hominum sermone, nihilo minus factitatur. In aureis enim nostris binum ternumq; mometorum intertrimetum lege quoq; admittitur. remedium uiri monetales appellant. id quod primum clemetia edictali nummulariorum macipi= bus indultum, ne cui fraudi esset si quis nummus ex multis leuiusculus sefellisset, auaritia pro iure suo sumpsit, ita ut nulli ia justo priscoq; podere signetur: & qui priscorum extant, aut ostentationis gratia in delicijs habeantur, aut prius accisi demu in com[m]ercia & ad collybum prodeant. Hinc fit ut coronati qui Cruciati cognomunatur, iam com[m]erciales no sint, utpote superpodiales. Quod si tam ani= mosè principes imminutæ monetæ crimina exercerent, quàm imminutæ maiestatis exercet, melius cu[m] rebus huma nis ageretur, & minus falleret adulteratores numi, quoru[m] iam ipsoru[m] crimen multitudine reoru[m], & interdu[m] potetia atrox esse desijt. Sed sic est ferè in omni parte sui Resp. no stra, ut primoru[m] arbitrio (ne dicâ libidine) no[m] legu[m] præ= scripto gubernetur: quaru[m] legu[m] nulla tot, ta[n]tis, tamq; terri ficis uinculis adstricta unquam memoria nostra fuit san= ctio, ut no[n] quilibet in aula ordines ductantiu[m], aut resolue= r 2 re aut

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART I. III. LIB. III. 259 I would add that I had, at the least, six ounces less in the balance, that is, three-quarters of our silver pound. From this we understand that formerly there were fifty gold pieces in each pound, and these were only of just and legitimate coinage. That old coins still exist may be shown to us, besides what has already been said, by Pomponius the jurist also, who in Book VII of the Digest, under the title On Usufruct, speaks thus: “The usufruct of old gold or silver coin, which they are accustomed to use in place of gems, may be bequeathed.” But the avarice of princes, or the iniquity of the times, later brought about a reduction of the standard. This is what today among us, though murmured against in speech, is nevertheless practiced. For in our gold coins a deficiency of two or three small pieces is allowed by law. The moneyers call it a remedy. What was first granted to money-changers by an edict of clemency, lest anyone be wronged if some coin among many should prove a little lighter, avarice has seized as its own right, so that no coin is now marked with the old and just standard; and those that survive from ancient times are either kept as ornaments for display, or are first cut down and only then passed into commerce and for exchange. Hence it comes about that the coronati, which are called Cruciati, are no longer commercial coins, since they are over-standard. If princes were as eager to punish the crime of diminishing the coinage as they are to punish the crime of diminishing majesty, human affairs would be managed better, and counterfeiters of money would deceive less, a crime which even for themselves has ceased to be so terrible, because of the number of those guilty and at times the power involved. But such is nearly the case in every part of our Republic: it is governed, not by the prescriptions of law, but by the will—one may say the caprice—of a few leading men; laws of which no sanction, however numerous, weighty, and fearsome, has ever, within our memory, been so firmly bound by such fetters, that not just anyone in court could draw the ranks of those leading, or loosen them, or...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET re aut rescindere aut abrumpere non toto anno uertente potuerit. Romani autem nummu imminutionem sic colligo. In uncia (ut dixi) nostrates grossulos octo pon[n]ut, ut Romani octo drachmas, & ternos in grossulo denarios, qui Latinè scrupuli dicuntur: in singulis autem denarijs uicenaquaterna granamomenta ue, pro quibus & ulterio ribus minutijs uerbum Latinum assignare non possumus. In uncia igitur quatuor & uiginti denarios ponimus, & granula seu momenta quing[itu]ta septuagintasex, id est quater & uicies quatuor & uiginti. At Romani quaternos aureos in uncias signabant, & argenteos octonos. siquidem argentei bini singulos aureos æquant pondere. Ita quater duodenos in libras signasse deprehenduntur, id est in duodecim uncias, & binos ex semuncia, quæ minæ, id est libræ argentariæ accedit. Sic numerus quinquagenarius in libram impleri deprehenditur. Agedum igitur fac ex quolibet nummo in argyrocopio, id est in officina argentaria detracta esse octo granula (quandoquidem hanc decessionem in recentioribus ferè deprehendimus) detrimenti scrupulum unum in ternis nummis inuenies, & in denis octonis scrupula sex, id est aureum unum, & duo aureos in tricenissenis, & in quadragenisquinis duos aureos & semisse, & in quinquagenis eo amplius aurei quadrantem. Quòd si sesquiplam huius detractionem posueris, ut in singulos nummos duodena granula decesserint, in libras quinquageniquaterni nummi signari potueru[n]t, ita ut eo amplius sextantes lucrifierent. huiusmodi autem ætate Plinij signatos fuisse affirmare no[n] dubitem. quippe cu[m] Tyberianis & Claudianis ut grauissimis alioru[m] principum nummos opponerem, non antè, quàm decimu[m] granum addidi, prægrauare illi Vespasiani nummum destite= runt

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE AS AND whether he was able to rescind or break off the matter, not throughout the whole course of a year. As for the diminution of the Roman coinage, I infer it thus. In an ounce (as I said) our people place eight grosuli, but the Romans eight drachmas, and in each grosulus three denarii, which in Latin are called scruples; and in each denarius twenty-four grains or moments, for which and for still smaller divisions we cannot assign a Latin word. In an ounce, therefore, we reckon twenty-four denarii, and five hundred and seventy-six grains or moments, that is, twenty-four times twenty-four. But the Romans marked four gold coins to the ounce, and eight silver coins; for two silver coins equal one gold coin in weight. Thus they are found to have marked four twelve-coin units to the pound, that is, twelve ounces, and two from the half-ounce, which is added as the mina, that is, the silver pound. So the number fifty is found to make up a pound. Come now, then: suppose that from every coin, in the silver workshop, that is, in the mint, eight grains have been taken off (since we find this reduction in later times for the most part); you will find a loss of one scruple in three coins, and in eighteen coins six scruples, that is, one gold coin, and two gold coins in thirty-six, and in forty-five two and a half gold coins, and in fifty and more a quarter of a gold coin. But if you set a diminution one and a half times as great, so that twelve grains have been taken from each coin, fifty-four coins could have been marked to the pound, so that more than that a sixth would be gained. I would not doubt, moreover, that coins of this sort were struck in the age of Pliny. Indeed, when I set the coinage of Tiberius and Claudius, as the heaviest among the coins of other princes, against that of Vespasian, they ceased to seem overweighted only after I added a tenth grain.

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 261 runt, cum interim collybo detritus non uideretur. Quod ne comminisci uidear, à tergo in eo nummo annonam esse dico. quâquam in nummo Domitiani nihil didrachmo, id est ponderi iusto deerat: scitè quidem ipso assimulato, & in quo uultuosam faciem agnosceres, V espasianum genitorem lineamentis omnibus referentem. Illud Augustale ob Parthica signa percussum, duo amplius grana auctarij habebat. In Neruæ & Aurelij leuiter quidem detritis undecini demum pondusculi additamento examen neutro propensum stabat. Hadrianici autem octo circiter granorum detractionem habebant. Sunt enim huiuscemodi qui in posteriore parte non equestrem statuam, sed salutè Augusti habent, in secundo Consulatu eius signati. in antica parte imago est lineamenta prioris illius male referes. For tasse igitur apud Plinium legi posset, Post hæc placuit L. < Plinij locus> nummos signari ex auri libris, paulatimq[ue] principes immunuêre pondus, minutissimè uerò ad L v. nummos. Nam ut nullia legatur, ratio omnino refragatur, ut antea diximus, sed eò maximè, quòd nullia argenti signari ex auro non potuerunt, nec auri pondere imminuto ex X I. millibus X L v. millia fieri, nisi argenti nummi pondus imminutum intelligamus: quod consentaneum huic loco non ui detur. Vtcunque, locus ille corruptissimè legitur: nec nos in eo fallimur quod dictum est. re enim comprobatur. Romanis nomismatibus pares omnino pondere sunt Anglii < Nobiles Angelici nummi.> nummi qui Nobiles appellantur, duntaxat Eduardei & Rosati, pondere senûm scrupulorum. Hoc cum ex actis ui rorum monetaliu & ex nummulariorum monumentis comperimus, tum uerò examinati experimento probare uoluimus. Hoc tantum interest, quòd Rosati pondere pares, auri bonitate cedunt, Eduardei instar omnifariam ha- bent r 3

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 261 were worn down, when meanwhile they did not seem to have been rubbed by collybus. Lest I should seem to be inventing this, I say that on the reverse of that coin there is an annona. Although on the coin of Domitian nothing was lacking from the didrachm, that is, from the proper weight: cleverly indeed, since the emperor himself was represented in the imitation, and in him you would recognize a face, with all the features of Vespasian his father, though marked with a distorted expression. That Augustale, struck for the Parthian standards, had two grains more added to it. In those of Nerva and Aurelius, though lightly worn, the balance finally stood level only after the addition of eleven grains. But the Hadrianic ones had a loss of about eight grains. For there are coins of this kind which on the reverse do not have an equestrian statue, but the salutation of Augustus, stamped in his second consulship. On the obverse there is an image that imperfectly reproduces the features of that earlier one. Perhaps, therefore, in Pliny one might read, After this it pleased L. < Plinij locus> that coins should be struck from pounds of gold, and little by little the emperors reduced the weight, and very minutely even to 50 coins. For, as no ratio may be read, the reasoning altogether resists, as we said before; but especially because no silver coins could have been struck from gold, nor could 45,000 be made from 10,000 by a reduction in the weight of gold, unless we understand that the weight of silver coins was reduced; which does not seem consistent with this passage. However it may be, that passage is read in a very corrupt state; nor are we mistaken in what was said there. Indeed the facts confirm it. The English coins called Nobles are in every respect equal in weight to Roman coins. The coins called Nobles are only the Edwardian and the Rosati, weighing six scruples. This we learned from the records of the money officers and from the monuments of the money-changers; and then we wished to prove it by the trial of examination. Only this difference exists: that, while equal in weight, the Rosati fall short in the fineness of the gold, whereas the Edwardian possess the same quality in all respects as the first.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET bent illorum. in prima enim nota auri bonitatis censentur, quæ tamen ipsa à puritate exacta & obryza, quadrante scrupuli distat. Aiunt enim nullum nummum ad plenam puritatem exactum esse. Sed iam illud uidendum, quonam modo auri scrupulus uicenos sestertios ualere potuerit. <Plin. locus.> quod antequam explico, hoc præfandum habeo, me Plinij locum ita legere instituisse, quoad aliud inuenero, Ita ut scrupulum ualeret sestertios duodenos, uel bissenos potius, quod efficit in libras ratione sestertiorum qui tunc erant, denarios nongentos. Et inferius, Paulatim que principes imminuêre pondus, minutissimè Nero, ad quin quagintaquinque nummos. ut intelligamus Neronem nonisma maximè omniu[m] extenuasse, eo utique tempore, quo donationibus immodicis & prodigis impedijs exhaustus, à Senatu cæties sestertium annuum exigere coepit. Verùm <Auri precium.> esto recte apud Pliniu[m] sestertijs uicenis legatur: auri nunc uncia ad puritatem excocti, æstimatione principali sedecim francicis & quadrante & eo amplius denarijs quinque ualet. Hanc æstimationem finitimarum gentium commercia intenderunt. pluris enim aurei nostri permutantur quàm per edictum liceat, conniuentia tame[n] principali approbante: quod temporum difficultate constitui uix potest: id quod experimento uno & altero cognitum est, fremente ne quicquam homine uiro primario, qui id se effecturu[m] per omnia numina deierarat, præconialibus interdictis alijs super alia personantibus: quæ quâlibet minacia, & ab homine iræ impotentissimæ manantia (cuius tunc ferociæ recta & utilia consilia cedebant) publicum tame[n] consensum peruincere non potuerunt. Nos autem ratione in argento instituta, neutram harum æstimationum seque mur, sed mediocre, & eam quam Mercuriali (ut ita dicà) arbitratus

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BV. On the ass and the counsel of those men. For in the first mark they are judged by the quality of gold, which nevertheless differs from exact purity and refined gold by a quarter of a scruple. For they say that no coin has been brought to full purity. But now it must be seen in what way one scruple of gold could have been worth twenty sesterces. <Pliny's passage.> Before I explain this, I must first state that I have chosen to read Pliny's passage in this way, until I find otherwise: namely, that a scruple was worth twelve sesterces, or rather ten, which, reckoned in pounds by the number of sesterces then in use, makes nine hundred denarii. And below, the emperors gradually reduced the weight, most minutely Nero, to five-and-fifty coins, so that we may understand that Nero had worn down coinage more than anyone else, precisely at that time when, exhausted by excessive and wasteful gifts and outlays, he began to demand from the Senate a yearly sum of six hundred million sesterces. But <The price of gold.> Granted that in Pliny it is correctly read as twenty sesterces: now an ounce of gold, refined to purity, is, by the chief estimate, worth sixteen francs and a quarter and somewhat more, namely five denarii. The trade of neighboring peoples has increased this valuation. For our gold coins are exchanged for more than the edict allows, with the connivance, however, of the authorities approving; which, because of the difficulty of the times, can hardly be established—something learned from one and another experiment, while one angry man, a man of highest rank, who had sworn by all the gods that he would bring it about, was raging; official prohibitions sounded one after another; yet those threats, and coming from a man of the most uncontrolled anger—whose ferocity then outweighed sound and useful counsel—could not nevertheless overcome public agreement. But we, having adopted a reckoning in silver, follow neither of these valuations, but a moderate one, and the one which, as it were, the Mercurial arbiter

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 161 arbitratu approbare, id est negociatorum opinione possimus, id enim genus hominum auri argentiq[ue] rationem callere maximè mihi uideris, uidelicet commercijs id assequê tes. Etenim quanti unumquodque sit nomisma, externarum gentium iudicio condiscunt, quippe quæ aurum argentum que nostrum nullo respectu characteris, exploratum tantum appensum que æstimant. Et ut auri argenti que grauis rationem euariare cum ratione nummularia et consistere necesse est: sic æquandæ rei arbitrametum in conciliabulis et emporijs rectè atque ordine fieri existimatur. Auri igitur unciæ, sedecim francicos et octo solidos cum semisse precium statuemus. et pro ea summa no uem nostros solatos taxabimus, ratione ducta quasi singuli solati sex et triginta solidis et semisse ualeant: etsi cu[m] hæc proderem, duodequadraginta solidis oblocabantur. Qua ratione libra Romana centum et duodecim aureos solatos et semissem ualebit. tantidem enim nec pluris singula pòdo æstimabimus Romanus et Asiaticis opibus a stimandis, ut extenuasse magis rerum miracula quam auxijsè uideamur. Tametsi poteramus citra reprehensionem aurum argentum que ex temporis huius conditione æstimare, præsertim cum Italia et omnes penè prouinciæ prolixius ista æstimare quàm Gallia solitæ sint. Cuius rei luculenta testimonia proferre possem, si quorundam nostrorum hominum è ministerio Quæstorio quæstus immodicos comemorare uellem ex collybo factitatos dum in Italia res gessimus, aureis tunc nostris uice mercis exportatis. Tanti igitur nomismata Romana æstimare poteram, quâ ti aurum argentum que infectum nunc permutatur, modò ne nota uctustatis in precium cederet. Sit igitur auri Vncia auri, unciæ primæ indicaturæ sedecim francicis, et octo duo- denarijs r 4

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 161 to approve by judgment, that is, if we can by the opinion of merchants; for it seems to me that this class of men knows best the value of gold and silver, namely by commerce attaining that knowledge. For indeed how much each coin is worth, they learn from the judgment of foreign nations, since they estimate our gold and silver with no regard to the stamp, but only by weighing it out and examining it. And just as the value of gold and silver must be measured and determined by the money-changer’s standard, so the valuation of the thing to be assessed is rightly and properly made in meetings and markets. We shall therefore set the price of an ounce of gold at sixteen francs and eight sols and a half; and for that sum we shall assign nine of our solats, reckoning that each solat is worth thirty-six sols and a half; although, when I gave this, they were being offered at forty-eight sols. By this reckoning the Roman pound will be worth one hundred and twelve gold solats and a half. For we shall estimate each pound, neither more nor less, at that amount, when assessing Roman and Asiatic resources, so that we may seem rather to have lessened the marvels of the matter than to have increased them. Yet we could, without reproach, have valued gold and silver according to the condition of the present time, especially since Italy and almost all the provinces are accustomed to value such things more highly than Gaul. I could produce clear proofs of this, if I wished to mention the excessive gains made by certain of our men from the office of quaestor, profits brought about by exchange while we conducted affairs in Italy, our gold then being exported in place of merchandise. Therefore I could value the Roman coins at the same rate at which gold and silver bullion is now exchanged, provided only that the mark of antiquity did not diminish the price. Let the ounce of gold therefore be gold; the first ounce, as I indicate, at sixteen francs and eight two- denarii r 4

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET denarijs & semisse, quali nota percussi sunt aurei supra= dicti, & Galliæ quondam uernaculi, qui pecude uillosa si= gnati sunt, nunc inuentu rari, ut plerique antiqui. Aiunt autem eos nummularij nulli nummo aureo bonitate secu= dos esse. Quod ut intelligatur, scire hoc oportet, auri bo= nitatem in quatuor & uiginti caractis indicaturæ co[m]sum= mari, ultra id nihil exquiri posse. < Auri indicaturæ. Caractæ. Ceratium.> Indicatura est quam lin= gua nostra legem uocat, id est notam gradumq[ue] bonitatis. Eadem lingua caractas à ceratio uerbo Græco uulgari inscitia deflexit. Est enim ceratium minuti ponderis uoca bulum, à grano siliquæ ductu, qui fructus est arboris Ita= licæ prædulcis, digitorum hominis longitudine, & polli= cis latitudine. nos in hac urbe importatum uidimus. intus sunt grana quæ ceratia dicuntur, nomine cum fructu co[m]= municato. Theophrastus tamen aliter appellat: propterea Columella lib. I I I. Siliquam, inquit, Græcam quidam ce ratium uocant. Vtitur eo uocabulo Dioscorides. Aiunt Genuæ Carubam uocitari. Ex quo factum esse arbitror, ut nostri pondusculi certam minutiam eo nomine appel= lent. Tradunt enim nummulariorum placita, quatuor & uiginti ceratia in auri libra esse, & in singulis ceratijs ut cenaquaterna grana, & in his rursus singulis uicenas quæ ternas carubas, & postremò in carubis totidem minutula. Sed hic ceratium non ad pondus, sed ad indicaturam refe= rendum est. Ceratio enim ponderali gemmarij tantu[m] utun tur, non aurifices, nec nummularij. Anti qui, scrupuli ap= pellatione in ea reutebantur. Plinius lib. X X X I I I. de lapide Lydio loques, His coticulis periti cu[m] è lima rapue rint experimentu[m], protinus dicunt quantum auri sit in ea, quantum argenti uel æris, scrupulari differentia mirabili ratione no[n] fallente. Scrupulu[m] dixit quod caractam nostri dicunt

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON THE ASSE AND denarii and semisses, by which mark the above-mentioned gold coins were struck, and the native coins of Gaul, which are marked with a shaggy beast, are now rare to find, like most ancient coins. But the money-changers say that they are second to no gold coin in quality. In order that this may be understood, it should be known that the fineness of gold is indicated in twenty-four carats, beyond which nothing further can be sought. < On the indication of gold. Carat. Ceratium.> The indication is what our language calls the law, that is, the mark and degree of fineness. In the same language, through common ignorance, carats is derived from the Greek word ceratium. For ceratium is a term for a small weight, derived from the grain of the siliqua, which is the fruit of the Italian tree, very sweet, of a man’s finger’s length and a thumb’s breadth. We have seen it imported into this city; inside are seeds which are called ceratia, the name being shared with the fruit. Theophrastus, however, calls it differently; therefore Columella, book III, says: “The Greek siliqua, some call ceratium.” Dioscorides uses that word. They say that in Genoa it is called caruba. From this I believe it came about that our small weights are called by that name when they are of a certain minuteness. For the rules of the money-changers teach that there are twenty-four ceratia in a pound of gold, and in each ceratium four cenae, and in each of these again twenty-three carubae, and finally in the carubae the same number of minutula. But here ceratium is to be referred not to weight, but to indication. For jewellers use ceratium as a weight only in weighing gemstones, not goldsmiths, nor money-changers. The ancients used the term scrupulus in this matter. Pliny, book XXXIII, speaking of the Lydian stone, says: “When experts have taken their test from these touchstones, immediately they say how much gold there is in it, how much silver or bronze, with a marvelous scrupulous distinction, not deceived by reason.” He said scrupulum, which our writers call carat.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 263 dicunt. Aurum itaq[ue] nummarium iam dictum, licet no[n] sit exacta probitate, in primam tamen notam cedet, quod quæ drante tantum ceratij à primario absit, quanquam rarissi mum sit primarium inuenire. Huius semuncia octonis erit francicis, & quaternis solidis, & quadrante solidi, æstima tione nostra, & quadrans unciæ, id est binæ drachmæ, quaternis fræcicis, & binis solidis, id est duodenarijs. Quæ ratione scrupulum, id est tertia pars drachmæ, quod dena rium à nostris dicitur, ternisdenis solidis & besse ualet. Est autem ea ratio argenti, ut quo purius inueniri no[n] possit, id cineraceum & Parisinum uocetur, Parisijs ad sum= mam bonitatem excoctum. Apud nos enim non pridem uir < Argentum Parisinum & cineraceum. Chrysoplysiu[m].> quidam obscuræ sortis chrysoplysium instituit, id est lauâ di auri officinam, re omnino quæstuosam, sed paucissimis hominibus cognitam. Huius est id artificium, ut ui aquæ medicatæ, quam Chrysulcam appellant, quantulamcunq[ue] auri partem argento aut cuiuis metallo illitam aut confu= sam, nullo propemodum dispendio adimat, ita ut in auratu ris nihil iam ferme depereat mundo, nisi quod usu interte= ritur. Res omnino stupenda, auri argentiq[ue] quotamcunq[ue] portionem ex ærse eximere, etiam (quod magis mireris) manente uasculi forma quassa interdum & inani, ueluti quadam idea à materia abstracta. Is moriens filio ætem cu[m] patrimonio no[n] mediocri reliquit, qui nunc unus Chry soplytæ appellatione dignus esse existimatur. usqueadeo < Chrysoplytes Parisiensis.> ea in arte præstat, alioquin à paucis tentata, cæterum uale tudini noxia. sumus enim bullientis eius aquæ haustus uitæ lia tabefacere dictitatur: & eum artificem magna uigilan tia satagere circa aquam necesse est, occasionesq[ue] horaru[m] idetidem obseruare, & temperaturæ modum nosse. qua= propter in ea functio[n]e alieno sæpe ministerio utitur, emi= r s n ut

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 263 they say. Thus coined gold already mentioned, although it is not of exact purity, will nevertheless pass for first grade, since it falls short of the primary only by a quarter of a ceratium, though it is very rare to find the primary. Its half-ounce will be worth eight francs and four solidi and a quarter of a solidus, in our estimate; and a quarter-ounce, that is, two drachms, four francs and two solidi, that is, twelve denarii. By this reckoning a scruple, that is, the third part of a drachma, which among us is called a denarius, is worth thirteen solidi and one-third. There is also such a ratio of silver, that when it can no longer be found purer, it is called cineraceous and Parisian, having been refined in Paris to the highest goodness. For among us not long ago a man of obscure station established what is called chrysoplysium, that is, a workshop for washing gold, a very profitable business indeed, but known to very few people. Its art is such that, by the force of medicated water, which they call Chrysulca, it removes almost without loss whatever amount of gold has been plated or mixed with silver or any metal, so that in the refining of gold almost nothing now perishes except what is worn away in use. A truly astonishing thing: to remove from bronze whatever portion of gold or silver there may be, even, as you may wonder more, while the shape of the vessel remains, sometimes battered and even empty, as though some form abstracted from the material. Dying, he left his son an ample patrimony; he is now thought to be the only one worthy of the name of Chrysoplytes. to such an extent [Argentum Parisinum & cineraceum. Chrysoplysium.] he excels in that art, which otherwise has been tried by few, but is harmful to health. For it is said that drinking of that boiling water corrupts the vital parts; and that the craftsman must exert himself with great vigilance around the water, and repeatedly observe the times of the hours, and know the proper degree of temperature. Wherefore in that function he often makes use of another's help, emi r s n ut

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nus ipse respectans, in primis iam locuples eo artificio factus, ac secunda etiam fama celeber, Cointius appellatur. Vis aquæ chry sulcæ. Quæ autem aqua uim habet chrysulcam (id est auri ab argento abstrahendi) in ea aurum sidit cu[m] aqua deserbuit, argentu[m] autem aquæ confusum uisitur, et demum auro exepto, alio artificio ab aqua elicitur et eluitur. Argentu[m] igitur cineraceu[m] et Parisinu[m] in prima indicatione censetur: tametsi à summa puritate sex granis abest, id est quadrante denarij. Granalliu[m] argentum. Hoc argentum uulgo granallium dictum in frusta formatur similia ramentis ligni à terebra conuolutis: quam formam accipere dicitur cum excoctum et feruens in aquam demittitur. sensim enim casitando, et pessum eundo, in lemniscos plerunque uel in clauiculas configuratur, quanquam et alias temerarias accipit formas. Est etiam cineraceum è Germania aduentitium, quod in pastillos grandiores uel in quadras formatur leuiter pustulosas: et nostro bonitate secundum est. Huiusmodi ab antiquis pustulatum, ut arbitror, dictum est. Est autem ea ratio indicaturæ in auro argento que communis, ut quod excoctissimum sit uel aurum, uel argentum, in eo alieni metalli pars omnino decoquino[n] possit: ut uerbi gratia in auro sexta et non agesima pars cuiuscunq[ue] massæ, in argento octaua et quadragesima. Siquidem non eadem est formula in auri argentiq[ue] exploratione. Nam omne corpus aureum in quatuor et uiginti ceratia partiuntur, et pro modo temperaturæ uarias notas auri faciunt. Summa[m] autem nota auri in quarto et uicesimo est ceratio ad quadrantem absoluto, id est ut quadrâs tantum ceratij in tota[m] massa æreus sit aut argenteus. Argenteam autem massam in duodena denaria partiuntur, quæ Latinè duodena sunt scrupula. Culmè igitur bonitatis in undecim scrupulis et duode

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSAY OF SILVER AND he himself, by observing it, having already become rich chiefly through this art, and also celebrated by a favorable reputation, is called Cointius. The power of chrysulcous water. But that water which has chrysulcous power (that is, of separating gold from silver): in it gold settles when the water has evaporated, while the silver is seen mixed with the water, and finally, after the gold has been taken out, it is drawn forth and washed out by another art. Silver, therefore, when cineraceous and Parisian, is reckoned in the first indication; although it falls short of the highest purity by six grains, that is, by a quarter of a denarius. Granulated silver. This silver, commonly called granulated, is formed into pieces similar to shavings of wood curled by the auger; it is said to take this shape when, after being melted and made hot, it is dropped into water. For by gradually sinking and going down, it is usually shaped into little ribbons or tendrils, although it also takes other random forms. There is also a cineraceous kind imported from Germany, which is formed into larger cakes or into squares slightly pustular: and it is second to ours in quality. I think that this kind was called pustulated by the ancients. Now the rule of assay in gold and silver is common, namely that in whatever is most thoroughly smelted, whether gold or silver, no part of foreign metal can altogether be cooked out. For example, in gold the sixth and ninetieth part of any mass, in silver the forty-eighth part. Indeed, the formula is not the same in testing gold and silver. For every golden body is divided into twenty-four carats, and according to the degree of alloy they assign various marks of gold. The highest mark of gold is in the twenty-fourth carat, to the full quarter, that is, so that only four carats of the whole mass are of copper or silver. But a silver mass is divided into twelve denarii, which in Latin are twelve scruples. The highest point of goodness therefore is in eleven scruples and two de

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 267 duodeuiiginti granulis esse aiunt. Hæ igitur notæ non re= apse primæ sunt, sed pro prima nota cedunt: quâdoquidem experimento cognitum esse fertur, Chrysurgicam diligen tiam progredi porrò non posse, etiam si uulgò aurum & argentum omnibus numeris absolutum appellatur. Præfecti tamen nummulariorum, quos pro uiris monetalibus ha bemus, affirmat aurum non ad ultimum modò quadrante excoqui posse, sed etiam eo amplius ad ultimi quadrantis quadrantem, ita ut ad bonitatem numeris omnibus absolutum nihil præter quadrantis quadrantem desit, quem ipsi appellat sextamdecimam caractæ. eum enim quadrante qui deest exquisitæ auri uel argenti probitati, quartam ceratij appellantes, in octauas binas partiuntur, & octauam rursus unam in binas sextas decimas. Decoqui igitur aiut octauam & alteram sexta[n]decimam summa industria posse, altera[m] sexta[n]decimam non posse. Argentum uerò ita decoqui posse, ut nihil præter merum argentum supersit: & huiuscemodi in hac urbe fuisse dicebant cu[m] hæc scriberem: uerum lege cautum olim fuisse, ne cui argyrocopij mancipi fraudi esset qui nummum percuteret, si auri quod primæ notæ abscriberetur, ultimu[m] ceratij dodras tantum aureus esset. uidelicet id prouidente legislatore, ne auri exco quendi difficultate nummulariorum mancipes in multa[m] incideret, & nummu[m] ipsi sæpe in publicu[m] commutterentur: eâ tamen mentem fuisse, ut pleriq[ue] numu[m] exacta[m] indicatura[m] signaretur: sed auaritia homunu[m] factu[m], ut omnibus omnino numus quadras ille decederet: dum passim remussione summi iuris ma[n]cipes quasi iure suo uti coeperunt, & id quod intra spem ueniæ relictu[m] erat ab omnibus & semper pro iure usurpatu[m] est. Huius rei argumentu[m] esse, quòd quadratale illud subsidium no[n] lucro redemptoru[m] cedere, sed prin= cipum

Transcription: Translated (English)

They say that there are eighteen grains. These marks, then, are not really the first, but serve in place of the first mark: since, as it is reported, it has been learned by experiment that the Chrysurgic diligence cannot advance farther, even if gold and silver are commonly called complete in every respect. However, the prefects of the money-changers, whom we take for men of the mint, affirm that gold can be refined not only to the final quadrans, but even beyond that, to the quadrans of the final quadrans, so that, in order to be complete in goodness by all counts, nothing is lacking except the quadrans of the quadrans, which they themselves call the sixteenth carat. For that part which is lacking in the exquisite purity of gold or silver, they call the quarter-carat, and divide it into two eighths, and again one eighth into two sixteenths. They therefore say that one eighth and another sixteenth can be removed by the greatest industry, but that the other sixteenth cannot. They said that silver, moreover, can be refined in such a way that nothing remains except pure silver; and when I was writing this, they said that something of this kind existed in this city. Yet they added that it had once been provided by law that no fraud should be committed against the argyrocopyi, the mint-workers, by anyone striking coin, if the gold to be assayed, down to the first mark, were only the two-thirds of the final carat of gold. Clearly this was done by foresight of the lawgiver, so that the difficulty of refining gold might not cause the agents of the money-changers to incur a penalty, and so that the coin itself might often be mixed into the public currency; the intention, however, was that the coin should be marked with an exact indication of value: but the greed of men made it happen that the whole of that quadrans was taken away from the coin; and while the agents, by common remissness, began to use almost as if by right that which had been left within the hope of pardon, what had been reserved within the bounds of mercy has been claimed by all, and always, as though by right. A proof of this is that that quadrantal allowance does not go to the profit of the redeemers, but to the princes.

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cipum solitum sit, quibus hoc lucrum refundere Monetarij redemptores, hoc est argyrocopiorum mancipes, publi co nomine sæpissime coacti sunt uirorum monetalium se= ueritate: hodieq[ue] ita factitari aiebant, licet in alio genere, ut si argyrocopiorum conductores (quos magistros nu= mulariorum uocant) relatis pyxidibus deteriora aliqua[n]to fecisse nomismata iudicentur: quod notæ præstitutæ deest, id resarcire principi populi nomine cogantur. Pyxidas appellant uascula in quibus nomismatis cuiusq[ue] offici= næ specimina conduntur. Reliquum est ut colligamus qua lis fuerit argenti ad aurum analogia. Diximus in uncia octonas esse drachmas, & in drachma terna scrupula hac ratione scrupulus sestertium unum & trientem capit, cu[m] drachma & denarius quaternis sestertijs ualea[n]t. Si igitur scrupulum auri uicenos sestertios ualuit, ut ex Plinio didi cimus: auri ad argentum ea fuit proportio, quæ est quinde cim ad unum, cu[m] uiginti sestertios quindecim argenti scrupula ualuerint, quot scilicet unum auri scrupulum ualuit. Hoc autem tempore ea ferè est auri ad argentum analo= gia, quæ est duodecim ad unum paululo tantum minor. siquidem cum uncia auri edicto regio sedecim francicis & quadrante taxata sit: & argenti, uigintiseptem solidis & semisse: si undecies hanc summam solidorum numeres, fient quindecim fràcici, & duo solidi & semis, & minor erit summa. quòd si duodecies multiplices, fient sedecim francici & semis, & paulo summa exuperabit. Quòd si æstimationem à me institutam spectes, cadè erit ratio. hoc est, si analogia[m] duodetriginta solidorum (tanti enim uncia[m] argenti æstimaui) & sedecim francicorum & octo solido rum spectaueris, quanti auru[m] primariu[m] æstimandum cen= sui. Sex enim solidos tantum exuperabit summa, ut prior illa

Transcription: Translated (English)

the customary practice, by which the redemptores of the Mint, that is, the contractors of the silversmiths, have very often been compelled in the public name, by the severity of the mint officials, and they said that even today it is done in this way, though in another form: namely, that if the contractors of the silversmiths (whom they call the magistri numulariorum), after the boxes have been brought in, are judged to have made the coins somewhat worse, whatever is lacking from the prescribed standard they are compelled to make good in the prince’s name. They call pyxides the small containers in which the specimens of the coinage of each workshop are kept. It remains for us to gather what the ratio of silver to gold was. We have said that in an ounce there are eight drachmas, and in a drachma three scruples; by this reckoning a scruple contains one sestertius and one third, since both the drachma and the denarius are worth four sestertii. If, then, a scruple of gold was worth twenty sestertii, as we have learned from Pliny, the proportion of gold to silver was fifteen to one, since fifteen scruples of silver were worth twenty sestertii, that is, what one scruple of gold was worth. At this time, however, the ratio of gold to silver is nearly that of twelve to one, only a little less. For since an ounce of gold has been set by royal edict at sixteen francs and a quarter, and of silver at twenty-seven sols and a half, if you multiply this sum of sols by eleven, there will be fifteen francs, two sols, and a half, and the total will be smaller; but if you multiply by twelve, there will be sixteen francs and a half, and the sum will exceed it by a little. But if you consider the valuation established by me, the ratio will be equal. That is, if you look at the ratio of twenty-eight sols (for that is how much I have valued an ounce of silver) to sixteen francs and eight sols, which is the amount at which I judged prime gold should be valued, the total will exceed it by only six sols, as in the former case.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 269 illa quinq[ue]; Vt aut quindecuplex esset auri ad arg[umen]t[u] olim analogia fieri potuit propter auri penuriam, qua Romæ tunc fuisse Plinio autori credendu[m] est, qui lib. XXXIII. sic inquit, Romæ quidem no[n] fuit auru[m] nisi admodum exiguu[m] longo tempore. certè cum à Gallis capta urbe pax emeretur, non plus quàm mille pondo effici potuere: nec ignoro M. Crassum duo nullia pondo auri rapuisse suo et Pompeij tertio Consulatu è Capitolini Iouis solio, à Camillo ibi condita: et ideo à plerisq[ue] existimari duo nullia pondo collata: sed quod accessit, ex Gallorum præda fuit. Et paulo inferius, Ergo (ut maxime) duo tantum M. pondo cum capta est Roma anno C C C L X I I I. fuere, cum iam capitum liberorum censæ essent C L I I. millia. Et rursus infrà, Frequentior autem usus annulorum non ante Cn. Flauium Annij filiu[m] deprehenditur. hic nanque publicatis diebus fastis, tantam gratia[m] plebis adeptus est, alioquin libertino patre genitus, ut Aedilis Curulis crearetur, præteritis C. Petilio et Domitio, quorum patres Cōsules fuerant. quo facto tanta Senatus indignatione exarsit, ut annulos ab eo abiectos fuisse, in antiquissimis reperiatur annalibus. < Annuloru[m] pri[mum] uestigiu[m].> Hoc primum annulorum uestigium extat, promiscui autem usus alterum secundo Punico bello. neq[ue] enim aliter potuissent trimodia illa annulorum Carthaginem ab Annibale nutti. Idem inferius, Nullos que omnino annulos maior pars gentium hominum que, etiam qui sub imperio nostro degunt, hodie habent, nec signat Oriens aut Aegyptus etiam nunc, literis contenta solis. Multis hoc modis, ut cætera omnia luxuria uariauit, gemmas addendo exquisiti fulgoris, censu que opimo digitos onerando, mox etiam effigies uarias cælando, ut alibi ars, alibi materia esset in precio. Alias deinde gemmas uiolari nexas

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. HIS LIB. III. 269 that five; so that the analogy might once have been made with a quinary or quindecuple amount of gold, because of the scarcity of gold, which it must be believed, on Pliny’s authority, existed at Rome at that time; for in book XXXIII he says thus: “At Rome, indeed, gold was for a very long time by no means abundant; certainly, when peace was bought from the Gauls after the city had been captured, not more than a thousand pounds could be produced. Nor am I unaware that M. Crassus carried off two thousand pounds of gold from the throne of Capitoline Jupiter, where it had been deposited by Camillus, in his and Pompey’s third consulship; and therefore most people think that two thousand pounds were contributed: but what was added came from the spoil of the Gauls.” And a little farther down: “Therefore (at the most) only two thousand pounds were there when Rome was captured in the year 363, when the census of free-born citizens had already amounted to 152,000.” And again below: “But the more frequent use of rings is not found before Cn. Flavius, the son of Annius. For he, after publishing the calendar days, gained such favor from the people, though born of a freedman father, that he was elected Curule Aedile, passing over C. Petilius and Domitius, whose fathers had been consuls.” By which act such indignation of the Senate broke out that it is found in the oldest annals that rings were cast off by him. < The first trace of rings.> This is the first trace of rings that survives; but the more common use was the second, in the Second Punic War. For otherwise those three bowls of rings could not have been carried by Hannibal to Carthage. The same author says farther down: “By no means do the greater part of nations and peoples, even those who live under our rule, have rings today, nor does the East or Egypt even now mark them, being content with letters alone.” In many ways luxury altered this, as it altered all other things: by adding gems of rare brilliance, and loading the fingers with rich value; soon also by engraving various figures, so that sometimes the skill, sometimes the material, was held in esteem. Then, too, other gems were joined, set in rings.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nesas putauit. Ac ne quis signandi causam annulis esse in= telligeret, solidas induit. Contrà uerò multi nullas ælmut= tunt gemmas, auro'que ipso signant, ut Claudij Cæsaris principatu repertum. Ex his uerbis Plinij intelligimus an nulos aureos non ornamenti causa, sed signandi insti= tutos, siue aurea pala, siue gemmea: id quod satis ex li= bris iuris ciuilis intelligitur in mentione obsignandorum testamentorum. De iure autem annulorum aureorum nos alibi diximus. Tyberio autem principe (inquit idem autor) anno ab Vrbe còdita D C C L X X V. annulorum autoritati forma constituta est. Quo tempore statutum ne cui ius esset annuli aurei gestandi, nisi cui ingenuo ipsi, patri, auó que paterno sestertia C C C C. census fuissent, & lege Iulia theatrali in quatuordecim ordinibus seden= di. Romæ autem argentu magis quàm aurum olim abun= dasse ex eo conijcere possumus, quòd idem autor alibi eo= dem libro inquit his uerbis, Sed præter alia quidem muror populum Romanum uictis gentibus in tributo semper ar gentum imperasse, non aurum, sicut Carthagini cum An= nibale uictæ, argēti pòdo annua in quinquaginta annos, nihil auri. Nec potest uideri penuria mundi id euenisse. nam Midas & Croesus in infinitum possederant. Quo in loco numerus pondo deest in omnibus libris, ex Liuo re= stituendus, qui pacem factam ea conditione inquit, ut de= cem nullia talentum descripta pensionibus æquis in annos quinquaginta soluerent. Aut igitur Plinium numerum omisisse calculi exigendi tædio dicendum est, aut locum sic restituendum, Argenti pondo annua sedecim nullia in quinquaginta annos. Hoc autem sic colligo, Si decem mul= liæ talentum in quinquaginta annos pensionibus æquis di tributa sunt, oportuit ducenta singulis annis pensitari. At talen

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE AS AND thought otherwise. And lest anyone should think that rings were for the purpose of sealing, he put on plain ones. On the other hand, many set no gems at all, and seal with the gold itself, as was discovered in the principate of Claudius Caesar. From these words of Pliny we understand that gold rings were instituted not for ornament, but for sealing, whether with a gold bezel or a gem; and this is sufficiently clear from the books of civil law in the mention of the sealing of wills. But we have spoken elsewhere concerning the law of gold rings. And under the emperor Tiberius, as the same author says, in the year from the founding of the City 775, the form of the authority of rings was established. At which time it was decreed that no one should have the right to wear a gold ring unless he himself was freeborn, and his father and paternal grandfather had a census of four hundred thousand sesterces, and by the Julian theatrical law belonged in the fourteen rows. But that silver rather than gold once abounded at Rome we may infer from this, that the same author elsewhere in the same book says in these words: “But besides other things, I marvel that the Roman people, over conquered nations, always demanded silver in tribute, not gold, as with Carthage conquered with Hannibal, a yearly payment of silver for fifty years, no gold.” Nor can it seem that this happened because of scarcity in the world; for Midas and Croesus possessed it in abundance. In this passage the number of pounds is missing in all the manuscripts, and must be restored from Livy, who says that peace was made on the condition that they should pay ten thousand talents, divided into equal installments over fifty years. Either, then, one must say that Pliny omitted the number from weariness of making the calculation, or the passage must be restored thus: “An annual payment of sixteen thousand pounds of silver for fifty years.” I infer this as follows: if ten thousand talents were distributed in equal installments over fifty years, it was necessary for two hundred talents to be paid each year. But talen

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 271 At talentum octogenarium accipio, id est uel Euboicum uel Aegyptium. quare ex ducenario numero per octogenarium ducto, summam sedecim nullium pondo colligo. Non me latet Hermolaum Barbaru[m] in loco Plinij supra= dicto, pro illis uerbis, sed præter alia, legere, sed Spartaci, ita ut ad præcedentia referatur. Cui lectioni antiqua ex= plaria adstipulantur. quod si quis sequi malit, sententia à uerbo, equidem, incipienda erit, & illa duo uerba, sed Spartaci, in superiore sentetia includenda. Plinius, Talen= tum autem Aegyptium pòdo octoginta patere Varro tra dit. ubi fortasse capere Plinius scripsit, quod postea literis transpositis corruptum est. De Euboico testimonium est apud Liuium libro septimo de bello Macedonico, de pa= ce cum Antiocho facta loquêtem, Pro impensis in bellum factis, x v. nullia talentum Euboicorum dabitis, quingêta præsentia, duo nullia & quingenta cum Senatus popu= lus que Romanus pacem comprobauerit: nulle deinde ta= lenta in x I I. annos. ubi non nulle, sed nullena lego. Et li= bro sequenti ubi de confirmatione eius pacis loquitur, Ar genti probi x I I. nullia Attica talenta dato intra x I I. annos pensionibus æquis. Talentum ne, minus pondo octoginta Romanis ponderibus pendat. Quo in loco non Attica talenta, sed Euboicorum talentum lego. nisi in= telligamus Atticum magnum & Euboicum idem fuis= se, ut utrunque Liuius pro eodem usurpauerit. Penu= ria igitur auri fieri potuit, ut auri ad argentum quin= decuplex proportio priscis temporibus fuerit: ideo sci= licet, quòd Romani studiosiores argenti quàm auri tunc fuerunt. Pollux libro nono de uocabulis ad Commo= dum Cæsarem, aurum ad argentum decuplam propor= tionem habuisse bis uerbis affirmat, ἡ δὲ ἀγνοιον ὑπι τὴ < Auri ad argen tum proportio.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 271 I take the octogenarian talent, that is, either the Euboic or the Egyptian. Therefore, from the number of 120, multiplied by the octogenarian, I arrive at a total of sixteen thousand pounds. I am not unaware that Hermolaus Barbarus, in the passage of Pliny cited above, instead of those words, besides others, reads, "sed Spartaci," so that it refers to what precedes. To this reading the ancient editions give support. But if anyone prefers to follow that, the sentence must certainly begin with the word "equidem," and those two words, "sed Spartaci," must be included in the preceding sentence. Pliny says, "A talent, however, the Egyptian is of eighty pounds," as Varro states. Perhaps Pliny wrote "capere" there, which was later corrupted by transposition of letters. As evidence for the Euboic talent there is in Livy, book seven, in the account of the Macedonian war, speaking of the peace made with Antiochus: "For the expenses incurred in the war, you shall give 15 thousand Euboic talents, 500 immediately, and 2 thousand 500 when the Senate and the Roman people shall have approved the peace: then no ta- lents for 12 years." Where I read not "nulle," but "nullena." And in the following book, where he speaks of the ratification of that peace, "Argenti probi 12. thousand Attic talents to be given within 12 years in equal instalments." Nor let the talent weigh less than eighty pounds by Roman weights. In this passage I read not Attic talents, but Euboic talent. unless we understand that the large Attic and the Euboic were the same, so that Livy used either term for the same thing. Therefore, there could have been a shortage of gold, since the proportion of gold to silver may have been fifteenfold in ancient times: namely for this reason, that the Romans were at that time more devoted to silver than to gold. Pollux, in book nine On Words, addressed to Commodus Caesar, states in these words that gold had a tenfold proportion to silver: ἡ δὲ ἀγνοιον ὑπι τὴ < Proportion of gold to silver.>

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET τὴ ἀργωρία Πιαπλάσιον ἐν, ἔφος ἀν τίσικ ἔν μενάδον Παραπαθήκης μάθοι. Quòd autem aurum decuplum argenti esset, non obscurè ex Menandri com[m]odia quæ sponsio uel pignus dicitur, uel depositum apud argentarium potius, intelligere quicuis possit. Cum enim quodam in loco talenti aurei pondus dixisset, alio loco de eodem loquens, decæ talantium dixit, id est talentis decem æstimabile. Herodotus aurum πρισκαι Πιαπασίον dixit, id est terdecies argento æstimabile, uel terdecies argento rependendum, ut infrà dicetur. Ecce autem rursus aliud aliudq[ue] occursaculum. Si enim ea fuit auri analogia ad argentum quam diximus, quonam modo stare illud Tranquilli dictum poterit in Cæsare? In Gallia fana templaq[ue]; deûm donis referta expilauit: urbes diruit sæpius ob prædam, quàm ob delictum: unde factum ut auro abundaret, ternis que nullibus nummûm in libras promerceale in Italia prouincijsq[ue]; diuenderet. Multis iam testimonijs docuimus absoluta nummu appellatione sestertium nummu intelligi, sestertiumq[ue]; quartam tantum partem denarij fuisse: quare etiam drachmæ, cum denarius drachmali pondere fuerit. Porrò etiam ratione & experimento, id est libra docente, dicimus bino senarios aureis singulis rependi, & centenos in libram (quæ duodenarum unciaru[m] est & semunciæ) signari solitos. Cui consequens est ut in libras singulas quadringen tos nummos adnumerare debeamus: qua ratione tria nu[m]mum millia, septem libras & selibram conficiu[n]t. Ita apud Tranquillum auri ad argentum analogia dimidio minor est, quàm esse ex Plinij lectione collegerim, & quarta parte minor quàm Pollux esse dixerit. Ita quicquid hactenus adstruximus, corruat in sese necesse est. Age, nonne Plinius quodam loco libri tricesimutertij ita inquit? Miscuit

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET the ratio of silver, Plaplasion in, epsilon an tisik en menadon Parapathikes mathoi. But that gold was ten times as much as silver is not obscurely understood from Menander’s comedy, which is called Sponsio or rather Pignus , or Depositum with the money-changer, if anyone may notice. For when in one place he had said the weight of a talent of gold, in another place, speaking of the same thing, he said deca talantium , that is, worth ten talents. Herodotus said gold priskai piapasion , that is, worth thirteen times silver, or to be paid back thirteen times in silver, as will be said below. But behold, here again another and yet another difficulty arises. For if the relation of gold to silver was such as we have said, how can that statement of Tranquillus stand in Caesar? In Gaul he plundered shrines and temples filled with the gifts of the gods; he laid waste cities more often for booty than for punishment; from this it came about that, abounding in gold, he sold promercale in Italy and the provinces for three thousand sesterces to the pound. By many testimonies already we have shown that when the denomination of coin is used absolutely, a sestertius is meant, and that the sestertius was only a quarter of the denarius; and so also the drachma, since the denarius was of drachmal weight. Moreover, by reason and by experience, that is, by the teaching of the balance, we say that two sesterces were paid for each aureus, and that one hundred were customarily struck to the pound, which is of twelve ounces and a semi-ounce. From this it follows that we must reckon four hundred coins to each pound: by this reckoning three thousand coins make seven pounds and a half. Thus in Tranquillus the ratio of gold to silver is half less than I have inferred from the reading of Pliny, and less by a quarter than Pollux said it was. Thus everything we have hitherto established must necessarily collapse. Come now, does not Pliny somewhere in the thirty-third book say this? Mixed

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. Ludus probandi nomismatis. Miscuit denario Triumvir Antonius ferrum, miscuit æri falsæ monetæ. Alij è pondere subtrahunt, cum sit iustum L X X X I I I. è libris signari. Quo in loco notandum quod idem autor inquit, legem latam à Mario Gratidiano, ut ludus, id est schola Romæ institueretur probandi nomismatis, ut ægrè fallere possent adulteratores nummi. Igitur (inquit Plinius) ærs facta denarios probare, tam iucunda è lege plebe, uti Mario Gratidiano uicatim totas statuas dicauerit. mirumq[ue], in hac artium sola, uitia discuntur, & falsum denarij spectatur exemplar, pluribusq[ue]; ueris denarijs adulterinus emitur. Vbi tamen non iucunda è lege plebe, sed iucunda lege plebi lego, admonitus ab anti quis exemplaribus: alioquin absurda erit locutio. Sic suprà, non miscuit æri falsæ monetæ: sed, miscentur æra. Verùm si hoc uerum est quod Plinius dixit, nos luculento errore lapsi sumus, uel Plutarchus potius & Appianus, cæteri que qui centenos denarios in libra statuunt, cum Plinius eo minus sedecim statuerit, qui etiam libro sexto de publicano rubri maris loquens, qui ad Taprobanem tem pestate delatus, percontanti Regi enarrauit Romanos & Cæsarem, Rex autem, inquit, mirum in modum inter audita iustitiam Romanam suspexit, quòd pares pondere denarij essent in captiua pecunia, cum diuersæ imagines indicarent à pluribus factos. & hoc maximè solicitatus ad amicitiam, Legatos misit. Hoc dictum Plinij pugnare uidetur cum eo quod idem ipse lib. X X X I I I. dixit de imminutione ponderis. Sed hoc Claudij tempore cōtigisse à Plinio dicitur. Et de denario dictum est, non de nummo aureo. Quare prius ad illud Tranquilli respondeo, & olim id potuisse, & hodie fieri posse, ut libra auri non pluris quàm septem libris & semisse argenti ueneat. Fac ut s aurum

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. OF HIS BOOK III. The game of testing coin. Antony the Triumvir mixed iron with the denarius; he mixed false coinage with bronze. Others subtract from the weight, whereas it is right that 83 should be stamped from a pound. In this place it is to be noted that the same author says that a law was passed by Marius Gratidianus, that a game, that is, a school, should be established at Rome for testing coin, so that counterfeiters might be the more hardly able to deceive. Therefore (says Pliny) bronze made for testing denarii was so pleasing to the people by the law, that they dedicated statues to Marius Gratidianus in every street. And it is wonderful that, in this only one of the arts, faults are learned, and the false likeness of the denarius is examined, and a counterfeit is bought for many genuine denarii. Yet where I read, not pleasing to the people by the law, but pleasing to the people by the law, being warned by ancient copies: otherwise the phrase will be absurd. Thus above, not he mixed iron with false bronze money: but, bronze is mixed. But if what Pliny said is true, then we have fallen into a glaring error, or rather Plutarch and Appian, and the others who set one hundred denarii to the pound, since Pliny set sixteen fewer. He also, in book six, speaking of the publican of the Red Sea, who, having been carried by storm to Taprobane, related to the inquiring king about the Romans and Caesar, the king, he says, marveled exceedingly at what he heard and admired Roman justice, because the denarii in the captured money were equal in weight, though the different images showed that they had been made by many. And being especially moved by this, he sent envoys to make friendship. This statement of Pliny seems to conflict with what he himself said in book XXXIII about the reduction of weight. But Pliny says that this happened in the time of Claudius. And it was said of the denarius, not of the gold coin. Therefore, in reply first to that of Tranquillus, I say that both then and now it could happen that a pound of gold might be worth no more than seven pounds and a half of silver. Suppose that gold

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET aurum obryzum decuplex quàm argētum fuerit purum, id quod Pollux inquit: potuit Cæsar aurum ex donarijs templorum & priuatis expilationibus congestum, ita co= flandum temperandumq; curasse: imò ut non hoc affecta= uerit Cæsar, potuit aurum ex omnibus notis co[n]statum si= mul & collique factum, ad eam indicaturam redijsse, quæ uno quadrante à primaria distat. Id hodie nostri duode= uicenariu[m] uocant. Vasa enim rarò ex auro tenuissimo & molissimo fiunt, ideo, quòd illud aurum usuram non fert atque attrectationem sine magno intertrimento. Quare aurum uasculatorium & usuale, ferè uicenarium aurifices esse dicunt: quanquam & deterius multo reperitur, con= sultò etiam temperatum, non modò fortuitum. Plerunque tamen Parisijs celatores & inclusores in sigillis & catel= lis spirisq; & mundo muliebri, duoetuicenario utuntur, quod duodecima parte à purissimo distat. Est etiam in usu undeuicenario, quod coticularium uulgò uocant. Qui autem splendidiora gestamina habere uolunt, auro nomi= smatico utuntur, quo aurei nostri percussi sunt; quorum legitima & iusta nota uno tantum ceratio indicaturæ de= ficitur. Non pridem aurifices in aureolis gestaminibus so lo undeuicenario utebantur, quod coticularium ideo uoca tur, quòd infrà eam notam aurum cælare lege municipali uetitum est. Superiores autem notæ nunc passim in offici= narum usu sunt usq; ad nomismaticam. Extant hodie num mi in Germania signati ex auro dodrantali, id est duodeui cenario, in quo quarta pars æris uel argenti mixta est. Vi suntur etiam hodie Philippei & Gulielmei siue Hilermei Hollandini ex auro ferè septunciali, id est cui sesququa= drans æris mixtus est, quos quindecim ceratijs tempera= tos appellant. Aurum primarium æstimatione quam nunc sequimur

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND pure gold was ten times as much as pure silver, as Pollux says. Caesar could have taken gold collected from temple offerings and private plunderings and had it thus melted and tempered; indeed, even if Caesar had not aimed at this, gold made up from all known marks and melted together might have returned to that standard which is one quarter below the primary one. This today our people call duodecimarian. For vessels are rarely made from very thin and very soft gold, because that gold does not bear wear and handling without great loss. Therefore gold for vessels and ordinary use is said by goldsmiths to be almost vicenarian; although much worse is also found, even deliberately tempered, not merely by chance. Usually however in Paris the setters and encasers in seals and chains and spirals and women’s finery use duoetuicenary, which differs by a twelfth part from the purest. There is also in use undeuicenary, which they commonly call coticularium. Those who wish to wear more splendid ornaments use numismatic gold, from which our gold coins were struck; of these the lawful and proper standard falls short by only one ceratio in the indicatura. Not long ago goldsmiths in golden ornaments used only undeuicenary, which is therefore called coticularium, because below that standard it is forbidden by municipal law to work gold. The higher standards are now commonly in use in workshops up to the numismatic. There are today coins in Germany stamped from dodrantine gold, that is duodeuicenary, in which a fourth part of bronze or silver is mixed. There are also seen today Philippei and Gulielmei or Hilermei Hollands from gold of nearly septuncial fineness, that is, to which a sesququadrans of bronze is mixed; they call these tempered to fifteen ceratiums. Primary gold, by the estimate that we now follow

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. sequimur, ualet in uncias (ut iam dictum est) senisdenis libris, & octonis solidis & semisse. Qua ratione ceratium x i i i. solidis & octo denariolis ualet. Esto igitur (uerbi gratia) proportio auri ad argentum, quæ est duodecim ad unum, hac ratione libra auri Romana duntaxat summæ notæ quaternis millibus & octingentis numis uenalis esse debut, & auri uicenarij quaternis millibus, & duodeui= cenarij ternis millibus & sexcenis. Eademq[ue] ratio est in cæteris temperaturis, accedente decedenteq[ue] semper auri portione pro eo quantum est æris quod in auro remansit. Fieri igitur potuit ut Cæsar auru[m] promercale tribus num mum millibus in libras habuerit, tum ob auri abundantiam, tum ob crassitudinem, etiam ut maiorem decupla proportionem auri appellatione non dignantur quod infra dodrantem descendit. Fortasse etiam ternis millibus pro quaternis apud Suetonium legitur. Mihi enim antiquum uidere non contigit, sed eò suspectos numeros habeo, quòd in Tyberio ita legitur, Corinthiorum autem uasorum pretia in immensum excreuisse, tres'que mullos x x x. millibus nummum uenisse grauiter conquestus est. Si enim hoc uerum esset, quo nam modo aut Plinius hoc tacuisset, qui prodigum appellat Asinium Celerem, quòd nullum unum Claudio principe octo millibus nummum emerit: aut Iuuenalis, qui sex millibus emptum nullum satyricè exclamauit? Præterea quis credat tres pisces, decem auri libris emptos? (tanti enim empti sunt, si aurum tribus millibus uenijt) & pisces eos qui Plinio autore binas libras ponderis rarò admodum exuperant? Restat nunc ille scrupulus uel scopulus potius de denariorum numero in libra testimonio Plinij, contrà quàm s 2

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART III OF IT, BOOK III. we follow, it is worth in ounces (as has already been said) sixteen pounds and eight solidi and a half. By this reckoning a ceratium is worth xiii solidi and eight denarioli. Let it therefore be (for example) that the proportion of gold to silver, which is twelve to one, is such that a Roman pound of gold, in the common estimate alone, ought to have sold for four thousand eight hundred numi, and gold of twenty-fold value for four thousand, and of twelve-fold value for three thousand six hundred. And the same ratio holds in the other alloys, with the portion of gold always increasing or decreasing according to how much bronze remained in the gold. It may therefore have happened that Caesar had commercial gold at three thousand numi to the pound, both on account of the abundance of gold and on account of its coarseness, even though they do not regard a greater tenfold proportion as deserving the name of gold when it falls below nine-tenths. Perhaps also in Suetonius it should be read “three thousand” instead of “four thousand.” For I have not been able to see the ancient reading; but I therefore suspect the figures, because in the case of Tiberius it is read in this way, and he complained bitterly that the prices of Corinthian vessels had risen to an immense level, and that three little cups had been sold for thirty thousand numi. For if this were true, by what means would either Pliny have passed it over in silence, he who calls Asinius Celer prodigal because in the reign of Claudius he bought a single one for eight thousand numi; or Juvenal, who satirically exclaimed over one bought for six thousand? Moreover, who would believe that three fish were bought for ten pounds of gold? (For so much were they bought, if gold sold for three thousand.) And these were fish which, according to Pliny, scarcely at all exceeded two pounds in weight? There remains now that difficulty, or rather that rock, concerning the number of denarii in a pound, according to the testimony of Pliny, contrary to what

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quàm toto hoc opere censuimus: quem si eximere uel æmoliri quoquo modo possim, rursus ille alter existet de mil lenis sestertijs quæ libro tertio de Institutione iuris à Iustiniano principe pro uno aureo accipiuntur, ut antea di= ximus. E quidem tot difficultatibus offensus, hanc nostram commentationem subinde interpellantibus, marinum illu[m] < Proteus.> deum Protei nomine à poëtis decantatum, retentare mihi uisus sum. Protei autem nomine uetustatem esse à priscis adumbratâ in præsentia interpretabor. Etenim senex ille fingitur, ad id etia[m] nomine accommodato. Is cu[m] omnia no= uerit quæ sint, quæ fuerint, quæ mox uentura trahantur: siquando è specu emergens, & in littore apricans, de re= rum ueritate consulitur, omnia transformat sese in miracu la reru[m]: nec prius in sese redire dicitur, quàm omni ope o= mnibusq; (ut aiunt) ungulis correptus, manibus uinclisq; tenetur. Nam sine ui non ulla præcepta dabit, neque illum orando flectes: uim durâ ac vincula capto inijcias necesse est, si ueritatis documentum ab eo elicere uelis. Hunc Pro= teum non modò ego nunc captare, sed etiam uincire ia[m] ui= deor, necdum tamen satis arctis nexibus retinere. Siquidem ueritatem rerum nûc in uasto quodam sinu uetustatis ab= strusam, nunc in mendis exemplarium uelut in alto quodâ gurgite obscuritatis obrutam, in lucem ac solem elicere co nor, haud intempestiuè, ut arbitror: quippe eo demu[m] tem= pore, quo lingua Romana maiorum æqualiumq; nostro= rum diligetia propemodu[m] redditæ sibi creditur: ut si hæc ætas paucarum adhuc reru[m] caliginem dispulerit, prisca o= mnino lux oborta nobis existimari possit. Veritatem igitur adhuc attigisse magis, atque etia[m] nunc palpare, quàm in potestate habere ipse mihi uideor. Idq[ue] adeò eò magis, quòd numerosa quædam cohors antiquorum scriptorum enarræ

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET than we have judged throughout this whole work; if I could remove him or somehow get rid of him, then again would arise that other matter of the millions of sesterces which, in the third book of the Institutiones iuris of the Emperor Justinian, are taken for one gold piece, as we said before. Indeed, offended by so many difficulties, while this our commentary is continually being interrupted, I seem to myself to be handling that marine god Proteus, sung by the poets under the name of Proteus. Now I shall interpret, as it were, at present, that antiquity is shadowed forth by the name of Proteus among the ancients. For that old man is imagined in such a way, and the name is suited to it as well. Since he knows all things that are, that have been, and that are soon to come: whenever, emerging from his cave and basking on the shore, he is consulted about the truth of things, he transforms himself into all manner of wonders; nor, it is said, does he return to himself before, seized with every force and by all, as they say, by the claws, he is held fast with hands and bonds. For without violence he will give no instructions, nor will you bend him by entreaty: you must of necessity cast violence and chains upon the captive, if you wish to draw from him an account of the truth. This Proteus I now seem not only to be trying to catch, but even already to be binding, though not yet with bonds tight enough to hold him. For I am trying to bring to light the truth of things, now hidden in some vast bosom of antiquity, now, in the errors of manuscripts, as though submerged in the deep whirlpool of some obscurity. This, I think, is not untimely; for only now, at last, is the Latin language believed to have been restored, by the diligence of our elders and our contemporaries, almost to itself: so that if this age has dispelled the obscurity of certain things still remaining, the ancient light may be thought to have risen again for us. Therefore I seem to myself as yet more to have touched the truth, and even now to be feeling it, than to have it in my power. And indeed so much the more, because a certain numerous company of ancient writers enarræ

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. enarratrix ex aduerso stare mihi uidetur, & Proteum ipsum altrinsecus retentare. Proinde instaurato commetandi impetu, rursus eôdem incumbendum: quando quidem forte, ut spero, fortunata, ex alterius operis diuerticulo quod in manibus erat, in parergon huiuscemodi tràsuersum me rapuit impetus animi fortasse inconsultus. Verùm multitu dine rerum obuiam sese ingerete longissimè digressus, institutum cursum, quem magnopere urgebam, non modò differre (ut speraueram) sed etiam destituere atq[ue] obliuisci coactus sum. Excreuit enim opus quadruplo iam amplius quàm pro destinatis modulis. In quo iam ipse in altum ite rum iterumq[ue] raptus sum, haud sine quadam utiq[ue] culpa, ut qui expassis uelis peruicaciæ, in altum magis ac magis quo res cunq[ue] tulisset, quàm in littus quoddam certu[m] meditatus uela facerem. Quare ultro citroq[ue] iactatus emansisse tandem me sensi, cum coelum undique & undiq[ue] pontus esset. uidelicet in eo culpa fuit, quòd inexplorata improuisaq[ue] rei absoluendæ difficultate, strenuè magis quàm consideratè has mihi uices depoposci. Cum enim hoc opus (ut ita loquar) menses abhinc circiter decem locaretur, digito præcupidè sublato me obstrinxi. Itaque cum renuntiare eam redemptionem nequeam, & prædes annotationes meas, & omnem industriam meam atque etiam existimatione dederim, & idetidem appeller ab ijs ad quos res emanauit, quasi iam dies & cesserit & uenerit: omnino uetustati ipsi ut uenerandæ quidem, sic malignè ueritatem promenti, nec mihi unquam ueritatis dispendio sacrosanctæ, manus inijcienda nobis est. Quam enim interdum ueritatem ipsa ad manum etiam aspiciendam porrexit, rursus in tenebras ac caliginem condit: & cum rem profligatam speramus, & ad lucem nos peruenisse, tum uariæ illu= dunt

Transcription: Translated (English)

The narrator seems to me to stand over against me from the opposite side, and to be holding Proteus himself from another quarter. Therefore, the effort of rewriting having been renewed, I must once again press on with the same task; since, perhaps by a fortunate chance, from the bypath of another work that was in hand, the impulse of my mind, perhaps inconsiderate, carried me off into this sort of ancillary piece. But, overlong straying to meet the multitude of matters thrusting themselves before me, I was forced not only to delay the course I had set, which I was earnestly pressing forward, as I had hoped, but even to abandon it and forget it altogether. For the work has already grown more than four times as large as its intended limits. In it I myself have now been drawn again and again into the deep, not without some fault indeed, as one who, with sails spread in stubborn persistence, would set them more and more toward the open sea, wherever events might carry things, rather than toward some definite shore. Wherefore, tossed back and forth, I at last felt that I had remained behind, with sky everywhere and sea everywhere. The fault, plainly, was this: that, when the difficulty of bringing the work to completion was untried and unforeseen, I claimed these turns for myself more boldly than prudently. For when this work, so to speak, was let about ten months ago, I rashly raised my finger and bound myself. And so, since I cannot renounce that undertaking, and have given over my prefaces, all my industry, and even my reputation, and since I am continually appealing from those to whom the matter has passed, as though the day had already both gone by and come: I must by no means lay hands on ancient authority itself—worthy indeed of reverence, yet malignantly revealing the truth—which I have never even, at the cost of sacred truth, dared to impair. For although at times it has itself brought the truth to hand for us to see, it again buries it in darkness and gloom; and when we hope the matter is settled and that we have come to the light, then various things mock us.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET dunt species: adeò nunc in summa manu imponenda ope= risq[ue]; ardui colophone labor propè omnis effusus. Atqui certum est nobis nihil eorum quæ dicta sunt antea, inter= linere, cum satis animaduersa sint, & comprobata. Quid igitur? Proteo uim adhibere tum quidem, cum flecti ora= tione non poterit, & planè affirmare corrupta esse exem plaria, aut siquid eo facinorosius erit atque confidentius: cuius tamen inuidiam laudatis autoribus summis amoliri à me possim, litiq[ue] oppositis. Neque enim cum hoc commise rimus, nostrum id exemplum erit, & magnos in hoc uiros crimineq[ue]; maiores imitabimur. Iamprimum ad Iustiniani <Centenarij.> dictum satis iam responsum est. Centenarij etiam olim di= cti sunt non qui centum sestertia possidebant, sed qui cen= tum millibus æris censi erant, ut ex Liuo apparet in clas= sium descriptione, & ex Plin. lib. x x x i i i. his uerbis, Maximus census c x. millia assium fuit illo Rege, & ideo hæc prima classis. Quòd si lex Papia post nummu[m] argenteu[m] signatum lata sit, centenarij etiam dici potuerunt qui se= < Ducenarij iu-dices.> stertia centum in censu habebant, quomodo ducenarij iu= dices dicti sunt Equites Romani, qui dimidiatum censum Equestrem habebant: de quibus Tranquillus in Augusto, Ad tres, inquit, iudicum decurias quartam addidit, quæ du cenariorum uocaretur, iudicarentq[ue]; de leuioribus summis. Ii autem ius annulorum non habebant. Autore Plinio his uerbis, Diuo Augusto decurias ordinante, maior pars iu= dicum in ferreo annulo fuit, ijq[ue]; non Equites, sed Iudices uocabantur. Vt autem pro mille sestertijs unus aureus ha= beretur, nulla autoritate antiqua defendi potest. Etenim docuimus suprà aureum unum pro centum sestertijs ces= sisse Galbæ tempore: qua ratione quinque millia sester= tium in auri libra fuerunt. Et auri ad argentum propor= tio

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G. BVD. OF THE ASSE ET therefore the species: so now, in the final laying on of hand to the work, the labor of the difficult task is almost entirely exhausted. Yet it is certain for us that none of the things that have been said before are to be omitted, since they have been sufficiently noted and confirmed. What then? To apply force to Proteus only when he cannot be bent by speech, and plainly to declare the exemplars corrupted, or something even more wicked and brazen than that: though I may be able to remove the odium of this from myself by appealing to the most praised authors, and by opposing legal actions. For when we have committed ourselves to this course, that example will not be ours, and we shall imitate great men in this very accusation. First, concerning Justinian’s <Centenarij.> statement, enough has now been answered. The Centenarii were also once called not those who possessed one hundred sesterces, but those who were assessed at one hundred thousand asses, as appears from Livy in the description of the classes, and from Pliny, book xxxiii, in these words: “The greatest census was 100,000 asses in that king’s time, and therefore this was the first class.” But if the Papian law, after the silver coin had been struck, was enacted, then those also could be called Centenarii who had one hundred sesterces in their census, just as the Ducenarii judges were so called, namely Roman Knights who had half the Equestrian census; concerning whom Suetonius, in Augustus, says: “To the three decuries of judges he added a fourth, which was to be called that of the ducenarii, and they were to judge in lighter cases.” But they did not have the right to wear the ring. Pliny is the authority for this in these words: “When the decuries were arranged by the deified Augustus, the greater part of the judges wore an iron ring, and they were called not Knights, but Judges.” But that one gold piece was reckoned as equal to one thousand sesterces cannot be defended by any ancient authority. Indeed, above we showed that one gold piece was worth one hundred sesterces in Galba’s time: by that ratio there were five thousand sesterces in a pound of gold. And the proportion of gold to silver

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 279 tio ea fuit, quæ est duodecim & semissis ad unum. Restat locus ille Plinij de quatuor & octoginta denarijs, & alter libro x x x v. longè nos retroagens, quo in loco sic legitur, Timomachus Byzantinus Cæsaris Dictatoris ætate Aiacem ei pinxit & Medeam, ab eo in Veneris genitricis æde positas, octoginta talentis uenundatas. Talentum autem Atticum, ut ait Varro, sedecim sestertijs taxatur. Nos talentum Atticum sexcetis coronatis taxauimus, & singula sestertia quinis & uicenis. Qua ratione fit ut talentum quatuor & uiginti sestertia ualeat, quod Plinius sedecim ualuisse dicit. Ita fit ut aut in his uadis hærere nec mediocre comminisci: quandoquidem certum est retroactu non defungi. Quod ad prius igitur illud pertinet, Alij è pondere subtrahunt, cum sit iustum L X X X I I I I. è libris signari: hoc affirmare non dubitauerim, quod Hermolaus in glossematis suis suspicatus est, eo loco ubi talenti meminit, Plinium non L X X X I I I I. sed L X X X X V I. scriptu reliquisse. Ita enim fateri scriptorum autoritas cogit: cui ut adstipulatur id quod apud Priscianum legitur, libram duodenarum unciarum sex & nonaginta drachmas habere, ita Plinianæ lectioni refragatur in libra eadem Romana denarios duos et septuæ ginta fuisse. id enim ibide[m] legitur. Alioquin piaculi instar esse non putem Plinio in hoc non assentiri, qui de re nummaria, & auri argenti que temperatura parum accuratè scripsit, nec pro eo quanta eius esse solet cæteris in rebus tradendis diligentia. Quod non magnopere miradum est. Quotus enim quisque hodie eorum qui literas didicerunt, disertus in eare inuenitur, ut uel numerum nummorum in libram nostram statuere certò possit, nedum rationem s 4 indicaturæ < Rei numaria difficultas.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 279 that was the ratio, which is twelve and a half to one. There remains that passage of Pliny about eighty-four denarii, and the other in book xxxv, which carries us far back; in which place it is thus read: Timomachus the Byzantine, in the age of Caesar the Dictator, painted Ajax for him and Medea; and these, placed in the temple of Venus Genetrix, were sold for eighty talents. Now the Attic talent, as Varro says, is rated at sixteen sesterces. We have rated the Attic talent at six hundred aurei, and each sestertius at twenty-five. By this reckoning it comes about that the talent is worth twenty-four sesterces, whereas Pliny says that it was worth sixteen. Thus it comes about that either we must remain stuck in these difficulties, or devise no small explanation; since it is certain that one cannot get clear of the retroactive reckoning. Therefore, as to that earlier point, others subtract from the weight, whereas the correct reading should be LXXXIII. books to be marked: I should not hesitate to affirm what Hermolaus suspected in his glosses, namely, that in the place where he mentions the talent, Pliny left written not LXXXIIII., but LXXXVI. For the authority of the manuscripts compels us to admit it. This is also supported by what is read in Priscian, namely, that a libra of twelve unciae has ninety-six drachmas; and in the same way it conflicts with the Plinian reading that in that same Roman libra there were seventy-two denarii. For that is what is read there. Otherwise I should not think it a sin to disagree with Pliny on this point, since on matters of coinage and the proportions of gold and silver he wrote rather inaccurately, and not with the degree of care he usually shows in treating other subjects. Nor is this very surprising. For how many today, among those who have learned letters, are found so skilled that they can certainly determine even the number of coins in our libra, let alone establish the calculation of the s 4 indicaturæ < Difficulty of the monetary system.>

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET indicaturæ tenere? Nihil tamen de Plinio, id est de ingenio rerum omniu[m] capaci, temere affirmare uelim, nisi aut eum non semper idem de eodem dixisse, aut (quod uerius est) corruptum eius permultis in locis librum esse. Iam pri mum libro x x 1. Drachma, inquit, Attica (sere enim Attica obseruatione medici utuntur) denarij argentei habet pondus, eademq[ue] sex obolos pondere efficit. Nos autem suprà docuimus in scrupulo binos esse obolos, et in drachma terna scrupula: quod cum Plinij dicto congruit. Do cuimus ex Plutarcho idem esse denarium et drachmam. Si Plutarchi testimonium non satis est, audiamus Strabonem, qui libro quinto Geographiæ circa finem sic inquit: Caslinum oppidum situm est ad flumen Vulturnu[m]. In eo Prænestini uiri quingenti et x L. cum Annibale tunc flo rente usqueadeo restitere, ut urgente fame medimnus frumenti ducentis drachmis ueniret, eo euentu, ut ueditor fame mortuus sit, emptor incolumis euaserit. Valerius de hoc loquens lib. VII. non medimnum, sed murem fuisse dicit, his uerbis, In illa obsidione et fide cum trecenti Prænestini permanerent, euênit ut quidâ murem captum ducentis potius denarijs uendere, quàm ipse leniendæ famis gratia cõsumere mallet. Sed credo deorum prouidentia effectum, ut et uenditori et emptori quem uterq[ue] merebatur exitum attribuerint. Valerius denarios Latinè dixit, quod Strabo Græcè drachmas. Plin. lib. VIII. nummos ducentos dixit, non denarios. Venisse mure ducetis numis Caslinum obsidente Annibale, eumq[ue] qui uendiderat, fame interijsse, emptore uixisse, annales tradu[n]t. Vsqueadeo uel uaria antiqui dere eadè tradideru[n]t, uel nummis apud Plinium pro denarijs legitur

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Does the indication of value hold? Yet I would not rashly assert anything about Pliny—that is, about a mind capable of all things—unless either he did not always say the same thing about the same matter, or (which is more likely) his book has been corrupted in many places. First of all, in book XXV he says: “The Attic drachma” (for indeed physicians use the Attic observation) “has the weight of a silver denarius, and with the same weight makes six obols.” But we have already shown above that in a scruple there are two obols, and in a drachma three scruples; which agrees with Pliny’s statement. We have shown from Plutarch that the denarius and the drachma are the same. If Plutarch’s testimony is not enough, let us hear Strabo, who in the fifth book of the Geography, near the end, says as follows: The town of Casilinum is situated on the river Vulturnus. There five hundred and fifty Praenestines resisted Hannibal, then at the height of his power, so long that, hunger pressing them, a medimnus of grain sold for two hundred drachmas, with the result that the seller died of hunger and the buyer escaped unharmed. Valerius, speaking of this in book VII, says not that it was a medimnus, but a mouse, in these words: “In that siege and under that pledge, when three hundred Praenestines remained steadfast, it happened that someone preferred to sell a mouse he had captured for two hundred denarii rather than consume it himself for the sake of relieving hunger.” But I believe it was brought about by divine providence that they assigned to both seller and buyer the end each deserved. Valerius used denarii in Latin, what Strabo calls drachmas in Greek. Pliny, in book VIII, says “two hundred coins,” not denarii. The annals record that at Casilinum, while Hannibal was besieging it, a mouse was sold for two hundred coins, and that the man who sold it died of hunger, while the buyer survived. So far either the ancients transmitted the matter differently, or in Pliny the word coins is to be read for denarii.

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legitur. Rursus Plinius eodem in loco libri uicesimiprimi, Mna, quam nostri minam uocant, pendet drachmas Atticas centum. Idem libro X I I. de thure loquens, Micas concussu elisas mannam uocamus. etiam tamen inueniuntur guttæ quæ tertiam partem minæ, hoc est x x x I X. denariorum pondus æquent. In uetusto exemplari non x x x I X, sed x x I X. id est, undetriginta legitur. In duobus alijs manu scriptis x x V I I I. legitur. Si x x x= I X. probamus, ut impressa habent exemplaria, mina centum & decem & septem denarios habet. si x x I X. septem & octoginta. si x x V I I I. quatuor & octoginta, & co[m]uenit cum dicto Plinij libro x x x I I I. nisi quod illic de libra dicitur, hic de mina: id quod si admittamus, Plinius secum ipse pugnabit. Ad illud alteru[m] de taleto Attico, quod ex Varronis autoritate à Plinio sedecim sester tijs taxatur, id est, quadraginta libris, dico in antiquis omnibus codicibus non x v I. sestertijs legi, sed, sedecim alijs: quod quo modo restituendum sit, nescio. Sed quàm dubia sit fides numerorum summarumq[ue] in Plinio, & pecuniæ uocabulorum, multis iam exemplis docuimus: quibus tamen & unum aut alteru[m] addemus ex eode[m] x x x v. libro. Quo enim in loco de Parethonio loquitur, sic habent impressi codices: Preciu[m] optimo in pondo sex librarum. ubi manu scripti habent, Precium optimo in pondo c x I. denarij. unus uetustissimus sic, in pondo c x I. & denarij uerbu[m] additum erat lectoris manu, & c. loco deletili scriptu[m]. Et paulò inferius de Vsta in impressis libris, Optima nunc Asiatica habetur, preciu[m] eius in libras æris quini. In manu aute[m] scriptis, precium eius in libras x v I. denarij. Et paulò superius de L. Mumio, Nam cu[m] in præda uendenda Rex Attalus sex millibus sestertium emusset Aristi

Transcription: Translated (English)

It is read. Again Pliny in the same place in the twenty-first book, the mina, which our people call a mina, weighs one hundred Attic drachmas. The same author, in book X I I, speaking of frankincense, says: tiny grains broken off by shaking we call manna. Yet there are also found drops which equal the third part of a mina, that is, xxxiix. denarii by weight. In an old copy it is not read xxxix, but xxix, that is, twenty-nine. In two other manuscript copies xxviii is read. If we accept xxx= ix, as the printed editions have it, the mina has one hundred and seventeen denarii. If xxix, eighty-seven. If xxviii, eighty-four, and this agrees with Pliny’s statement in book xxxiii, except that there he speaks of a libra, here of a mina; if we admit this, Pliny will be at odds with himself. As to the other point, concerning the Attic talent, which on Pliny’s authority is valued at sixteen sester- tii by Varro, that is, forty pounds, I say that in all the ancient manuscripts it is not read as xv i. sesterii, but as sixteen others: how this is to be restored, I do not know. But how dubious the reliability of numbers, sums, and the terms of money in Pliny are, we have already shown by many examples: to these, however, we shall add one or two from the same xxxv. book. For in the place where he speaks of Paretonium, the printed copies have this: The price, at best, in a weight of six pounds. But the manuscript copies have, The price at best in a weight of cx i. denarii. One very old copy has thus: in a weight of cx i. and the word denarii was added by the reader’s hand, and c. written in place of the deleted text. And a little further on, concerning Vsta, in the printed books: The best now is considered Asiatic; its price in pounds of bronze is five. In the manuscript copies, however, the price of it is xv i. denarii. And a little above, concerning L. Mumius: For when, in selling the booty, King Attalus had bought it for six thousand sesterces, Aristi

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Aristidis tabulam Liberum patrem cōtinentem, precium miratus, suspicatus aliquid in ea uirtutis quod ipse nesciret, reuocauit tabulam, Attalo multu[m] querente. In reliquis non sex millibus sester. sed sedecim libris legitur, pro sedecim talentis, ut arbitror. Græci enim sestertij uocabulu[m] non nouerunt, et alioquin sex millia sestertium no[n] erat preciu[m] quod Mummius Corintho expugnata miraretur, et ob id addictam tabulâ reuocaret. Strabo lib. VIII. de Corinthi euersione loquens, hanc tabulâ Romæ se uidisse affirmat in æde Cereris cōsecratam, opus omnino speciosum, propter quod etia[m] emanauit prouerbium apud Græcos, id est, nihil ad Liberum patre[m]. hoc est, nihil hoc præ Aristidis Libero patre. quod prouerbium usurpari solet quoties res impares componuntur. Talentum aute[m] Atticum nemo minus dixit esse L x. minis centenarum drachmaru[m], ut suprà docuimus. Suidas omnino L x. minarum esse affirmat, et minas centenarias esse. Quare apud Plinium sic fortasse legendum est, Talentum autem Atticu[m], ut ait Varro, denariorum v 1. millibus taxatur. Antiqui enim denarium x nota significabant, ut si prà dictu[m] est à nobis. Quod cum v 1. iunctum, pro x v 1. exauditum est, et millibus pro sestertijs, quoru[m] uerboru[m] eadem sæpe significatio est, ut ex præcedentibus apparet: ut cum centum sestertia pro centu[m] millibus sestertium dicunt. Hæc etsi abunde sufficiunt cum ijs quæ autea tot autoritatibus autoru[m] cōprobata sunt, hæsitatiunculam tamen manere scrupulosis mentibus nolo, Protogenisq[ue] pictoris exemplo tabulas idetidem respectans, tollere manu[m] nequeo: urgeo memet ipse, scriptorumq[ue]; meoru[m] calumnia tor fio, nec mihi satisfacio, nisi omnia tam clara quàm lucem reddo. Itaque ut semel hanc disputationem finiam, recitanda Tollere manu[m] de tabula nescire, uerbu[m] est Plinianu[m] lib. 35. & Ciceronianu[m] inlib. de Perfecto Ora- tore.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Aristides’s painting containing Liber Pater, amazed at the price, suspecting that there was in it some virtue which he himself did not know, recalled the painting, Attalus complaining loudly. In the other copies it is read not at six thousand sesterces, but at sixteen pounds, perhaps for sixteen talents. For the Greeks did not know the word “sestertius,” and in any case six thousand sesterces was not the price at which Mummius, after Corinth had been captured, would have been amazed, and for that reason would have recalled the painting that had been assigned by lot. Strabo, in book VIII, speaking of the destruction of Corinth, states that he saw this painting at Rome, dedicated in the temple of Ceres, a work altogether splendid, on account of which the Greek proverb also arose, namely, “nothing to Liber Pater.” that is, “nothing compared with Aristides’ Liber Pater.” This proverb is usually used whenever unequal things are compared. No one has ever said that the Attic talent consists of fifty minae of a hundred drachmas each, as we have shown above. Suidas absolutely affirms that it is fifty minae, and that the minae are of one hundred drachmas. Therefore in Pliny it should perhaps be read thus: “The Attic talent, as Varro says, is rated at five thousand denarii.” For the ancients used the mark X to signify denarius, as, if I recall, we said above. When this is combined with v 1, it is taken as x v 1, and “thousands” in place of sesterces, words which often have the same meaning, as appears from what precedes: as when they say “one hundred sestertia” for “one hundred thousand sesterces.” Although these points are abundantly sufficient, together with those things which have already been confirmed by so many authorities of authors, I do not want the slight doubt to remain in scrupulous minds; and yet, like the painter Protogenes, continually looking back at his panel, I cannot lift my hand. I urge myself on, and am worn down by the slander of my readers; nor do I satisfy myself unless I make everything as clear as daylight. Therefore, to end this discussion once and for all, it must be read: To lift the hand from the tablet, not to know, is a Plinian phrase, book 35, and a Ciceronian one in the book On the Perfect Orator.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. recitanda sunt ea testimonia quæ controuersiam quamlibet ambiguam decernere ita possint, ut ultrà referri quæstio nequeat. Iam primum (ut mittam quod apud Priscianum legitur, Senecam ad Nouatum scribentem, Talentu[m] paruum Atticum dixisse quatuor & uiginti sestertioru[m] fuisse, quæ sexaginta libras ualent) Plutarchus in Fabio, Progressus, inquit, Dictator ad plebem uouit, dijs omnia eius anni capraru[m], ouium, suum, atq[ue] boum foeta, quæ Italiæ montes planitiesq[ue] ac flumina, pratiq[ue] ea in regione educarent, se mactaturum fore, & trecenta trigintatria se stertia, totidemq[ue] denarios pro Megalesiacis spectaculis faciendis, in impensam se collaturum, tertiamq[ue] partem additurum. Hoc caput est octo myriades, & tria nullia quingentæ octogintatres drachmæ, & oboli duo. Hæc uerba Plutarchi prius quàm exemplar Græcum legissem, quum calculo prosequerer, nec numerus responderet ad ratione quàm hactenus tenendâ affirmaui, errore id factu[m] interpretis intellexi, qui quod transtulit, no[n] percepit. id quod facile calculo explanabitur. trecenta sestertia septingentas ac quinquaginta libras ualèt: & trigintatria sestertia, octogintaduas libras et selibram, quu[m] in singula sestertia dipondium et semissem intelligamus. fiunt hæc in summa octingenta trigintaduo pondo & selibra. Si igitur in singula pondo cætenas drachmas numeres, ideoq[ue] eum numerum cætenario multiplices, facilè drachmas octoginta millia & ducentas in summa inuenies, et præterea pro selibra quinquaginta. huic summæ si pro trecentis trigintatribus denarijs totidem drachmas adieceris, fient in assem octogintatria millia quingentæ octogintatres drachmæ. Huic iterum summæ si tertiam partem addideris, nescio quid summæ habiturus sis. Non enim id conuenit ut ter- tiam

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. The testimonies that can decide any doubtful controversy are to be cited in such a way that the question can be carried no further. First, then, to pass over what is read in Priscian, that Seneca writing to Novatus said that a small Attic talent was four and twenty sesterces, which was worth sixty pounds, Plutarch in the Life of Fabius says: “When the Dictator advanced against the people, he vowed to the gods all the offspring of that year of goats, sheep, swine, and cattle, which the mountains, plains, rivers, and meadows of Italy would bring forth in that region, if he should sacrifice them; and he undertook to contribute 333 sesterces and the same number of denarii toward the cost of the Megalesian spectacles, and to add a third part.” This sum is eight myriads, and three nillia, five hundred and eighty-three drachmas, and two obols. Before I had read the Greek original, when I was verifying these words of Plutarch by calculation, and the number did not correspond to the method of computation that I have thus far maintained, I understood that this was the translator’s error, who did not grasp what he translated. This can easily be explained by calculation. Three hundred sesterces are worth seven hundred and fifty pounds; and 33 sesterces, eighty-two pounds and half a pound, since we understand two and a half asses in each sestertius. These together amount to 832 pounds and a half. If, then, for each pound you count eighty drachmas, and therefore multiply that number by eighty, you will easily find in all 80,200 drachmas, and besides, for the half-pound, fifty. If to this sum you again add as many drachmas for the 333 denarii, there will result in asses 83,583 drachmas. If to this sum again you add a third part, I do not know what total you will have. For it does not agree that the third...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tiam partem addas huius ingentis summæ, cum duo obo= li tantum restent ex summa à Plutarcho posita. Si au= tem trientem adieceris, id est, duos obolos (denarius enim senis obolis constat) summa adamussim quadrabit. Inter= pres Plutarchi tritemorion, id est, triente[m], pro trito morio, id est, tertia parte, errore ductus accepit. Trientem enim Plutarchus pro triente denarij intelligi uoluit, no[n] pro ter tia parte summæ. Θεας [μασικὰς] [νετι] [θυμηλικὰς] [αγαθὴν] [απο] [θησοδοξιῶν] [πιάνεντα] [πιῶν], [νετι] [θυμαρίων] [πιακοδιῶν] [πιάνεντα] [πιῶν], [νετι] [πιτημορία] [προσόντος]. Hoc ex Liuio probari potest lib. I I. de bello Punico, qui de Fabiano uoto loquens (in quo omnia ternario numero nuncupata sunt) ita post alia uerba subdit, Eiusdê rei causa ludi magni uoti, æris ccc xxxiii. millibus, triente, præterea bubus trecentis. nisi tam[m]e error est apud Liuium. Plutarchus alium autorê secu tus est. Liuius enim pro ccc. millibus nummûm, id est, to= tide[m] sestertijs, millia æris dicit, et de denarijs tacuit. Tri= entem aute[m] tertiam parte[m] Assis intellexit, qui genus num= mi fuit, ut postea uidebitur. Satis tamen patet ex uerbis Plutarchi denarium & drachmâ pro eode[m] accipi, & cen= tenos fuisse in libris. Suspicari quis posset apud Liuium locum esse mutilatu[m] post uerbum millibus, itaq[ue] restituen dum, cccxxxiii. mil. trecentis trigintatribus assibus, triente. Idem Liuius lib. VIII. de bello Macedonico de L. Scipione loquens, qui post triumphum Asiaticu[m] accusan= tibus Tribunis peculatus damnatus esse dicitur ob sup= pressam manubiarum partem. De Scipione, inquit ille, iu= dicium factum, quò commodior pax Antiocho daretur, Scipionem sex millia pondo auri, quadringenta octoginta argenti plus accepisse quàm in ærarium retulerat. Et pau lò inferius de summa dânationis loquens, In L. Scipione malim

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET If you add even this part of so great a sum, when only two obols remain from the sum set down by Plutarch, if, however, you add a trient, that is, two obols (for the denarius consists of six obols), the sum will fit exactly. Plutarch’s interpreter, misled by error, understood tritemorion, that is, a trient, instead of trito morio, that is, a third part. For Plutarch meant the trient to be understood as the trient of a denarius, not as a third part of a sum. Θεας [μασικὰς] [νετι] [θυμηλικὰς] [αγαθὴν] [απο] [θησοδοξιῶν] [πιάνεντα] [πιῶν], [νετι] [θυμαρίων] [πιακοδιῶν] [πιάνεντα] [πιῶν], [νετι] [πιτημορία] [προσόντος]. This can be proved from Livy, book XXI of the Punic War, who, speaking of the Fabian vow (in which everything was named by a ternary number), adds these words after others: “For the same reason, the great games vowed were three hundred and thirty-three thousand bronze asses, a trient, and in addition three hundred oxen.” Unless there is some error in Livy. Plutarch followed another authority. For Livy, in place of 333 thousand coins, that is, the same number of sesterces, says “thousands of bronze,” and says nothing of denarii. But he understood the trient as a third part of the as, which was a kind of coin, as will be seen later. Yet it is clear enough from Plutarch’s words that denarius and drachma are taken as the same thing, and that there were one hundred in the livres. One might suspect that in Livy the passage is mutilated after the word “thousands,” and therefore should be restored as: “333,000 asses, with three hundred and thirty-three asses, a trient.” The same Livy, book VIII of the Macedonian War, speaking of L. Scipio, who after his triumph over Asia is said, on the accusation of the tribunes, to have been condemned for peculation because he had suppressed part of the spoils. “A judgment was passed against Scipio,” he says, “so that peace might be granted more favorably to Antiochus; it was found that Scipio had received six thousand pounds of gold and four hundred and eighty of silver more than he had turned over to the treasury.” And a little further down, speaking of the amount of the fine, “In the case of L. Scipio I would rather

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malim equidem librarij mendum, quàm mendacium scri= ptoris esse in summa auri atq[ue] argenti. Similius enim ueri est argenti quàm auri maius pondus fuisse, & potius qua dragies quàm ducenties quadragies litem æstimatum, eo magis, quòd tantæ summæ ratione etiam ab ipso requisi= tam P. Scipione in Senatu tradunt: librumq[ue] rationis eius cù L. fratre afferre iussisset, inspectante Senatu suis ipsum manibus co[n]cerpsisse, indignatum quòd cum bis millies in ærariu[m] retulisset, quadragies ab se ratio posceretur. Ha= ctenus Liuius. Valerius lib. III. cap. VII. ita scripsit: Cum à L. Scipione ex Antiochensi pecunia sester. quadragies ratio in curia reposceretur. Sex millia pondo auri æstima tione à nobis instituta sexcenta septuagintaquinq[ue] millia solatoru[m] ualent, cum in singula pondo, centum & duode cim aureos & semissem numeremus, id est, nouenos in un= cias: & quadringenta octoginta argenti pondo, quatuor millia octingentos coronatos. Porrò si aureos solatos ad coronatos redigere uolumus, in singulos solatos deducere solidum & semissem oportebit. Sic enim singulas auri li= bras, centum & duodecim solatis & semisse taxauimus, ut solati singuli trigintasex solidis & semisse ualerent. quare ex sexcentis septuagintaquinq[ue] millibus, decies cen tena & x I I. millia quingeti solidi decedant necesse est: quæ summa ad quinquaginta millia & sexcentos uiginti quinq[ue] fræcicos contracta, circiter undetriginta millia au reorum coronatorum ualet. Nihil enim refert exactè hoc colligere. fit summa septingenta & octo millia octingen= ti aurei. Tanti æstimamus peculatum L. Scipioni obiectu[m], & tamen lis æstimata fuit ducenties quadragies sester= tium: quod nos æstimare solemus sexcenta millia corona= torum. Ita centum & octo millia octingenti exuberant in priore

Transcription: Translated (English)

I am indeed of the opinion that the error is in the bookseller, rather than the writer’s falsehood, concerning the total of gold and silver. For it is more likely that the weight of silver was greater than that of gold, and that the dispute was valued at rather four hundred and forty times than two hundred and forty times, the more so because they relate that P. Scipio himself was also called upon in the Senate to account for so great a sum: and when he had ordered the book of his accounts to be brought with his brother L. present, he tore it up with his own hands before the Senate, indignant that after he had returned twice a thousand times to the treasury, an accounting should be demanded of him forty times over. So far Livy. Valerius, book III, chapter VII, wrote thus: When an account was demanded in the curia from L. Scipio concerning the Antiochene money, sesterces forty times over. Six thousand pounds of gold, by the valuation we have established, are worth six hundred and seventy-five thousand solati, since in each pound we count one hundred and twelve aurei and a half, that is, nine to the ounce: and four hundred and eighty pounds of silver, four thousand eight hundred coronati. Moreover, if we wish to reduce aurei, that is, solati, to coronati, we must deduct a solidus and a half from each solatus. For thus we have assessed each pound of gold at one hundred and twelve solati and a half, so that each solatus would be worth thirty-six solidi and a half. Therefore, from six hundred and seventy-five thousand, ten hundred and twelve thousand five hundred solidi must necessarily be subtracted: and when this sum is reduced to fifty thousand six hundred and twenty-five fræcici, it is worth about twenty-nine thousand aurei coronati. For it makes no difference to reckon this exactly. The total comes to seven hundred and eight thousand eight hundred aurei. So much do we estimate the peculation alleged against L. Scipio, and yet the lawsuit was assessed at two hundred and forty times a thousand sesterces: which we are accustomed to estimate as six hundred thousand coronati. Thus one hundred and eight thousand eight hundred remain in excess in the former

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET in priore summa, si tanti damnatus est, quanta fuit petitio. Sed si decuplex tantum fuit auri ad argentum proportio, ut Polluci credere nunc uelimus, sexta ferè pars hinc decedere debet. Ego enim hoc aurum ita æstimaui, ut auri libra paulò minus duodecim libris argenti ualuerit. Hæc sexta pars centum decè & octo millia, & paulo aliquid amplius efficit. Ad amussim autem quadrare numerus no[n] potest, propter auri ad argentum analogiam hodiernam, quæ paulò minor est duodenaria, ut antea docuimus, & ego ita nunc deduxi, quasi planè duodecuplex esset. Non dubito autem tanti Scipioni litem æstimatam esse, quantu[m] iudicatum fuit eum auri atq[ue] argenti interuertisse, id est, in lite æstimanda nihil ei remissum esse, sed iudices decuplicem æstimationem secutos, quæ communis erat, præsertim in auro non planè obryzo. Hæc ratio etsi odiosa est propter supputandi tædium: eò tamen pertinet, ut intelligatur ducenties & quadragies sestertium ingentem pecuniam fuisse, nec absurdam me rationem iniuisse in auri atq[ue] argenti æstimatione facienda. Nunc uerò compendiariam rationem ineamus. < Animaduertè- dus locus.> Centies sestertium significat centies centena millia nummum, id est, centies ducenas & quinquagenas libras, quæ sunt quinq[ue]; & uiginti millia pondo argenti. Sic ducenties & quadragies sestertiu[m], sexaginta millia argenti pondo ualet. Huius decima pars est sex millia, & illa est proportio auri ad argentum, ex Polluce. Quare ad nummum ratio quadrabit, ut ducenties & quadragies sestertium, id est, sexaginta millia pondo argenti, uel auri sex millia, sex centis millibus aureoru[m] nostrorum æstimari debeant, cum singulas libras denis aureis æstimare statuerim. id tantum excurrat, quod pro quadringentis octoginta libris argenti taxauimus, id est, quatuor

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASEL AND in the earlier total, if he was condemned for so much, how great the claim was. But if the proportion of gold to silver was only tenfold, as we now want to believe on Pollux’s authority, then nearly one-sixth part must be deducted from this. For I estimated this gold in such a way that one pound of gold was worth a little less than twelve pounds of silver. This sixth part comes to one hundred and eight thousand, and a little over that besides. But the number cannot fit exactly, because of the present ratio of gold to silver, which is a little less than twelvefold, as we showed before, and I have now worked it out as though it were plainly twelvefold. I do not doubt, however, that Scipio’s case was assessed at so much, namely as much as it was judged that he had diverted of gold and silver; that is, in assessing the lawsuit nothing was remitted to him, but the judges followed a tenfold valuation, which was the customary one, especially in gold that was not quite pure. This reasoning, though burdensome because of the tedium of the calculation, is nevertheless intended to show that two hundred and forty sesterces was a vast sum of money, and that my method of estimating gold and silver was not absurd. Now let us take the short method. <A passage to be noted.> One hundred sesterces means one hundred times one hundred thousand coins, that is, one hundred times two hundred and fifty pounds, which makes twenty-five thousand pounds of silver. Thus two hundred and forty sesterces is worth sixty thousand pounds of silver. One-tenth of this is six thousand, and that is the proportion of gold to silver, according to Pollux. Therefore the calculation will fit exactly, so that two hundred and forty sesterces, that is, sixty thousand pounds of silver, or six thousand pounds of gold, should be valued at six hundred thousand of our gold coins, since I have decided to value individual pounds at ten gold coins. It only exceeds by that amount which we have assessed for four hundred and eighty pounds of silver, that is, four

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. quatuor millia & octingenti aurei. Intelligere autem debemus, uel argenti in lite æstimanda nullam habitam esse rationem præut erat auri summa, uel annalium scriptores eam summam prætermisisse, quæ extra rotundum numerum excurrebat. Parum enim expeditu[m] erat sic loqui, ut dicerent ducenties & quadragies semel & aliquot præterea sestertijs litem ei æstimatam. Hoc autem ex eode[m] libro Liuij confinari potest; qui de conditionibus pacis Aetolis datæ ita inquit, De pecuniæ summa quam penderent, pensionibusq[ue] eius, nihil de eo quod cum c[uius] s[ive] conuenerat, mutatum. Pro argento si aurum dare mallent, dare conuenit, dum pro argenteis decem aureus unus ualeret. Et intellige de nummis Asiaticis, non Romanis, quia aurei Romani duplici pondere quàm argentei erant, ut antea dictum est, utpote didrachmi. Hæc ratio etsi pulchre quadrare mihi uisa est, sola tamen nequit ita hominum arbitrium adstringere, ut non liberè negare possint nos ad ueritatis ipsius (ut ita dicâ) cubile peruenisse, etia[m] si multa eius uestigia luculenta atq[ue] expressa deprehendimus. Vlteriore igitur indagine lectorè eò perducemus, ubi uel ab inuito confessio exprimatur, se iam ueritatem non modo uidere, sed etiam palpare. Primus locus est apud De mosthenem in oratione quæ ἀρόν ἀργυρον ἐπι παρὰ τοὺς κλινοποις κλείφασι. τετιαράκντα μὴ μνᾶς αυτ ἀρχαῖον. Σεινα δὲ ἐτῶν ἡ ἐργον αυτῶν, Συο τὰς λαυτὰς. Σώ Σεινα γὰρ μνᾶς ἐκάσα τὴνιαντὴ τὴν πρόσοφον αυτῶν ελάμβανον. Cõsiderate igitur quantâ isti pecuniâ ex lecti carijs fabris interuertût. primum pro sorte x L. minas po no,

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. four thousand and eight hundred gold pieces. But we must understand either that, in estimating the value of the lawsuit in silver, no account was taken because the sum was set in gold, or that the annalists omitted that sum which went beyond a round number. For it was not very easy to speak in such a way as to say that the case had been valued at two hundred and forty times one, and some further sesterces besides. This can also be inferred from the same book of Livy, where, in speaking of the terms of peace granted to the Aetolians, he says: “Concerning the sum of money which they were to pay, and the installments of it, nothing was changed from what had been agreed with C[uius] S[ive]. If they preferred to give gold instead of silver, it was agreed that they should give it, provided that one gold piece should be equal to ten silver pieces.” And understand this of Asiatic coins, not Roman, because Roman gold pieces were of double weight compared with silver ones, as was said before, namely, they were didrachms. Although this reasoning seemed to me to fit very well, yet by itself it cannot so bind human judgment that men may not freely deny that we have reached the very bed, so to speak, of truth, even if we have detected many clear and distinct traces of it. We shall therefore lead the reader to further inquiry, where even from the unwilling a confession may be drawn forth, that he now sees the truth not only but also feels it. The first passage is in Demosthenes, in the oration: “ἀρόν ἀργυρον ἐπι παρὰ τοὺς κλινοποις κλείφασι. τετιαράκντα μὴ μνᾶς αυτ ἀρχαῖον. Σεινα δὲ ἐτῶν ἡ ἐργον αυτῶν, Συο τὰς λαυτὰς. Σώ Σεινα γὰρ μνᾶς ἐκάσα τὴνιαντὴ τὴν πρόσοφον αυτῶν ελάμβανον.” Consider, then, how much money those men diverted from the bed-makers’ craftsmen. First, for the principal sum, I put down 50 minas,

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no, deinde pro quæstu decennij eorum opificij duo talenta. siquidem duodenas minas quotannis accipiebant eius mercedis nomine quam serui meruerunt. His uerbis apparet decies duodenas minas duo talenta ualere: qua ratione sexaginta minæ centenariæ talentum Atticum faciunt. Eôdem pertinet locus à nobis in primo libro citatus cum de usuris centesimis loqueremur. His enim exemplis & alijs permultis eiusdem orationis, quæ citare nunc longum esset, planum fit, quicquid aliqui scripserint de mina Attica, minam tamen Atticam semper centenariam intelligi, & huiusmodi minas sexaginta talentum efficere. Demosthenes enim nô modo Athenis & ad Athenienses oratione illam habuit, sed etiam atticcissime locutus est, ut alibi in eade[m], [n]o[n] [e]n[im] ποις γαρεκ τετικαρων παλαντη καπιχιλιων, ποίς μὴ πια παλαντα καπιχιλιας προικα δεδωκε, ὃν δὲ εθοδυμηκντα μνᾶς παρπεδαι, φανερὸν δὴ πα παῦν, ὅν [n]o[n] κα ἀπὸ μικρὰς ὑσίας, αλλὰ πλεον [n]o[n] διπλασίας [n]o[n] ἐμοὶ πατελιπε, παῦτα ἀφεύλεν. Verba sunt Demosthenis argumentantis ex uerbis testamenti patris sui: quæ uerba sic uerti Latine possunt, Qui enim ex quatuor talentis & tribus nullibus, his quidem tria talenta & bis nullena doti dedit, illi uerò septuaginta minarum usum fructum reliquit: nimiru[m] hunc clarum est apud omnes non à tenuibus fortunis ea legata decerpsisse, sed à summa altero tanto maiore, atq[ue] eo etiam pleniore quàm mihi reliquerat. Quam autem summam his uerbis orator intellexerit, ex narratione eius orationis apparet his uerbis, Θειππίδι μὴ ἔδωκεν ἐκ τῶν ἔμων ἐθοδυμηκντα μνᾶς παρπισκαδὴ ποιητον χρόνον ἐως ἀντὸν ἐγώ ἐνη σκιμαδεῖν: Ἐμμορῶν ἐν [n]o[n] ἐμιλιν ἀθελφιν, καὶ δυο παλαντα συδων ἔδωκεν ἐχδεν. ἀυτῶν δὲ τῶτω πιο μιτερα καπιπροικα ὑρθοδυκντα μνᾶς. Therippidæ quidem

Transcription: Translated (English)

then, next, for the profit of their ten years’ labor, two talents. For they were receiving each year twelve minas as the wage that slaves had earned. From these words it appears that ten times twelve minas equal two talents: by this reckoning, sixty hundred-mina units make an Attic talent. The passage quoted by us in the first book, when we were speaking of interest at one hundred percent, also belongs here. For by these examples, and by very many others from the same speech, which it would be too long to cite now, it is made clear that whatever some have written about the Attic mina, the Attic mina is nevertheless always to be understood as the hundred-mina unit, and that sixty such minas make a talent. For Demosthenes not only delivered that speech at Athens and to the Athenians, but also spoke in the most Attic manner, as elsewhere in the same speech: [Greek text]. These are Demosthenes’ words, arguing from the words of his father’s will; these words can be translated into Latin thus: “For he who from four talents and three nulls gave, indeed, three talents and two nulls as dowry, but left the usufruct of seventy minas to that man; clearly he did not take these legacies from meagre fortunes, but from a sum greater by half again, and even more complete than that which he had left to me.” But what amount the orator meant by these words appears from the narration of that speech, in the words: [Greek text]. Therippidae indeed

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 289 quidem usum fructum ex bonis meis septuaginta minarum dedit, quoad ego inter uiros censerer, id est quo ad tutelæ meæ factus essem. Demophontem autem uoluit apud se so rorem meam habere cum duobus talentis. Huic autem ipsi quicum ago, matrem meam uxorem ducendam cum dote octoginta minarum reliquit. Hactenus Demosthenes. Ex cuius uerbis intelligimus duo talēta & octoginta minas & septuaginta, id est centum & quinquaginta minas, tantum ualere, quantum quatuor talenta & ter millenas. ubi subin telligendu[m] drachmas, ut ex Græco apparet, propter quod millenas pro mille transluli. Sic fit ut talentum sexaginta sit minarum, & mina centum drachmarum. Minam enim Atticam ad centum drachmas auxisse Solone Plutarchus in eius uitæ tradidit, ut quæ Græci nullia dicunt ex sua per sona, drachmarum semper intelligere debeamus. quod eò pertinet, quod legitur apud Plutarchum in Pompeio de ue ctigalibus Romani imperij, & in Antonio de decies se= stertio, ubi interpretes male sestertios intellexerunt, ut su prà adnotauimus. Quàm multus aute[m] Demosthenes in eo loquêdi modo fuerit, licet ex eadem oratione perfecta in= telligere, cuius loca uertere necesse nunc non habui. Alter est locus Ciceronis, ubi uelut cubile esse ipsius ueritatis quam quærimus, existimaui. Is est autem in oratione pro Rabyrio, in qua oratione de Gabinio loquês, qui ob Pto= lemæi reductionem in Aegyptum, & peculatum insigne[m] in eare admissum, decem millibus talentum damnatus est, ita inquit, Redeo igitur ad crimen & accusatione[m] tuam. quid uociferabare decem millia talenta Gabinio esse pro= missa? huic uidelicet perbandus reperiundus fuit, qui ho= minem, ut tu uis, auarissimum exoraret. Sestertium bis mil lies, sed quadringenties magnopere contemneret. Ad intel t ligen

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 289 indeed gave the usufruct from my goods of seventy minas, so long as I was counted among men, that is, until I had come under my guardianship. But he wished Demophontes to have my sister with him, with two talents. And to this very man with whom I am dealing, he left my mother to be married, with a dowry of eighty minas. So far Demosthenes. From whose words we understand that two talents and eighty minas and seventy, that is, one hundred and fifty minas, are worth as much as four talents and three thousand. Here drachmas must be under stood, as appears from the Greek, for which reason I have trans lated “thousands” for “thousand.” Thus it comes about that a talent is sixty minas, and a mina one hundred drachmas. For Plutarch in his Life records that Solon increased the Attic mina to one hundred drachmas, so that whenever the Greeks say “nones” in their own speech, we must always understand drachmas. This relates to what is read in Plutarch, in Pompey, about the revenues of the Roman Empire, and in Antony about the ten-thousandth sestertius, where the interpreters wrongly understood sestertii, as we noted above. How copious Demosthenes was in that manner of speaking, one may understand sufficiently from the same speech itself, the passages of which I did not now need to translate. There is another passage of Cicero, where I thought there was, as it were, the bed of truth itself, which we seek. It is in the speech for Rabirius, in which speech, speaking of Gabinius, who because of the restoration of Ptolemy to Egypt, and the notable embezzlement committed there, was condemned to a fine of ten thousand talents, he says thus: I therefore return to your charge and accusation. What were you shouting, that ten thousand talents had been promised to Gabinius? Surely a sort of sealer had to be found for him, who might win over the man, as you wish, the greediest of men. He would greatly despise two hundred thousand sestertii, but especially four hundred million. To understand

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ligentiam horum uerborum hoc præfari habemus, Gabinium decem millibus talentum damnatum, nec prædes tantæ summæ dare, nec ex bonis eius auctione addictis eam summam seruari potuisse. Quare cum Rabyrius Posthumus eius criminis affinis uideretur, accusatus & ipse fuit, quasi impulsu eius Gabinius Ptolemæum in regnum reduxisset, et quasi pars peculatus ad eum peruenisset: ut quod eius pecuniæ à Gabinio seruari nc: potuerat, à Rabyrio damnato exigeretur. Hunc igitur Cicero patrocinio suo defendit, cuius oratio & corrupta & mutilata lectitatur, nec eam in uetusto libro orationum Ciceronis reperi. Ea autem uerba sic legenda censeo, Quid uociferabare decé millia talentum Gabinio esse promissa? huic uidelicet perblandus reperiendus fuit, qui hominem, ut tu uis, auarissimum exoraret. Sestertium bis millies scilicet & quadringenties magnopere contemneret. Hoc sensu, Pugnat secu accusatio tua. tu Gabinium auarissimum hominem fuisse criminabaris, & ut regem reduceret, talentis decem millibus conductum esse: nunc Rabyrij impulsu secisse dicis ut regem deduceret, & ob id Rabyriu in crimen uocas. quo nam modo conuenit hominem auarissimum (ut tu uis) Gabinium pollicitatione bis millies & quadringenties sestertiu adduci ad facinus non potuisse, nisi & suasore Rabyrio impelleretur? Cæteru nos singula talenta sexcentis coronatis aureis, & sexaginta libris cetenarijs æstimare instituimus: singulas autè libras denis aureis. sexagies enim deni aurei, sexcenti in summa fiunt. Hac ratione centum talenta, sexaginta millia aureoru ualent, id est centies sexcentos. Hæc summa decies multiplicata, sexcenta millia aureorum efficit. tot enim coronatoru millia, mille talentum ualct. Sic fit ut decem millia talentum, sexagies cent ena millia

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET To explain the negligence of these words, we must first state this: Gabinius was condemned to ten thousand talents, and neither could sureties be given for so great a sum, nor could that amount be secured from his property sold at auction. Therefore, since Rabirius Postumus seemed to be implicated in that crime, he too was accused, as if, at his instigation, Gabinius had restored Ptolemy to the kingdom, and as if a share of the plunder had come to him: so that what could not have been preserved from Gabinius’s money might be exacted from Rabirius once condemned. Cicero therefore defended him with his patronage; his speech is read in a corrupt and mutilated form, and I have not found it in the ancient book of Cicero’s speeches. But I think those words should be read thus: “Why were you shouting that ten thousand talents had been promised to Gabinius? For he clearly had to be found a very flattering man who could persuade the man, as you say, though very greedy. He would greatly despise two million sesterces, namely eight hundred and forty thousand.” In this sense, “Your accusation is fighting against itself. You were charging that Gabinius was a very greedy man, and that he had been hired for ten thousand talents to restore the king; now you say that, at Rabirius’s instigation, he did it in order to bring the king back, and for that reason you bring Rabirius into the charge. In what way does it fit that a very greedy man, as you say, Gabinius, could not be induced by the promise of two million and four hundred thousand sesterces to commit the deed unless he were also driven on by Rabirius as counselor?” For our part, we propose to value each talent at six hundred gold crowns and sixty pounds of copper coin; each pound at ten gold coins. For ten gold coins make six hundred in all. By this reckoning, one hundred talents are worth sixty thousand gold coins, that is, one hundred times six hundred. Multiplied by ten, that sum makes six hundred thousand gold coins. For so many thousands of gold coins is the value of one thousand talents. Thus it comes about that ten thousand talents amount to six hundred times one hundred thousand.

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. millia aureoru[m] ualeant, hoc est decies sexcenta millia. Rur sus æstimatione nostra quadringenties sestertium, millies mille aureos nostros ualet, hoc est decies centena millia. Qua ratione bis millies & quadringenties, sexagies cen- tena millia ualet. Et ita ad nummum summa Latina cum summa Græca conuenit, & est ea quam Græci Apartilo= giam uocant. lingua nostra uernacula Latinæ linguæ imi tatione rotundam rationem uocat. Horatius lib.1. Epistol. Mille talenta rotundentur, totidem altera, porrò Tertia succedant. - De Gabinio & Ptolemæo Plutarchus in Antonio sic in= quit circa principium, μετὰ ταῦτα γαβίνιον ὑμιγοις τα= λάνθις πολεμαίοι πεθονθεὶς ἀις ὀυρποιον ἀμα σωμευάλην ὑω= λεῖ. id est, Deinde cum Ptolemæus suadere coepisset Ga= binio, ut in Aegyptum secum expeditione[m] susciperet, pa= cta mercede talentorum decem millium. Qui locus Latinè non est conuersus in exemplaribus quæ uidi. ex quibus uer bis liquet id quod dictum est de decè millibus talentorum. Nego igitur quenquam esse tam hæsitatorem, qui modò hæc uerba & supputationem intellexerit (quotus autem quisque etiam citra calculum non intelliget?) ut de hoc quod hactenus egimus, ultrà addubitare possit, id est de sestertium & talentorum & reliquorum uerborum intel lectu, & summarum auri argenti que æstimatione. Nam de auri proportione ad argentum, nondum planè statuo. Ita Proteus ille logodædalus, id est uerboru[m] uarietate fal= lax, & diu exemplarium mendis ueluti formarum desul= toria uicissitudine ludificatus, in sese tandem redijt, per= uicaci nostro proposito uictus ueritatis inuestigandæ. Exoratum autem unumquenque lectorem uelim, aut cer= tè candidissimum quenque, mihi ut uitio ne uertatur quòd t 2 monu

Transcription: Translated (English)

The amount of gold pieces would be 1,600,000; that is, sixteen hundred thousand. Again, by our estimate, four hundred sestertia amount to one thousand of our gold pieces, that is, one hundred thousand. By this reckoning, twice two thousand four hundred amounts to 6,000,000. And thus, to a single unit, the Latin total agrees with the Greek total, and it is that which the Greeks call Apartilogia . In our vernacular tongue, by imitation of the Latin language, it is called a round calculation. Horace, Book 1 of the Epistles: “Let a thousand talents be rounded off, then as many more, and then a third set follow.” Concerning Gabinius and Ptolemy, Plutarch in the Life of Antony says thus near the beginning: μετά ταῦτα γαβίνιον ὑμιγοῖς ταλάνθις πολεμαίοι πεθονθεὶς αἱς οὐρποιον ἅμα σωμευάλην ὑωλεῖ. That is, “Afterwards, when Ptolemy had begun to persuade Gabinius to undertake an expedition with him into Egypt, a payment had been agreed upon of ten thousand talents.” This passage is not translated into Latin in the copies I have seen. From these words it is clear what was said about ten thousand talents. I therefore deny that anyone is so doubtful-minded that, if he has only understood these words and this calculation—indeed, who, even without calculation, would not understand?—he can still further doubt what we have so far been discussing, namely the meaning of sestertium and of talents and of the remaining terms, and the estimation of sums in gold and silver. For the proportion of gold to silver, I am not yet fully determining. Thus that Proteus, the logodaedalus, that is, the one deceptive in the variety of his words, and long mocked by the errors of manuscripts as though by the shifting instability of forms, has at last returned to himself, conquered by our steadfast purpose of searching out the truth. And I should ask every reader, or certainly every most candid one, that he not take it amiss that I have warned...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET monumenta antiquitatis hactenus sancta atq[ue] intacta, ipse temerare ausus sim, homo, ut inter literatos homines, no= uus, nullisq[ue]; maiorum imaginibus fretus atque subnixus. A quo enim tandem literarum stemma ingenijq[ue] commen dationem Francus homo duceret? tametsi in hodierna li= terarum claritate, nihil obstat quo minus in posteru[m] non= nulli ubiq[ue]; gentium imagines sibi gentilitatesq[ue]; compa= rent, à quibus posteritas fiduciam autoritatemq[ue] uendicet. Quos etsi ipsos ingenio & doctrina longè me superatu= ros non dubito, magni tamen meriti instar erit, unum me ex ijs esse qui rei commendabilis exemplum patriæ pro= diderunt. Cedere autem mihi in compensationem id postu lo, quòd immutata haud ita pridem quædam loca nunc sibi restituerim, ut paria fecisse iudicari possim cum eo, quod magnorum autorum laudatione fretus atque testimonio, commouere quædam non dubitaui trabali (ut aiunt) clauo fixa. Hæc & alia contra ius receptum non sine exemplo admissa, per Philologiæ numen multis hodie mortalibus uenerandum, ignosci ita mihi postulo, si etiam sponsione persunctus, corollarium non unum aut alterum, sed multi= plex addidero. < Gellij locus.> Gellius lib. v. Noctium Atticarum, Equus Alexandri Regis, & capite & nomine Bucephalas fuit. Emptum Chares scripsit talentis x i i i. & regi Philip= po donatum. æris nostri summa est sestertia trecenta & x i i. Hactenus Gellius. Talenta decem, sex millia aureoru[m] ualent: & tria talenta, mille & octingentos: fiunt septem millia octingenti aurei. Centum sestertia duobus millibus & quingentis ualent ea ratione qua in singula pondo de= nos aureos taxamus: sic trecenta sestertia, septem millia & quingentos coronatos ualent, & x i i. trecentos, hoc est triginta libras argenti. Quare ad nummum conuenit inter utran

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. On the As and monuments of antiquity, hitherto sacred and untouched, I myself have dared to tamper, a man, as among learned men, new, supported by no ancestral images or precedents. For from whom, after all, could a Frenchman derive the lineage of letters and the recommendation of genius? although in the present brilliance of letters, nothing prevents some, wherever among the nations, from in the future acquiring for themselves images and noble descent, from which posterity may claim confidence and authority. And although I do not doubt that they themselves, in talent and learning, will long surpass me, it will nevertheless count as a great merit that I am one of those who have handed down to their country an example of a praiseworthy undertaking. But I ask this in compensation, that some places not long ago altered I have now restored to themselves, so that I may be judged to have done the same as that which, relying on the praise and testimony of great authors, I did not hesitate to move certain things fixed with a (as they say) iron nail. For these and other things admitted against received law not without precedent, through the divinity of Philology, revered by many mortals today, I ask to be pardoned, if, even after being bound by a promise, I shall have added not one or another, but a multiple corollary. Gellius, book 5 of the Attic Nights: the horse of King Alexander, both in head and name, was Bucephalus. Chares wrote that he was bought for thirteen talents, and given to King Philip. The sum in our money is three hundred and twelve sesterces. Thus far Gellius. Ten talents are worth six thousand gold pieces; and three talents, one thousand eight hundred: this makes seven thousand eight hundred gold pieces. One hundred sesterces are worth two thousand five hundred, on the basis by which we value ten gold pieces to each pound; thus three hundred sesterces are worth seven thousand five hundred crown pieces, and twelve, three hundred, that is, thirty pounds of silver. Wherefore it agrees to the penny between the two

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 293 utranque summam. De hoc Plinius, Eidem Alexandro & equi magnararitas contigit: Bucephalu[m] eum uocauerunt, siue ab aspectu toruo, siue ab insigni taurini capitis armo impressi: sedecim talentis ferunt ex Philonici Pharsalij gre ge emptum etiam tum puero capto eius decore. Rectè ta= men apud Gellium x 1 1 1. legi ex Plutarcho patet in Ale xandro, qui tredecim talentis à Philonico Thessalo em= ptum dicit, ut forte apud Plinium x v 1. pro x 1 1 1. lega tur. Idem Gellius lib. 1 1 1. Aristotelem quoq[ue] traditu[m] est libros pauculos Speusippi philosophi post mortem eius emisse talentis Atticis tribus. ea summa fit nummi nostri duo & septuaginta millia. Hactenus Gellius. Nos diximus talentum L x. librarum esse: qua ratione tria talenta, cen= tum ac nonaginta libras ualet: qui numerus ex duobus & septuaginta nullibus confit, si in singula nullia, bina pòdo & selibrâ numeremus. Rursus tria talenta, mille & octin= gentis aureis æstimatione nostra ualuerunt, & eade[m] sum= ma conficitur ex septuagintaduo bus sestertijs, si sestertia singula, quinq[ue]; & uiginti aureis æstimentur. Quare pla= num facimus & talenta nos & sestertia iusta æstimatione perpendisse. Apud eundem Gellium lib. 1. emendandum u= num uerbum huic dicto contrarium, ubi de Laide scorto Corinthio loquitur: Ad hanc, inquit, Demosthenes clan= culum adit, & ut sui copiam faceret petit: at Lais myrias drachmas, id est decem drachmarum millia poscit. hoc fa= cit nummi nostratis denarium decem millia. T ali petulan= tia mulieris, atq[ue] pecuniæ magnitudine ictus expauidusq[ue]; Demosthenes, auertit iter: & discedens, Ego, inquit, poe= nitere tanti non emo. Sed Græca ipsa quæ fertur dixisse, lepidiora sunt, ὑν ὑνημα, inquit, μηρίων ομαχυων μετα= μύλεων, id est, non emo centu[m] sestertijs poenitentiâ. Ex his t 3 uerb

Transcription: Translated (English)

Part III. His Book III. 293 both sums. On this matter Pliny says: to the same Alexander there also came a very great rarity of horses; they called it Bucephalus, either from its fierce look, or from the mark impressed on the shoulder, like a bull’s head. They say it was bought for sixteen talents from the herd of Philonicus of Pharsalus, even then while the boy was captivated by its beauty. Yet it is clear that the reading in Gellius XI. may be corrected from Plutarch in Alexander, who says that it was bought from Philonicus the Thessalian for thirteen talents, so that perhaps in Pliny XV. should be read for XIII. The same Gellius, book III, says that Aristotle too is reported to have bought, after his death, a few books of the philosopher Speusippus for three Attic talents. This sum amounts in our money to twenty-seven thousand. Thus far Gellius. We have said that a talent is worth fifty pounds; by this reckoning three talents are worth one hundred and ninety pounds; this sum is made up of twenty-seven thousand, if for each single unit we count two pounds and a half. Again, three talents were valued by us at one thousand eight hundred gold pieces, and the same sum is made up from seventy-two sestertii, if each sestertius is valued at twenty-five gold pieces. Therefore we make it clear that we have weighed both talents and sestertii by a fair estimate. In the same Gellius, book I, one word in this saying ought to be corrected, where he speaks of the Corinthian courtesan Lais: “To her,” he says, “Demosthenes comes secretly, and asks that she grant him her favors; but Lais demands ten thousand myriads of drachmas, that is, ten thousand drachmas. This makes ten thousand of our denarii.” Struck by such shamelessness in the woman and by the greatness of the sum, Demosthenes, terrified and alarmed, turned away: and as he was leaving, he said, “I do not buy repentance at that price.” But the Greek words she is said to have spoken are more witty: ὑν ὑνημα, inquit, μηρίων ομαχυων μεταμύλεων, that is, I do not sell repentance for one hundred sestertii. From these words t 3 verb

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET uerbis testimonium locupletissimum habemus autoris antiqui, qui Hadriani principis temporibus scripsit, drachmam & denarium eodem pondere fuisse. sed quod decé millia denariorum centum festertijs ualuerint, falsum est. tantum enim quadraginta ualent. minis ergo non festertijs legendum est. Athenæus lib. I I I I. Dipnosophistarum, Hic locus colophonem & coronide[m] disputationi imponit. O [tha]t μεγας αλεξανδρος Σπυνων εκάστε μετὰ τῶν φίλων, ως ισορ[μ]ε ἔφιππος [tha]t ὑλύνθιν ἐν ἐθ[ι]σι πορ[is] τ[ame]n αλεξανδρον μὴ μανδρισιων μεταλλαγμ[en]tis, αυτιλισκε τ[ame]n μοδ[us] μνας ἔναχρ, δεπούντων ἐσως ἔγκηκντα ἐν ἐθοδηκηκντα φίλων. [tha]t [tha]t ποδοῦν εασίλοβε, ως φιοι πτησίας μὴ δυσων ἐν πῶς ποδοπεῖς, ἔδειπινει μετὰ αυθρῶν μυρίων πενταχιχιλίων, και αυτιλισκετο εἰς [tha]t Σπυνων τάλαυτα τετρακόσια. γινετ) [tha]t ταῦτα Ἱταλικὴ νομισματος ἐν μυριάσι Πανεσίας τεταράκντα. αυτα [tha]t εἰς μυρίας πενταχιλίας μορι (όμωνα, ἔκάσω αυθί ἰγνον) αυτὰ ἐναχρ ἐγκηκντα Ἱταλικὴ νομισματος, ως ως ισορ[μ]α καθίσασαν ἐν τῷ αλεξανδρον αυτιλιώματ, ἔναχρ γὰρ μνας αυτιλισκεν ως ἐφιππος ἰσορχον. Magnus autem, inquit, Alexander coenans semper et ubiq[ue] cum amicis, ut Ephippus Olynthius in eo uolumine prodidit quod de Alexandri obitu & Ephæstionis scripsit, centenas minas in dies expensas coenæ ferebat, cu[m] ad sexagenos, aut summu[m] septuagenos ad coenam adhiberet. At uerò Persaru[m] Rex, ut autores sunt Ctesias & Dinon in historijs Persicis, ad coenam suam quindecim hominum nullia accipiebat, in easq[ue] coenas quadrin gena talenta expesabat. Funt hæc Italico nomismate myriades ducentæ & quadraginta. Porrò hæ in quindecim millia hominum distributæ, fiunt in singulos centum & sexaginta Italici nomismatis. Quare hic sumptus superiorem illum Alexandrinum æquat, quippe cum Alexander centenas minas in dies expenderet. Hæc uerba Athenæi cum

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET We have a very ample testimony from an ancient author, who wrote in the time of the emperor Hadrian, that a drachma and a denarius were of the same weight. But what is said, that ten thousand denarii were worth one hundred sesterces, is false. For they are worth only forty. Therefore it should be read “minas,” not “sesterces.” Athenaeus, book IIII of the Deipnosophistae. This passage brings the discussion to a close and puts the colophon and coronis upon it. Ο [tha]t μεγας αλεξανδρος Σπυνων εκάστε μετὰ τῶν φίλων, ως ισορ[μ]ε ἔφιππος [tha]t ὑλύνθιν ἐν ἐθ[ι]σι πορ[is] τ[ame]n αλεξανδρον μὴ μανδρισιων μεταλλαγμ[en]tis, αυτιλισκε τ[ame]n μοδ[us] μνας ἔναχρ, δεπούντων ἐσως ἔγκηκντα ἐν ἐθοδηκηκντα φίλων. [tha]t [tha]t ποδοῦν εασίλοβε, ως φιοι πτησίας μὴ δυσων ἐν πῶς ποδοπεῖς, ἔδειπινει μετὰ αυθρῶν μυρίων πενταχιχιλίων, και αυτιλισκετο εἰς [tha]t Σπυνων τάλαυτα τετρακόσια. γινετ) [tha]t ταῦτα Ἱταλικὴ νομισματος ἐν μυριάσι Πανεσίας τεταράκντα. αυτα [tha]t εἰς μυρίας πενταχιλίας μορι (όμωνα, ἔκάσω αυθί ἰγνον) αυτὰ ἐναχρ ἐγκηκντα Ἱταλικὴ νομισματος, ως ως ισορ[μ]α καθίσασαν ἐν τῷ αλεξανδρον αυτιλιώματ, ἔναχρ γὰρ μνας αυτιλισκεν ως ἐφιππος ἰσορχον. Magnus autem, inquit, Alexander coenans semper et ubique cum amicis, ut Ephippus Olynthius in that volume which he wrote on the death of Alexander and Hephaestion relates, used to spend a hundred minas a day on dinner, although he admitted only sixty, or at most seventy, to dinner. But the king of the Persians, as Ctesias and Dinon are witnesses in the Persian histories, admitted only fifteen men to his dinner, and on such dinners spent forty talents. These amount, in the Italian coinage, to two hundred and forty myriads. Moreover, if these are divided among fifteen thousand men, they come to one hundred and sixty of the Italian coinage for each man. Therefore this expense equals the former Alexandrian one, since Alexander spent a hundred minas a day. These words of Athenaeus, with

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. cum ad calculum reuocarem, sic rationem inibam: ducetæ & quadraginta myriades, id est ducenties & quadragies dena millia, more Romano uicies quater centena millia di cuntur. Cum igitur compendio sermonis quater & uicies festertium dici soleat ab antiquis, ut nos in superioribus docuimus: si nummos hic festertios intelligamus, & ad au reos nostros redigamus, fient sexaginta millia coronato= rum, id est duplex census Senatorius. At quadringenta ta= lenta more à nobis instituto æstimata, fiunt duceta & qua= draginta millia coronatorum, cum centum talenta sexage= nis millibus semper antea æstimauerim. Quare talentorum æstimatio quadruplex erit nomismatis Italici contra sen= tentia[m] Athenæi, qui ignorare hoc non potuit, cum Romæ sub Hadriano scripserit, ut ex leclione eius intelligimus. Quòd si ut antea apud Plutarchum fecimus, non festertios numos, sed denarios, id est drachmas intelligamus, ut mos Græcorum postulat, summa ad nummum quadrabit. Sexa ginta enim aureoru[m] millia quater multiplicata, ducenta & quadraginta millia fient: & quater & uicies festertium, non agiessexies festertiu[m] fiet: cum singuli denarij quater= nos nummos ualeant. Græci enim uidentes denarios Ro= manos æquales esse suis drachmis, cum myriadas diceret, denariorum intelligi uolebant, quandoquidem sic Attici numerabant, quos alij omnes securi sunt scriptores. Hic lo cus colophonem (ut aiunt) disputationi nostræ demonstra tionibusq; imponit. Age exigamus rem ad calculu[m] ducen= tæ & quadraginta myriades drachmarum uel denarioru[m], id est uicies quater centena millia, ad minas contracta cen tenarias, quatuor & uiginti millia fiunt, id est quadringe[m] ties sexagenæ minæ: at eandè summâ quadringenta talenta sexagenaria efficiunt. ita ratio co[n]uenit. Alioquin si numos t 4 sester

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. HIS BOOK III. When I brought it back to calculation, I reasoned thus: two hundred and forty myriads, that is, two hundred and forty times ten thousand, are, in the Roman manner, called twenty-four times one hundred thousand. Since, then, in a brief way of speaking, twenty-four sesterces are commonly called by the ancients, as we have shown above: if we understand sesterces here, and reduce them to our gold coins, they will make sixty thousand crowns, that is, twice the Senatorial census. But four hundred talents, estimated according to the method adopted by us, make two hundred and forty thousand crowns, whereas I had always previously valued one hundred talents at sixty thousand. Wherefore the valuation of talents will be fourfold of the Italian coin, contrary to the opinion of Athenaeus, who could not have been ignorant of this, since he wrote at Rome under Hadrian, as we understand from reading him. But if, as we did earlier in Plutarch, we understand not sesterces, but denarii, that is, drachmas, as Greek usage requires, the sum will be exactly right. For sixty thousand gold pieces multiplied by four will make two hundred and forty thousand; and twenty-four times one hundred thousand sesterces will not be one hundred and sixty-four thousand sesterces, since each denarius is worth four coins. For the Greeks, seeing that Roman denarii are equal to their own drachmas, when he said myriads, wanted denarii to be understood, since that is how the Attics reckoned, whom all other writers follow without concern. This passage (as they say) puts the finishing touch on our discussion and demonstrations. Come, let us submit the matter to calculation: two hundred and forty myriads of drachmas or denarii, that is, twenty-four times one hundred thousand, reduced to hundred-minae units, make twenty-four thousand, that is, four hundred and sixty minae; but by the same sum, four hundred talents of sixty minae each are produced. Thus the reckoning agrees. Otherwise, if the numos t 4 sester

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sestertios aliquis improbior Athenæum intellexisse dixerit, talentum Atticum quindecim necessariò minarum erit: quod nemo unquam scripsit. Nunc pergamus porrò, & quatuor & uiginti millia minaru[m] in quindecim nullia con uiuaru[m] diuidamus, fient in capita sesquimina & denæ dræ chmæ: ut pote cum quindecies nullies sesquimina, uicenabi na nullia & quingenas efficiat. Ita restant mille & quin= gentæ minæ ex numero supradicto, quæ centena quinquæ gena millia denariorum ualent, in quindecim partes diuidenda propter quindecim coenantium nullia. At qui numerus hic partiens denarius est numerus, cum in centum & quinquaginta millibus, decies quindecim millia inueniantur, & decies quinquies decem nullia. ita fit ut in singula nullia conuiuorum, dena millia denariorum accedat, & in singula capita denarij deni. sic fiunt centeni & sexageni denarij in capita, id quod Athenæus dixit. Et totidem denarios nos sedecim aureis nostris æstimare instituimus: qui numerus si per numerum conuiuorum multiplicetur, ut quindecies senadena millia, uel sedecies quinadena millia multiplicemus: fient ducena quadragenta aureoru[m] millia, quanti quadringena talenta æstimanda co[n]tendimus. Porrò cum Alexander in sexaginta conuiuas centenas minas impenderet, id est dena denarioru[m] millia, hac ratione in capita sesquimina & sextantem minæ consumebat, hoc est centum & sexagintasex denarios & bessem, quæ summa sex denarijs in capita excedit. Quòd si in septuaginta co[n]uiuas ratione incamus, in capita singula minus erit sesquimina. Ita obiter locu[m] Athenæi explicuimus, & extremâ manum operi addidimus, quod ad hoc quidem pertinet. Plutarchus in Antonio de Curione & Antonio loqués sic inquit, Ex quibus sumptibus grâde æs alienu[m] ei, maiusq[ue]; q[uæ] pro ætate consta

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON THE AS AND if someone more perverse than reasonable should say that he understood the Athenæum, an Attic talent will necessarily amount to fifteen minae: which no one has ever written. Now let us go on further, and divide the twenty-four thousand minae by fifteen thousand of no ones; they will come out, per head, as one and a half minae and ten drachmas: since fifteen times one and a half makes twenty-five and five hundred no ones. So there remain one thousand five hundred minae from the aforesaid total, which are worth five hundred thousand denarii, to be divided into fifteen parts on account of the fifteen thousand guests. But here the dividing number is the denarius, since in one hundred and fifty thousand there are found ten times fifteen thousand, and ten times five times ten no ones. Thus it comes about that to each no one of the guests there are added ten thousand denarii, and to each head ten denarii. So there come to a head one hundred and sixty denarii, which is what Athenæus said. And we have resolved to reckon an equal number of denarii as sixteen of our aurei: which number, if multiplied by the number of guests, as when we multiply fifteen times sixteen thousand, or sixteen times fifty-two thousand, there will result two hundred and forty thousand aurei, the value at which we maintain four hundred talents ought to be estimated. Furthermore, when Alexander spent a hundred minae on sixty guests, that is, ten thousand denarii, by this reckoning he used up one and a half minae and a sextans per head, that is, one hundred and sixty-six denarii and a bes, which sum exceeds six denarii per head. But if we apply the calculation to seventy guests, there will be less than one and a half minae per person. Thus incidentally we have explained Athenæus’ passage, and added the finishing touch to the work, so far as this matter is concerned at any rate. Plutarch, in Antony, speaking of Curio and Antony, says as follows: From these expenses he incurred a heavy debt, and even greater, which in proportion to his age was

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 297 conflatum est, ducentorum quinquaginta talentorum. Hæc summa ad nomisma nostrum reducta æstimatione à me in= stituta, centum & quinquaginta millia aureorum nostro= rum efficit, cum talentum aureos sexcentos, & centum talenta centies sexcentos ualeant, hoc est sexaginta mil= lia. Audiamus igitur nunc Ciceronem Philippi. 1 1. qui Antonium increpans contumeliosa oratione, ita inquit, Tenes'ne memoria, prætextatum te decoxisse? Et paulò pòst, Recordare tempus illud cum pater Curio moerens iacebat in lecto, filius se ad pedes meos prosternens, lacry mans te mihi commendabat: orabat ut te contra suum pa= trem si sexagies sestertium peteret, defenderem. Tantum enim pro te intercessisse dicebat. Hactenus Cicero. De hac intercessione Plutarchus ibidem meminit his uerbis, Pro quibus C C L. talentis cum intercessisset Curio, pater id ægrè ferens, domo sua expulit Antonium. Cum decies se= stertium à me quinq; & uiginti millibus aureorum sæpe sit æstimatum, in promptu est sexagies sestertium centum & quinquaginta millia ualere, & ita utranq; summam ad nummum congruere apud Ciceronem & Plutarchu[m]. Idem Plutarchus in Antonio, Calphurniâ Cæsaris uxorem tra= dit apud Antonium bonam partem pecuniarum deposuis= se, quarum summa fuit ad quatuor nullia talentorum. At in uita Ciceronis idem autor scribit inimicitias inter Anto= nium & Octauium ortas ob pecuniam Cæsaris auunculi eius ab Antonio interuersam. Ab eo enim repetebat (in= quit) Cæsar iunior ducentas quinquaginta myriadas. Hoc Latinè dici debet ducenties quinquagies centena millia drachmarum, hoc est millies centena millia nummum, uel loquendi compendio, millies sestertium: quod nos æsti= mare solemus uiciesquinquies centenis millibus aureorum t 5 coronato

Transcription: Translated (English)

was made up to two hundred and fifty talents. This sum, reduced by my own calculation to our coinage, amounts to one hundred and fifty thousand of our gold pieces, since one talent is worth six hundred gold pieces, and one hundred talents are worth one hundred and sixty times six hundred, that is, sixty thousand. Let us therefore now hear Cicero in the Philippics 1.11, who, reproaching Antony in a contemptuous speech, says: “Do you remember that, while still wearing the praetexta, you went bankrupt?” And a little later: “Recall that time when Curio’s father lay grieving on his bed, and his son, throwing himself at my feet, weeping, recommended you to me: he begged me to defend you against his own father if he should demand six million sesterces. For that, he said, he had interceded on your behalf.” Thus far Cicero. Plutarch also mentions this intercession in the same place with these words: “For whom Curio interceded for two hundred and fifty talents; the father, taking it ill, drove Antony from his house.” Since ten million sesterces have often been estimated by me at twenty-five thousand gold pieces, it is clear that sixty million sesterces are worth one hundred and fifty thousand, and thus both sums exactly agree in Cicero and Plutarch. The same Plutarch, in his life of Antony, reports that Calpurnia, Caesar’s wife, deposited a good part of her money with Antony, the total amount of which was four thousand talents. But in the Life of Cicero the same author writes that enmity arose between Antony and Octavian because of the money of Caesar’s uncle, which Antony had misappropriated. For Caesar the younger was, he says, demanding two hundred and fifty myriads from him. This must be said in Latin as two hundred and fifty times one hundred thousand drachmas, that is, one hundred million coins, or, in abbreviated form, one hundred million sesterces; which we usually estimate at twenty-five times one hundred thousand gold pieces. t 5 crowned

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET coronatorum. At mille talenta, sexcentis millibus aureorum à nobis æstimata sunt. Quo fit ut quatuor millia, quater & uicies centenis millibus aureoru[m] ualeant. Quare summæ ambæ quadrabunt, si tantum hoc animaduertamus, Plutarchum excurrentem numerum talentorum (qui sunt ferè centum & quinquaginta sex) addere quatuor millibus neglexisse. Sed ne mirum aut incredibile potius uideatur tanti cænas Persicas constare Regibus potuisse, hic mihi in mentem uenit ut adderem id quod memoriæ proditum est de uasis & suppellectile & instrumento (ut ita dicam) luxuriæ Persicæ. Post uictum igitur Darium apud Issum in Cilicia, cum Alexander Darium fugientem secuturus, Parmenionem Damascum misisset, ubi ueluti sedem eius belli Darius esse statuerat, comportatis illuc pecunijs, omniq[ue] splendore instrumenti uiatorij tam regij quàm procerum: Damasco iam in potestatem redacta, Parmenio ad Regem Alexandrum scribens de thesauris repertis, & impedimentorum copias enumerans, < Luxus Darij Persarum Regis.> inter alia luxus castrensis ministerium hoc catalogo recensuit, παλλανίστας ευρομασοργηστὴς ἐασίλέως πιακοσίας ἐκκεινενέα, ἀνδρας Παρανοπλόνας ἐξ ἑμι τεαράκητα, ὑφοδιοις πακεσίας ἔθμημητα ἐπία, χυτρετικὸς ἐκκεινενέα, γαλακτηρικὸς πεῖς ἑμι δενα, ὑποκατοστοιοις ἐπία ἑμι δενα, ὑποκομητικὰς ἔθμημητα, μηροδιοις τεαράκητα. Pallacas (inquit) inueni canendi peritas, & musicæ uariæ artifices, ad Regis oblectationem intentas, numero trecentas undetriginta. uiros coronamentorum artifices sex & quadraginta. coquos ducentos & septuaginta, septe[m] figulos ad culinarium instrumentu[m] in castris fingendu[m] undetriginta lactarios pistores tredecim. potionu[m] teperatores concinnatores q[uæ] liquoru[m] decè & septe[m]: et præter hos, homines septuaginta qui à

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND crowned ones. At one thousand talents, estimated by us at six hundred thousand aurei. Whence it follows that four thousand, times twenty-four hundred thousand aurei, are equivalent. Therefore the two sums will agree, if we only notice this, that Plutarch, in setting forth the number of talents (which are about one hundred and fifty-six), neglected to add four thousand. But lest it should seem surprising, or rather incredible, that Persian kings could have had such costly banquets, it came into my mind to add what has been handed down in memory concerning the vessels, furniture, and instruments (so to speak) of Persian luxury. After Darius had therefore been defeated at Issus in Cilicia, when Alexander, being about to pursue Darius in flight, had sent Parmenion to Damascus, where Darius had determined that the seat of that war should be, with the money brought there together, and all the splendor of traveling equipment, both royal and of the nobles: Damascus now having been reduced into his power, Parmenion, writing to King Alexander about the treasures found, and enumerating the stores of baggage, <The Luxury of Darius, King of the Persians.> among other things, this catalogue of camp luxury records the following: παλλανίστας ευρομασοργηστὴς ἐασίλέως πιακοσίας ἐκκεινενέα, ἀνδρας Παρανοπλόνας ἐξ ἑμι τεαράκητα, ὑφοδιοις πακεσίας ἔθμημητα ἐπία, χυτρετικὸς ἐκκεινενέα, γαλακτηρικὸς πεῖς ἑμι δενα, ὑποκατοστοιοις ἐπία ἑμι δενα, ὑποκομητικὰς ἔθμημητα, μηροδιοις τεαράκητα. Pallacas (he says) I found three hundred and thirty women skilled in singing, and artists of various kinds of music, devoted to the king’s amusement. forty-six men skilled in making crowns. two hundred and seventy cooks, thirty-nine potters for making culinary utensils in the camp, thirteen dairy-workers, ten and seven drink-mixers and preparers of liquors; and besides these, seventy men who from

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 299 qui à sacellandis uinis erant Regi, & colo condiendis. unguentarios insuper quadraginta. Si tantus igitur splendor fuit, tamq[ue] copiosus in statius & castris apparatus, quantum concipere animo possumus eum fuisse apparatus qui Babylone aut Suisis aut Persepoli fuit? Hoc igitur tandem confecto, quod uix absolui posse sperabamus, uideamus quonam modo intelligi possit id quod apud Plutarchum legitur de tertio Pompeij triumpho loquentem, quê de Asia subacta egisse dicitur. Ex prænotatis, inquit, literis clarè cognoscebatur ex quo genere gentium trium pharet. Erat quippe regiones hæ, Pontus, Armenia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, Media, Colchis, Iberia, Albania, Syria, Cilicia, Mescopotamia. Præterea ij qui circa Phoeniciam & Palæstinen incolunt, Iudæi, Arabes. Piratarum etia[m] quotquot genera terra mariq[ue]; debellata erant. Inter hæc notabantur castella haud pauciora quàm mille capta, ciuitates ferme noningentæ, piraticæ naues octingentæ: urbes colonijs Romanis habitatas esse undequadraginta. His quoq[ue]; addebatur, uniuersa Romanæ urbis tributa ante id bellum quinquagies decies cætena millia fuisse: cum ijs uerò quæ Populo Romano ipse quæsiuit, octuagies quinquies decies centena millia. In ærarium præterea uasa, aurum argētumq[ue]; signatu ad uiginti millia talentorum, præter ea quæ militibus diuisa sunt, quorum qui minimum accepit, mille & quingentos æris tulit. Hæc uerba significat tributa Populi Romani ante Mithridate[m] uictu[m], quingeties sestertiu[m] fuisse: et ex tertia expeditione P[ræ]opeij treceties quinquagies accessionis factum esse. Hæc summa ære nostro uicies semel centena & uigintiquinq[ue]; millia aureoru[m] ualet. Intra quam summâ si coarctare uelimus imperij Romani reditu[m], ridebimur ab ijs qui nouerunt re- gni Summa tribu- torum Po. Ro- mani ex Plu- tarcho.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 299 which were for the king’s attendants in charge of wines and for preparing the beds, and, besides, forty perfumers. If, therefore, there was such splendor, and such abundant equipment in the camp and in the army, how great do we think the equipment was which was at Babylon or at Susa or at Persepolis? This, then, being now completed, which we scarcely hoped could be finished, let us see how the passage can be understood which is read in Plutarch, when speaking of Pompey’s third triumph, where he is said to have acted concerning the subjugated Asia. From the letters previously noted, he says, it was clearly known from what kind of peoples the triumph had been won. For these regions were Pontus, Armenia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, Media, Colchis, Iberia, Albania, Syria, Cilicia, Mesopotamia. In addition, those who dwell around Phoenicia and Palestine, the Jews, the Arabs. Also whatever kinds of pirates there were, by land and sea, had been subdued. Among these there were noted not fewer than a thousand fortresses captured, nearly nine hundred cities, eight hundred pirate ships; forty-eight cities inhabited by Roman colonies. To these things also was added that the whole revenue of the Roman people before that war had been fifty times a hundred thousand: but with those which he himself obtained for the Roman People, eighty-five times a hundred thousand. Moreover, in the treasury there were vessels, gold and silver coined to the amount of twenty thousand talents, besides what was divided among the soldiers, of whom the one who received the least carried away 1,500 bronze coins. These words mean that the revenue of the Roman People before Mithridates was conquered, was 500 million sesterces; and that from Pompey’s third expedition there was an increase of 350 million. This total in our money is worth 225,000 golden pieces. If within such a sum we wish to confine the revenue of the Roman Empire, we shall be laughed at by those who know the realm. Sum of the tributes of the Roman People from Plutarch.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Reditus regni Franciæ. gni nostri tributa. Quo anno hæc prodidi, princeps noster tantam ferme pecuniâ ex ditione Gallica percepit. Quod ne comminisci uidear, scire licet apud nos tria esse pensi= tationum genera ex quibus ærarium nostrum constat, Ca= Canon. nonem, Oblationem, & Indictionem. In Canone césentur ea quæ sceptris ita hærent, ut cum sceptris nata, nec si= ne ijs interitura uideantur, qualia sunt portoria, & isa= gogica uel exagogica quæ in introitu uel exitu urbium uel locorum aliorum pensitantur. Et in uniuersum uecti= galia quæ multis nominibus accepta referuntur in ratio= cinijs principalibus, & possessiones prædiaq[ue]; quorum e= tiam mancipium proprium est diadematis Francici, nec in Regalia. commercio hominum esse putatur, duntaxat ut perpetuò emancipari ipsæ possessiones possint. Huc accedunt rega= liorum clientelarumq[ue]; iura, id est iura quædam certarum perceptionu[m] in eas possessiones adscripta, quæ in fide sunt diadematis. Accedunt & commissa omnia, & aduentitiæ Albana, ade- spota. quæ assertorem non habent, Albana uulgo dicuntur, ade= spota à Græcis appellantur, quæ assertorem nullum atque uindicem habent, ob idq[ue] in fiscum cedunt. Strabo libro decimoseptimo de Aegypto loquens, ἀλλος δή ἔσιν ὑπο= στοιοροβοῦναι ἔδος λόγος, ὑς τῶν αλεαστων καὶ τῶν ἀινοι= σαρα πιπλειν ὑφιλόντων ἐκτετασίς ἔσιν. Eôdem pertinent uno uerbo omnia in fiscum cedentia, ut caducorum iura in ex= ternorum hominum hæreditates, qui quidem ius ciuilitatis Aut prouinciæ à principe non impetrarint. In secundo ge Oblationes. nere sunt quæ Oblationes dicuntur, uicesima, & octaua, & quarta in quibusdam locis, in res promercales statutæ, & salarium uectigal, & exoticum, omnia à popularibus olim principibus delata: unde nomen Oblatio apud pri= scos accepit. Horum duorum generum ut æstimationem certam

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE REVENUE AND THE Revenue of the kingdom of France. Our prince, in that year which I set forth, received from the Gallic domain almost so much money. Lest I should seem to invent this, it may be known that among us there are three kinds of levies from which our treasury is made up: Canon, Oblation, and Indiction. In Canon are counted those things which adhere so closely to the sceptres that they seem born with the sceptres, and not to perish without them, such as tolls, and isagogica or exagogica, which are exacted at the entrance or exit of cities or other places. And in general, the revenues which are entered under many names in the princely accounts, and the estates and lands, of which the proper ownership too belongs to the French diadem, and which are not thought to be in the commerce of men, only so that the lands themselves may be perpetually emancipated. To these are added the rights of royalties and vassalages, that is, certain rights of specific receipts assigned to those possessions, which are held in the faith of the diadem. There are added also all confiscations, and adventitious property with no claimant, commonly called Albana , called adespota by the Greeks, which have no claimant and no defender, and for that reason pass into the treasury. Strabo, in the seventeenth book, speaking of Egypt, says: ἀλλος δή ἔσιν ὑποστοιοροβοῦναι ἔδος λόγος, ὑς τῶν αλεαστων καὶ τῶν ἀινοισαρα πιπλειν ὑφιλόντων ἐκτετασίς ἔσιν. To the same class belong, in a single word, all things falling to the treasury, such as the rights of escheats in the inheritances of foreign men, who have not obtained from the prince the right of citizenship or of province. In the second ge- neration are those which are called Oblations: the twentieth, and the twenty-eighth, and in some places the fourth, imposed on goods for sale; and the salary tax, and the exotic tax, all formerly levied from the common people by princes; whence the name Oblation was received among the ancients. Of these two kinds, in order to estimate them exactly

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. certam facere nequeo, sic ad sexcenta aureorum millia, hoc nomine accepta referri haud incerta ratiocinatione colli= go. Tertium genus Indictio appellatur. < Indictio.> hoc caput statam plerunque habet summam paulo plus octingena & quin= quagenta aureorum millia, ita ut urbes insignes stipendia= riæ non sint. Indictio ob id appellata, quòd anniuersa= rijs diplomatis indicitur. < Superindictiones.> Ex quo tamen trans Alpes res gessimus, accessionibus quas superindictiones appellant, identidem aucta est. Sic enim sunt Galli homines, ut pro= ut quidque principi aut collibuit, aut collibuisse dictite= tur, id perinde ius fasq[ue] esse credatur: omnium haud du= biè mortalium, qui quidem Barbari non sint, maximè (ut Græce dicitur) Pitharchici, id est principalibus edictis æquo animo obsequentes, nec ideo tamen minus liberta= tem loquendi uiuendiq[ue] usurpantes, principibus etiam haud inuitis. < Pitharchici Franci.> Sic enim fert huius regni genius, nobis à Deo omnipotente Christianissimi nominis (ut arbitror) com= mendatione concessus, ut & obsequiosa alacritate ser= uiamus, & qui nobis imperant, liberos nos esse non no= lint. Verùm quo anno hæc prodidi, uno edicto princeps ter & tricies centena millia Fracicorum imperauit. Qui= bus accedit haud cōtemnenda summa quam cuiusuis non est intelligere. Neotericò enim inuento hominum in æra= ria officina perpolitorum factum est, ut dies pensitatio= num ita cedant, ut inseqventis anni quadrans primus in ultimum præcedentis incurrat, sic que quinque quadran= tes in uno asse reperiantur. Nouo etiam aucupio trientes ex quadrantibus facti, quò perplexioribus inuolucris res argentaria intricaretur. Hoc nomine dicere possem quantum accessionis hoc biennio factum sit, populo ita deuorante strophas argentarias, ut nihil non concoxe= rit

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. I cannot make this certain, but I infer by no doubtful reckoning that, under this heading, it is entered as having been received to the amount of six hundred thousand gold pieces. The third kind is called Indictio . < Indictio.> This heading commonly has a fixed total, a little more than eight hundred and fifty thousand gold pieces, so that the distinguished cities are not taxed. It is called Indictio because it is proclaimed by annual diploma. < Superindictiones.> Since, however, we have carried matters beyond the Alps, it has been increased from time to time by additions which they call superindictiones . For such are the French that, whatever happens to please the prince, or is said to have pleased him, that is believed to be equally law and right: of all mortals, beyond doubt, who are not barbarians, they are especially, as the Greeks say, Pitharchici , that is, obedient with a calm spirit to princely edicts, and yet for that reason no less accustomed to the freedom of speech and life, even without displeasing the princes. < Pitharchici Franci.> For such is the genius of this kingdom, granted to us by Almighty God, as I think, with the commendation of the most Christian name, that both by ready obedience we serve, and those who rule us do not wish us not to be free. But in the year in which I published these things, by a single edict the prince imposed on the French thirteen hundred and sixty thousand. To these must be added a sum not to be despised, which it is not for everyone to understand. For by a recent invention of men polished in the minting workshop, the days of the payments have been so arranged that the first quarter of the following year falls into the last of the preceding one, and thus five quarters are found in one as . By a new device, too, thirds were made out of quarters, so that financial affairs might be entangled in more perplexing wrappings. Under this heading I could say how much increase has been made in this two-year period, the people so swallowing the tricks of finance that it has digested everything.

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET rit: id quod eò pertinet, quod dixi de æquanimitate populi in accipiendis obeundisq[ue] imperijs. In quo utinam etiam felicitatem suam ac benignitatem diuinam principes agnoscerent: nec fallere nos ij homines existimarent, qui huiuscemodi commentis deum & superos omnes aut accommodare conniuentiam, aut arridere credunt. Verùm ut ad rem redeamus, hoc affirmare ausim, Indictio= num capiti principem quo anno hæc prodidi, non minus acceptum retulisse, supputata cum sorte supradicta re= præsentatione, quàm quanta sit æstimatio illa supradicta octingenties sestertij. < Plutarchi locus.> Quare apud Plutarchum legendum antea putabam, quinquagies decies centena millia drachmarum. Græci enim uunquam per se sestertium millia numeros colligere solent, sed per myriadas chiliadas que drachmarum, ut non semel antè diximus. Nunc autem quod antea conijcibam, certò ac non dubiè opinor, ut paulò pòst ostendam. hac uerò ratione summa illa redi= tus Romani quadruplicato augetur, & fit ter millies & quadringenties sestertium, id est, octogies quinquies cen= tena millia aureorum nostrorum. < Summa pecuniæ à Pôpeio in ærarium illatæ triumpho Mithridatico.> Summa autem pecuniæ in ærarium relatæ ab eodem Pompeio, fit centies & ui= cies centena millia aureorum, quod nos duodecies millies mille aureos lingua uernacula dicimus: Græci mille ac ducentas myriadas appellant. Myrias enim numerum decies millenarium significat. Quòd si præter hoc æstime= mus in capita singula mulitum sesquilibram argenti, id est mille & quingentos æris, æstimatio in immensum abibit: et tam[m]e corruptu[m] id esse apud Plutarchu[m] interpretis culpæ facilè ostedemus ex Appiano, q[ui] in eo libro q[ui] Mithridati= cus dicitur, de hoc loqués ita inq[ui]t, Fini[n]te hyeme Pôpeius præmia militibus exhibuit, uiritim mille & quingentas drachmas

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET rit: that which pertains to what I said about the even temper of the people in accepting and undertaking offices. In this matter, would that princes too might recognize their own good fortune and divine favor; nor would they think us men deceivers, who believe that by such contrivances God and all the heavenly powers either wink at, or smile upon them. But to return to the point, I would dare to affirm this: that in the year when I published these things, the prince of the Indiction, when the above-mentioned reckoning is computed together with the aforesaid sum, returned no less in receipts than the amount of that aforementioned valuation of eight hundred million sesterces. <A passage from Plutarch.> For which reason I once thought that in Plutarch it should be read, “five hundred million drachmas.” For the Greeks never customarily total up sesterces by themselves, but by myriads and chiliads of drachmas, as we have said more than once before. Now however what I formerly conjectured, I now think certainly and without doubt to be so, as I shall show a little later. And by this calculation that whole amount of Roman revenue is increased fourfold, and becomes three hundred and forty thousand million sesterces, that is, eighty-five hundred thousand of our gold pieces. <The sum of money brought into the treasury by Pompey in the Mithridatic triumph.> The sum of money entered in the treasury by the same Pompey comes to one hundred and twenty million gold pieces, which in our vernacular we call twelve thousand times a thousand gold pieces; the Greeks call it twelve hundred myriads. For a myriad signifies the number ten thousand. But if in addition to this we estimate a half-pound of silver for each person, that is fifteen hundred asses, the valuation will go beyond all measure: and that it is corrupt there in Plutarch, by the fault of the translator, we can easily show from Appian, who in that book which is called the Mithridatic, speaking of this matter, says thus: “When winter had ended, Pompey gave rewards to the soldiers, to each man fifteen hundred drachmas.”

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 303 drachmas Atticas, ducibus eorum condigna pariter impendit, quorum summa decies sexagies mille talenta attigisse creditur. Vbi legendum, Quarum summa[m] aiunt fuisse talenta sedecim millia, uel decem & sex millia. καὶ ἔκασον ἐνδειχιλια pentan[n]osias απικὰς, καὶ ποίς πηνεινοις ὑπων αυάλενον. & ducibus eorum pro portione, καὶ φασὶ γενεα[n] παλαιντα μυεια ἐκαιχιλια. Huiusmodi corruptos numeros no[n] semel apud eum autorem Latinum factum offendi: sed ex his uerbis intelligimus non mille & quingentos æris, ut interpres existimauit, sed mille & quingentas dra= chmas, id est denasquinas libras argenti, hoc est centenos quinquagenos aureos singulis militibus datos. Ex Plutarcho autem ipso Græco, qui post alteram etiam libri huius editionem ad nos peruenit, error interpretis ipsius Plutarchi manifestus est. sic enim in eo loco historiæ legitur, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἐφρασε σκὴ τῶν ζαμμάτων, ὑπι πενταιχιλια μὴ μυειάδες ἐκ τῶν τελῶν ὑπηρχον, ἐκ δὲ ὑπος προσεντήσα ἐπὶ τὴν πόλει, μυειάδες ὑπταιχιλιας πεντακσίας λαμβάνουν. Et paulò post, τῶν δὲ σκαπωτῶν ὑπο ποιλὰχισον ὑφων κατὰ λόγον, δὲ χιμὰς ἐιληφε χιλιας πεντακσίας. Ex quibus apparet interprete numos sestertios uel asses pro drachmis intellexisse, errore luculento, qui etiam tributa pro uectigalibus translutit. Plutarchus enim ijs summis uectigalia, id est τέλη, no[n] tributa, id est φόρας, significasse mihi uidetur. Quod autem Plutarchus quinq[ue]; nullia myriadu[m] scripsit, quingēties cētena millia latinè uerti debuit, uel quingēties sestertiu[m], si quidem sestertios nummos intelligi uolebat. Et secudo loco octingenties quinquagies. Verùm quoni[n]a[m] Plutarchus more Græcoru[m] scripsit, summa quadruplicato excrescit, & fit ter millies & quadringēties centena millia num[m]um, uel ter millies quadringenties sestertium. Plutarchi autem uerba < Vectigalia. Tributa.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 303 drachmas Atticas, he likewise expended on their leaders, whose total is believed to have reached ten times sixty thousand talents. Here one should read, as they say, that the total was sixteen thousand talents, or sixteen thousand. καὶ ἔκασον ἐνδειχιλια pentan[n]osias απικὰς, καὶ ποίς πηνεινοις ὑπων αυάλενον. & for their leaders proportionately, καὶ φασὶ γενεα[n] παλαιντα μυεια ἐκαιχιλια. I have more than once found this sort of corrupted numerals in that Latin author: but from these words we understand not one thousand and five hundred asses, as the translator supposed, but one thousand and five hundred drachmas, that is, fifteen pounds of silver, that is, one hundred and fifty gold coins given to each soldier. But from Plutarch himself in Greek, which came to us after a second edition of this book as well, the error of Plutarch’s own translator is manifest. For thus it is read in that passage of the history: πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἐφρασε σκὴ τῶν ζαμμάτων, ὑπι πενταιχιλια μὴ μυειάδες ἐκ τῶν τελῶν ὑπηρχον, ἐκ δὲ ὑπος προσεντήσα ἐπὶ τὴν πόλει, μυειάδες ὑπταιχιλιας πεντακσίας λαμβάνουν. And a little later, τῶν δὲ σκαπωτῶν ὑπο ποιλὰχισον ὑφων κατὰ λόγον, δὲ χιμὰς ἐιληφε χιλιας πεντακσίας. From these passages it is clear that the translator understood coinage in sestertii or asses instead of drachmas, a very obvious error; he also translated taxes as revenues. For Plutarch seems to me in those amounts to have meant revenues, that is, τέλη, not taxes, that is, φόρας. But since Plutarch wrote five million myriads, it ought to have been rendered in Latin as five hundred times one hundred thousand, or five hundred times one hundred thousand sesterces, if indeed he intended sestertius coins. And in the second place, eight hundred times fifty. But since Plutarch wrote in the Greek manner, the sum increases fourfold, and becomes three thousand four hundred times one hundred thousand coins, or three thousand four hundred times a hundred thousand sesterces. Plutarch’s words, however, < Vectigalia. Tributa.>

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET uerba sic uerti ad uerbum possunt: Ex ijs uerò quæ ipse ciuitati Romanæ iam quæsitis addidit, Romanos capere quotannis octo millia & quingentas myriadas drachma= rum. Sic superior summa quaternario multiplicata, efficit ter millies & quadringenties centena millia. Plinius lib. Cap. 2. xxxvii. hunc triumphu[m] magnificè descripsit, sed adeò corruptus ad nos peruenit, ut satis habuerim locum notare, quem transcribere non poteram. Qui tamen locum illum legerit, Plutarchum mirabitur uiginti tantum millibus talentum æstimasse prædam in ærarium illatam. Apud Plinium in eius triumphi descriptione ad ultimum ita legitur in codicibus omnibus impressis, Cætera triumphi eiusdem quàm uerissime subijciam, Reipub. datum mille talentum, Legatis & Quæstoribus qui oras maris defendissent, sestertia bina millia: commulitibus singulis quinquaginta. Hoc prorsus non conuenit nec cum Appiano, nec cum Plutarcho. bina enim millia sestertium quinas libras argenti ualent, & quinquaginta sestertij uiginti drachmas. Præterea quis credat Plinium post bina millia dixisse quinquaginta? saltem quinquagenta emendatores scribe- rent. In antiquis quos uidi, sic legitur, Cætera triumphi eiusdem quàm uirilia. Reip. & Quæstoribus qui oras maris defendissent, datum mille talentum: militibus singulis Plinij locus. sena millia sestertium. Et hactenus legitur. Fortasse autem sic legi debet, Cætera triumphi eiusdem quàm uirilia (ut hoc referatur ad superiora, in quibus Plinius molilitiem & delicias reprehendit) præfectis & quæstoribus qui oras maris defendissent, datu[m] mille talentum, militibus singulis sena millia sestertium, comitibus singulis quinquagena. Vt intelligamus comites, eos qui spōte Pompeiu[m] secuti sunt. Sena millia sestertiu[m], millenas & quinquagenas drachmas

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON THE ASSE AND the words may be translated thus, word for word: But from the things which he himself added to the Roman state, already acquired, the Romans take each year eight thousand and five myriads of drachmas. Thus the above sum, multiplied by four, makes three thousand four hundred times one hundred thousand. Pliny, book Cap. 2. xxxvii., described this triumph magnificently, but it has come down to us so corrupted that I have thought it enough to note the passage, which I could not transcribe. Whoever, however, reads that passage will wonder that Plutarch estimated at only twenty thousand talents the booty brought into the treasury. In Pliny, in the description of that triumph, it is read at the end in all printed copies, “[The] rest of that same triumph, I will subjoin as exactly as possible, to the state was given one thousand talents; to the legates and quaestors who had defended the sea-coasts, two thousand sesterces; to the common soldiers, fifty each.” This is by no means in agreement either with Appian or with Plutarch. For two thousand sesterces are worth five pounds of silver, and fifty sesterces twenty drachmas. Besides, who would believe that Pliny, after “two thousand,” said “fifty”? At least the emenders should write “fifty thousand.” In the ancient copies which I have seen, it is read thus: “[The] rest of that same triumph, [is] much more manly. To the state and to the quaestors who had defended the sea-coasts, one thousand talents was given; to each soldier Pliny’s passage: six thousand sesterces.” And so far it is read. But perhaps it should be read thus: “The rest of that same triumph [was] much more manly” (so that this may refer to the preceding matters, in which Pliny censures softness and luxury); to the prefects and quaestors who had defended the sea-coasts, one thousand talents were given; to each soldier six thousand sesterces; to each companion, fifty thousand. So that we may understand by “companions” those who willingly followed Pompey. Six thousand sesterces, one thousand and fifty drachmas

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 305 drachmas significant, quod c[on]uenit cu[m] supradictis. Quapropter admirari subit uel emendatorum licentiam, uel li= brariorum incuriam, qui hunc locum ita corruperunt: ex quo coniecturam in uniuersam Plinij emendationem face= re licet. Appianus autor est, in exercitu Pompeij ab ini= tio statim peditu[m] uiginti millia, et equitu[m] quatuor fuisse: et legatos ei quinque et uiginti à Senatu decretos. Vt ergo in singulos pedites mille et quingentas drachmas dederit, et tria nullia in equites (sic enim fieri solitum, ut equites uel duplex uel triplex donatiuum acciperent, et duplex Centuriones) Pompeius ultra mille talenta le= gatis et præfectis data, non potuit minoris quadringen= tis et uiginti millibus argenti libris defungi. Fiunt in sum= ma cum mille talentis quadringenta octoginta millia pon= do, quæ ære nostro duodequinquagies centenis millibus aureorum æstimantur. In singula enim pondo, denos au= reos numeramus. Atque in hoc rationem nullam habeo centurionatus, nec auxiliaris militis, et euocati, et pro= uinciatim collecti. Appianus Latinus (ut diximus) sum= < App. locus.> mas argenti non modò incredibiles, sed etiam absurdas re fert: apud quem legitur, in eam largitionem Pompeium decies sexagies mille talenta impendisse. Ego autem inter= pretem non sexagies decies, sed decies et sexies scripsisse puto, pro sedecim talentorum millibus, quæ ære nostro se= xies et nonagies centena millia aureorum dici possunt. Hoc donatiuum Pompeianum non modò credibile, sed etiam contemnendum nec memorabile fecerunt illa quæ postea secuta sunt donatiua, ad bella ciuilia legiones au= torantia, ut posthac ostendemus. Nunc uerò si Romani < Magnitudo Romani imperij.> imperij magnitudine non dico ostendere, sed argumentis tantum conijciendam relinquere uelim, longus de integro u instaur

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 305 drachmas signify, which agrees with what has been said above. Wherefore one is moved to wonder either at the boldness of the emenders or at the carelessness of the scribes, who have so corrupted this passage; from which it is possible to draw a conjecture for the emendation of the whole of Pliny. Appian is the authority that in Pompey’s army, from the very beginning, there were immediately twenty thousand infantry and four thousand cavalry, and that twenty-five legates were decreed to him by the Senate. Therefore, if he gave fifteen hundred drachmas to each foot-soldier and three thousand to the horsemen (for so it was customary, since cavalrymen used to receive either a double or triple donative, and centurions a double one), Pompey, besides the more than one thousand talents given to the legates and prefects, could not have paid out less than four hundred and twenty thousand pounds of silver. In all, together with the thousand talents, it amounts to four hundred and eighty thousand pounds, which in our coinage are valued at twelve million six hundred thousand gold pieces. For in each pound we count ten gold pieces. And in this calculation I take no account of the centurionate, nor of auxiliary troops, nor of the veterans, nor of those levied province by province. Appian the Latin writer (as we have said) reports sums of silver not merely incredible, but even absurd: in him it is read that Pompey expended sixteen times sixty thousand talents on that largess. But I think the interpreter wrote not “sixty times ten,” but “ten and six times,” for sixteen thousand talents, which in our coinage may be said to amount to six million nine hundred thousand gold pieces. This Pompeian donative was made not only credible, but also negligible and not worth mentioning, by those other donatives which followed afterward, encouraging legions for civil wars, as we shall show later. But now, if I should wish to set forth the greatness of the Roman empire not by direct statement, but only to leave it to be inferred from arguments, a long digression would be needed anew to restore < Magnitudo Romani imperij.>

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET instaurâdus erit sermo. Plinius lib. VI 1. detrophæis triu= phisq[ue] Pompeianis loquês ita inquit, Triumphi uero quê deduxit Pompeius ad tertiu[m] Calend. Octob. præfatio hæc fuit, C[uius] ora[m] maritimam à prædonibus liberasset, et impe rium maris populo Romano restituisset, ex Asia, Ponto, Armenia, Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, Syria, Scy= this, Iudæis, Albanis, Iberia insula, Creta, Basternis, et su per hæc de Regibus Mithridate atq[ue] Tigrane triumpha= uit. Summa summaru[m] in illo gloria fuit, ut ipse in concio= ne dixit cùm de rebus suis dissereret, Asiam ultimâ prouin ciaru[m] accepisse, eandemq[ue] media[m] patriæ reddidisse. Si quis econtrario simili modo uelit percensere Cæsaris res, qui maior illo apparuit: totum profectò terrarum orbem enu= meret, quod infinitu[m] esse conueniet. Asiam hoc in loco Plinius pro peninsula Asiæ accipit, quod regnu[m] olim Lydiorum dictum est. Tranquillus in Cæsare, Gessit aute[m] noue[m] annis, quibus cum imperio fuit, hæc ferè. Omnem Galliam quæ à saltu Pyrenæo Alpibusq[ue] et monte Gebenna, flumi nibus Rheno et Rhodano continetur, patetq[ue] circuitu ad bis et tricies centu[m] millia passuum, præter socias ac bene meritas ciuitates, in prouinciæ forma[m] redegit, eiq[ue] in sin= gulos annos stipedij nomen imposuit. Ab his duobus duci bus Rom. res magnopere creuit, Quanta aute[m] peninsulæ <Asia proprie.> Asiæ fuerit accessio, quæ Asia proprio ac priuato nomine dicta[m] est, ut autor est Plinius, ex eo conijcere datur, quòd Plutarchus in Lucullo scribit, Syllam quu[m] foedere icto cu[m] < Viginti millia talentum Asiæ imperata à Sylla.> Mithridate Asiam recepisset, uiginti millia talentum mul= etæ nomine Asiæ imperasse, eiq[ue] pecuniæ colligendæ Lu= cullum qui secu[m] militauerat, præfecisse, ut inde pecuniâ si= gnaret. quata[m] aute[m] sit pecunia, nos suprà docuimus.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET the discussion will be renewed. Pliny, book VI, in his account of the triumphs of Pompey, speaks thus: “The triumph which Pompey led to the 3rd day before the Kalends of October had this preface: ‘Having freed the seacoast from pirates and restored the rule of the sea to the Roman people, he triumphed over Asia, Pontus, Armenia, Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, Syria, Scythia, the Jews, the Albanians, the island of Iberia, Crete, the Basternae, and, in addition to these, over King Mithridates and Tigranes.’” The sum total of his glory in that affair was, as he himself said in an assembly when speaking of his own achievements, that he had received Asia as the last of the provinces and had returned it as part of the middle of the fatherland. If, on the other hand, one wished in a similar way to list Caesar’s achievements, who appeared greater than Pompey, he would certainly enumerate the whole circle of the earth, which it will be agreed is infinite. In this passage Pliny takes Asia as the peninsula of Asia, which was once called the kingdom of Lydia. Suetonius, in his Life of Caesar, says that during the nine years in which he held command he did about the following. He reduced to the form of a province all Gaul, which is bounded by the Pyrenean pass, the Alps, and Mount Cebenna, and by the rivers Rhine and Rhone, and which extends in circuit to 3,250,000 paces, apart from allied and well-deserving cities, and imposed upon it a yearly tribute. From these two commanders the Roman state greatly increased. How great, however, was the addition of the peninsula of Asia, that is, of Asia properly and by its own special name so called, as Pliny states, may be inferred from this: Plutarch writes in Lucullus that, after Sulla had recovered Asia by treaty concluded with Mithridates, he imposed upon it, under the name of a fine, twenty thousand talents, and appointed Lucullus, who had served with him, to collect the money, so that he might draw money from it. How much money that is, we have explained above.

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. Donatium Cæsaris & co- giariu[m] memorabile. [ Σεπλῶ άσίαν Συμμερίοις παλάνθις ιερμίωσε]. Appianus in se- cundo de bellis ciuilibus, de Cæsare Dictatore loqués, Sta tim post triumphum quæcúq[ue] exercitui pollicitus fuerat, omnia cum additamento exoluit, militi drachmas Atticas quinque millia, manipuli ductori bis totidem, Tribunis mi litu[m], equituq[ue]; præfectis duplo maius. Sic enim legi debet, ςκαπῶτη μὴν ανὰ πεντακίχιλίας δαχινὰς ατπκὰς, λοχαρῶ δὲ ἀυτῶς Σπλαστον, καὶ χιλιάρχο καὶ ιππάρχο ζεῦνο Σπλαστον, καὶ πῶς Σημότας ἔκάσω μαῖν ἀγίων. Ad hæc, singulis ex po pulo nunam unam Atticam. Apud Tranquillum locus mu tilatus est. Veteranis, inquit, legionibus prædæ nomine in pedites singulos super bina sestertia quæ initio ciuilis tu= multus numerauerat, in equites uicenaquaterna nullia nummûm dedit: populo præter frumenti denos modios, ac totidem olei libras, trecenos quoq[ue] nummos quos pollici= tus olim erat, uiritim diuisit: & hoc amplius centenos pro mora: annuam etiam habitationem Romæ usq[ue]; ad bina millia nummûm, in Italia non ultra quingenos sestertios. Quadringentos sestertios dedisse uiritim populo Tran= quillus dicit, & Appianus minam Atticam, quod idem est: ex quo loco comprobatur id quod semper diximus, librâ fuisse centenûm denariorum: & soluitur obiectu[m] superius factum ex Prisciano. Sed hic quina millia drachmaru[m] data dicit in singulos milites, & in equitum præfectos singu= los multo maiorem summam: ille in equites uicenaquater= na millia nummûm, id est sena millia drachmarum. quare locum mutilatum esse oportet apud Tranquillum. Sed & apud Appianum nulla equitum fit mentio. ἰππαρχοι enim turmarum ductores sunt, non λοχαρoi, ut interpres intel= lexit: quo uerbo Appianus uti solet pro Centurione, quæ= admodum & in quarto de pronuntiatione eius donatiui u 2 loquens

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART OF HIS BOOK III. A memorable gift of Caesar. [Greek text]. Appian, in the second book of the Civil Wars, speaking of Caesar the Dictator, says that immediately after his triumph he paid out everything he had promised to the army, with an addition: to the soldier five thousand Attic drachmas; to the leader of a maniple twice as much; to the tribunes, cavalry, and prefects, a larger amount still. For so the passage should be read: [Greek text]. And in addition, one Attic mina to each man of the people. In Suetonius the passage is mutilated. “To the veteran legions,” he says, “under the name of booty, he gave to each foot-soldier more than two thousand sesterces, which at the beginning of the civil commotion he had reckoned; to the horseman, twenty-four thousand nummi: to the people, besides ten measures of grain and as many pounds of oil, he distributed individually also the three hundred nummi which he had once promised; and this, moreover, because of the delay, an additional hundred each; likewise annual housing in Rome up to two thousand nummi, in Italy not more than five hundred sesterces.” Suetonius says that he gave four hundred sesterces to each member of the people, and Appian says an Attic mina, which is the same thing. From this passage it is confirmed what we have always said, that the libra consisted of one hundred denarii; and the objection made above from Priscian is answered. But here he says that five thousand drachmas were given to each soldier, and to each of the prefects of the cavalry a much larger sum; the other says, to the horsemen, twenty-four thousand nummi, that is, six thousand drachmas. Therefore the passage in Suetonius must be mutilated. But even in Appian no mention is made of the horsemen. For the ἱππάρχοι are leaders of squadrons, not λοχαγοί, as the interpreter understood; a word which Appian is accustomed to use for a centurion, just as also in the fourth book, speaking of the pronunciation of that donation, he...

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. 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Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET speaking in the speech made by Anthony, [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] [etc] 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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. Ais μυρία καὶ διὰ καὶ τεαράς καὶ τετραυσίας λίτρας, ἀφ ἐνδύσ ἐπι λευθειάμενον Πεῦ ἀπεχημένα πανθέ ἀποθέαλων. Summa talentorum æstimatione nostra undequadragies millies mille aureos nostros ualet. Viginti millia pon= do auri, ut minimum uicies centena millia superiori addi= dit summæ, ut sint semel & quadragies millies mille aureo rum coronatorum, hoc est quadringenties decies centena millia: cuius summæ bonam partem Cæsar ex Gallorum spolijs coëgit: præter ea quæ impendit in emerendo fauo= re plebis & potentium Romæ, ut Pauli & Curionis, & aliorum, ut suprà dictum est. Omnia enim illa ante bellum ciuile contigerant: sed triumphi ducti sunt post bella ciuili confecta. Antonius autem Triumvir post mortem Cæsaris bellum Philippense pariter cum Cæsare qui postea Augustus dictus est, gessit in Cæsaris interfectores: quo confecto morte Cassij & Bruti, cum Cæsar Octavius Romam redijsset, ipse Antonius in Græciam se contulit, ut il- lic de donatiuo statueret quod militi antea polliciti fue= rant: quod'que (ut Plutarchus inquit) quinûm milliu[m] dra= chmarum in singula capita fuerat, ut antè Cæsaris, id est uicenûm millium nummûm, ἀπεχημένοι ἡφεκάσω σκαπῶτη δραχμαίς πεντακιχιλίας, ἔδειοντο σωπονωτέρα χηματομήνεις καὶ δασμολογίας. Quantus autem fuerit exercitus eius, ex eode[m] autore alio loco nouimus: qui de altero dissidio Cæsaris et Antonij loqués, & de bello Mutinensi, quo tèpore Anto= nius Lepidi castra ingressus esse dicitur, Munatiu[m]q[ue] sibi adiuxisse, ὑπτω δὲ μεχρὰς αρθεῖς, αυθύς ἀποθέθαλε τὰς ἀλπδ, ἔς πῶ ἰταλίαν ἀγων ἐπικαινίαν τὴλη περῶν σων αυτῶ, καὶ μυρίας πιπέως. His rebus (inquit ille) elatus Antonius, castra Lepidi ingressus, quodam ex compotoribus suis cum sex legioni= bus in præsidio Galliæ relictio, ipse in Italiam redijt, decè millia π 3

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. ... The sum, by our estimate, is worth 49,000,000 of our gold pieces. Twenty thousand pounds of gold, at the least, added to the former sum, so that it makes 41,000,000 crowned gold pieces, that is 400,000,000: a good part of which sum Caesar wrung from the spoils of the Gauls; besides what he spent in purchasing the favor of the common people and of the powerful at Rome, such as Paulus and Curio, and others, as has been said above. For all these things happened before the civil war; but the triumphs were celebrated after the civil wars were finished. Antony, however, the Triumvir, after Caesar's death, waged the Philippian war together with Caesar, who was afterward called Augustus, against Caesar's assassins; and when this was concluded by the death of Cassius and Brutus, and when Caesar Octavius had returned to Rome, Antony himself went into Greece, in order to settle there the donative which they had previously promised to the soldiers: and this, as Plutarch says, had been 5,000 drachmas for each man, as before Caesar, that is, 20,000 coins; ... 5,000 drachmas ... they needed ... taxes and levies. How great his army was, we learn from the same author elsewhere: who, speaking of the other dispute between Caesar and Antony, and of the Mutina war, at the time when Antony is said to have entered Lepidus's camp and to have joined Munatius to himself, ... Carried away by these things, Antony entered Lepidus's camp, leaving one of his boon companions in charge with six legions as a garrison in Gaul; he himself returned into Italy, ten thousand...

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET millia equitum & decem & septem legiones peditum se= cum ages: quo tempore Cicero à Cæsare destitutus est ob id quòd libertati nimium tribuere uideretur, Cæsarq[ue] cum Antonio iterum in gratiam redijt. Vt autem omnia extenuare potius quàm augere uideamur: ponamus equitum peditumq[ue]; octoginta millia capitum fuisse (plenæ enim ra rò legiones erant) equites etiam & Centuriones in ordinem redigamus, ut in singula militum capita simplex donatiuum procedat, id est quingenti aurei: ad eam largitio nem quadringenties centena millia aureorum nostrorum constituenda sunt æstimatione iam dicta, ut proptum est colligere. Quod an credibile sit, ex ijs quæ infrà dicêtur, apparebit. Fuerat etiam memorabile donatiuu[m] Cassij & Bruti, quod Cassius in concione pronuntiauit. nam cum octoginta millia legionariorum essent in eius exercitu sine equitibus, ipse in singulos mulites mullenas & quingenas drachmas italicas se confestim repræsentaturum dixit ijs qui ad præliu[m] quod instabat, alacri animo ituri essent, & centurioni quincuplex donatiuu[m], & tribuno pro portione. καὶ νῦν ἰκασι ἐπι ἔγρον ἐνη, σωόδα ὑδὲ ἔνεκα, ἐπι ὑμην ἐνθυς ἀπὸ τὰς ἔνταμας, ἑραπῶτη μὴν χιλιας καὶ πεντακοσίας ἀφαχιὰς Ἱταλικὰς, χιλιάρχη ἔδὲ ἀνάλογον. & paulopost, Collaudantes autem mulites Brutu[m] & Cassium, cum se omnia eoru[m] causa, ut par erat, facturos polliciti essent, illi confestim quod pronunciarant, præsenti pecunia persoluerunt, & alia insuper alijs atque alijs nominibus erogauerunt. Hæc ratione in octoginta millia hominum, qui undeui ginti legiones non planè integras, ut ipse inquit, conficiebant, centies & uicies centena millia aureoru[m] Franciæ elargiti sunt, absque eo quod Centurionibus, quod Tribunis, quod equitibus datum est, qui am- plius

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET with a thousand horsemen and seventeen legions of infantry he would lead them; at which time Cicero was abandoned by Caesar because he seemed to attribute too much to liberty, and Caesar again came into favor with Antony. But so that we may seem rather to lessen than to increase everything, let us suppose that there were eighty thousand heads of horse and foot together (for the legions were rarely full), and let us also reckon horsemen and centurions among the ranks, so that a single gift may be reckoned for each soldier’s head, that is, five hundred gold coins: for such largess four hundred million of our gold coins must be set down by the valuation already stated, as is easy to gather. Whether this is believable will appear from what will be said below. Also memorable was the gift of Cassius and Brutus, which Cassius announced in the assembly. For when there were eighty thousand legionaries in his army, not counting cavalry, he himself said that he would at once hand over to each man one thousand five hundred Italian drachmas to those who were willing to go with a brave spirit to the battle that was imminent, and to each centurion a fivefold gift, and to the tribune in proportion. And now, a little later, after the soldiers had praised Brutus and Cassius and had promised that they would do everything for their sake, as was fitting, those men immediately paid in cash what they had proclaimed, and besides distributed further sums under one name and another. By this means, among eighty thousand men, who made up twenty incomplete legions, as he himself says, the French lavished one hundred and twenty million gold coins, apart from what was given to the centurions, to the tribunes, and to the horsemen, who received more.

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 311 plius decè nullia fuerunt, Celtæ, Lusitani, Parthi, & aliarum gentiu[m]. Eode[m] autem tempore Antonius cu[m] Ephesum in Asiam ex Græcia uenisset, & eò reges reginæq[ue]; Orientis ad eum salutandu[m] confluerent, sese suæq[ue]; ultro illi offerentes (ut autor est Plutarchus) diu ille per luxum inusitatu[m] debacchatus, cu[m] de primoribus uiris pro arbitrio suo statuisset, prædictarum rerum impendijs exhaustus, altera tande[m] uectigalia Asiaticis populis imperare institit. Ibi Hybreas quidam orator nobilis, qui causam gentium Asiaticaru[m] agendam receperat, huiusmodi oratione usus esse dicitur, memorabili certè, ac nostris quibusdam hominibus etiam atq[ue] etia[m] animaduertenda, si ipsis ab aulicis appari turis feriari paulisper uacaret, & animu[m] aduertere huiuscemodi acroamatis. Sed quædò id fieri non potest, proximu[m] est ut optemus per ora id hominu[m] ferri tandiu quo adusq[ue]; ad principes permanarit. Verùm ille orator, Si potes inquit, [n]o[n] Antoni alteru[m] uectigal eode[m] anno exigere: illud etia[m] possete æquu[m] est, binas ut eode[m] anno æstates, binosq[ue] etia[m] autu[n]nos habeamus. Duceta tibi talentum millia Asia iam pependit: hæc si tu no[n] accepisti, exige ab ijs qui acceperunt. sin cu[m] acceperis, ia[m] no[n] habes, quid nunc causæ est quin ipsi perierimus? ταυτα ἐπερ, ἐ μὴ ἐκ ἀληφας, ἀπώτει παρὰ τῶν λαβόντων. ἔδὲ λαβῶν ἐκ ἔχεις, ἀφολύλαμεν. Hoc sermone magnopere flexit Antonium Hybreas, ut quem plurima latuissent eoru[m] quæ fiebat: & erat no[n] tâ remisso animo quàm simplici, ideoq[ue] omnia credes ijs quos circa se esse uoluerat. Inerat enim moribus hominis simplicitas, nec cito ad secus admissa animu[m] aduertebat: uerùm ubi res perpera[m] actas senserat, illico poenitentia subibat eius animu[m], culpâq[ue] ingenuè etia[m] ad eosipsos agnoscebat ad quos res acta iniuriaq[ue]; pertinebat. Hic locus ut alia pleraq[ue] eius II 4 autoris

Transcription: Translated (English)

...more than ten thousand were exacted, from the Celts, Lusitanians, Parthians, and other peoples. At that same time, when Antony had come from Greece into Asia, to Ephesus, and the kings and queens of the East had flocked there to greet him and were freely offering themselves and their services to him (as Plutarch relates), after he had long indulged in an unusual excess of luxury, and had appointed the chief offices among the leading men at his own pleasure, and had exhausted the resources of the aforementioned expenditures, he at last began to impose new tributes on the Asiatic peoples. There a certain noble orator named Hybreas, who had undertaken the cause of the Asian peoples, is said to have used a speech of this kind, certainly memorable, and one that even some of our own men ought to consider again and again, if only they had leisure for a little listening away from court duties and could turn their minds to such a performance. But since that cannot be done, the next best thing is that we wish it to be carried from mouth to mouth among men, until it has reached the princes. Thus the orator said, “If you can, Antony, exact a second tribute in the same year, it is only fair that you also allow us two summers in the same year, and two autumns as well. Asia has already paid you two hundred thousand talents. If you have not received these, collect them from those who did receive them; but if, having received them, you no longer have them, what cause is there now why we should not ourselves be ruined?” ταυτα ἐπερ, ἐ μὴ ἐκ ἀληφας, ἀπώτει παρὰ τῶν λαβόντων. ἔδὲ λαβῶν ἐκ ἔχεις, ἀφολύλαμεν. By this speech Hybreas greatly moved Antony, so much so that very many of those things that were being done escaped him; and he was not so much remiss in mind as simple, and therefore believed everything in those who had wished to be around him. For there was a simplicity in the man’s character, and he did not quickly direct his mind to the possibility of wrongdoing; but when he perceived that matters had been handled improperly, immediately remorse seized his mind, and with frankness he acknowledged his fault even to those very persons to whom the act and the injury belonged. This passage, like many other things of that author’s...

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET autoris, mèdose Latinus factus est. Digna uerò omnino historia quæ in regiæ conspicuo loco sesquipedalibus literis proscriberetur, uel in æs incideretur potius, ut & pricipes nostri meminissent quid sui sit officij, & qui rei argentariæ apud nos summam tenent, innocentiùs & cautius obirent sua munera in posterum. Hic est ille M. Antonius qui Cleopatræ ultimæ Aegypti reginæ, Phoeniciam, Syriam, Cyprum, & Ciliciæ bonam partem, Iudæam balsa miseram & Nabathæorum Arabiam in stupri mercedem dedit: qui Antigonum Regem securi percussit: qui expeditionem in Parthos cum centum millibus peditum equitumq[ue] suscepit: cui denique nobilis illa cæna portentosi luxus conducta est à Cleopatra, in qua centies sestertium, id est ducenta & quinquaginta millia aureorum < Mirabilis cæna. > uno sciculo secundæ mensæ consumpta sunt. De hac re Athenæus in quarto Dipnosophistarum ita propemodum inquit, uerbis ex Rhodio Socrate transcripsit, qui bellum ciuile Cæsaris & Antonij scripsit: Quum autem Cleopatra obuiam processisset Antonio in Ciliciam, ibi conuiuium regium opiparumq[ue] instruxit, in quo aulicu[m] omne instrumentum aureum erat, gemmis etiam consertum singulari uasculatorum opificio. Erant etiam parietes purpureis aureisq[ue] peripetasmatis obteti. Duodecim igitur ad hunc modu[m] triclirijs constratis & instructis, Antoniu[m] ad conuiuium illud Cleopatra, quosdamq[ue] primorum uocauit, quos ei uisum fuit. Ibi Antonio apparatus magnificentiam cum stupore admirante, renidens Cleopatra, omnia[m] se illi dono dare respondit: & subinde in die posteru[m] cæna[m] ei condixit: ad qua[m] ille prostridie cu[m] uenisset comitatus amicis & proceribus, eo splendore Cleopatra atq[ue] ea opulentia conuiuiu[m] instruxit, ut hesternus apparatus despica- bilis

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET authoris, made Latin, was. Truly a history worthy indeed to be posted in a conspicuous place in the royal palace in letters a foot and a half high, or rather to be engraved in bronze, so that our princes might remember what is their duty, and those who hold the chief place in the public treasury among us might hereafter perform their offices more innocently and cautiously. This is that M. Antony who gave to Cleopatra, the last queen of Egypt, Phoenicia, Syria, Cyprus, and a good part of Cilicia, Judea to be miserably sold, and the Arabia of the Nabataeans, as the reward of lust; who struck down King Antigonus with the sword; who undertook the campaign against the Parthians with one hundred thousand infantry and cavalry; to whom, finally, that famous dinner of monstrous luxury was arranged by Cleopatra, at which one hundred sesterces, that is, two hundred and fifty thousand gold pieces, < Marvellous dinner. > were consumed in a single appetite of the second course. On this matter Athenaeus, in the fourth book of the Deipnosophists, says nearly thus, transcribing the words from Socrates of Rhodes, who wrote the civil war of Caesar and Antony: when Cleopatra had gone out to meet Antony into Cilicia, there she prepared a sumptuous and royal banquet, in which all the courtly equipment was golden, and even set with gems in a singular work of the plate-makers. The walls, too, were covered with purple and golden hangings. Therefore, twelve tricliniums having been thus laid out and furnished, Cleopatra invited Antony to that banquet, and certain of the foremost men, whom she thought fit. There, while Antony admired with amazement the magnificence of the display, Cleopatra, smiling, replied that she gave it all to him as a gift; and soon afterward she appointed him a dinner for the next day. When he came to this, accompanied by friends and nobles, Cleopatra prepared the banquet with such splendor and such wealth that the apparatus of the day before was contemptible

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. bilis præ eo uideretur. ac nihilo secius peracto conuiuio omnia identidem donauit: uisenda sanè munificentia, cum unicuiq[ue] conuiuarum permitteretur toralia, & lectum in quo accubuisset, & uasa aurea præterea auferre, ita ut cuiq[ue] lectisternio cesserat. His peractis sub digressum Antonij comutes prout dignitate aliqua præcellebant, ita partim lecticas gestatorias cu[m] seruis lecticarijs, partim equos instratos argenteis ephippijs referebant. queis omnibus regina eo amplius face prælucentes asseclas digredientibus repræsentauit, nou[m] eis auri[us] παρεκάλη σωφηπνήσαι, παίνητα μετὰ τῶν φίλων nou[m] τῶν υγεμόνων, ὑπενικοι παίνητοι Πακεσμήσανε κομμητοιον, ἐποίχονε φανηναε τὴν πρῶτα μικρὰ, nou[m] παίνητι nou[m] ταῦτα ἐδωρήσαν. τῶν άν υγεμόνων εφήν ἐκασων κατέκδον κλήνη, nou[m] τὴν κυλικια καθῶς τοῦς στόμαναι ἐμεμειρει, ἐκὰσω φερδην ἐπετρεφε, nou[m] κατὰς πλῶν ἐφοδην, τοῖς μὴν ἐν αξιώμασι φορθὰς συν τοῖς κενίζασι, τοῖς πλειοστὸν ἐν καταργησοις σκοβαίς κενομημένας ἐπισκε. Παίνητοι Πε λαμπηροφόρας παῖνητας αἰθίοπας παρεσκοε. Mirabitur forsan quippiam quonam modo ducêta millia talentûm uno anno Antonius ex Asia auferre potuerit. Asiam hic intelligere oportet Oriëtale populi Ro. imperium: quod quantu[m] fuerit ex partitione illa Triumvirali intelligere licet, quæ mihi instar fuisse uidetur Homericæ regnorum diuisionis inter Iouem, Neptunum & Plutonem. In ea partitione omnis ad Orienté tractus Antonio, ad Hesperiam Cæsari, hoc est Octauio concessus. Vtriusq[ue] autem imperij confinium, Ionium mare factum. Lepido Africa cessit. Ita ditio nostra omniu[m] citra mare longè hodie clarissima, portium cula propè dixerim fuit no[n] dico Romani imperij, sed tertia[m] partis eius. Postea autem sublato Lepido, cum Trium viratus ad Duumviratum redijsset, quantæ fuerint Ro- mani

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. ... seemed to exceed him in bounty. And after the banquet was over, he kept on giving everything away again and again: a generosity truly worth seeing, when each of the guests was allowed to take away the coverlets, and the couch on which he had lain, and besides the golden vessels, so that each person received the whole furnishing of a bed. When these things had been done, at Antony’s departure, the companions, according to the degree of distinction they possessed, some were carrying litters with their litter-servants, others horses equipped with silver saddles; and the queen, with torch-bearers illuminating them even more, presented herself to all of them as they went away, ... [Greek text]. Mirabitur forsan quippiam quonam modo ducêta millia talentûm uno anno Antonius ex Asia auferre potuerit. Asia here must be understood as the Eastern empire of the Roman people: how great this was may be seen from that Triumviral partition, which seems to me to have been like the Homeric division of kingdoms among Jupiter, Neptune, and Pluto. In that partition, the entire eastern region was assigned to Antony, the western to Caesar, that is, Octavian. And the boundary between the two empires was the Ionian Sea. Lepidus received Africa. Thus our dominion, on this side of the sea, is today far the most illustrious of all, or, I might almost say, a small portion—not of the Roman empire, but of its third part. Afterwards, however, Lepidus having been removed, when the Triumvirate had returned to a Duumvirate, how great were the Roman ...

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET mani imperij uires, æstimare datur ex utriusq[ue]; copijs si= < Actiacus exercitus.> quidem in Actiaco bello Antonius peditum c[æ]tum millia, equitum duo & uiginti, & naues bellicas non pauciores quingentis habuit, & sex Reges in comitatu suo: Cæsar autem naues bello aptas ducentos & quinquaginta, pedi tum octoginta millia, & equitum parem Antonio nume= rum. quo tempore, ut diximus, Lepido de medio sublato, Antonius ab Euphrate & Armenia ad Ionium mare & Illyricum: Cæsar ab Illyrico ad Hesperium oceanum, & ab oceano ad Tyrrhenum Siculumq[ue]; mare: Libyæ uerò quantum Italiæ Galliæq[ue]; & Hispaniæ obiectum est ad Herculeas columnas, obtinebat: Antonius uerò à Cyrene ad Aethiopiam. Appianus autem lib. v. bel. ciuilium Mar cum Antoniu[m] inducit Ephesi ad Græcas Asiaticasq[ue]; gen= tes orationem habentem, dicentemq[ue]; sibi duodetriginta legiones esse, quæ cum auxiliaribus centum & septuagin ta peditum nullia implerent, equitibus non adnumeratis: quas legiones reliquias esse dictitabat trium & quadræ= ginta legionum quas Mutinæ habuisset cum Cæsare & Lepido co[m]munes. 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Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. On the As and the forces of the empire may be estimated from both armies; if we consider the troops of each: < Actian army.> indeed, in the Actian war Antony had not fewer than one hundred thousand infantry, twenty-two thousand cavalry, and not fewer than five hundred warships, and six kings in his retinue; Caesar however had two hundred and fifty ships fitted for war, eighty thousand infantry, and a cavalry force equal to Antony’s number. At that time, as we said, Lepidus having been removed from the scene, Antony held from the Euphrates and Armenia to the Ionian Sea and Illyricum; Caesar from Illyricum to the western ocean, and from the ocean to the Tyrrhenian and Sicilian sea; while Libya, as far as is opposite Italy, Gaul, and Spain, as far as the Pillars of Hercules, he controlled; Antony, however, from Cyrene to Ethiopia. Appian, moreover, in book five of the Civil Wars, represents Mark Antony as speaking at Ephesus to the Greek and Asiatic nations, and saying that he had thirty-two legions, which, together with auxiliaries, made up one hundred and seventy thousand infantry, cavalry not being counted; these legions, he declared, were the remnants of the forty-three legions which he had had at Mutina in common with Caesar and Lepidus.

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 315. ιννια ἐτῶν φόρας ἔσενενκημὴν ἐτεσι Συν. ἔασπλοῦσι ἐν ἐνοι νάσμας ἐνι πόλεσμν ἐλοθέρας ἀμαία ἐν πιν ἐκάσων Συναμίν ιπετάχθην. Cum interim & regibus & potentatibus & liberis ciuitatibus aliæ insuper collationes imperarentur. Sic enim uerti debuit. Quod autem tributa decem annoru[m] Asiatici pop. Cassio pependissent, ipse Appianus his uerbis refert lib. IIIII. belloru[m] ciuiliu[m] de expugnatione Rhodilo quens, ὃ ἐν καυίον ὑδωνον τὴν ταχυδρια ἔν ὑδρα ἀλώσεως ἐνι ὑδε πλύθει τῶν ἡμιμάτων ἐπίτατεν ὑμως ἐνι ποίς ἀμοις ἐδυσει ἔν ὑδίας ἀπασι φόρας ἐτῶν δεκα συμφερδην. ἐνι οι μὴ ἐπράσων ὑσωτόνως. Ducenta igitur millia talentum quæ Plutarchus exacta esse ab Antonio dixit, ex ea collatione fue runt quæ uno & altero anno in noue annos indicta est. Hæc summa nomismate nostro centies & uicies nullies mille aureos ualet. Græcè duodecies millenas myriadas dicerem: uel centies & uicies centenas myriadas aureorum. Hac summa maiorem nullam (ut arbitror) dicturi sumus uno tèpore co[n]gestam, nisi maiores summæ in ærario fuisse uidentur, ut apparet ex ijs quæ lib. superiore adnotata sunt. Plin. lib. XXXIII. Messala orator prodidit Antoniu[m] Triumviru[m] aureis usum uasis in omnibus obscænis desiderijs, pude[n]do etia[m] crimine Cleopatræ. Et paulò inferius, Antonius in co[n]tumeliam naturæ, uilitate[m] auro fecit, opus proscriptione dignum. Idem autor est luxum tum primu[m] Romanu[m] po. inuasisse, quu[m] Asia deuicta est. Asia, inquit, primum deuicta luxuriam misit in Italiam. Siquidem L. Scipio transtulit in triumpho argenti pondo nullia quadringenta quinquaginta, & uasorum aureoru[m] pondo centum millia. Anno urbis conditæ quingentesimo sexagesi moquinto eade[m] Asia domita multo etiam grauius afflixit mores, inutilior victoria illa hæreditas Attalo rege mor tuo Asia demu[m] ui- cta, luxuria Ro ma[m] inuasit, ma gis etiam do- nata.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 315. ... in the year of the φόρας was made a levy in the cities of the free Synamīn ... ... imposes. Meanwhile, however, other contributions were also being levied from kings, potentates, and free cities. For thus it ought to have been translated. But that the Asian people paid tributes for ten years to Cassius, Appian himself relates in these words, lib. IIIII of the Civil Wars, on the capture of Rhodes: ... for by reason of the continual sieges and the multitude of the demands, nevertheless ... the whole Asia paid tributes for ten years in common. ... Therefore the two hundred thousand talents, which Plutarch says were exacted by Antony, were of that collection which was imposed for nine years, one and then another year. This sum, in our coinage, is worth one hundred and twenty million gold pieces. In Greek I would say twelve thousand myriad, or one hundred and twenty hundred myriad of gold pieces. We shall say that no larger sum than this, as I judge, was ever amassed at one time, unless it appears that greater sums were in the treasury, as is evident from what was noted above in the preceding book. Pliny, book XXXIII. Messala the orator reported that Antony the Triumvir used golden vessels in all his obscene pleasures, a shameful crime even with Cleopatra. And a little below: Antony, in contempt of nature, turned his baseness into gold, a work worthy of proscription. The same author says that luxury first invaded the Roman people when Asia was conquered. Asia, he says, first conquered, sent luxury into Italy. Indeed, L. Scipio carried in his triumph four hundred and fifty pounds of silver, and one hundred thousand pounds of golden vessels. In the year of the founding of the city 565, the same Asia, once subdued, burdened the morals even more heavily; that victory was an inheritance more harmful, since King Attalus was dead. Asia, once conquered, invaded Rome with luxury, and even more when it was given as a gift.

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tuo fuit. Tum enim hæc emendi Romæ in auctionibus regijs uerecundia exempta est, urbis anno DCXXVI. medijs LVII. annis erudita ciuitate amare etiam & no[n] solum admirari opulentiam externam. Immenso & Achaicæ victoriæ momento ad impellendos mores, quæ & ipsa hoc interuallo anno urbis DCVIII. Parthica signa & tabulas pietas inuexit, nequid deesset: pariterq[ue] luxuria nata est, & Carthago sublata, ita co[n]gruentibus fatis, ut liberet am plecti uitia, & liceret peccare ex dignatione. In quibusda[m] impressis libris legitur, & uasorum aureorum pondo ducenta millia, duplicato auri numero. In antiquis omnibus, pondo mille quingenta. adeò fluxa fides est exemplarium in numeris tradendis. Apud Liuium non millia, sed mille utrobiq[ue]; legitur: quod luculentam facit discrepantiam. In quibusda[m] antiquis mille legitur, in alijs per notas scriptu[m] est, ut ad mille & millia ambiguum sit. Sic autem inquit Liuius lib. VII. de bel. Maced. Tuit in triumpho uasoru[m] arg[umen]teorum (omnia cælata erant) mille pondo & ccccc XXIIII. aureorum mille pondo & XXIII. Præter hæc etiam duo uerba in supradicto loco corrupta esse intelligo ex obseruatione uetustæ lectionis. Neq[ue] enim Asia do mita lego, sed donata. Scimus enim Attalum Regem Asiæ, populum Romanum hæredem instituisse, autore Trogo lib. XXXVI. Deuictam igitur Asiam Plinius prius dixit luxuriam misisse in Italiam, quod fuit Antiochi tepore. post ea etiam donatam, quod fuit Attalo Rege hæreditatem po pulo Romano relinquete. Parthica autem signa corruptu[m] esse satis scio: sed quomodo restituendum sit, affirmare no[n] ausim. Dicer e[st] Corinthiaca, nisi in uetusto parta legissem, ut uictoriam parta intelligamus, id est, ut parta uictoriæ signa & statuas & tabulas inuexerit ex Achaia. Neq[ue]

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET it was yours. For then, since this purchase was made at Rome at royal auctions, shame was removed, in the year of the city 626, in the middle of 57 years, from a learned people, to love not only to admire external wealth. With the immense and Achaean victory, a moment for corrupting morals, and this too in this interval, in the year of the city 608, Parthian standards and tablets piety brought in, so that nothing should be lacking: and luxury arose at the same time, and Carthage was overthrown, by such fitting fates, that it was allowed to embrace vices, and it was permitted to sin out of esteem. In some printed books it is read, also two hundred thousand pounds of golden vessels, with the number of gold doubled. In all ancient copies, one thousand five hundred pounds. So flimsy is the trustworthiness of copies in transmitting numbers. In Livy, not “millia,” but “mille” appears in both places; which makes a clear difference. In some ancient copies “mille” is read; in others it is written in marks, so that it is ambiguous whether it means one thousand or thousands. Thus, however, Livy says in book VII, on the Macedonian war: “There were in the triumph vessels of silver (all were engraved), one thousand pounds, and of gold, one thousand pounds and 524;” and also one thousand pounds and 23. Besides these things, I also understand that two words in the above-mentioned passage are corrupt from observation of the ancient reading. For I do not read “Asia conquered,” but “given.” For we know that King Attalus of Asia made the Roman people his heir, as Trogo author of book XXXVI says. Pliny therefore said first that conquered Asia sent luxury into Italy, which was in the time of Antiochus; after that also given, because it was then when King Attalus left his inheritance to the Roman people. But I know well enough that the Parthian standards are corrupt: but how it should be restored, I would not dare to affirm. It should be said “Corinthian,” unless in an old copy I had read “parta,” so that we may understand the victory as won, that is, that he brought in the standards, statues, and tablets won from Achaia. Nor

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. Neq[ue] uerò ex Asiaticis tantu[m] tributis Antonius infinitam uim auri argentiq[ue] collegit et prodegit, sed etia[m] ex hæredi tate Cæsaris pecuniam auertisse traditur. Plutarchus enim autor est, interfecto statim Cæsare Calpurniam Cæsaris uxorem quatuor millia talentum ad Antonium transpor= tanda curasse. Maximam tamen pecuniam Cæsarem reli= quisse, ex secunda Antoniana intelligimus: quo in loco Ci cero ita inquit, Vbi est septies millies sestertium, quod in tabulis quæ sunt ad Opis, petebatur? funestæ quidem illius pecuniæ: sed tamen, si ijs quorum erat, nô redderetur, quæ nos à tributis posset uindicare. Tu autem sestertium quæ dringenties quod Idibus Martijs debuisti, quonam modo ante Calend. Apr. debere desijsti? Et rursus Philip. v. Illa[m] uerò dissipatio pecuniæ publicæ ferenda nullo modo est, per quâ septies millies falsis donationibus perscriptioni= busq[ue]; uertit: ut portento simile uideatur, tantam pecuniam populi Ro. tam breui tempore perire potuisse. Perscribere Cicero uocat, q[ui]d lingua nostra registrare appellat. Ver= tit autem pro auertit, puto esse mendosum. Appianus de hoc loquens, Octauium ita ad Antoniumloquentem indu cit, cum primum Apollonia Romam redijt auditæ morte Cæsaris, [n]o[n] e[st] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] 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Transcription: Translated (English)

PART I. BOOK III. Nor did Antony gather and squander an infinite amount of gold and silver from the Asiatic tributes alone; he is also reported to have diverted money from Caesar’s inheritance. For Plutarch says that, immediately after Caesar was killed, Calpurnia, Caesar’s wife, arranged for four thousand talents to be carried over to Antony. Yet that Caesar left behind the greatest sum of money we learn from the second Philippic of Antony: in that passage Cicero says, “Where is the seven hundred million sesterces, which was being demanded in the accounts that are at the shrine of Ops? Truly the money was accursed; but still, if it were not restored to those to whom it belonged, what could vindicate us from the tributes? And you, by what means did you cease to owe the twenty-three hundred thousand sesterces, which you owed on the Ides of March, before the Kalends of April?” And again, in the fifth Philippic: “That squandering of the public money is by no means to be endured, by which seven hundred million was turned away through false donations and transfers; so that it seems almost like a portent that so much money of the Roman people could have perished in so short a time.” Cicero calls perscribere what our language calls “to register.” But I think vertit stands for auertit , and is a corruption of the text. Appian, speaking of this matter, represents Octavius as speaking thus to Antony when, after the death of Caesar, he had returned from Apollonia to Rome upon hearing of Caesar’s death.

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET do, ornam[en]toq[ue]. hæc enim ego tibi autor sum ut retineas, & si quid ijs amplius à nobis tibi opus esse existimaris. cæterum ad congiariu[m] erogandu[m] & persoluendum uelim ut aurum illud signatum reddas, quod Cæsar ad bellorum usum co[m]parauerat, quæ gerenda sibi co[n]stituerat. satis autem mihi nunc erit is pecuniæ modus, quæ ad trecenta mil lia uiritim diuisa suffectura sit. Tranquillus autem autor est Cæsare[m] ipsum Dictatorem populo uiritim trecenos se stertios legasse: pro quibus Plutarch. in Anto. & Appianus ipse quinas & septuagenas drachmas dicunt: quod ide[m] est, & par ad nummum summa. Plinius lib. xxxiii. Cæsar primo introitu urbis in ciuili bello suo ex ærario protulit laterum aureoru[m] x x v i. millia, & numero pon= do trecenta: nec fuit alijs temporibus Respub. locupletior. Sic & in impressis codicibus, & in duobus antiquis legi, ut antea dictum est. In uno autem uenerandæ antiquitatis qui in rebus meis erat, ita legitur, Lateru[m] aureorum x v. arg[umen]teorum x x x v. & in numero hs. ccccc. quod ego interpretor sestertium quadringenties. Locum autem mutilatum esse in uulgatis exemplaribus, ex illo uetusto con ijscio, & ex Orosio historico, qui lib. v i. sic inquit, Cæsar Romam uenit, negatamq[ue] sibi ex ærario pecuniam, fractis foribus inuasit, protulitq[ue] ex eo auri pondo I I I I M c x x x v. argenti pondo prope D C C C C. Numeros tam[m]e Orosij corruptos esse ex Plinio conijcimus: & alioquin quis credat Cæsarem ad bellum ciuile contra Senatu[m] eun tem, locupletissimu[m] ærarium primoribus (ut inquit Plautus) digitis delibasse? Vsq[ue] adeo numeri per omnia in omni bus autoribus mendori sunt, antiquitatis culpa, quæ notarum compendijs nimium gaufia est. Verum opulentissimum illud seculum, Augusti principatus excepit, sub quo < Imperium Au gulti.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASSE AND do, ornaments too. For I indeed advise you to keep these, and if you think you need anything further from us, let me know. But as for distributing and paying out the congiarium, I wish that you return that coined gold which Caesar had accumulated for the use of war, which he had resolved to wage. For the present it will be enough for me that there be such a sum of money as, divided among three hundred thousand men, may suffice. Tranquillus, however, says that Caesar the Dictator himself bequeathed to the people three hundred sesterces each: for which Plutarch in Antony and Appian himself say five and seventy drachmas; which is the same thing, and the sum is equal to the last penny. Pliny, book xxxiii, says that Caesar, at his first entry into the city in his civil war, brought forth from the treasury twenty-five thousand golden bricks, and in number, in weight, three hundred; and at no other time was the Republic richer. Thus also in printed codices, and in two ancient ones, I have read, as was said before. But in one of venerable antiquity, which was among my belongings, it is read thus: fifteen golden bricks, thirty-five silver ones, and in number five hundred thousand sesterces, which I interpret as forty million sesterces. Moreover, that the passage is mutilated in the common copies I infer from that old manuscript, and from the historian Orosius, who in book vi says thus: Caesar came to Rome, and when money was denied him from the treasury, he broke in through the doors, and from it brought forth gold weighing 4,000,135 pounds, and silver weighing nearly 500,000. Yet we conjecture that the numbers in Orosius are corrupt from Pliny; and otherwise who would believe that Caesar, going to civil war against the Senate, should have dipped into the richest treasury with, as Plautus says, his fingertips? So far are numbers in every respect corrupt in all authors, through the fault of antiquity, which was too fond of abbreviated signs. But that most prosperous age was followed by the principate of Augustus, under which < The empire of Augustus.>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. quo principe latissime patuisse Romanum imperium de= monstrabimus, & priuatim publicéq[ue] locupletissimum fuisse, licet postea Germaniæ populi multi alijq[ue] ad Ar= cton uergentes accesserint, à quibus principes RO. cognomina sumpserunt. Strabo enim Græcus autor, qui Romæ diu uersatus est Augusti T yberijq[ue] tèporibus, lib. XVII. circa sine ita inquit: Πειλ Μ οι ἐγωμαῖοι τω ἀρίσων τ[ame]n οἰκα= μένης καὶ γνωμωτάτων κατὲ χασην, ἀπαγνας ὑποδεθλημένοι τῶς προτερον υγμόνας ὑποι μημων ἔσωλη, ἀξιον καὶ σκις ἐρα χέων τὴ τοῦτων ἐπεῖν. Quoniam uerò Romani terræ ha bitabilis optimam quamq[ue] regionem ac celeberrima obtinent, omnes ante se populis imperitantes supergressi, duntaxat quoru[m] memoriam norimus, dignum esse duxi, ut de eorum statu breuibus disseramus. Et post paulum, τω μὲν ἐν συμπληξον χεδρὸν πιασων ἐχασην, πλων τ[ame]n ἐκω τὴ ἰσρα, καὶ τῶν μεταξύ τὴ ὑπινα καὶ τὴ ταυάρθος παρωκεατῶν. τ[ame]n δελιβύς ἐν καθ[em] ἐμαῖς παραλια παῖθε ὑπο χερια ἔσι, ἐν [μὴ] ἀλλη ασίκητος ἐγν[ερ]η, ἐν λυπημῶς καὶ νομαδικῶς σκικὴται. ὑμοιως ἐν τ[ame]n ἐμιαίς ἐν καθ[em] ἐμαῖς παραλια παῖθα ὑπο χερισούς ἐγν[ερ]η. Europæ igitur ferme omne[m] tenent, præter eâ eius parte[m] quæ ultra Danubiu[m] protenditur, & eas gentes littorales quæ inter Rhenu[m] & Tanaim ad Oceanu[m] uergunt. Africæ aute[m] ora quæ nobis obuersa est, omnino eis paret, reliqua aute[m] Afri cæ uel ægrè habitantur, uel Nomadu[m] more incolu[n]tur. Si= militer & Asiæ omnis ora quæ in nos uergit, ab eis impe ria accipit: nisi siquis Achæoru[m] & Zygoru[m] & Eniocho rum ratione habendam putat, aut eoru[m] regiones in nume ro aliquo habendas censet, qui & latrocinia exercent, & Nomadum uitam degunt. At uerò mediterranea & inte= riora partim Romani obtinent, partim Parthi, & qui su= pra eos sunt Barbari Septentrionem et Orientè uersus, ut Indi

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART IB. BOOK III. Under this prince we shall show that the Roman Empire extended very widely, and was very rich both privately and publicly, although afterward many peoples of Germany and others also advanced toward the North, from whom the Roman princes took their surnames. For the Greek author Strabo, who lived for a long time at Rome in the times of Augustus and Tiberius, says in Book XVII, toward the end, as follows: [Greek text]. Since indeed the Romans possess the best part of the habitable earth and the most renowned regions, having surpassed all peoples who had ruled before them, so far as we know their memory, I judged it fitting that we should speak briefly about their condition. And a little later: [Greek text]. Thus they hold almost all Europe, except that part beyond the Danube and those coastal peoples who extend between the Rhine and the Tanais toward the Ocean. But the shore of Africa that faces us is entirely subject to them; the rest of Africa is either scarcely inhabited, or is inhabited in the manner of nomads. Likewise the whole coast of Asia that turns toward us receives its rule from them, unless someone thinks the Achaeans, the Zygi, and the Eniochi ought to be taken into account, or judges that their regions should be numbered among peoples who both practice robbery and live the life of nomads. But the inland and interior regions are partly held by the Romans, partly by the Parthians, and by the barbarians above them, toward the North and the East, such as the Indians.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Indi, Bactrij & Scythæ, inde Arabes et Aethiopes, à qui bus Romani semper sensim aliquid adimunt, ditioni suæ adiungentes, προσίδεντα ἐκείνων ὑποίς. His uerbis apparet quàm latè patuerit imperum Romanum sub Augusto. Ex sequentibus autem qualis fuerit status eius, & cuiusmodi imperitandi ratio, ταύτης ἐν τῷ συμπάσης χωρὰς ἐν ὑπὸ ὑγομαίων, ἀ μὴν βασιλευται. ἐν ἐγχεσην ἐπιδεντες ἐπαρχιαν, και πεμπασμε υγεμονας και φορολογων. ὑσί δὲ πνες και ελοβτέρα πόλδα, αι μὴν ἐγ αρχης κατὰ φιλιαν προσελθήσα, τὰς ἐν πλοθερωσαι ἐπιδει κατὰ πεμιω. ὑσί ἐν και δωάσαι πνες και φύλαξοι και ἰδρεις ὑπὸ ἐπιδεις, ἐπι μὲν ιδιοι κατὰ πνες παρίσ νόμιν. Vniuersæ autem, inquit, huius regionis quæ Romanis paret, partim à regibus tenetur, partim Romani ipsi tenent, & prouincias appellant, in quas & Præsides & Quæstores mittût qui tributa exigant: in queis tamen liberæ quædam sunt ciuitates, quarum nonnullæ in Romanorum amicitiam ea lege uenerunt: nonnullis & ipsi postea honorem habentes, libertate eas donauere. Sunt & Dynastæ quidam sub eis, id est, potentatus nomine dominantes, & Philarchi, id est, gentium principes, & sacerdotia obtinentes, hi quidem ipsi legibus quibusdam suis uiuentes. αι δὲ ἐπαρχια δημπται μὴν άλλοτε άλλος, ἐν ἐν ἐθελει παρόντι ως καίδερ ἐν σελασος δηματην. ἐπιδη ἐν ἐν πατρίς ἐπίρεθεν ἀυτῶν πινο προσασίαν ἐν υγεμονιας, και ωπεῖμα και ὑφύνης κατίση κυρίος κατὰ ἐν, διχα δημιλε πάσαιν πιν χώραν. και πιν μὴν ἀπερειχεν ἐπιδει, πιν ἐν ἐθελει Πημω. Prouinciæ uerò aliàs aliter, nec sem per ijsde[m] finibus diuisæ sunt. Nunc aute[m] eam diuisionis ratione tenet, qua[m] Cæsar Augustus arbitratus est. Siquidem postqua[m] ei à patria imperij summa, & pacis belliq[ue]; arbitrium perpetuu[m] delata sunt, in duas parteis uniuersam di- -tionem < Potestas à po pulo in Augu- stum trâslata, imperiùs per petuù delatu.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

India, Bactria and Scythia, and then the Arabs and Ethiopians, from whom the Romans are always gradually taking something away, annexing them to their own dominion. From these words it appears how widely the Roman Empire extended under Augustus. From what follows, however, what its condition was, and what sort of system of rule it had, may be seen: the whole of this region, in so far as it belongs to the Romans, is partly under kings, partly under the Romans themselves, and they call them provinces, into which they send both praesides and quaestors to collect taxes. Yet among these there are also certain free cities, some of which came over to the friendship of the Romans on that condition; to some, too, the Romans later showed honor and granted freedom. There are also certain dynasts under them, that is, rulers governing under the title of power, and philarchs, that is, chiefs of tribes, and those holding priesthoods, who indeed live under their own laws. Provinces, however, are divided differently at different times, and are not always bounded by the same frontiers. But now it is held by that method of division which Caesar Augustus judged best. For after the supreme power of the empire and authority over peace and war had been entrusted to him forever by the state, he divided the whole dominion into two parts. <Power transferred from the people to Augustus; the empire delivered over forever.>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. Prouinciæ Cæsaris et populi. tionem partitus est, quaru[m] unam sibi, alteram populo, attribuit. Et sibi quidem quæcunq[ue] militari præsidio egent, retinuit, ut regiones barbaras, et gentibus nondum subactis finitimas: populo autem eam partem co[n]cessit, quæ paci acquiescens, facile sine præsidio in officio continetur. Rursus utranq[ue] parte[m] in prouincias co[n]plureis distribuit, quarum alteræ populi dicuntur. Et paulo inferius enumeratis populi prouincijs, in quas populus Cæsules uel Prætores mittebat, ita subdit, t[ame]ns [n]o[n] a[n]allas πιπαχιας ἐχδ καίσων, ἐν [e]n[im] [e]n[im] πεμπ[er] t[ame]ns ἐπιμελησομένως ὑπαπκῶς ὑνδοσ, [e]n[im] [e]n[im] δὲ στατηκούς, [e]n[im] [e]n[im] δὲ καὶ ἰδικούς, καὶ βασιλεῖς δὲ κι δυνάμδ, καὶ δικαρχια τ[ame]n εκτίνα μερίσθες καὶ [e]n[im] [e]n[im] ὑπ[er] περαν αἰ. Alias autem prouincias Cæsar obtinet, ad quas regendas partim Consulares, partim Prætorios mittit, in quasdam etiam Equestris ordinis uiros. Huius portionis Reges et potētatus et decarchiæ, id est decéprimatus seu decemuratus et sunt nunc, et semper aliàs fuerunt. Ex iam dictis forma imperij Romani, et ueluti incunabula principatus monarchiæ ineuntis habetur, quæ mihi magnopere pertinere uisa sunt ad intelligedam ratione Romani principatus. <De ratione Romani imperij. Augusti gesta.> Nullus enim autor (q[ui]d meminerim) t[ame]n apertè hæc tra didit: meliusq[ue] ex ijs Tra[n]quilli locus in eode[m] Augusto intelligetur. Prouincias ualidiores, et quas annuis magistratu[m] imperijs regi nec facile nec tutum erat, ipse suscepit: cæteras Proconsulibus sortitò permisit, et tamen nonnullas co[m]mutauit interdu[m], atq[ue] ex utroq[ue] genere plerasq[ue] sæpius adijt. Vrbiu[m] quasda[m] foederatas, sed ad exitu[m] licentia præcipites, libertate priuauit: alias aut ære alieno laborantes leuauit, aut terræ motu subuersas denuo co[n]didit, aut merita erga Remp[ublicæ] allegantes, latinitate uel ciuitate donauit. Et paulo post, Regna quibus belli iure potitus est, præter x pauca,

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART III. BOOK III. Province of Caesar and of the people. He divided the administration into two parts, assigning one to himself and the other to the people. And to himself he retained whatever required military protection, namely regions barbarous and bordering on peoples not yet subdued; but to the people he assigned that part which, being at peace, could easily be kept to duty without a garrison. Again he distributed both parts into several provinces, some of which are called the people’s provinces. And a little below, after enumerating the people’s provinces, into which the people sent Caesars or Praetors, he adds as follows: t[ame]ns [n]o[n] a[n]allas πιπαχιας ἐχδ καίσων, ἐν [e]n[im] [e]n[im] πεμπ[er] t[ame]ns ἐπιμελησομένως ὑπαπκῶς ὑνδοσ, [e]n[im] [e]n[im] δὲ στατηκούς, [e]n[im] [e]n[im] δὲ καὶ ἰδικούς, καὶ βασιλεῖς δὲ κι δυνάμδ, καὶ δικαρχια τ[ame]n εκτίνα μερίσθες καὶ [e]n[im] [e]n[im] ὑπ[er] περαν αἰ. But other provinces Caesar holds, to govern which he sends some Consulars, some Praetorians, and in certain cases also men of equestrian rank. The kings, potentates, and decarchies of this portion, that is, decemprætures or decemvirates, both now exist and always elsewhere have existed. From the things just said, the form of the Roman empire, and as it were the cradle of an incipient monarchy, is shown; and this seemed to me greatly to concern the understanding of the Roman principate. <On the constitution of the Roman empire. The deeds of Augustus.> For no author, as far as I remember, has openly handed down these things; and the passage in Tacitus about the same Augustus will be better understood from them. The stronger provinces, and those which it was neither easy nor safe to govern by annual magistrates, he himself took under his charge; the rest he allotted by lot to proconsuls, and yet he sometimes exchanged some of them, and more often visited many of both kinds. Some allied cities, but driven headlong to ruin by license at the end, he deprived of freedom; others, suffering from debt, he relieved; others, overthrown by earthquake, he rebuilt; and others, acknowledging merits toward the commonwealth, he rewarded with Latin rights or citizenship. And a little after: the kingdoms which he had acquired by the right of war, except for a few,

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET paucæ, aut ijsde[m] quibus ademerat reddidit, aut alienigenis co[n]tribuit. Reges socios etiam inter semetipsos necessitu= dinibus iunxit mutuis: proptissimus affinitatis cuiusq[ue] atq[ue] amicitiæ co[n]ciliator & fautor: nec aliter uniuersos quàm me[m]bra partesq[ue] imperij curæ habuit. Rectore quoq[ue] soli= tus apponere ætate paruis, aut mente lapsis, donec adole= scererent, aut resipiscerent: ac plurimoru[m] liberos & educa= uit simul cum suis, & instituit. Hactenus Tranquillus. Hic idem Augustus Aegyptu[m] post Antonium uictum, & Cleo patram captam, in prouinciæ formam redegit, ut autor est Strabo: cuius etiam arma Petronio duce in Aethiopiâ pe= netrauerunt. Plinius lib. VII. de Aethiopia loqués, Intra= uere autem & eò arma Romana diui Augusti temporibus duce P. Petronio, & ipso Equestris ordinis præfecto Ae= gyptijs, oppida eoru[m] expugnauit quæ sola inuenerat, quo dicemus ordine. Sic enim legendum est, quanqua[m] in omni= bus exemplaribus legatur non Aegyptijs, sed Aegyptus Aethiopiam expugnauit, non Petronius Aegyptijs præ= fectus. nota est historia ex Strabone. Aelius etiam Gallus in Arabiam felicem Augusto iubete expeditione sumpsit, & multa ibi oppida expugnauit, qua[m] tamen non subegit, deceptus à Syleo duce quodam Nabatæorum primario uiro, qui diuturna ludificatione Gallum per deserta frustra tus est, exercitu interim penè consumpto: ob quam cau= sam postea Syleus ab Augusto securi percussus est, ut au= tor est Strabo lib. X V I. Nabatæi tamen & Sabæi felicis Arabiæ incolæ Romanis tum parebant, ut idem autor est, his uerbis, πρῶβι δὲ ὑπὲρ τὰ σερίας ναβατῶν ἡ σαβατῶν τῶν δυδαίμονα αραβλαν νέμονται, ἡ πολλὰκις κατίπεχον αυτῶν πρὸν ἐγω μαλων γενεατὴν νῦν δὲ πανεῖνοι ὑμαπιοις εἰσιν ὑπικροι. Metropolis aute[m] Nabatæoru[m] urbs est Petra, à situ loci di Etta. Do

Transcription: Translated (English)

…few things, or the same things from which he had taken them he gave back, or distributed to foreigners. He also bound allied kings to one another by mutual ties: the closest promoter and supporter of every kinship and friendship; and he cared for all no otherwise than as the limbs and parts of the empire. He was also accustomed to place as guardians, for those too young in age or weak in judgment, until they grew up or recovered their senses; and he brought up and instructed the children of many together with his own. Thus far Tranquillus. This same Augustus, after Antony had been defeated and Cleopatra captured, reduced Egypt to the form of a province, as Strabo is author. His arms, under Petronius as commander, also penetrated into Ethiopia. Pliny, in book VII, speaking of Ethiopia, says: “Moreover, in the time of the divine Augustus, the Roman arms also entered there under the leadership of P. Petronius, prefect of the Egyptian equestrian order, and he captured the towns which he found there, in the order we shall state.” This is how it must be read, although in all copies it is read not “the Egyptians,” but “Ethiopia was conquered by the Egyptians,” not “Petronius, prefect of the Egyptians.” The history is well known from Strabo. Aelius Gallus, too, by Augustus’ command, undertook an expedition into Arabia Felix, and captured many towns there; yet he did not subdue them, being deceived by a certain Syllaeus, a leading man of the Nabataeans, who by prolonged trickery led Gallus astray through the deserts, while the army in the meantime was almost destroyed. For this reason, later Syllaeus was beheaded by Augustus, as Strabo states in book XVI. Yet the Nabataeans and Sabaeans, inhabitants of Arabia Felix, were then subject to the Romans, as the same author says in these words: “For beyond them dwell the Nabataeans and Sabaeans, peoples of Arabia Felix …” The metropolis of the Nabataeans, however, is the city of Petra, so called from the site of the place.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. Æta. Domuit idè Augustus partim ductu, partim auspicijs suis Cantabriâ, Aquitaniâ, Pannoniâ, Dalmatiâ cum Illyrico omni. Item Rhetiâ & Vindelicos ac Salassos gentes Alpinas coërcuit, & Dacoru[m] incursiones, tribus eoru[m] du cibus cum magna copia cæsis: Germanosq[ue]; ultra Albin fluuium summouit: ex quibus Sueuos Sicabrosq[ue]; dedentes se traduxit in Galliam, atq[ue]; in proximis Rheno agris col locauit: nec ulli genti sine iustis & necessarijs causis bel lum intulit. Virtutis autem moderationisq[ue]; fama Indos e tiâ ac Scythas auditu modò cognitos pellexit ad amicitiâ eius populiq[ue]; Rom. ultro per Legatos petendam. Parhi quoq[ue]; Armenia[m] uendicâti facilè cesserunt, & signa milita ria quæ M. Crasso ademerat, reposcenti reddiderunt, ob sidesq[ue]; insuper obtulerunt: in cuius rei memoriâ signatus est ille nummus cuius suprà mentio facta est. Deniq[ue]; pluri bus quondam de regno concertatibus, non nisi ab ipso ele ctum comprobauerunt. Autor Tranquillus. Strabo autem de Syria loqués in x vi. Parthi (inquit) primùm quidem Parthi. amicitiam Romanoru[m] exoptantes, Crassum eos ultro laces sentem bello, ulti sunt. Nec minorem & ipsi cladem retu lerunt, cum idè ausi essent Pacoro in Asiam cum exercitu misso. Antonius aute[m] hortatore Armenio usus, proditus, in feliciter rem gessit. Pacori antè successor Phraates usque adeo Cæsaris Augusti amicitiæ cupidus fuit, ut trophæa ei remitteret quæ de Crasso Parthi pridem statuerant, & euocato ad colloquium Titio tunc Syriæ præfecto, qua tuor ei legitimos liberos obsides daret, [n]o[n] [n]o[n] ἐκεινον Πα= θεξαμελης φραάτης, ποῦτον ἔκωθαισε ποῦτοι τὴν φιλιαν τὴν πρὸς παίθαρα ἀν σελασὸν, [n]o[n] οι τὴν πρὸπανα ἐπεμφεν ἐκατὰ τῶν ὑμ μαίων ἀνεσκησιν παρθαίοι, [n]o[n] παίθειος εἰς σύλλογον τὴν ἐπι= στηντα τ[ame]ν σηριας, [n]o[n] παίθειος γνισίας ἐνεχεισθεν ὑμηρας αυτοῦ. x 2 Post

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. OF THE THIRD BOOK. In his time Augustus subdued, partly by his own leadership and partly under his own auspices, Cantabria, Aquitania, Pannonia, Dalmatia, together with all Illyricum. Likewise he restrained Raetia and the Alpine peoples, the Vindelici and the Salassi, and the incursions of the Dacians, after their leaders had been slain in large numbers. He also drove the Germans beyond the river Elbe; among these, the Suevi and Sicambri, after surrendering, he transferred into Gaul and settled them in the districts near the Rhine. Nor did he wage war on any nation without just and necessary cause. Moreover, by the fame of his valor and moderation, he drew the Indians too, and the Scythians known only by report, to seek his friendship and that of the Roman people of their own accord through ambassadors. The Parthians also, when they had claimed Armenia, readily yielded, and returned the military standards which they had formerly taken from M. Crassus when he demanded them back, and besides offered hostages; in memory of which deed that coin was struck of which mention was made above. Finally, in disputes long ago arising over the kingdom, they approved none as ruler except the one chosen by Augustus himself. Author Tranquillus. Strabo, however, speaking of Syria in Book 16: “The Parthians,” he says, “first indeed, desiring the friendship of the Romans, avenged themselves on Crassus when he provoked them to war. Nor did they suffer a smaller loss themselves, when they had ventured the same thing and Pacorus had been sent into Asia with an army. Antony, however, using an Armenian adviser, was betrayed and carried on the war unsuccessfully. Phraates, successor to Pacorus, was so eager for the friendship of Caesar Augustus that he returned the trophies which the Parthians had long before set up from Crassus, and, having summoned Titius, then governor of Syria, to a conference, gave him as hostages his four legitimate children, [Greek text corrupted].” x 2 Post

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Post Actiacam autem victoriam quantum opes Romanæ creuerint, ex Tranquilli uerbis intelligere licet. Inuecta (inquit ille) Vrbi Alexandrino triumpho regia gaza, tantam copiam rei nummariæ effecit, ut foenore diminuto plurimum agrorum precijs accesserit. Senatorum cæsum ampliauit, ac pro octingentorum millium summa duodecies festertium taxauit, suppleuitq[ue] non habentibus. Cōgiaria populo frequenter dedit, sed diuersæ ferè summæ, modò quadragenos, modò tricenos, nonnùquam ducenos quinquagenosq[ue] nummos: ac ne minores quidem pueros præterijt, quamuis non nisi ab undecimo ætatis anno accipere consueuissent. Frumentum quoq[ue] in annonæ difficulta tibus sæpe leuissimo, interdum nullo precio uiritim admensus est. Hic si reputare uelim quanti congiarium unum ducenorum nummorum constiterit illi principi, uereor ne fidem detraham historiæ. Legitur autem apud Eusebium in Chronicis, post triumphu[m] Actiacum Romæ censu acto inuenta esse Romanorum ciuium quadragies semel centena & sexaginta millia. Domino autem nostro iam nato & adolescente, Augustum cum Tyberio quem sibi in filium adoptauerat, censum Romæ egisse, & inuenisse capitum Romanorum ter & nonagies centena & septuaginta millia. Fac igitur (ut omnia intra fidem statuam) uicies centena millia ciuium fuisse ad congiarium nominæ dantium, quod ipsum ducenium tantum nummum fuerit, id est quinquaginta denariorum, seu selibræ Romanæ: oportuit decies centena millia pondo argenti congiarium constitisse, quod nos centies centenis millibus æstimare solemus. quòd si ducenum quinquagenum nummum congiarium statuamus, uiciesquinquies centena millia aureorum ad summam illam accedent. Perge porrò, & fac quadrâ

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON THE COIN AND THE After the victory at Actium, however, how greatly the resources of Rome increased may be understood from the words of Suetonius. “The royal treasure brought into the City by the Alexandrian triumph,” says he, “produced such an abundance of money that, interest having been reduced, land rose greatly in price. He enlarged the census of the senators, and for a sum of eight hundred thousand sesterces assessed twelve thousand, and supplied those who lacked it. He frequently gave congiaria to the people, but for the most part of varying amounts, sometimes forty, sometimes thirty, sometimes two hundred and fifty sesterces; and he did not even pass over the smaller boys, though they had been accustomed to receive it only from the eleventh year of age. He also often distributed grain, in times of scarcity, at a very low price, and sometimes free, to each individual.” If I were to reckon how much that one congiarium of two hundred denarii cost that prince, I fear I should diminish the credibility of the history. But it is read in Eusebius in the Chronicles that, after the Actian triumph, when a census had been taken at Rome, there were found forty-one times one hundred and sixty thousand Roman citizens. And when our Lord had now been born and was a boy, Augustus, with Tiberius whom he had adopted as his son, took a census at Rome, and found three hundred and ninety-seven thousand Roman heads. Suppose then, in order to keep all things within the bounds of credibility, that there were two million citizens giving their names for the congiarium, which itself was only of two hundred denarii, that is, fifty denarii, or half a Roman pound: the congiarium must have cost ten million pounds of silver, which we are accustomed to estimate at one hundred times one hundred thousand. But if we set the congiarium at two hundred and fifty denarii, then twenty-five million gold pieces would come to that total. Continue further, and suppose quadra

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. < 325> quadrages centena millia ciuiu[m] fuisse, & ducenties quinquagies centenis millibus id congiarium necessariò æstimabis. Dubium tamen esse potest utrum coniarium Romæ tantum commorantes acceperint, an omnes ciues Romani qui ad censum nomina dabant. Orofius lib. v 1. Augustum post legiones in Sicilia à Popeio receptas, x x x millia seruorum dominis restituisse tradit, & quatuor & < XLIII. legiones lub Augusto.> quadraginta legiones ad tutelam imperij per prouincias instituisse. Tranquillus de hoc ita scribit, Ex militaribus copijs legiones & auxilia prouinciatim distribuit, classem Miseni, & alteram Rauennæ ad tutelam superi & inferi maris collocauit. Et post aliquot uersus, Quicquid autem (inquit) ubique militum esset, ad certam stipendiorum præmuorumq[ue] formulam adstrinxit, definitis pro gradu cuiusq[ue] & temporibus militiæ, & commodis missionum, ne aut ætate aut inopia post missionem solicitari ad res nouas possent: utq[ue] perpetuò ac sine difficultate sumptus ad tuendos eòs prosequendosq[ue] suppeteret, ærarium militare cum uectigalibus nouis constituit. Strabo libro x v 1. de Beryto loquens quæ est in Syria, ἀυτη κατεωά= δη μὲν ὑπὸ τρύφωνος, αυληρην δὲ νῦν ὑπὸ ὑπομαίων, δεξαιμε= νη δύο τὰρματα, ἀ ἰδυστεν αξιππας ανταῦθα. ἡ σ ευρσα à Tryphone, nunc à Romanis restituta est, duas legiones admittens, quas in ea Agrippa collocauit. Illa est Berytus colonia, cuius meminit Vlpianus in Pandectis titulo De censibus, in principio. Apud Strabonem Latinum Barutus ubiq[ue] legitur: credo, quia sic hodie uocitatur. Idem libro x vii. de Aegypto loquens in prouinciam redacta, εἰ δὲ μὴ σκαπωτικὴ γὰτὰρματα, ὑπὸν κατὰ πιον πολιν ἰδυν= ταί, πιὰ δὲ ἀλλα ἐν τὴν χώρα. χωρίς δὲ τοῦτων ἐννέα μὲν ἐσι αων ρα ὑπομαίων, πεῖς ἐν τὴν πόλθ, ἐπι τῶν ὑφων ὑπιθιοπίας ἐν x 3 πηνη

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. <325> quadragies centena millia ciuiu[m] fuisse, & ducenties quinquagies centenis millibus id congiarium necessariò æstimabis. Dubium tamen esse potest utrum congiarium Romæ tantum commorantes acceperint, an omnes ciues Romani qui ad censum nomina dabant. Orosius lib. v 1. Augustum post legiones in Sicilia à Pompeio receptas, xxx millia seruorum dominis restituisse tradit, & quatuor & <XLIII. legiones lub Augusto.> quadraginta legiones ad tutelam imperij per prouincias instituisse. Tranquillus de hoc ita scribit, Ex militaribus copijs legiones & auxilia prouinciatim distribuit, classem Miseni, & alteram Rauennæ ad tutelam superi & inferi maris collocauit. Et post aliquot uersus, Quicquid autem (inquit) ubique militum esset, ad certam stipendiorum præmuorumq[ue] formulam adstrinxit, definitis pro gradu cuiusq[ue] & temporibus militiæ, & commodis missionum, ne aut ætate aut inopia post missionem solicitari ad res nouas possent: utq[ue] perpetuò ac sine difficultate sumptus ad tuendos eos prosequendosq[ue] suppeteret, ærarium militare cum uectigalibus nouis constituit. Strabo libro xv 1. de Beryto loquens quæ est in Syria, ἀυτη κατεωάδη μὲν ὑπὸ τρύφωνος, αυληρην δὲ νῦν ὑπὸ ὑπομαίων, δεξαιμενη δύο τὰρματα, ἀ ἰδυστεν αξιππας ανταῦθα. ἡ σ ευρσα à Tryphone, nunc à Romanis restituta est, duas legiones admittens, quas in ea Agrippa collocauit. Illa est Berytus colonia, cuius meminit Vlpianus in Pandectis titulo De censibus, in principio. Apud Strabonem Latinum Barutus ubique legitur: credo, quia sic hodie uocitatur. Idem libro xvii. de Aegypto loquens in prouinciam redacta, εἰ δὲ μὴ σκαπωτικὴ γὰτὰρματα, ὑπὸν κατὰ πιον πολιν ἰδυνται, πιὰ δὲ ἀλλα ἐν τὴν χώρα. χωρίς δὲ τοῦτων ἐννέα μὲν ἐσι αων ρα ὑπομαίων, πεῖς ἐν τὴν πόλθ, ἐπι τῶν ὑφων ὑπιθιοπίας ἐν x 3 πηνη

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET τηνη, φρησκὰ ποίς τῶνις, της δικατατιω ἀλλω χώραν, εισι δὲ μὴ ἀπιπαρχιαν της. Copiaru[m] autem militariu[m] tres sunt legio nes, quarum una in Vrbe collocata, reliquæ duæ per re= gionem dispositæ, & præter has nouem cohortes Romæ= næ, ternæ in Vrbe, ternæ in finibus Aethiopiæ ad Syenem pro locorum præsidio: & tres per regione sparsæ: & in= super tres equitu[m] turmæ opportunis locis dispositæ. Lib. autem quarto in mentione Britanniæ, pacatam illam pro= uinciam tantum legione contineri in officio dicit, & paruo equitatu, τηλα χισον μὴ ά ινός παρ μαλς χημοι ἀν κει ιπικὴν πνός. Lib. III. de Hispania loquens, Betica (inquit) plebi attributa est, ad qua Prætor mittitur, qui Legatum habet et Quæstore, ἐ χων πρεοδοξητήν τε μὴ ταμίαν. Et post aliquanto, ἐ λειπη δὲ, ἀυτη οἰς ιειν ἐ πλειση, ἔ ιβηρίας ἔπο τω ἐπικημονι, spatian ἐχοντι αξιολογον πιῶν παταμάτων. Reliqua autem Iberiæ pars (hæc aute[m] est plurima) à Con= sulari uiro regitur, memorabile exercitum habete ad tres circiter legiones. Verùm hæc & alia è Græcis autoribus < Cur Budæus citata è Græcis autoribus loca Latina fecerit.> citata & Græce pleru[m]; & Latine in hos ueluti co[m]men= tarios recōditioris antiquitatis referenda esse duxi & per= scribenda. Na cum id no[n] esse discrepans generi scriptionis arbitrabar, tu uerò si Latina à me facta tantumodo pro= ferrem, ueritus sum ne rerum penè incredibiliu[m] fidem le= ctoribus parum certam facerem, ut nuhi interpretes plu= rimi nunc faciunt, postquam poenitere me coepit multo= rum, pudereq[ue]; quòd eorum testimonijs inconsulta secu= ritate & penè inerti usus essem: qua etiam & ipsi usi sunt quælibet ex[em]plaria inexploratò sequendo. Sin Græca tantu[m] uerba pro testimonio protulisse, non contenenda parte re= rum enarrataru[m] maximâ parte lectorum fraudauisse. Veru[m] Romanaru[m] legionu[m] in Germania no[n] mediocres fuisse co= pias opor

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET τηνη, φρησκὰ ποίς τῶνις, της δικατατιω ἀλλω χώραν, εισι δὲ μὴ ἀπιπαρχιαν της. The Roman military forces, however, consist of three legions, of which one is stationed in the City, the other two are distributed throughout the province; and besides these there are nine Roman cohorts, three in the City, three on the frontiers of Ethiopia at Syene for the protection of the places, and three scattered through the region; and moreover three squadrons of cavalry are stationed in suitable places. In the fourth book, however, in mentioning Britain, he says that that peaceful province is kept in order by only one legion and a small body of cavalry, τηλα χισον μὴ ά ινός παρ μαλς χημοι ἀν κει ιπικὴν πνός. In book III, speaking of Spain, he says that Baetica (he says) has been assigned to the people, to which a praetor is sent, who has a legate and a quaestor, ἐ χων πρεοδοξητήν τε μὴ ταμίαν. And a little later, ἐ λειπη δὲ, ἀυτη οἰς ιειν ἐ πλειση, ἔ ιβηρίας ἔπο τω ἐπικημονι, spatian ἐχοντι αξιολογον πιῶν παταμάτων. The remaining part of Iberia, however (and this is the greater part), is governed by a consular man, with a memorable army amounting to about three legions. But these and other things from Greek authors < Cur Budæus citata è Græcis autoribus loca Latina fecerit.> cited, and mostly in Greek, I have thought should be rendered into Latin in these as it were commentaries on more recondite antiquity, and set down in full. For since I judged that this would not be out of keeping with the kind of writing, yet if I were to present only what I had made into Latin, I feared that I might make the readers’ confidence in matters almost incredible somewhat uncertain, as many interpreters now do, after I began to repent of having used the testimony of many authors with careless boldness and almost in idleness: they too have done likewise, following whatever copies they happened to have unexamined. But if I had put forward only the Greek words as testimony, I should have deceived most readers by withholding a very large part of the matters described. Truly, the forces of the Roman legions in Germany were not inconsiderable, but

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 327. pias oportuit, cum Tranquillus dicat Varium cum tribus legionibus & auxilijs in Germania cæsum:unde Variana clades dicta: de qua Pli. in VII. Iuxta hæc & Variana cla des, & maiestatis eius foeda suggillatio. Strabo in Cheru= scis hoc contigisse tradit. Ex supradictis autem coniectura facienda in uniuersam Romani imperij amplitudine. Huic principi Reges amici & socij populi Rom. singuli in suo quisq; regno Cæsareas urbes cōdiderunt, ut autor est Trâ quillus: & cuncti simul æde Iouis Olympici Athenis an= tiquitus inchoata perficere cōmuni sumptu destinauerut, genioq; eius dedicare: ac sæpe regnis relictis, non Romæ modo, sed prouincias peragrati quotidiana officia toga= ti, ac sineregio insigni more clientum præstiterunt. Quo quid posset honorificentius homini cōtingere, non uideo, à rebus quidem humanis. Ad extremum ipse moriens lega uit populo Rom. quadringenties, tribubus tricies quin= quies, id est unicuiq; tribui centena sestertia (quinq; enim & triginta tribus erant Romanæ, ut ex Cicerone noui= mus de lege Agraria contra Rullum) Prætorianis militi= bus singula nullia nummum, cohortibus urbanis quinge= nos, legionarijs trecenos nummos. quam summam repræ= sentari iussit. nam & confiscatam semper repositamq; ha= buerat. Reliqua legata uariè dedit, produxitq; quædam ad uicies sestertiu[m]: quibus soluendis annum diem finijt, nec plus peruenturu[m] ad hæredes suos quàm millies et quin genties professus, quamuis x x. proximis annis quater de= cies millies ex testamentis amicoru[m] percepisset, quod penè omne cum duobus paternis patrimoniijs, cæterisq; hæredi= tatibus in Rempublica[m] absumpsisset. quoru[m] uerborum au= tor Tranquillus. Diximus supra[m] autoritate Orosij quatu= or & quadraginta legionibus Augustu[m] re[m] Romanâ[m] tueri institu x 4 <Varianaclades sub Augusto.> <Testamentum Augusti.> <Legiones Ro- manæ.>

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…it was fitting, since Suetonius says that Varius was cut down in Germany together with three legions and auxiliaries; whence the disaster is called the Varian disaster, of which Pliny in book VII writes likewise, and also the Varian disaster and the foul affront to his majesty. Strabo says that this happened among the Cherusci. From what has been said above, however, a conjecture may be formed about the vast extent of the Roman Empire. To this prince, kings, friends and allies of the Roman people, each in his own kingdom, built Caesarian cities, as Suetonius says; and they all together resolved, at common expense, to complete the temple of Jupiter Olympius at Athens, which had anciently been begun, and to dedicate it to his genius; and often, leaving their kingdoms, they performed daily services not only at Rome but also throughout the provinces, dressed in the toga and in the distinctive insignia of royalty, in the manner of clients. What could possibly happen to a man more honorific than this, I do not see, at least among human affairs. At the end, dying himself, he bequeathed to the Roman people four hundred million sesterces, to the tribes thirty-five times one hundred thousand sesterces, that is, to each tribe one hundred thousand sesterces (for there were thirty-five Roman tribes, as we know from Cicero, in the Agrarian Law against Rullus), to the Praetorian soldiers a thousand each, to the urban cohorts five hundred each, to the legionaries three hundred each, which sum he ordered to be paid in cash. For he had always kept it set aside and deposited. He gave the remaining legacies in various ways, and brought some of them up to twenty million sesterces; for the payment of which he set a term of one year. And he declared that no more than one billion five hundred million would come to his heirs, although in the preceding twenty years he had received fourteen billion from the wills of friends, almost all of which, together with his two paternal inheritances and other inheritances, he had spent on the Republic. These are the words of Suetonius. We have said above, on the authority of Orosius, that Augustus had organized the Roman state with forty-four legions. <Varian disaster under Augustus.> <Testament of Augustus.> <Roman legions.>

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET instituisse, idq[ue] argumentis haud leuibus credendum esse collegimus. Si plenæ igitur legiones fuerunt, id est, denis cohortibus constantes, quarum prima millenaria, reliquæ quinquagenariæ esse solebant, præter equitum alas: quæ= tum numerum hominum in tot legionibus fuisse dicemus? Nam eas non plenas fuisse sub mortem Augusti Christo domino nostro recens è uirgine nato, credibile no[n] est, cum omnia penè pacata essent, & in locu[m] demortuoru[m] succen= turiari facilè posset: præsertim sub eo principe, qui rem militare seuerissimè rexit, & copiaru[m] militarium breuiæ= rium, quod & pyctacium dicitur, apud sese habuisse dici= tur. Sed fuerint sanè legiones quatuor & quadraginta, no[n] iustæ plenæq[ue]; sed quaternum tantum millium singulæ, ut legionarioru[m] peditum centum & septuagintasex millia fuerint: ut trecenos numos singuli acceperint, hæredibus hoc legatu[m] centum & trigintaduobus millibus pondo ar= genti stetit, hoc est tredecies centenis ac uiginti millibus aureorum. Quibus si nunc addamus prætorianas & urbæ nas cohortes & equitatu[m], nescio quàm magna summa ac= cessura sit. Legatu[m] autem populo & tribubus factu[m] paulo minus undecies centenis millibus ualet. quod ad hæredes peruenit, tricies septies centenis & quinquaginta millibus æstimari debet. In uaria legata non dubito ingentem sum= mam absumptam. Præter congiaria autem quæ suprà re= tulimus in uitæ sæpe dedisse (nam frum[m]etationes ternas in anno quaternorum mensium, ne plebs frum[m]etandi causa ab urbe & negocijs auocaretur, ex ærario publico institutas esse existimo) præter largitiones inquam iam dictas etiam opera publica plurima & magnifica extruxit, in quibus priuatas propriasq[ue]; opes absumpsisse se elogio ul= timo testatus est. Ex his præcipua sunt foru[m] cu[m] æde Martis ulteris <Opera publica ab Augusto ex tracta.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET we have gathered that he instituted it, and that this is to be believed on no slight evidence. If, then, the legions were complete, that is, consisting of ten cohorts, of which the first was a thousand strong and the rest usually five hundred each, apart from the cavalry wings, what number of men shall we say there was in so many legions? For it is not credible that they were not full at the death of Augustus, our Lord Christ, recently born of the Virgin, since almost everything was at peace, and replacements for the dead could easily be supplied; especially under that prince who governed military affairs most strictly, and is said to have kept in his possession a brief register of the military forces, which is also called a pyctacium. But let us suppose there were forty-four legions, not full and complete, but only four thousand men apiece; thus there would have been one hundred and seventy-six thousand legionary foot soldiers. If each received three hundred nummi, this bequest cost the heirs one hundred and thirty-two thousand pounds of silver, that is, thirteen hundred and twenty thousand gold coins. If we now add to these the praetorian cohorts and the urban cohorts and the cavalry, I know not how great a sum would be added. But the bequest made to the people and the tribes is worth a little less than eleven hundred thousand. What came to the heirs ought to be reckoned at three million seven hundred and fifty thousand. In the various legacies, I do not doubt that a vast sum was expended. Besides the gifts of grain, however, which we mentioned above as often being given in life—for I think that distributions of grain, three times a year for four months each time, were established from the public treasury so that the plebs would not be drawn away from the city and from business for the sake of grain-gathering—besides these grants, I say, he also constructed many and magnificent public works, in which he testified in his final inscription that he had spent his private and personal wealth. Among these the chief are the forum with the temple of Mars Ultor <Public works carried out by Augustus.>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 329 ultoris in honorem confecti Pharsalici belli ob ultionem cædis Cæsarianæ suscepti, quo nomine etia[m] nummus per= cussus uisitur. Aedes tonantis Iouis in Capitolio. templum Apollinis ea parte Palatinæ domus excitatum, quam fulmi ne ietam desiderari à deo Aruspices pronunciarant. addita porticus cum bibliotheca Latina Græcaq[ue], quo loco iam senior sæpe etiam Senatum habuit, decuriasq[ue] iudicum re cognouit. Quædam etiam opera sub nomine alieno, nepo= tum scilicet & uxoris sororisq[ue] fecit, ut porticum basili= camq[ue] Lucij & Caij. Item Porticus Liuiæ & Octauiæ, theatrumq[ue] Marcelli. Sed & cæteros principes uiros, ut pro facultate quisque monumentis uel nouis uel refectis & excultis Vrbem adornaret, adhortatus est: multaq[ue] à mul= tis extructa sunt, sicut à Martio Philippo ædes Herculis & Musarum, à L. Cornificio ædes Dianæ, ab Asinio Pol lione atrium Libertatis, à Munatio Plancædes Saturni, à Cornelio Balbo theatrum, à Statilio Tauro amphitheæ trum, à Marco uerò Agrippa complura & egregia. Idem princeps aduersus incendia excubias nocturnas uigiliasq[ue] commentus est. ad coërcendas inundationes, alueum Ty= beris laxauit, ac repurgauit, co[m]pletum olim ruderibus & ædificiorum prolapsionibus coarctatum. Quò autem faci lius undiq[ue] Vrbs adiretur, desumpta sibi Flaminia uia A= rimino tenus munienda, reliquas triumphalibus uiris ex manubiali pecunia sternendas distribuit. Aedes sacras ue= tustate collapsas, aut incendio absumptas refecit, easq[ue] & cæteras opulentissimis donis adornauit, utpote qui in cel= lam Capitolini Iouis sexdecim millia pondo auri, gem= masq[ue] & margaritas quingenties festertium una donatio ne contulerit: quæ omnia autore Tranquillo nouimus. Sexdecim millia pondo auri æstimatione nostra (quæ est x 3 centum

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 329 of the civil war undertaken in revenge for the murder of Caesar, in honor of the avenger; for even a coin struck with this name is seen. The Temple of Jupiter Tonans on the Capitol; the temple of Apollo built on that part of the Palatine house which the augurs had declared ought to be left because it had been struck by lightning. A portico was added with a Latin and Greek library, in which place, when already an old man, he often also held the Senate and reviewed the boards of judges. He also carried out certain works under another’s name, namely those of his grandsons and of his wife and sister, such as the portico and basilica of Lucius and Gaius. Likewise the Portico of Livia and of Octavia, and the Theater of Marcellus. But he also urged the other leading men, each according to his means, to adorn the City with monuments, whether new or restored and embellished; and many things were built by many, such as by Marcus Philippus the temple of Hercules and the Muses, by L. Cornificius the temple of Diana, by Asinius Pollio the Hall of Liberty, by Munatius Plancus the temple of Saturn, by Cornelius Balbus the theater, by Statilius Taurus the amphitheater, and by Marcus Agrippa many and splendid works. The same prince also devised night watches and patrols against fires. To check floods, he widened and cleaned out the bed of the Tiber, which had formerly been choked with rubble and constricted by the collapse of buildings. And in order that the City might be more easily approached from every side, he took for himself the task of repairing the Via Flaminia as far as Ariminum, and assigned the other roads to be paved by triumphal men from the proceeds of booty. He restored sacred buildings that had fallen from age or been destroyed by fire, and adorned them and the others with the most generous gifts, as one who, in a single donation, is said to have contributed to the shrine of Jupiter Capitolinus sixteen thousand pounds of gold, together with gems and pearls amounting to five hundred million sesterces; all these things we know on the authority of Tranquillus. Sixteen thousand pounds of gold, in our estimation (which is x 3 hundred

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET centum duodecim aureorum & semissis in singula pondo, si eius indicaturæ aurum fuit, cuius extant Romana nonis mata) duodeuicies centena aureoru[m] nullia ualent: & quin genties sestertiu[m], duodecies centena & quinquaginta milia. fit summa huius donationis tricies centena & quinquaginta millia aureorum. Cum hæc & multo plura fecisset, paulò minus (ut diximus) quadragies centena millia hæredibus reliquit: cum tanta etiam legata reliquerit: cum interim (quod mireris) ærarium publicum non attigerit: quod non suum (ut plerique sequentium principum) sed populi esse uoluit. Tria enim uolumina cum testamento suo reliquit: unum, in quo mandata de funere suo complexus est: alterum, indicem rerum à se gestarum: tertium, breuiarium totius imperij, quantum militum sub signis ubique esset, quantum pecuniæ in ærario, & fiscis, & uectigaliorum residuis, & eorum seruorum libertorumq[ue]; nomina à quibus ratio exigi posset: ut autor est Tranquillus. Hic nescias utrum magis murere, potentiamne & opulentiam Romani imperij hac ætate inauditam & incredibilem, an principis frugalitatem & diligentiâ: qui tanta opera efficere, tot sumptus tolerare, tantisq[ue]; summis testari potuerit. <Hadrianus.> Spartianus autor est, Hadrianum, antequam Antoninu[m] Pium adoptasset, Ceionium Commodum adoptasse: ob cuius adoptionem Circenses ludos dedit, & donatium populo ac militibus. <Donatiuu[m] Hadriani.> Quem Consulem designatum cum minus sanum uideret, sæpissime dictitabat, In caducum parietem nos inclinauimus, & perdidimus quater millies sestertium, quod populo & militibus pro adoptione Commodi dedimus. Hæc summa à nobis centies centena nullia aureum nostrorum æstimatur. Is princeps cum magnificentissimus uideri uellet, & à nullo magni

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND one hundred and twelve aurei and a half to each pound, if the gold of that denomination was such as remains in the Roman nones mata) twenty times one hundred thousand aurei are worth nothing: and five hundred sestertii, one million two hundred and fifty thousand. The total of this donation comes to thirty-five hundred thousand aurei. When he had done these things and many more, he left to his heirs a little less than, as we said, four hundred million; and with so many legacies besides: while meanwhile, what is more surprising, he did not touch the public treasury; for he wished it to be not his own, as most of the later emperors did, but the people’s. For he left three volumes with his will: one, in which he included instructions for his funeral; the second, an inventory of his acts; the third, a brief account of the whole empire, how many soldiers were everywhere under arms, how much money was in the treasury, and in the fisc, and in the remaining revenues, and the names of those slaves and freedmen from whom an account could be demanded: as Tranquillus authorizes. Here one would not know whether more to marvel at the power and wealth of the Roman Empire in that age, unheard of and incredible, or at the prince’s frugality and diligence: who could accomplish such great works, endure such expenses, and bequeath such enormous sums. <Hadrian.> Spartianus says that Hadrian, before he adopted Antoninus Pius, adopted Ceionius Commodus: on account of which adoption he gave the Circensian games, and a donative to the people and soldiers. <Donative of Hadrian.> When he saw the man, designated consul, to be in poor health, he very often used to say, “We have leaned upon a crumbling wall, and have lost four hundred million sestertii, which we gave to the people and soldiers for the adoption of Commodus.” This sum, according to us, is estimated at one hundred times one hundred thousand of our aurei. This prince, since he wished to seem most magnificent, and by no one

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 331 magnificentia superari, cum Phrasmeni Iberoru[m] Regi ingentia dona dedisset, & ipse uicissim ab eo uisenda accepisset, & inter alia auratas chlamydes, ipse irridedis eius Regis donis, trecentos noxios cum auratis itidem chlamy dibus in arenam misit cum feris depugnaturos, aut à feris laniandos. Idem Spartanus alio libro de supradicto Com modo loquens, qui Aelius Verus post adoptionem dictus est, Pro eius, inquit, adoptione infinitam pecuniam populo & militibus Hadrianus dedit: sed cum eum uideret homo argutior ægerrimæ ualetudinis, ita ut scutum solidius iactare non posset, dixisse fertur, Ter millies perdidimus, quod exercitui populoq[ue] pro eo dependimus. Sed quater (ut arbitror) hic ut supra legendum est. Quin & illud mirari magnopere quis possit, quòd Augustus testamento suo inseruit, Se uiginti annis proximis quaterdecies millies testamentis anucorum percepisse: quam summam non minorem quinquies & tricies centenis myriadibus aureorum coronatoru[m] esse existimo, hoc est trecenties & quinquagies centenis nullibus. Hæc enim & huiuscemodi credi non possunt ab ijs qui Romanorum opes publicas priuatasq[ue] animo non conceperunt. Quotus autem quisque intra annos octingentos co[n]cepisse dici potest? Multa iam diximus de Crasso, de Pompeio, de Cæsare, & alijs permultis qui ciuile fastigium non excesserunt. Vidimus etia[m] quibus Romanorum victorijs luxuria Asiatica admissa sit in Vrbem & Italiam. Plinius igitur libro x x x i i I. de copia argenti loquens ita inquit, Scimus lectos mulierum iampridem toto operiri argento, & triclinia quædam, quibus argentum addidisse primus traditur Pollio Eques Romanus, non ut operiret, aut Deliaca specie faceret, sed Punica. Idem & aureos fecit. Nec multo post argentei Delia

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 331 to be surpassed in magnificence, when he had given magnificent gifts to Phrasmenes, king of the Iberians, and had in return received from him gifts to be seen, among them golden cloaks; he himself, mocking those gifts of the king, sent three hundred criminals, likewise with golden cloaks, into the arena to fight with wild beasts, or to be torn by them. The same Spartan, speaking in another book of the aforesaid Commodus, who after his adoption was called Aelius Verus, says of his adoption: Hadrian gave infinite money to the people and the soldiers. But when he saw that the man, cleverer than he was, was in extremely poor health, so that he could not even throw a shield with any force, he is said to have remarked, We lost three thousand times ten thousand, which we paid out to the army and the people on his account. But here, as I think, it should be read four times, as above. And indeed one might greatly marvel at this also, that Augustus inserted in his will that in the twenty years immediately preceding he had received fourteen times a thousand thousand from the wills of his friends: a sum which I think not less than five and thirty hundred myriad gold crowns, that is, three hundred and fifty hundred nullities. For such things and things of this kind cannot be believed by those who have not grasped in their minds the public and private wealth of the Romans. And how many, after all, can be said to have grasped it within eight hundred years? We have already said much about Crassus, Pompey, Caesar, and many others who did not surpass the civic summit. We have also seen by what Roman victories Asiatic luxury was admitted into the City and Italy. Pliny therefore, in book xxxii. speaking of the abundance of silver, says thus: We know that women’s couches have long since been covered all over with silver, and certain dining rooms, to which the Roman equestrian Pollio is said to have first added silver, not in order to cover them, or to make them in the Deliac style, but Punic. He also made gold ones. And not long after, silver Delia

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Lances argenteæ memorabili pondere. Deliacos imitati sunt. quæ omnia expiauit bellum ciuile Syllanum. paulò enim ante hæc facta sunt. Lances'que centenis libris argenti, quas tunc super quingentas numero Romæ fuisse constat, multosq; ob eas proscriptos do= lo concupiscentium. Erubescant annales qui bellum talibus uitijs imputauere. Nostra ætas fortior fuit Claudij principatu. Seruus eius Drusillanus nomine Rotundus, dispensator Hispaniæ citerioris, quinquagenariam lancem habuit, cui fabricandæ officina prius exædificata fuerat, et comites eius octingentas quinquaginta octo librarum. Quare quæso? nisi ut quam multi eas conserui inferrent. Quinquagenariam in omnibus libris legitur, sed tamen quingenariam lego. Sensus enim omnino ita poscit. Plinij locus. Idem, Delphinos quinis millibus sestertium in libras emptos C. Gracchus habuit, L. uerò Crassus orator duos scyphos Mentoris artificis manu cælatos sestertijs centum. Confessus tamen est nunquam se ijs uti propter uerecundiam ausum: sicut eundem sex millibus sestertium in libras uasa empta habuisse: uel ut in quibusdam legitur, constat eundem. locus tamen mendæ suspectus est in dictione uasa, ex antiquo. Sestertia centum, duobus nullibus et quingentis aureis à nobis æstimantur. Magnificam autem æstimatricem cælaturæ eam ætatem esse oportet, quæ uasa cælata in singulas libras senis sestertijs emeret, id est centenis et quinquagenis aureis nostris. Idem libro x x x v 1. de luxuria Romanarum ædium loquitur, quam repentè inuasisse Vrbem significare uolens, Parua sunt, inquit, cuncta quæ diximus, et omnia uni comparanda miraculo antequam noua actingam. M. Lepido, Qu. Catulo Precia domorum. Coss. ut constat inter diligentissimos autores, domus pulchrior non fuit Romæ, quam Lepidi ipsius: at hercu- le in

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G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND THE Silver dishes of memorable weight. They imitated the Delian ones. All these things were expiated by the civil war of Sulla; for they were made a little before these events. And dishes of a hundred pounds’ weight of silver, of which it is certain that there were then more than five hundred in number at Rome, and many proscribed on account of them by the greed of those who desired them. Let the annals blush, which have attributed the war to such vices. Our age was stronger under the principate of Claudius. His slave, by name Drusillanus Rotundus, treasurer of Further Spain, possessed a dish of fifty pounds, for the making of which a workshop had קודםly been built, and his companions had one of eight hundred and fifty-eight pounds. Why, I ask? Unless so that as many as possible might carry them off as slaves. “Quinquagenariam” is read in all books, but nevertheless I read “quingenariam.” For the sense altogether requires it. A passage of Pliny. The same author says that dolphins bought for five thousand sesterces per pound were owned by C. Gracchus, and that the orator L. Crassus had two cups engraved by the hand of the artist Mentor for one hundred sesterces. Yet he admitted that he had never dared to use them because of modesty; just as the same man is said to have had vessels bought for six thousand sesterces per pound: or, as is read in some copies, it is established that the same man had them. However, the passage is suspected of corruption in the word “vasa,” from an ancient source. A hundred sesterces are valued by us at two thousand five hundred gold pieces. But the age must have been a magnificent appraiser of engraving, since it would buy engraved vessels for six sesterces per pound, that is, for a hundred and fifty of our gold pieces. The same author, in book x x x v 1, speaking of the luxury of Roman houses, wishing to indicate how suddenly it had invaded the City, says: “The things we have mentioned are small, and all must be compared with a single miracle before I go on to newer matters.” Under M. Lepidus and Q. Catulus, the prices of houses. Consuls: as is agreed among the most careful authors, no house was more beautiful at Rome than that of Lepidus himself; but by Hercules, in

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 333 Le intra annos trigintaquinque eadem centesimum locum non obtinuit. Computet nunc in hac æstimatione qui uolet marmorum molem, opera pictorum, impendia regalia, et cum pulcherrima laudatissimaq[ue] certantes centum domos, posteaq[ue] eas ab innumerabilibus alijs in hunc diem uictas. Idem libro decimoseptissimo, Nobilissimarum gentium ambo Crassus atque Domitius Censurâ post < L. Crassus orator.> Consulatum simul gessere, anno conditæ Vrbis sexcentesimo sexagesimosecundo, frequentem iurgijs propter dissimilitudinem morum. Tunc C. Domitius ut erat uehemens natura, præterea accensus odio, quod ex æmulatio ne auidissimum est, grauiter increpuit tanti Censorem habitare, pro domo eius nullia nummorum identidem promit tens. At Crassus ut præsens ingenio semper, et faceto lepore solers, concedere se respondit exceptis sex arboribus. At ne uno quidem denario si adimerentur, emptam uolente Domitio, Crassus, Vtrum ne igitur ego sum, inquit, quæso Domiti exéplo graui, et ab ipsa censura mea notandus, qui in domo quæ mihi hæreditate obuenit, comiter habitem: an tu qui sex arbores æstimes? Eæ fuere Loti, patularamorum opacitate lasciuæ. Valerius libro nono, Cn. Domitius L. Crasso Collegæ suo altercatione orta obiecit quòd columnas Hymettias in porticu domus haberet: quem quum continuò Crassus quanti ipse domum suam æstimaret, interrogaret, atque ut respondit sexagies sostertio, Quo ergo, inquit, minoris fore æstimas, si decem arbusculas inde succidero? Ipse tricies sestertio, inquit Domitius. Tunc ait Crassus, Vter igitur luxuriosior est? ego ne qui decem columnas centum millibus nummum emi, an tu qui decem arbuscularum umbram tricies sestertium summa compensas? Tricies sestertium Omni- bonus

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PART I. BOOK III. 333 Within the space of thirty-five years it had not held the hundredth rank. Let him now reckon, in this estimate, whoever will, the mass of marbles, the works of painters, the royal expenses, and the hundred houses competing with the most beautiful and most highly praised, and then, since they have been defeated by innumerable others up to this day. In the seventeenth book likewise, of the noblest families, both Crassus and Domitius, having held the censorship and then the consulship together, in the six hundred and sixty-second year from the founding of the City, were often at odds on account of the difference in their manners. Then C. Domitius, as he was by nature violent, and moreover inflamed by hatred, which, born of rivalry, is most greedy of all, sharply rebuked the Censor for living at so great a price, offering repeatedly no money for his house. But Crassus, as always ready in wit and skilled in polished grace, replied that he would yield, except for six trees. But not even if they were taken away for a single denarius, said Crassus, would Domitius buy it. “Am I then,” he said, “pray, the sort of man who, by the example of Domitius, ought to be harshly dealt with and marked by my very censorship, that I live courteously in a house which came to me by inheritance; or are you the one who values six trees?” These were plane-trees, with the shade of their spreading branches giving delight. Valerius, in book nine, says that Cn. Domitius, when a quarrel arose with his colleague L. Crassus, taunted him because he had Hymettian columns in the portico of his house. When Crassus at once asked him how much he himself valued his house, and he replied “sixty million sesterces,” Crassus said, “Then for how much less do you suppose it would be worth if I were to cut down ten little trees from it?” “Thirty million sesterces,” said Domitius. Then Crassus said, “Which of us therefore is the more extravagant: I, who bought ten columns for one hundred thousand coins, or you, who make up for the shade of ten little trees with the sum of thirty million sesterces?” Thirty million sesterces Omni- bonus

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET < Plinij locus restituendus.> bonus pro x x x. sestertijs intellexit, cum apertè sensus refragetur. Ex his uerbis Valerij intelligimus numerum in Plinio deesse. Valerius enim ante Plinium fuit. In anti= quissimo codice sic scriptum inueni, Pro domo eius hs. promittens. quod significat sestertium, sed numerus deest, quem numerum cum librarij uel emendatores non perciperent, millia nummorum subdiderunt. In eodem codice non concedere, sed addicere legitur, quod nahi placuit. Verùm eas columnas Hymettias Plinius libro trigesimo= sexto duobus in locis non decem, sed sex fuisse dicit. Quòd si domus Crassi sexagies sestertium æstimata fuit ab inimico, ita ut ne tanti quidem Crassus addicere uoluerit quin arbores inde tolleret, quid existimabimus de alijs quæ postea factæ fuerunt? Siquidem L. Crassus æqualis Qu. Catuli fuit, cuius paulò antè mentio facta est ex Plinio. Hoc autem ex uerbis Plinij intelligimus in eodem xvII. Crassus, inquit, orator fuit in primis nominis Romani: domus ei magnifica, sed aliquando præstantior in eodem Palatio Qu. Catuli qui Cimbros cum Mario fudit: multo uerò pulcherrima consensu omnium ætate ea in colle Viminali C. Aquilij Equitis Romani, clarioris etiam tum iu ris ciuilis scientia, cum tamen obiecta Crasso sua est. Hactenus Plinius. Si ergo Crassus Censor ipse centum & quinquaginta nullibus aureorum nostrorum habitauit (tant ti enim sexagies sestertium esse dico) nec tamen pulcherrimam tum habuit, & quæ tunc pulcherrima domus fuit Romæ, post trigintaquinque annos centesimam pulchritudinus notam non obtinuit: quantam magnificentiam ædium Romanaru[m] luxuriæ tempore concipiemus, cum nulla iam Censura timeretur? Is enim est Crassus dialogus Ciceronis de Oratore nobilitatus, quem Cicero meminisse po

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON THE AS <Pliny’s passage to be restored.> “good” for xxx sesterces, he understood, although the sense plainly is contrary. From these words of Valerius we understand that a number is missing in Pliny. For Valerius was earlier than Pliny. In a very old codex I found it written thus: “Promising for his house hs.” which signifies a sesterce, but the number is missing; and when the copyists or editors did not perceive what number it was, they supplied “thousands of coins.” In the same codex one reads “to assign,” not “to refuse,” which pleased me. But Pliny in book thirty-six says that those Hymettian columns, in two places, were not ten but six. If Crassus’ house was estimated by an enemy at sixty million sesterces, so that Crassus would not have been willing to assign it even for that price, unless he were to take the trees out of it, what shall we think of the others that were built later? For L. Crassus was of the same age as Q. Catulus, mention of whom was made a little before from Pliny. And from Pliny’s words in the same book seventeen we understand this: “Crassus,” he says, “was among the foremost orators of the Roman name: he had a magnificent house, but at one time the house of Q. Catulus in the same Palatine was more outstanding, he who routed the Cimbri with Marius; much more beautiful indeed, by everyone’s agreement, was at that time the house on the Viminal Hill of C. Aquilius, a Roman knight, then also more distinguished for knowledge of civil law, though nevertheless it was objected to by Crassus as his own.” Thus far Pliny. If, therefore, Crassus the Censor himself lived in one hundred and fifty thousand golden coins of our own time—for that is the amount I say sixty million sesterces equals—yet even then he did not have the most beautiful house, and the house that was then the most beautiful in Rome did not, after thirty-five years, obtain the hundredth mark of beauty: what magnificence of Roman houses shall we imagine in the age of luxury, when no Censorship was now feared? For this is that Crassus immortalized in Cicero’s dialogue On the Orator, whom Cicero remembered to

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. se potuit, non etiam uidisse, & qui uasa argentea senis se= stertijs in libras empta habuit, si exempla non mendosa sunt in eo loco: quod minime ipse arbitror. Plutarchus in Mario de domo uel prætorio Marij loquens, Circa Mi= senum ad uoluptatem etiam effoeminatam condito: Hanc, inquit, ædemum Cornelia fertur quinque & septuaginta drachmarum millibus emisse, ταυτω λεγταί μυειάσων ἐπία ἀμισων ἐνενηλία πρίαδα. Postea tempore non admo= dum multo interlapso Lucius Lucullus hanc eandè quin= gentis drachmarum millibus emit, & ducentis præterea. χρόνα ἐν Πανη ωολλή ἐνομήνα λοδική λοδικολή ὑνεῖταί μυειάσων πεντήνητα ἐνι άκασίων. ὑτω ταχίως ὑτε= ραυνον ἔν ωδυτήλα. usqueadeo celeriter luxuria excur= rit. Posterior summa quinquaginta millibus aureorum coronatorum ualuit, & paulo plus, cum prior non maior fuerit septem millibus & quingentis. Cicero autem non minoris quinquaginta millibus aureorum coronatorum ha bitauit. Gellius libro x 1. Cicero cum emere uellet in Pa= latio domum, & pecuniam in præsens non haberet, à Pu= blio Sylla qui tum reus erat, mutuò sestertium uicies taci= tè accepit. Eares tamen priusquam emeret, prodita in uul gus exiuit, obiectumq; ei est quòd pecuniam domus emen= dæ causa à reo accepisset. Tum Cicero in opinata oppro= bratione permotus, accepisse se, ac domum quoque se em= pturum negauit. Atque adeò, inquit, uerum sit accepisse me pecuniam, si domum emero. Sed cum postea emisset, & hoc mendacium in Senatu ei ab inimicis obijceretur, risit satis, atque inter ridendum, Ignoratis, inquit, pruden tis & cauti patris famili esse, quod emere uelit, empturum sese negare propter co[n]petitores emptionis. Hactenus Gel lius. Tanti autem æstimatam fuisse Senatus etiam decreto Cicero Cicer. domus. Cicero facetè mendacij cri- men diluit.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. He was able to do so, and had not also seen it, and one who had silver vessels bought at six hundred sesterces apiece, if the examples are not corrupt in that passage, which I do not at all think. Plutarch, in his Life of Marius, speaking of the house or praetorium of Marius, built near Misenum for even effeminate pleasure: “This house,” he says, “Cornelia is said to have bought for five and seventy thousand drachmas,” ταυτω λεγταί μυειάσων ἐπία ἀμισων ἐνενηλία πρίαδα. Later, after not very much time had passed, Lucius Lucullus bought the same for five hundred thousand drachmas and two hundred besides. χρόνα ἐν Πανη ωολλή ἐνομήνα λοδική λοδικολή ὑνεῖταί μυειάσων πεντήνητα ἐνι άκασίων. ὑτω ταχίως ὑτεραυνον ἔν ωδυτήλα. So quickly did luxury run on. The later sum was worth fifty thousand golden crowns, and a little more, whereas the earlier had not been more than seven thousand five hundred. Cicero, however, inhabited one worth no less than fifty thousand golden crowns. Gellius, book X.1. When Cicero wished to buy a house on the Palatine, and did not have ready money, he secretly accepted on loan from Publius Sulla, who was then under prosecution, two million sesterces. But before he bought it, the matter was disclosed and became public; and he was reproached for having accepted money from a man under trial for the purpose of buying a house. Then Cicero, stirred by the unexpected reproach, denied that he had received the money, and also denied that he would buy the house. “And indeed,” he said, “let it be true that I received the money, if I shall buy the house.” But when he later had bought it, and this lie was thrown at him in the Senate by his enemies, he laughed heartily, and while laughing said, “You do not know what it is for a prudent and careful father of a household to say that he does not wish to buy what he does wish to buy, because of competitors for the purchase.” So far Gellius. Moreover, that it was valued so highly was also by decree of the Senate. Cicero Cicer. domus. Cicero cleverly clears away the charge of lying.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Cicero ipse testis est scribens ad Atticum libro quarto, & de cuentu actionis eius loquens quam pro domo sua habuit, quæ hodie inter alias orationes extat. Secuta est, inquit, contentio de domo. diximus apud Pontifices. acta res est accuratè à nobis: & si unquam in dicendo fuimus aliquid, tum profectò doloris magnitudo uim quandam nobis dicendi dedit. Senatus consultum factum est id quod ad te nisi. nobis superficiem ædium Consules de consilij sententia æstimarunt sestertium uicies, cætera in re ualde liberaliter, Tusculanam uillam quingentis millibus, Formianum sestertium ducentis quinquaginta millibus. quæ æstimatio non modò uehementer ab optimo quoque, sed etiam à plebe reprehenditur. Dices, quid causæ fuit? Dicunt illi quidem pudorem meum, quòd neque negarim, neque uehementius postularim. Sed non est id. Nam hoc qui dem etiam profuisset: uerùm ijdem mi T ite Pomponi, ijdem inquam illi quos ne tu quidem ignoras, qui muhi pennas inciderant, nolunt easdem renasci. His uerbis apparet domus superficiem uicies sestertium Ciceroni æstimatam, etiam ab ijs hominibus qui Ciceronem crescere nolebant. Ea autem æstimatio facta est propter P. Clodium, qui ple biscito obtinuerat cum Tribunus plebis esset, ut Cicero in exilium pelleretur, & bona eius publicarentur: quo facto disturbanda ædificia & ad solum diruenda curauit. Cicero autem reuersus obtinuit ut publicè damnum illud sarciretur. Huic æstimationi fidem facit Sallustius in inuectiua oratione quam in Ciceronem habuit, his uerbis, Domum ipsam tuam ui & rapinis funestam tibi ac tuis comparasti, uidelicet ut nos comone facias quàm conuersa respublica sit, cum in ea domo habitaris homo flagitiosissime, quæ P. Crassi uiri clarissimi fuit. Et post paulùm ita

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON THE AS OF A AND Cicero himself is witness, writing to Atticus in the fourth book, and speaking of the course of that case which he had concerning his house, which today survives among his other speeches. “There followed,” he says, “the dispute about the house. We pleaded before the Pontiffs. The matter was conducted accurately by us; and if ever in speaking we had anything of ability, then indeed the greatness of our grief gave us a certain force in speaking. A decree of the Senate was passed, in such terms as were to your liking. The Consuls, according to the judgment of the council, valued for us the surface of the buildings at twenty times a million sesterces; the rest, in a very liberal manner, the Tusculan villa at five hundred thousand, the Formian estate at two hundred and fifty thousand sesterces.” This valuation is criticized not only very strongly by all the best people, but also by the common people. You will say, what was the reason? They say, indeed, my modesty, because I neither denied it nor demanded it more forcefully. But that is not it. For even this would have done me good; but the very same, my dear Tite Pomponi, the very same, I say, those men whom even you do not know, who had clipped my wings, do not want them to grow again. From these words it appears that the surface of the house was valued at twenty times a million sesterces for Cicero, even by those men who did not want Cicero to rise. And this valuation was made because of P. Clodius, who had secured by plebiscite, when he was tribune of the plebs, that Cicero should be driven into exile and that his goods should be confiscated; after which he arranged for the buildings to be demolished and razed to the ground. Cicero, however, when he returned, obtained that the public damage be made good. Sallustius confirms this valuation in the invective speech which he delivered against Cicero, in these words: “You have acquired your very house, made baneful to you and yours, by violence and plunder, clearly so that you may remind us how changed the republic is, when in that house you have lived, a man most shameful, which belonged to P. Crassus, a man of distinguished character.” And a little later thus

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. ita subdit, Sed, ut opinor, illa te magis extollunt, quæ post Consulatum cum uxore de Republica consuluisti, cum le= gis Plauciæ iudicia domu faciebatis, ex coniuratis alios pe cuniæ condemnabas, c[uius] tibi alius Tusculanam, alius Pom peianam ullam ædificabat, alius domum emebat. qui ucrò nihil poterat, hic erat calumniæ proximus. hic oppugna= tum domum tuâ uenerat, aut insidias Senatui fecerat. de= nique de eo tibi compertum erat. Quæ si tibi falsa obij= cio, rede rationem quantum patrimonij acceperis, quid tibi litibus accreuerit, qua ex pecunia domum paraueris, Tusculanum & Pompeianum infinito sumptu exædifi= caueris: aut si retices, cui dubium potest esse quin opulen= tiam istam ex sanguine & miserij ciuium paraueris? Ex bis uerbis satis apparet uicies sestertium magnam pecu= niam fuisse, nec immeritò Ciceronem conquestum apud Atticum, quod Tusculanum suum ædificium quingentis sestertijs æstimatu esset, quæ nos duodecim nullia & quin= gentos aureos esse dicimus. Sallustius enim infinito sum= ptu ædificatum esse obiecit. Blondus libro nono Romæ triuphantis, in quo libro urbis Romæ Romanorumq[ue] ma= gnificentiam diligenter magis quàm doctè ostendisse ui= detur, ait obseruasse in Epistolis Ciceronis, Ciceronem uil las duodeuiiginti numero habuisse, in queis præcipuas Tu sculanam, Formianam, Arpinatem, Ancanâ, & Pompeia= nam. quas tamen eum simul possedisse non credo, nec ipse Blodus affirmat. Cicero in Oratione pro M. Cælio, Sum= ptus unius generis obiectus est, habitationis. x x x. mul= libus dixistis eum habitare. Ex hoc loco conijci potest magnam esse pecuniam x x x. sestertia: & præterea exemplum habemus quanti domus locarentur anniuersaria mercede. x x x. sestertia ego septingentos quin= y quæ Sestertia x x x.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. he adds further: But, as I think, those things raise you up still more, which after your consulship you discussed with your wife about the Republic; when under the law of Plautius you were making your judgments at home, you were condemning some of the conspirators for money; one man was building you a Tusculan house, another a Pompeian one, another was buying a house for you. But whoever could do nothing at all, he was nearest to a prosecution. He it was who had come to your house under attack, or had plotted against the Senate. In short, you had information about him. If I bring these charges falsely against you, give back an account of how much property you received, what you gained from lawsuits, from what money you acquired your house, and by what enormous expense you rebuilt the Tusculan and Pompeian villas; or if you remain silent, who can doubt that you acquired that wealth from the blood and misery of your fellow citizens? From these words it is clear enough that twenty million sesterces was a great sum of money; and not without reason did Cicero complain to Atticus that his Tusculan building had been valued at five hundred sesterces, which we say is twelve thousand five hundred gold pieces. For Sallust says that it was built at enormous cost. Blondus, in the ninth book of Roma triumphans , in which book he seems to have shown the splendor of the city of Rome and of the Romans more diligently than learnedly, says that he observed in Cicero’s letters that Cicero had eighteen villas, among which the principal ones were the Tusculan, Formian, Arpinate, Ancanâ, and Pompeian. Yet I do not believe that he possessed all these at the same time, nor does Blondus himself affirm it. Cicero, in the oration Pro M. Caelio , says: A charge of one kind of expense was brought against him, that of lodging. You said that he lived with x x x women. From this passage it may be inferred that there was a great sum of money x x x sesterces; and besides this we have an example of how much houses were rented for an annual payment. x x x sesterces I [paid?] seven hundred and y which Sesterces x x x.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quaginta aureos nostros esse dico. Ipse in Oratione pro domo sua quodam in loco ita inquit, Nihil erat latum de me: non adesse eram iussus, non citatus affueram: eram etia[m] tuo iudicio ciuis in columnis, cuius domus in palatio, uilla in Tusculano, altera ad alterum Consulem transferebatur: Senatus Co[s]sules uocabat, columnæ marmoreæ ex ædibus meis inspectante populo Romano ad socerum Consulis <Cic. locus.> portabantur. Sed emendandus locus in quinto Epistolarum, ubi ad P. Sestium scribens, ita inquit, Ego tua gratulatione commotus, quòd ad me pridem scripseras, uelle te bene euenire quòd de Crasso domu[m] emissem, emi eâ ipsam domum millibus nummum x x x v. aliquanto post tuam gratulationem. Itaque nunc me scito tantum habere æris alieni, ut cupiam coniurare, si quisquam recipiat. Huiusce modi menda est in x 1. in epistola Decimi Bruti ad Ciceronem, Cum ad rempub. liberandu[m] accessi, mihi fuit sestertium quatuor millibus amplius. septem legionu[m] numerum alo, qua difficultate, tu arbitrare. Verum illic tricies quinquies sestertium legendum puto. Si enim superficies uicies æstimata est, potuit area quindecies addere ad preciu[m]. Hu iusmodi ædificia damnosa ambitione exædificata compel lans Sallustius in Catilinario, ita inquit, Operæ preciu[m] est cu[m] domos atque uillas cognoueris in urbium modum ædificatas, uisere templa deorum quæ nostri maiores reliogissi mi mortales fecere. Ciceronem autem tanti domum emere potuisse, argumentum est id quod ipse in secunda Antoniana dicit, Hæreditatem mihi negasti obuenisse. utinam hoc tuum uerum crimen esset. Ego enim amplius sestertiu[m] ducenties acceptum hæreditatibus retuli. quanquam in hoc genere fateor feliciorem esse te. me nemo nisi amicus fecit hæredem, ut cum illo commodo quod erat, animi qui= dam

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON THE ASSE AND I say that we have our own fifty gold pieces. He himself, in his speech for his house, says in one place: “Nothing was brought against me; I had been ordered not to be present, I had not appeared when summoned; I was also, in your judgment, a citizen in the columns, whose house in the Palatine, whose villa in Tusculum, was being transferred one to another consul: the Senate was calling the consuls; marble columns from my house, with the Roman people looking on, were being carried to the father-in-law of the consul. <Cic. locus.> But the passage in the fifth book of the Letters must be corrected, where, writing to P. Sestius, he says: “I, moved by your congratulation, because you had written to me long before, wishing that it might turn out well that I had bought Crassus’s house, bought that very house for thirty-five thousand sesterces some time after your congratulations. So now know that I have so much debt that I would wish to conspire, if anyone would receive me.” There is a corruption of this kind in the forty-first letter, in the letter of Decimus Brutus to Cicero: “When I came forward to liberate the commonwealth, I had more than four thousand sesterces. I support the number of seven legions—judge for yourself at what difficulty.” But there I think “thirty-five times a hundred thousand sesterces” should be read. For if the ground area was valued at twenty times, the site could have added fifteen times to the price. Sallust, driving out buildings of this kind, erected through ruinous ambition, says in the Catiline: “It is well worth while, when you have learned about houses and villas built in the manner of cities, to visit the temples of the gods, which our ancestors, most religious mortals, made.” And that Cicero could afford to buy a house for so much is shown by what he himself says in the second Philippic: “You denied that an inheritance had come to me. Would that this charge of yours were true. For I received by inheritance more than two hundred times a hundred thousand sesterces.” Although in this kind of matter I confess that you are the luckier man. No one except a friend made me an heir, so that with that advantage which there was, some kind of spirit...

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. dam dolor iungeretur: te is quem nunquam uidisti L. Ru= brius Cassinas fecit hæredem. Quibus uerbis Antonium ut testamentarium ridiculè mordet. Quanta autem sit pecu= nia ducenties sestertium, ex eo conijciendum relinquitur, quòd Cornelius Nepos in uitæ P[ræ]ponij Attici scribit his uerbis, Habebat auunculum Cæcilium Equitem R[ecipe]o familiarem L. Luculli, diuitè, difficilima natura: cuius sic aspè ritatem ueritus est, ut quem nemo ferre posset, huius sine of fensione retinuerit beneuolentiam: quo facto tulit pietatis fructum. Cæcilius enim moriens testamento adoptauit eum, fecitq[ue] hæredem ex dodrante. Ex qua hæreditate accepit circiter centies sestertiu[m]. Et infra, Cum tanta, inquit, pecuniæ facta esset accessio, nihil de quotidiano uictu mutauit, nihil de uitæ consuetudine: tantâ que usus est moderatione, ut neque in sestertium uicies quod à patre acceperat, parum se splendidè gesserit, neque in sestertium centies affluentius uixerit quàm instituerat, pari que fastigio steterit in utraque fortuna: nullos habuerit hortos, nullam suburbanam aut maritimam sumptuosam uillam: neque in Italia præter Ardeatinum & Nomentanum rusticum prædium: omnisq[ue] eius pecuniæ reditus constabat in Epiroticis & urbanis possessionibus: ex quo cognosci potest cum usum pecuniæ non magnitudine, sed ratione metirisolitum. Hic est Pomponius Atticus Ciceronis familiarissimus, ita ut Quintus frater ei charior non fuerit: cui rei (ut eiusdem Cornelij uerbis loquar) indicio sunt uolumina multa epistolarum, à Consulatu eius usque ad extremum tempus, ad Atticum missarum. Quæ qui legerit, non multum desiderabit historiam contextam eorum temporum. Qui Ciceroni in omnibus eius periculis singularem fidem præbuit. Cui ex patria y 2 sugien

Transcription: Translated (English)

... when grief was added to grief: that man whom you had never seen, L. Rubrius made heir to Cassinas. By which words he amusingly taunts Antonius as a man of wills. And how great the sum of money is, two hundred thousand sesterces, may be inferred from this: Cornelius Nepos writes in the life of P[ræ]ponius Atticus in these words, “He had an uncle, Caecilius, a Roman knight, a friend of L. Lucullus, very rich, but of a most difficult temper; whose severity he feared so much that, though no one else could have borne him, he retained his goodwill without giving offense: by which act he reaped the reward of his filial piety. For Caecilius, when dying, adopted him by will and made him heir to three-quarters of his estate. From this inheritance he received about ten million sesterces.” And below: “When so great an increase of wealth had been made, he changed nothing in his daily fare, nothing in his way of life; and he used such moderation that, though with the two million sesterces he had received from his father he had not lived unworthily of his station, he lived no more extravagantly with the ten million sesterces than he had originally established, and stood at the same level in both fortunes: he had no gardens, no costly suburban or seaside villa; nor in Italy, apart from the estate at Ardea and Nomentum, any country property; and all the income from his money consisted in holdings in Epirus and in the city: from which it may be understood that he was accustomed to judge the use of money not by its amount, but by its proper management.” This is Pomponius Atticus, Cicero’s closest friend, so dear to him that his brother Quintus was not more beloved; and the proof of this, to use the words of the same Cornelius, is found in the many volumes of letters sent to Atticus from the time of his consulship down to the end of his life. Anyone who reads them will not greatly miss a connected history of those times. He showed Cicero extraordinary loyalty in all his dangers. To whom from his native land ...

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET fugienti sestertia ducenta & quinquaginta donauit, quæ nos sex nullibus & ducentis quinquaginta aureis nostris æstimamus. Ex predictis luculentum mihi documentum su mi posse uisum est ad ea quæ agimus intelligenda. Si enim Eques Rom. splendidè uixit in uicies sestertium, ita ut in prædiorum tantum fructu non etiam foenore reditum pecuniæ constitueret, oportet omnino magnam fuisse pecuniam uicies sestertium, præsertim cum is una donatione in Ciceronem tantam pecuniam contulerit. Eôdem pertinet id quod ab eodem autore dicitur: Nec id, inquit, præterib[us], quanquam leuc uisum iri putem: Cum in primis lautus esset Eques Romanus, & non parum liberaliter domum suam omnium ordinum homines inuitaret: scimus no[n] amplius quàm terna millia æris peræquè in singulos menses ex ephemeride eum expensum sumptui ferre solitum. Atque hoc non auditum, sed cognitum prædicamus. sæpe enim propter familiaritatem domesticis rebus intersuimus. Terna nullia æris, nullenos ac ducenos sestertios nummos ualent, id est ære nostro triginta aureos. Sic in dies singulos Pomponius aureum unum nostrum in sumptu domestico impendebat. quod intelligo de pulmentario sumptu: quippe elegans ille fuisse dicitur, etsi non magnificus: splendidus, etsi non sumptuosus. Vsus est enim (ut inquit idè Cornelius) familia, si utilitate iudicadum est, optima: si forma, uix mediocri. Nanque in ea erant pueri literatissimi anagnostæ: optimi & plurimi librarij: ut ne pedissequus quidem quisquam esset qui non utru[m]q[ue] horum pulchrè facere posset. Pari modo artifices cæteri quos cultus domesticus desiderat, apprimè boni. Anagnostas Cornelius appellat pueros legendi peritos, quibus Pomponius super conuiuium utebatur, ut plerique Romanorum. Nemo, inquit, in eius Anagnostæ ser ui.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. On the As and he gave away 250,000 sesterces to the fugitive, which we estimate at 262,500 of our own gold pieces. From the passages cited above, it seemed to me that a clear indication could be gathered for understanding the matters we are dealing with. For if a Roman knight lived splendidly on 2,000,000 sesterces, so that he arranged for his income to come not only from the yield of his estates but also from interest, it must certainly have been a very large sum, 2,000,000 sesterces, especially since in a single donation he bestowed such a large amount on Cicero. To the same point belongs what is said by the same author: Nor, he says, will I pass this over, though I think it may seem trivial: since a Roman knight was above all quite lavish, and invited to his house men of every rank with no small generosity, we know that no more than 3,000 bronze coins were usually charged each month against him from the household account as expenses. And this we declare not from hearsay, but from direct knowledge; for often, because of our close familiarity, we were present in domestic affairs. 3,000 bronze coins amount to 1,200 sestertii, that is, 30 gold pieces in our money. Thus Pomponius spent one gold piece of ours each day on domestic expenses, which I understand to mean on food and provisions: for he is said to have been elegant, though not magnificent; splendid, though not extravagant. For he used, as Cornelius says, a household which, if judged by usefulness, was the best; if by appearance, hardly better than middling. For in it there were most learned boy readers, anagnostae; excellent and numerous copyists; so that there was not even a single slave who did not know how to do both of these things well. In the same way the other craftsmen whom domestic refinement requires were outstandingly good. Cornelius calls anagnostae boys skilled in reading, whom Pomponius used at table during dinner, as most Romans did. No one, he says, in his household readers ser vants.

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 141 in eius conuiuio aliud acroama quàm anagnosten audiuit. Verùm ex suprà dictis apparet fructuosam Ciceroni atq[ue] etiam auriferam eloquetiam fuisse. omnes enim artes olim magno cum splendore exercebantur. Non omittendum il lud, quòd caput amputatum parenti eloquentiæ Romanae, decies sestertium ab Antonio Triumuiro æstimatum est, id est quinque et ui ginti nullibus aureorum nostrorum. Autorem enim Appianum habemus in 1111. Ciuilium bel. qui ducenta et quinquaginta nullia drachmarum Popilio Lænæ pro capite Ciceronis Antonium dedis se scripsit. Tati caput eloquentiæ ab inimico æstimatu est. Caput Ciceronis quanti æstimatum sit. [δ]ε[ ομ]ιδι πα μάλισα, κει χρ λεχατον ιεφάνωσε κει πλεοσ την αθλων ιδωροκτο πέντε κει ικνοπ μυράσν ατικῶν δαχμῶν, ως μερισον δη την [δ]η παντων ιχηων κει ωλεμιώτατον δι λειωμων αυλοῦντα. tametsi merces in singula capita proscriptorum erat constituta in edicto proscriptionis, ut idem autor prodidit, his uerbis, αναφεροντων [δ]επεικεφαλας δι πτειναυτες ἰφοιμας, [δ]ειμιελοθερος [με]ν ομιμιριας δαχμοῦς ατικαῦς [μη]ν ποντακιχιλιας [μη]περεκάσμεν [δ]ειλελοθερια της σώματος, [μη]ν μυριας ατικαῦς, [μη]ν της της λαώτη ωολιτεια. qua ratione caput Ciceronis decuplo æstimatum fuit, quàm alioru[m] proscriptorum. Diximus suprà Isocratem dicendi præceptorem orationem unam talentis ui ginti uendidisse. Theombrotum medicum, Antiochum regem talentis centu[m] sanasse. Apellem pictorem, sed literarum peritu[m], Alexandrum regè uiginti auri talentis pinxis se, quâti bodie ducatus non mediocris emu possit. Singula enim talenta auri non minus senis nullibus septingentis et quinquagenis solatis nostris ualuerunt. Aristoteles Speuippi pauculos libros tribus talentis emit, ut autor est Gel. Quanti igitur emptos existimamus libros Aristotelis et y 3 Theo

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 141 At his banquet he heard no other entertainment than a reader. But from what has been said above, it appears that eloquence was fruitful for Cicero, and even golden. For all the arts were once practised with great splendor. It must not be omitted that the head cut off, the parent of Roman eloquence, was valued by Antony the Triumvir at ten million sesterces, that is, twenty-five thousand of our gold coins. For we have Appian as authority in the 4th book of the Civil Wars, who writes that Antony gave Popilius Laenas two hundred and fifty thousand drachmas for the head of Cicero. Such was the value set on the head of eloquence by an enemy. The head of Cicero, how much it was valued at. [Greek text] But since the price for each head of the proscribed was set in the edict of proscription, as the same author has handed down in these words, [Greek text] By this reckoning the head of Cicero was valued ten times as much as those of the other proscribed men. We said above that Isocrates, the teacher of oratory, sold one speech for twenty talents. Theombrotus the physician cured King Antiochus for a hundred talents. Apelles the painter, though skilled in letters, painted King Alexander for twenty talents of gold, a sum which today a not inconsiderable dukedom could scarcely be bought for. For each talent of gold was worth no less than six thousand seven hundred and fifty of our solidi. Aristotle bought Speusippus’ few books for three talents, as Gellius says. How much then do we suppose Aristotle’s books were bought for, and

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Theophrasti, quos Strabo libro X I I I. ab Appellicone Teio, magno argento redemptos esse tradidit, tineis iam & situ corruptos, ut qui iamdiu in terram obruti fuerat? Plinius auunculus Collectanea sua quadringentis sesterijs uendere noluit, ut autor est Plin. iunior lib. I I I. Epistolarum, his uerbis, Perire enim omne tempus arbitrabatur quod studijs non impartiretur. Hac intentione tot ista uolumina peregit, electorumq[ue] commentarios c x. mihi reliquit, opisthographos quidem et nunutissimè scriptos, qua ratione multiplicatur hic numerus. Refrebat ipse potuisse se cum procuraret in Hispania, uendere hos commetarios Largio Licinio c c c c. nullibus num[m]um. & t[ame]n aliquanto pauciores erant. quo in loco no[n] electorum quæ Latina dictio est, sed electorum lego. Sunt enim Græcè adnotata, & ἰκλογαὶ adnotationes, & ἰκλελομητια ἐα quæ legendo adnotamus. Cæterùm quis nunc regum emere bibliothecam confertissimam decem aureorum nullibus uelit, quanti à Plinio eius unus priuatus regesta quædam extemporanea licitari ausus est? Et Plinius tamen tanti addicere noluit. Plinium autem iuniorem diuitem fuisse, multa eius epistolarum loca declarant. Iam primum in V I I. Epistolarum ad Corelliam scribens, ita inquit, Tu quidem honestissimè, quòd tam impensè & rogas & exigis, ut accipi à te iubeam precium agrorum, non ex septingentis nullibus, quanti illos à libero meo: sed ex nongentis, quanti à publicanis partem uigesimam emusti. Inuicem ego & rogo & exigo, ut non solum quid te, uerum etiam quid me deceat, aspicias. Et ex his uerbis & ex epistola paulò superiore quam ad Fabatum scribit, apparet eum ducêta nullia num[m]um pro accessione precij cōtempsisse, emptrice etia[m] hoc petente, ne ratum non habere uideretur. quod

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. On the Ass and Theophrastus, which Strabo in book XIII says were bought by Apellicon of Teos for a large sum of money, when already corroded by moths and decay, as though they had long since been buried in the earth? Pliny the Elder would not sell his Collectanea for four hundred sesterces, as Pliny the Younger relates in book III of the Epistles , in these words: “For he thought that all time was wasted which was not devoted to studies.” With this aim he worked through all those volumes, and left me one hundred and sixty excerpts of selected notes, indeed written on both sides and in very tiny script, by which means this number is multiplied. He himself states that he might have been able, while serving as procurator in Spain, to sell these commentaries to Largius Licinius for four hundred thousand sesterces, and yet they were somewhat fewer. In this place I read not electorum , which is Latin, but electorum . For they are notes written in Greek, and ἐκλογαί are annotations, and ἐκλελομητια are the things which we note down while reading. But who now would wish to buy the most crowded library for ten aurei? how much did Pliny’s one private set of miscellaneous jottings venture to be bid for? And yet Pliny would not let them go for such a price. That Pliny the Younger was rich, many passages of his letters make clear. First of all, in book VII of the Epistles , writing to Corellia, he says: “You do indeed act very honorably, since you so earnestly both ask and demand, that I should order a price to be accepted from you for the fields, not at seven hundred thousand, the price at which I bought them from my freedman, but at nine hundred thousand, the price at which I bought a twentieth share from the tax-farmers. In return I both ask and demand this, that you consider not only what is fitting for you, but also what is fitting for me.” And from these words, and from the slightly earlier letter which he writes to Fabatus, it appears that he regarded two hundred thousand sesterces as the addition to the price, even though the buyer also asked this, so that he should not seem to be unwilling to ratify it. which

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. quod à libero suo gestu[m] erat. Idem ad Caniniu[m], Equidem comodius nihil inuenio, quàm quod ipse feci. Na pro quin gentis nullibus nummum, quæ in alimeta ingenuoru[m] ingenuarumq[ue] promiscra, agrum ex meis longè pluris actori publico publicè mancipaui, eundè uectigali imposito recepi, tricena annua nullia daturus. Per hoc enim et reip[ublicæ] sors in tuto, nec reditus incertus, et ipse ager propter id quod uectigali logè supercurrit, semper dominu[m] à quo exerceatur, inueniet. Ex his uerbis apparet Pliniu[m] patriæ suæ donasse annua sestertia tricena, quæ à nobis septingentis & quinquaginta aureis æstimantur, pro quingentis sestertijs in numerato, quæ pollicitatione patriæ facta debebat, id est duodecim nullibus & quingentis aureis. Qua ratione paulo plus sedecim nullibus sestertium & quingetis, singula millia sestertium annua æstimauit. Id de libro v. ad Caluissiu[m] scribens: Saturninus qui nos reliquit hæredes, quadrâ tem reipub[licæ] nostræ, deinde pro quadrante præceptionem quadringentorum nullium dedit. Hoc, si ius aspicias, irritum: si defuncti uoluntatem, ratum & firmum est. mihi autem defuncti uoluntas antiquior iure est, utiq[ue]; in eo quod ad communem patriam uoluit peruenire. An cui de meo sedecies contuli, huic quadringentorum nullium paulo amplius tertiam partem ex aduentitio denegè? Sic enim in omnibus exemplaribus legitur, sed corruptissimè: quare sic locus restituèdus: An cui de meo sestertium decies contuli, huic quadringenta nullia. & reliqua sicq[ue] sensus liquidus erit. siquidem Plinius his uerbis significat decies centena millia nùmum reip[ublicæ] suæ antea se dedisse, & tum quadringe ta millia co[n]donare per præceptionem à se hærede relicta, quæ ipsa paulo plus tertia partem decies sestertium efficiunt. quadringenta enim millia, tertia pars est duodecies y 4 sester

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART I. BOOK III. which had been done by his own free act. The same to Caninius: “For my part, I find nothing more convenient than what I myself did. For five hundred thousand sesterces, in the case of the maintenance of freeborn boys and girls, I publicly conveyed to the public farmer a field of my own, worth far more, and on the imposition of a rent I took it back, with no annual payment to be made. For by this means both the state’s share is secure, and the income is not uncertain, and the field itself, because the rent greatly exceeds it, will always find a master by whom it may be worked.” From these words it appears that Pliny gave to his native city an annual income of thirty thousand sesterces, which by us is reckoned at seven hundred and fifty gold pieces, for five hundred sesterces in ready money, which he had promised to his native city, that is, twelve thousand and five hundred gold pieces. On this basis he valued each thousand sesterces annually at a little more than sixteen thousand sesterces and five hundred. So in Book V, writing to Calvisius: “Saturninus, who left us as heirs, gave to our commonwealth a fourth part, and then, in place of a quarter share, he granted an assignment of four hundred thousand. This, if you look to the law, is void; if to the will of the deceased, it is valid and firm. But to me the will of the deceased is prior to the law, especially in what he wished to pass to our common fatherland. Or shall I, who have contributed sixteen times a hundred thousand from my own means, deny a little more than a third part of four hundred thousand from what came by chance?” For so it is read in all the copies, but most corruptly; wherefore the passage must be restored thus: “Or shall I, who from my own means contributed ten million sesterces, deny to this man four hundred thousand.” And the rest will thus make clear sense. For Pliny by these words signifies that he had previously given to his own commonwealth one million denarii, and then by way of pre-emption bestowed by bequest upon his heir four hundred thousand, which themselves amount to a little more than a third part of ten million sesterces. For four hundred thousand is one-third of twelve times

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sestertium: & ideo ultra decies sester. olim in remp. collatum, ait se c c c c. mul. donare tunc, ut quæ cogi non pos set soluere, si iure summo uti uoluisset. ita enim erat ius co[n]stitutum, ut nec hæres institui respublica, nec præcipuum accipere ex testamento posset: ut ex eadem epistola significatur. duæ autem illæ summæ, x x x v. nullia aureoru[m] nostrorum ualent. Apud eudem epistola quarta ad Traianu[m], liberalitatem sestertij quadringentis pro quadragies legitur. Magnam enim essè pecuniam ex eo ostenditur, quod epistola alia ad eundem legitur, Theatrum domine Niceæ maxima iam parte constructum, imperfectum tamen, sester tium (ut audio) amplius centies hausit. Seruius grammaticus autor est Vergilium poëtam tres libros Aeneidis suæ Augusto recitasse, secundu[m], quartum, & sextum: sed sextu[m] maximè ob Octauium Augustisororem, Marcelli matrem, quem Marcellum Augustus sibi adoptauerat, qui perijt anno decimooctauo ualetudine correptus. Hæc igitur Octauia cum recitationi interesset, & Vergilius ad carmina illa uenisset circa finem sexti libri quæ Marcelli luctu[m] describunt, defecisse animo illa dicitur cum ad illud uentum est, Heu miserande puer si quà fata aspera rumpas, Tu Marcellus eris. - Aurei Vergiliani uersus. Aegrè autem resocillata Octauia silentium Vergilio imperasse dicitur, & dena sestertia pro singulis uersibus dari iussisse, qui numero sunt unus & uiginti. quod si est ueru[m], Vergilius paucis uersibus supra quinque nullia aureorum meruit. De hoc poëta ita inquit Seruius, aut quicunq[ue] fuit qui eius uitam scripsit, Bona autem cuiusdam exulantis no[n] sustinuit accipere. possedit propè centies sestertium ex li beralitatibus amicorum; habuitq[ue] domum Romæ in Aesquilijs, <Census Maronis.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE AS AND sestertii: and therefore, beyond ten million sestertii, formerly contributed to the republic, he says that he then gave c c c c. mul., so that what could not be compelled might be paid, if he had wished to use the highest right. For thus the law had been established, that neither could the republic be made heir, nor could it receive a special legacy from a will: as is indicated from the same letter. But those two sums, xxxv. are worth no gold of ours. In the same letter the fourth to Trajan, a liberality of four hundred sestertii is read for forty million. For it is shown to be great money from the fact that in another letter to the same man it is read: The theater, lord Nicea, already for the greater part built, though still unfinished, has swallowed (as I hear) more than one hundred million sestertii. The grammarian Servius is the authority for the poet Vergil having recited three books of his Aeneid to Augustus: the second, fourth, and sixth: but especially the sixth, because of Octavia, sister of Augustus, mother of Marcellus, whom Augustus had adopted for himself, who died in the eighteenth year, struck down by illness. Therefore when Octavia was present at the recitation, and Vergil had come to those songs around the end of the sixth book, which describe Marcellus' mourning, it is said that she fainted when he came to the line, Alas, dear boy, if you can break the harsh decrees of fate, You shall be Marcellus. Golden verses of Vergil. When Octavia had with difficulty been revived, she is said to have enjoined silence upon Vergil, and to have ordered ten thousand sesterces to be given for each verse, and there are twenty-one such verses. If this is true, Vergil earned, for a few more than five verses, a million gold pieces. Of this poet Servius says thus, or whoever it was who wrote his life: he was unwilling to accept a gift even from some exiled man. He possessed nearly ten million sestertii from the liberality of friends; and he had a house in Rome on the Esquiline, <The Census of Maro.>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 343 quilijs, quanquam secessu Campaniæ Siciliæq[ue] plurimum uteretur. Quæcunq[ue] ab Augusto petijt, repulsam n[ost]quam tulit. parentibus quotannis aurum ad abundantem alitum nuttebat, quos iam grandis amusit. Hæredem autem fecit ex quadrante Augustum. Centies sestertiu[m] ducenta quinquaginta aureorum nullia ualet: quare non frustra Iuuenalis eius memunit ut copiosi in Satyra septima. Qui autem diligenter reputauerit commoda magistratum non modò in prouincijs, sed etia[m] in Vrbe, is non murabitur tam diuites quosdam fuisse. Argumentum eius rei ingens mihi uidetur ambitus Romæ flagrantissimus, cuius unum exem plum sat erit ex Ciceronis sumere libro secundo Epistolarum ad Quintum Fratrem. sic enim scribit, Ambitus redijt immanis. nunquam fuit par. non dico hyperbolas, uel sestertium centies constituunt in prærogatiuam pronunciare. Res ardet inuidia. Tribunitij candidati compromiseru[n]t, sestertijs c c c c. in singulos apud M. Catone[m] depositis, petere eius arbitratu: ut qui contrà fecisset, ab eo condemnaretur. Hic locus in impressis pridem libris corruptissimè legebatur, in quibus etiam numerus sestertiorum deerat: in recens impressis ne restitutus quidem satis est: quare à me citari integer non potuit. Male tamen sester. c c c c. legi ex eo apparet, quòd idem Cicero libro quar to ad Atticum ita scribit de his comitijs loquens, Sequere nunc me in campum. ardet ambitus. foenus ex triente Idibus Quintil. factum erat bessibus. Et post aliquot uersus, Pompeius fremit. queritur. Scauro studet. sed utrum fronte an mente, dubitatur. exoche in nullo est. pecunia omnium dignitatem exæquat. Messala languet: non quò animus desit, aut amicis careat: sed coitio c o s. & Pompeius obsunt. Candidati iurarunt se arbitrio Cato- nis

Transcription: Translated (English)

Book III, 343 although he made much use of a retreat in Campania and Sicily. Whatever he asked of Augustus, he never received a refusal. To his parents he annually sent gold for their abundant support, though he had already lost them when grown old. But he made Augustus his heir for one-fourth. A hundred times twenty-five thousand aurei is of no value: wherefore Juvenal did not speak without reason of him among the wealthy in the seventh Satire. But whoever carefully considers the advantages of office, not only in the provinces but also in the City, will not wonder that some men were so rich. A great proof of this seems to me the most rampant electioneering at Rome, of which one example from Cicero’s second book of Letters to Quintus his brother will be enough. For thus he writes: “Electioneering has returned in monstrous form. Never was there anything like it. I do not speak hyperbolically, or by way of exaggeration: they make a hundred times a hundred thousand sestertii to be the starting-price. The matter burns with envy. The candidates for the tribunate have made a compact, with 400,000 sestertii deposited on each side with M. Cato, to seek office according to his judgment: so that whoever acted against it should be condemned by him.” This passage was long ago read very corruptly in printed books, in which even the number of the sestertii was missing; and in recent printings it has not even yet been sufficiently restored: for that reason it could not be cited by me in full. However, that 400,000 sestertii should be read is clear from the fact that the same Cicero, in the fourth book to Atticus, writes thus when speaking of these elections: “Follow me now into the Campus. Electioneering is on fire. Interest at one-third had by the Ides of Quintilis become interest at two-thirds.” And after a few lines: “Pompey is in a rage. He complains. He supports Scaurus. But whether in face or in mind, it is doubtful. There is nothing outstanding in anyone. Money makes all rank equal. Messala is weakened: not because his spirit fails him, or because he lacks friends, but because of the coalition of 300,000 sestertii and Pompey’s opposition. The candidates have sworn to abide by Cato’s judgment.”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nis petituros. Apud eum sestertia quingena deposuerunt, ut qui à Catone damnatus esset, id perderet, & competitoribus tribueretur. Si locus hic non mendosus est, supra quingentis uel quingenis potius legi debet: cui parti autoritas Plutarchi non Latini facti sed Græci suffragatur, his uerbis, ἐπιδερ ὑποκαινοῦσις πιν ὅρχιν μετωπισις ἔσ των ὑμελεθει στι, παραβαλεσαι αφαχιμὴν ἐκασον ὑργιὰ διὰν ὑπο ὑμισον μετιάσας, ἐπιτα μετεναι πιν ὅρχιν πιντας ὑρθῶς ἐν δικαιως. Duo= decim myriades & semis drachmarum Atticarum, hoc est centum & uigintiquinque nullia denariorum, quingenta nullia nummum ualent, sicq[ue] summa quadrat ad nummu[m]. Hanc historiam tetigit Plinius in præfatione, Cum apud Catonem, inquit, ambitus hostem, & repulisit tanquam ho noribus ineptis gaudentem, pecunias flagrantibus comitijs deponerent candidati, hoc se facere pro innocentia (quod in rebus humanis summum esset) profitebantur. Verumenimuero ex uerbis Ciceronis apparet animosum illum fuisse ambitum, cum in tribum uel centuriam potius prærogatiuam centies sestertium pronunciare candidati non dubitarent. Oportuit enim proportione & alijs aliquid diuidi, quæ numero quinq[ue] & triginta erant, aut certè tot tribubus aut centurijs quot ad renunciationem magistratus sufficerent. Hoc ne falsum putetur, tametsi creditu difficile, Cicero præfatiuncula fidem sibi præstruit: N[ost]ro dico, inquit, hyperbolas, uel hyperbolos aduerbialiter, hoc est hyperbolice. utroq[ue] enim modo legitur. Argumentum etiam ingentis summæ est quod Cicero ambitum foenus intendisse dicit, & altero tanto maius fecisse, hoc est ex triente bessale. Eiusdem rei magnum argumentum apud Appianum libro 1 1. bell. ciuil. De triumuiratu enim loquens Cæsaris, Crassi & Pompeij, & ambitu ingenti, ita inquit,

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET they would be asking for none. With him they deposited five hundred sesterces, so that if he who had been condemned by Cato should win, he would lose it, and it would be assigned to the competitors. If this passage is not corrupt, it ought to be read as “more than five hundred,” or rather “five hundred”; on this point the authority of Plutarch agrees, not in the Latin version but in the Greek, with these words, ἐπιδερ ὑποκαινοῦσις πιν ὅρχιν μετωπισις ἔσ των ὑμελεθει στι, παραβαλεσαι αφαχιμὴν ἐκασον ὑργιὰ διὰν ὑπο ὑμισον μετιάσας, ἐπιτα μετεναι πιν ὅρχιν πιντας ὑρθῶς ἐν δικαιως. Twelve= myriads and a half of Attic drachmas, that is one hundred and twenty-five million denarii, are worth five hundred million coins, and thus the sum comes out to the coin [numismatically]. Pliny touched on this story in the preface. For, he says, when at Cato’s house, as an enemy of bribery, and having rejected it as one who delighted in useless honors, candidates in the midst of heated elections deposited money, they professed that they did this for the sake of innocence (which in human affairs would be the highest thing). But in truth, from the words of Cicero it appears that that bribery was bold, since in a tribe or rather a century candidates did not hesitate to announce a prerogative of one hundred sesterces. For something had to be divided in proportion and otherwise, since there were thirty-five in number, or certainly into as many tribes or centuries as would be enough for the declaration of office. Lest this be thought false, although it is hard to believe, Cicero in a little preface secures credence for himself: “I use, he says, hyperbolas,” or hyperbolos adverbially, that is, hyperbolically. For in either way it is read. A proof also of a huge sum is that Cicero says bribery increased a loan and made it twice as large, that is from one third to two thirds. A great proof of the same matter is found in Appian, book 11 of the Civil War. For speaking of the triumvirate of Caesar, Crassus, and Pompey, and of immense bribery, he says as follows,

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. 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Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. inquit: [n]o[n], te [mercur]ium [aurum] [argentum] [argent]um [argent]is [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios 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[mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mer- ] [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [mercur]ios [

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Deiotarus. partem Pompeius Deiotaro dedit, ut Pharmaciæ et Tra= pezuntiæ adiacetia usq[ue] in Colchidem et nunorem Arme niam: horumq[ue] locorum Regem eum creauit, cu[m] alias ha= beret hæredicariam à patre tetrarchiam Galataru[m] qui T O listobogi dicuntur, [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] ap[er]e[n]d[er]en[ti]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [con]v[er]ta [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] t[er]t[er]d[er] [con]v[er]t[er]i[an]t[ur]. Regem, inquit, horum eum creauit. Hic idem Pompeius Tigranem Armeniæ Rege po tentissimum, sed victoria Pompeij fractum, ad se ueniente[m], et diadema suum ad pedes eius demuttent[er], genibusq[ue]; ad= uolutum, diadema uel tiaram regiam resumere iussit, et in sella regia sedere, mulcta sex nullium talentum ob culpa[m] at que iniquitatem arrogata, ut Plutarchus autor est: ut Ap= pianus, sex nullibus talentum ab eo dono acceptis. Sic enim inquit in Mithridatico, [n]o[n] [con]d[ic]tio [con]v[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]v[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m], [n]o[n] [con]c[er]tia[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m], [n]o[n] [con]c[er]tia[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] [con]c[er]t[er]a[m] [con]c[er]tia[m], [n]o[n] t[er]t[er]or[um] 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Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Deiotarus. Pompey gave Deiotarus a part, namely the territory adjoining Pharnacia and Trapezus, as far as Colchis and Lesser Armenia; and he made him king of those regions, though he already held from his father an hereditary tetrarchy of the Galatians called the Tolistobogii. “He made him king of those lands,” it says. This same Pompey also brought before him Tigranes, king of Armenia, a most powerful man, but broken by Pompey’s victory; and when he came to him, laid down his diadem at his feet, and fell at his knees, Pompey ordered him to take up again his diadem, or royal tiara, and to sit on the royal throne, imposing a fine of six thousand talents for his offense and arrogance, as Plutarch says; as Appian says, after receiving from him the gift of six thousand talents. Thus in the Mithridatic History it says...

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 349 millibus, in quos omnifariam potestatem habebat, præterquam eos uendendi. Cicero autem hoc docet in lege Agraria contra Rullum, cum dicit no[n] licere Decemuiris à populo creatis statuere de agro Pontico et Mithridatico à Pompeio capto. Ita ne uero, inquit, hos agros regios Mithridatis, qui in Paphlagonia, qui in Ponto, qui in Cappadocia fuerunt, cum adhuc imperater in bello uersetur, in locis autem illis etiam nunc belli nomen reliquum sit, eos agros quorum adhuc penes Cn. Pompeium omne iudiciu[m] et potestas more maiorum debet esse, Decemuiri uendet? Eôdem pertinent ea quæ apud Lucanum Pompeius ipse gloriatur in secundo Pharsaliæ, cum auxilia undiq[ue] euocada disserit, filio ob id allegato, Hoc tamen ueru[m] est, quòd ea quæ ab his imperatoribus statuebâtur, necesse erat Senatus consulto confirmari: id quod eodem in loco Strabo docet his uerbis, Πανοπλημύδες ἐν οἰκιονελθῶν δικαισία, ιενικησην ὑπετὰς πιναίς δες ὑπιαχετο ὑ λοθηματὸν τῶν ουσικῶν πισί, μὴ κυρώσαι πῶ σίγκλητον. Confecto autem bello Romam reuersus Pompeius, peruicit ne ea præmia quæ Lucullus quibusdam Ponticis primoribus pollicitus fuerat, à Senatu confirmarentur. ἀδηκην γὰρ εἰν ἀποθεωτικὴ ἀλλα κην πολεμην, τὴ Σκαθηια ἐπὶ ἀλλο γενεατ, ἐν τῶν τῶν ἀγιστικὸν Πανομω. Iniquu[m] enim esse, bello eo ab alio co[n]fecto, in alterius arbitrio belli præmia, et decorum militariu[m] collationem manere. Nemo autem ignorat Ponticum bellum Lucullum bona ex parte gessisse, sed cum ei Pompeius ante diem successisset, conficere non potuisse: et Pompeium ex rebus gestis Luculli triumphasse fortunæ iniquitate, quæ Lucullum summo favore euectum, repente destituit, ut uidere est Plutarchum in Lucullo legentibus. Causam tamen præbuit Cicero, qui orationem pro Pompeio habuit ad popu

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 349 to the thousands, over whom he had authority in every respect, except that of selling them. But Cicero teaches this in the Agrarian Law against Rullus, when he says that the Decemvirs, created by the people, may not decree concerning the Pontic and Mithridatic land captured by Pompey. “So then,” he says, “shall these royal lands of Mithridates, which were in Paphlagonia, which were in Pontus, which were in Cappadocia, while the general is still engaged in war, and while in those places even now the name of war still remains, shall the Decemvirs sell those lands over which, as yet, all judgment and power ought by the custom of our ancestors to remain with Gnaeus Pompeius?” To the same point belong the things which Pompey himself boasts of in Lucan’s second Pharsalia, when he speaks of auxiliaries summoned from everywhere, his son being named for that purpose. Yet this is true: that the things which were established by these commanders had to be confirmed by a decree of the Senate; and Strabo teaches this in the same place with these words, Πανοπλημύδες ἐν οἰκιονελθῶν δικαισία, ιενικησην ὑπετὰς πιναίς δες ὑπιαχετο ὑ λοθηματὸν τῶν ουσικῶν πισί, μὴ κυρώσαι πῶ σίγκλητον. But after the war was finished and Pompey had returned to Rome, he succeeded in preventing those rewards which Lucullus had promised to certain leading men of Pontus from being confirmed by the Senate. ἀδηκην γὰρ εἰν ἀποθεωτικὴ ἀλλα κην πολεμην, τὴ Σκαθηια ἐπὶ ἀλλο γενεατ, ἐν τῶν τῶν ἀγιστικὸν Πανομω. For it would be unjust, when that war had been brought to an end by another, for the rewards of war and the distribution of military honors to remain in the power of another’s judgment. No one, however, is ignorant that Lucullus conducted the Pontic war for the most part, but that, since Pompey had succeeded him before the appointed time, he had not been able to bring it to completion; and that Pompey triumphed over Lucullus’s achievements by the unfairness of fortune, which, having suddenly abandoned Lucullus after he had been raised up to the highest favor, is to be seen by those reading Plutarch in the Life of Lucullus. Cicero, however, provided the cause, who gave the speech for Pompey to the people

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET populum cum Præturam ipse gereret, quæ Oratio pro le < Lucullus.> ge Manilia inscribitur. Ob hoc Lucullus Reipub. insensus, in ocium se contulit, singulari[que]; lautitia & splendore sumptuum uitam per omnem uiuendi amoenitatem traduxit, ex ea ipse prouincia summis opibus auctus, cu[m] tamen triu[m]phi sui die aureum simulachrum Mithridatis sex pedum longitudinis, clypeumq[ue] gemmis consertum, cum immani summa auri & argenti facti signatiq[ue]; in ærarium intulis set. Cicero in Pisonem præclari facinoris loco ponit quod <Cicero prouinciâ deposuit.> prouinciam contempserit. Ego Antonium, inquit, Collegam cupidum prouinciæ, multa in Rempub. molientem, patientia atque obsequio meo mitigaui: ego prouinciam Galliam Senatus autoritate exercitu & pecunia instructa[m] & ornatam, quam cum Antonio communicaui, quòd ita[m] existimabam tempora Reipub. ferre, in concione deposui, reclamante populo Rom. Idem cum prouinciam Ciliciam obtineret, ad Atticum scribens de uitæ suæ integritate, Ipse, inquit, in Asiam profectus sum Tharso Nonis Ianuarijs: non mehercule dici potest qua admiratione Ciliciæ ciuitatum, maximeq[ue] Tharsensium. Postea uerò quàm Taurum transgressus sum, mirifica expectatio Asiæ nostrarum diæcesum, quæ sex mensibus imperij mei nullas meas acceperat literas, nunquam hospitem uiderat: illud autem tempus ante me fuerat in hoc quæstu. Ciuitates locupletes ne in hybernis mulites recipient, magnas pecunias dabant, Cyprij talenta Attica &c. qua ex insula (no[n] hyperbolicôs loquor) nummus nullus me obtinente erogabitur. Ob hæc beneficia quibus illi obstupescunt, nullos < Commoda magistratum Romanoru[m] in prouincijs.> honores nubi nisi uerborum decerni sino. Si hic numerus &c. talenta uerè apud Ciceronem legitur (ut uerè legi puto) centum & uiginti millia aureorum nostrorum co- nomi

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET the people, while he himself was holding the praetorship, which Oration is entitled on the < Lucullus.> law Manilia. On this account Lucullus, offended with the Republic, withdrew into leisure, and with singular elegance and splendor of expenses passed his life amid every enjoyment of living; having from that province himself been enriched with the greatest resources, though on the day of his triumph he had brought into the treasury a golden likeness of Mithridates, six feet in length, and a shield inlaid with gems, together with an enormous quantity of coined and uncoined gold and silver. Cicero, in his Against Piso , sets it down as a notable deed that < Cicero laid down the province.> he despised the province. “I,” he says, “my colleague Antony being eager for a province and plotting many things against the Republic, pacified by my patience and compliance: I laid down the province of Gaul, furnished and adorned by the authority of the Senate with army and money, which I had shared with Antony, because I judged that the times of the Republic so required, in the assembly, while the Roman people protested.” The same man, when he held the province of Cilicia, writing to Atticus concerning the integrity of his life, says, “I myself set out for Asia and arrived at Tarsus on the Nones of January: truly it cannot be said with what admiration of the cities of Cilicia, especially of the Tarsians. Afterwards, when I had crossed Mount Taurus, there was a marvelous expectation of our Asian districts, which for six months of my command had received no letters from me and had never seen a guest; but in earlier times that period had been one of profit. Wealthy cities, so that they would not receive soldiers into winter quarters, gave large sums of money; the Cypriots gave Attic talents, etc., from which island (I am not speaking hyperbolically) not a coin was disbursed while I held it. Because of these benefits, at which they are amazed, I allow no honors < Advantages of Roman magistracies in the provinces.> to be decreed to me except in words. If this number etc. of talents is truly read in Cicero (as I think it truly is), one hundred and twenty thousand of our gold pieces co- nomi

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 331 nomine lucrifacere potuit, si famam contempisset. Opulentam autè Cyprum olim fuisse ex eo conijcimus, quòd Ptolemæo Cypri Rege confiscato, Cato qui Clodij factione ad colligendam eius gazam ablegatus est, paulo minus septem millia talentum Romam deportauit ex auctione gazæ, ut autor est Plutarchus, < Cypria gaza publicata.> κατωνι σωνι χει μει δρωρία παλαιτα μικρὸν παρακιαλιων αποδιοντα. Quanquam maior ob id pecunia fuisse uidetur, quòd Cato aliquando in altercatione Pompeio obiecit se ex Cypro plus auri atq[ue] argenti nullo exercitu detulisse, quàm Pompeius ex omnibus triumphis concusso terrarum orbe ipse instructus ingentibus copijs intulisset in ærarium: quo tempore Cyprus in prouinciam prætoriam redacta est factione eiusde[m] Publj Clodij Pulchri Ptolemæo infensi ob negatam ei pecuniam ad redemptionis precium, cum à piratis interceptus esset. quæ historia à Strabone narratur in fine libri decimuquarti. Idem Cicero pro lege Manilia, Difficile est dictu Quirites quanto in odio simus apud exteras nationes propter eorum quos ad eas hoc anno cum imperio mi simus, iniurias ac libidines. Quod enim sanum putatis in illis terris uestris magistratibus religiosum, quam ciuitatem sanctam, quam domum satis clausam ac munitam fuisse? Vrbes iam locupletes & copiosæ requiruntur, quibus causa belli propter diripiendi cupiditatem inseratur. Idem Pisoni obiecit quòd perfidiam c c c. talentis uendidisset, his uerbis, Idem 'que tu Rabocentum Bessicæ gentis principem, quum trecentis talentis Regi Cotto uendidisses, securi percussisti, cum ille ad te Legatus in castra uenisset, & tibi magna præsidia & auxilia à Bessis equitum peditum 'que polliceretur. Et paulo infærius, Non'ne sestertiù centies & octogies, quod quasi uasari

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by name he could have made a profit, if he had despised reputation. From this we infer that Cyprus was once wealthy, because, after Ptolemy, king of Cyprus, had been confiscated, Cato, who was sent by the faction of Clodius to collect his treasure, brought almost seven thousand talents to Rome from the sale of the treasure, as Plutarch says, <and the Cypriot treasure was made public.> κατωνι σωνι χει μει δρωρία παλαιτα μικρὸν παρακιαλιων αποδιοντα. Although the money seems to have been greater for that reason, because Cato once, in a dispute, reproached Pompey that from Cyprus he had brought away more gold and silver without any army than Pompey, from all his triumphs, after the world had been shaken, had himself brought into the treasury with great forces; at which time Cyprus was reduced to a praetorian province by the faction of the same Publius Clodius Pulcher, hostile to Ptolemy because he had refused him the money for his ransom, when he had been intercepted by pirates. This story is told by Strabo at the end of book fourteen. Cicero says the same in Pro Lege Manilia : “It is hard to say, Quirites, how much we are hated among foreign nations because of the injuries and lusts of those whom we send to them this year with imperium. For what place do you think, in those lands of yours, has been so sacred to our magistrates, what city so holy, what house so well closed and fortified? Rich and abundant cities are now sought out, against which the pretext for war may be brought in, on account of the desire for plunder.” The same thing he reproached Piso with, because he had sold treachery for 300 talents, in these words: “And you too, when you had sold Rabocentus, prince of the Bessian people, to King Cotto for three hundred talents, struck him with the axe when he came to you as an envoy into the camp, and, while he was promising you great garrisons and help from the Bessi, horsemen and infantry.” And a little lower, “Did not you, for one hundred and eighty million sesterces, which as if to equip...”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sarij nomine in uæditione mei capitis adscripseras, ex ærario tibi attributu[m] Romæ in quæstu reliquisti? Non ne cu[m] ducenta talenta tibi Apolloniatæ Romæ dedissent ne pecu nias creditas soluerent, ultro Suffidium Equitem Roma= num hominem ornatissimum, creditorem debitoribus suis < Vasarium.> iddixisti? Vasarium Cicero appellat id quod publicè da= batur magistratibus, ut muli, equi, uasa, et reliqua quæ magistratus instrumentum implerent: id quod patet ex eo quod idem dicit in lege Agraria contra Rullum, de De= cemuiris loquens, quos Rullus creandos esse censuerat ad agros diuidedos, diuidedos q[ui] per prouincias: Dat, inquit, potestatem uerbo prætoriam, re uera regiam: definit in quinquennium, facit sempiternam. tantis enim confirmat opibus et copijs, ut inuitis eripi nullo modo possit. Deinde ornat apparitoribus, scribis, librarijs, præconibus, archi= tectis, præterea mulis, tabernaculis, centurijs, supellectili. Sumptum haurit ex ærario, suppeditat à socijs. Intelligi= mus ergo uasarij nomine pecuniam publicè dari solitâ ma gistratibus euntibus in prouincias, ex qua sibi necessaria compararent: id quod postea Augusti tempore Senatus co[m] sulto constitutum est. Tranquillus in Augusto, Autor et aliarum rerum fuit: in quers, ne acta Senatus publicaren= tur: ne magistratus deposito honore statim in prouincias mutterentur: ut pro Consulibus ad mulos et tabernacula quæ publicè locari solebant, certa pecunia co[n]stitueretur. Meminit eius moris Cicero in quinta in Verrem Actione, et Lampridius in Alexandro, his uerbis, Iudices cu[m] pro= moueret exemplo ueterum, ut et Cicero docet, et argen to et necessarijs instruebat, ita ut Præsides prouinciarum acciperent argenti pondo uicena, mulos et equos binos, uestes forenses binas, domesticas singulas, balneares sin= gulas,

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G. BVD. ON THE AS AND why did you leave at Rome, under the name of your estate sale, what had been assigned to you from the treasury for profit-making? Had not the Apolloniatae given you at Rome two hundred talents, so that they might discharge their debts? And did you not, of your own accord, name as creditor to his debtors Suffidius, a Roman Knight, a most distinguished man? <Vasarium.> Cicero calls vasarium that which was publicly given to magistrates, such as mules, horses, vessels, and the rest of the things which supplied a magistrate’s equipment: this is clear from what he says in the Agrarian Law against Rullus, when speaking of the Decemvirs, whom Rullus had proposed should be created for the division of the lands, the lands to be divided by provinces: “He gives,” he says, “the power in name a praetorian one, in reality a royal one; he limits it to five years, but makes it perpetual. For by such great resources and supplies he so strengthens them that they can by no means be stripped away against their will. Then he equips them with attendants, clerks, librarians, criers, architects; moreover with mules, tents, centuries, and furnishings. He draws the expense from the treasury, and the allies provide it.” Thus we understand by the name vasarium the money customarily given publicly to magistrates going out to the provinces, from which they might procure for themselves what was necessary; and this was later established by decree of the Senate in the time of Augustus. Suetonius in Augustus was also the author of other measures: among them, that the acts of the Senate should not be published; that magistrates, after laying down office, should not be immediately sent off to the provinces; and that a fixed sum should be set for the consuls instead of the mules and tents which used to be hired publicly. Cicero mentions this custom in the fifth speech Against Verres, and Lampridius in Alexander, in these words: “When he advanced judges according to the example of the ancients, as Cicero also teaches, he equipped them with silver and necessities, so that the governors of provinces received twenty pounds of silver, two mules and two horses, two suits of outer clothing, one set of house clothes, one bath robe,”

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gulas aureos centenos, coquos singulos: & si uxores non haberent, singulas concubinas, quòd sine ijs esse non possint. Reddituri deposita administratione mulas, mu= los, equos, muliones, & coquos: cæteræ sibi habituri, si bene gessisset. Sed illa fuit priscæ seueritatis imitatio, qua= lis in legibus sumptuarijs intelligitur, de quibus infra di= cturi sumus. Cicero igitur Pisoni obijcit quòd eo tem= pore quo Cicero exilio mulctatus fuit, Piso & Gabi= nius prouinciarum pactione cum Clodio Pulchro Trib. pleb. Ciceronis inimico conspirarint: sicq[ue] factum ut per Trib. pl. prouincias obtinuerint, Gabinius Syriam, Piso Macedoniam: & Pisoni centies & octogies sestertium uasarij nomine decretum sit, si uerus est numerus: quam to tam pecuniam foenore Romæ occupauit, quæ non minor fuit quadringetis & quinquaginta nullibus aureorum no strorum. Sunt & alia nomina pecuniæ imperandæ ciuita tibus, quam magistratus in rem suam uertebant: quæ Cice ro eadem in oratione in Pisonè persequitur. Qui modus, inquit, tibi fuit frumenti æstimandi? qui honorarijs? si qui= dem potest ui & metu extortum, honorarium nominari: quod cum peræquè omnes, tu acerbissimè Bæotij & By= zantij, Chæronenses, Thessalonica sensit. Frumentum æsti mandum intelligo id frumentum quod in cellam Prætoris uel Consulis imperatur, pro quo pecuniam imperabant quantam collibuerat. Honorarium appello, quod Græci Honorariu[m] iso diô & isodes. id est xenium aduentitium quod datur ingredienti quanque urbem magistratui, ut bodie prin= cipibus nostris cum primùm urbes pompaticè ingrediun= tur. Sequitur in eadem oratione, Mitto aurum corona= rium quod te diutissime torsit, cum modò uelles, modò nol les. Lex enim generi tui & decerni, & te accipere ueta= Z bat

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one hundred gold pieces each, and one cook each; and if they had no wives, one concubine each, because they could not be without them. They were to give back, after laying down their office, the mules, muleteers, horses, and cooks; the rest they were to keep for themselves, if they had conducted themselves well. But that was an imitation of the old severity, such as is understood in the sumptuary laws, which we shall speak of below. Cicero therefore charges Piso with the fact that, at the time when Cicero was punished with exile, Piso and Gabinius, in a bargain over the provinces with Clodius Pulcher, tribune of the plebs and Cicero’s enemy, conspired; and thus it came about that, through the tribunes of the plebs, they obtained provinces: Gabinius Syria, Piso Macedonia; and that to Piso there was decreed one hundred and eighty million sesterces under the name of for a transport allowance, if the number is true: all of which money he secured at Rome on interest, which was not less than four hundred and fifty thousand of our gold pieces. There are also other names for money exacted from cities, which magistrates turned to their own profit; Cicero pursues these in the same speech against Piso. What limit, he says, did you observe in assessing the corn? what in the honoraria? if indeed what is extorted by force and fear can be called an honorarium, since in the same way all cities felt it, and you most bitterly Boeotians and Byzantines, Chae ronenses, Thessalonians. By corn assessed I mean that corn which is demanded into the praetor’s or consul’s cellar, in return for which they exacted whatever sum they pleased. I call an honorarium that which the Greeks call honorarium, isodiô and isodes, that is, an adventitious xenia which is given to a magistrate on entering any city, as today to our leaders when first they enter cities in pomp. He continues in the same speech: “I pass over the golden crown gift, which tormented you for so long, while now you wished it, now you did not wish it. For a law of your family forbade both the decree and your receiving it.”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET bat, nisi decreto triumpho. His accedit, quòd Romani Im= peratores ciuitatem Romanam dare poterat, ut autor est idem Cicero in Oratione pro Cornelio Valbo, his uerbis, Audebo etiam hoc contendere, nunquam esse condemna= tum quem constaret ab Imperatore nostro ciuitate dona= tum. His igitur & huiuscemodi causis Romani Senatores ditescere in immensum poterant. Augusti autem tempore murum in modum auctum est fastigium Romanum, no[n] mo= dò publicum, sed etiam priuatum, licet luxus uitæ diminu= tus esset: exemplum prodente principe. nuttebat enim in prouincias Consulares & Prætorios & Equestris ordi= nis uiros, quoscunq[ue] honore dignos iudicabat: qui etiam quò plures (ut Tranquilli uerbis loquar) partem admini= strandæ Reip. caperent, noua officia excogitauit, curam operum publicorum, uiarum & aquarum, aluci Tyberis, frumenti populo diuidendi, præfecturam Vrbis, Triumui ratum legendi Senatus, & alterum recognoscendi tur= mas equitum quotiescunque opus esset. Censores creari desitos longo interuallo, creauit. numerum Prætorum au xit, exegit etia[m] ut quotiescunq[ue]; Consulatus sibi daretur, binos pro singulis Collegas haberet. Ab ijs igitur quos locupletes nouerat ipse, exigebat ut urbem monumento aliquo insigni ornarent. Hunc morem tenuerunt & alij principes, ut uidere est apud historicos, & Plinium in E= pist. lib. 11. Firminus, inquit, inductus in Senatu, respondit crimini noto. Secutæ sunt diuersæ sententiæ Consulu[m] desi= gnatorum. Cornutus Tertullus censuit ordine mouedum: Acutius Nerua in sortitione prouinciæ rationem eius no[n] habenda[m]: quæ sentetia tanquam mitior uicit, cum sit alio= qui durior, tristiorq[ue]. Quid enim nuscius, quàm exectum & exemptum honoribus Senatorijs, laboribus & mole= stia non

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G. BVD. ON THE AS AND unless by decree of triumph. To this is added that Roman emperors could bestow Roman citizenship, as the same Cicero states in the Oration for Cornelius Balbus, in these words: “I will even dare to maintain this, that no one was ever condemned whom it was known had been granted citizenship by our Emperor.” By these causes, therefore, and by others of this kind, Roman senators could grow immensely rich. But in the time of Augustus the dignity of Rome rose, as it were, to a wall; not only in public matters, but also in private life, although the luxury of living had been diminished: the prince himself giving the example. For he sent into the provinces men of consular, praetorian, and equestrian rank, whenever he judged them worthy of honor. And in order that more men might take part in the administration of the Commonwealth, he devised new offices: the care of public works, of roads and waters, of the Tiber flood, of distributing grain to the people, the prefecture of the City, the commission for choosing the Senate, and another for reviewing the companies of knights whenever need should arise. He revived the creation of censors, which had long been discontinued. He increased the number of praetors, and also required that whenever the consulship was granted to him, he should have two colleagues for each one. From those, therefore, whom he knew to be wealthy, he himself demanded that they adorn the city with some distinguished monument. Other princes also followed this custom, as may be seen in the historians, and in Pliny, Epist. lib. 11. “Firminus,” he says, “brought into the Senate, replied to a known charge. Diverse opinions of the designated consuls followed. Cornutus Tertullus thought he should be removed from the order. Acutius Nerva thought that in the allotment of the province no account should be taken of him: which opinion, as the milder, prevailed, though in fact it is harsher and more severe. For what is more severe than to have a man, stripped and removed from senatorial honors, from labors and vexation, not ...”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 355 stia non carere & reliqua quæ longius prosequitur. Cæterùm præterquam quod suprà ex Traquillo diximus, Au gustum inuecta Vrbi Aegyptia gaza, tantam rei nummariæ copiam effecisse, ut multum precij prædijs accreuerit, ex eo conijsere licet homines Romanos inusitatis opibus affluentes fuisse, quòd intra x x. annos sestertiu[m] quaterdecies millies ex amicorum testamentis accepisse sese testatus est. Huic dicto fidem arrogat id quod apud Senecam lib. 1 1. de beneficijs scriptum est, his uerbis, Lentulus Augur diuitiarum maximum exemplum, antequam illum libertini pauperè facerent, quater millies sestertium suu[m] uidit. Hic cum omnia increm[m]eta sua diuo Augusto deberet, ad quem attulerat paupertatem sub onere nobilitatis laborantem, princeps iam ciuitatis & pecunia & gratia, subinde Augusto solebat queri, dicens à studijs se abductum. Quater millies sestertium dico non minorem esse pecuniâ centies centenis nullibus aureorum coronatorum, ne frustra putemus eum diuitiarum maximum exemplum appellatum à Seneca, homine ipso prædiuite, ut à Iuuenale appellatus est, & ipse fatetur apud Tacitu[m] lib. xiii in oratione ad Nerone habita: quem Tigillinus & alij eius inimici uarijs criminationibus apud Nerone adorti sunt, taquam ingentes & priuatu[m] supra modum euectas opes in dies adhuc augeret: hortorum quoq[ue] amoenitate, & nillarum magnificentia quasi principè supergrederetur. Traquillus Lentuli his uerbis meminit in Tyberio: Satis constat Cn. Lentulu[m] Augurem, cui maximus census fuit, metu & angore ad fastidiu[m] uitæ ab eo actum, & ut nequo nisi ipso hærede moreretur. Veruenimuero hoc animaduersione dignum, raram auri mentionem apud antiquos reperi, non modò pro eo quantæ priscæ ætatis opes celebratur Z 2 ab Rara auri men tio apud pri- ficos.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 355 it was not lacking in stature and the rest which he pursues further. Moreover, apart from what we said above from Suetonius, that Augustus, with Egyptian treasure brought into the City, caused such a supply of coin that the price of land greatly increased, from this it may be inferred that Roman men were abundant in unprecedented wealth, since he testified that within twenty years he had received fourteen times a hundred thousand sesterces from the wills of his friends. Credit is given to this saying by what is written in Seneca, book II. De Beneficiis , in these words: Lentulus the Augur, a greatest example of riches, before his freedmen made him poor, saw his own fortune four times a hundred thousand sesterces. Since he owed all the increase of his wealth to the divine Augustus, to whom he had brought poverty, laboring under the burden of nobility, the princeps now, both in citizenship and in money and favor, was accustomed in turn to complain to Augustus, saying that he had been drawn away from studies. I say four times a hundred thousand sesterces is no less than a hundred times a hundred thousand gold crowns, lest we should think him called by Seneca a greatest example of riches for nothing—he himself being very wealthy, as Juvenal called him, and he himself confesses in Tacitus, book XIII, in the speech delivered against Nero: when Tigellinus and other enemies of his attacked him before Nero with various accusations, as though he were increasing day by day immense and, for a private man, excessively elevated wealth; and that even by the charm of his gardens and the magnificence of his villas he seemed to outdo a prince. Suetonius mentions Lentulus in these words in Tiberius: it is well known that Cn. Lentulus the Augur, whose income was greatest, was brought by fear and anguish to weariness of life, and that he died by no other heir than himself. Truly, however, it is worthy of note that I find rare mention of gold among the ancients, not only in regard to what wealth of the ancient age is celebrated Z 2 ab Rare mention of gold among the ancients.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ab autoribus, sed rariorem etiam quàm pro nostri temporis opulentia, & contrà quàm hodie loquendi mos inoleuerit. Quotus enim quisque in commemorandis opibus hodie præsertim ingentibus argenti mentionem facit? Na[m] in uotis temerarijs, quibus surdum numen Fortunam idè= tidem fatigamus, primo quoque uerbo aurum nuncupari solet: tametsi apud nos in rationibus publicis ac priuatis, argenteis summis omnia transiguntur: alioquin & spon= sionibus factitandis, & pignoribus deponendis, & circu= laribus fabulamentis aurum plerunq[ue] per ora hominu[m] fer= tur. At uerò apud antiquos argentu[m] hominum sermone ce lebratius fuit. Sed præter alia, inquit Plinius, equidè mirer populu[m] Ro. uictis gentibus in tributo semper argentu[m] im= perasse, no[n] aurum: sicut Carthagini cum Annibale uictæ argenti pondo annua in quinquaginta annos. nec potest uideri penuria mundi id euenisse: na[m] Midas & Croesus in infinitum possederant. Eôdem pertinere uidetur & illud eiusdem Plinij dictum eodem libro, Mirum in auro cælan do inclaruisse neminem, argento multos. maximè tamen laudatus est Mentor, de quo suprà diximus. Quatuor pa= ria denique ab eo omnino facta sunt, ac iam nullum exta= re dicitur. proximi Acragas & Boëthus & Mys fuere. Magna fama post hos celebratus est Antipater, quiq[ue] Sa= tyrum in phiala grauatu[m] somno collocauisse uerius quàm cælasse dictus est Stratonicus. Laudatur & Zopyrus, qui Areopagitas & iudicium Orestis in duobus scyphis pon= do x I I. æstimatis. In uetustissimo non pondo, sed HS. id est sestertium legitur: quod ego interpretor sestertiu[m] duo= decies, id est censu Senatorio. Nam paulò suprà dixerat, Nec copia tantum argenti fuerat uitæ, sed ualidius poenæ metu precium, idq[ue] iampridem, ut ignoscamus nobis. Del= phinos

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G. BVD. OF THE ASH AND by the authors, but even more rarely than is proper to our times’ abundance, and contrary to the way of speaking that has now become customary. For how many, in speaking of wealth, especially today when it is so great, make mention of silver? For in reckless vows, with which we repeatedly weary deaf Fortune, the very first word usually names gold, though among us in public and private accounts, everything is settled in sums of silver; otherwise also in making agreements, in depositing pledges, and in everyday conversation, gold is for the most part carried on people’s lips. But among the ancients silver was more celebrated in men’s speech. But, among other things, says Pliny, I myself would marvel that the Roman people, after conquering nations, always exacted silver in tribute, not gold: as also from Carthage, conquered with Hannibal, a yearly weight of silver for fifty years. Nor can it seem that this happened because of scarcity in the world: for Midas and Croesus had possessed it without limit. It seems to belong to the same point also that saying of the same Pliny in the same book: “It is remarkable that no one has become famous in engraving gold, but many in silver.” Yet most of all Mentor is praised, of whom we spoke above. Four pairs in all were made by him, and now none is said to survive. Next after him were Acragas, Boëthus, and Mys. After these, great fame was enjoyed by Antipater, and also by the one who, it was said, placed Satyrus in a bowl laden with sleep rather than carved him up, as Stratonicus says. Zopyrus too is praised, who made the Areopagites and the judgment of Orestes in two cups valued at XII. In the most ancient source it is read not XII, but HS., that is, sestertium: which I interpret as twelve times a million sesterces, that is, a senatorial census. For a little above he had said, “Nor was there such abundance of silver for life alone, but price was more powerfully driven by the fear of punishment, and that long ago, so that we may excuse ourselves.” Dolphins

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 357 phinos quinis millibus sestertium in libras emptos C. Grac chus habuit. L. uerò Crassus orator duos scyphos Mentoris artificis manu cælatos sestertijs centum: cōfessus est tamen nunquam se ijs uti propter uerecundiam ausum: sicut eundem sex nullibus sestertium in singulas libras uasa em pta habuisse. In quibusdam antiquis utrobiq[ue] pondo pro sestertijs legitur, sed male. sestertijs enim in uetustissimo legitur, quomodo & in impressis libris. Sed de hoc loco superius satis dictum est. Sequitur apud Plinium loco superiore, Fuit dein Pytheas cuius duæ unciæ x x. uenierunt. Vlysses & Diomedes erant in phialæ emblemate Palladium surripientes. Fecit idem & cocos Magiresia appel latos paruulus potorijs, è quibus ne exemplaria quidem licet exprimere. tam opportuna iniuriæ subtilitas erat. Habuit & Teucer Crustarius famam, subito'que hæc ars ita exoleuit, ut sola iam uetustate censeatur. In uetusto exemplari non uiginti, sed decem legitur. utrobique tamen deesse summa uidetur. Oportet autem opus preciosum fuisse in quo tale fuit emblema. Magiresia etiam corruptum est pro magiriscia, cum magiriscus dimunutiùè cocum significet apud Græcos. In antiquis etiam libris crustarius non legitur, sed sic, Habuit & Teucer famam. Verum hoc dictum Plinij credibile facit id quod supra de Graccho & Crasso dictum est, qui Cēsuræ tempore poenæ metu deterri non potuerunt, quin precium argenti fabrefacti & cælati eousque intenderent, ut operis æstimatio decuplo materiam argēti excederet. Hoc enim illa uerba Plinij significant, Validiusq[ue] fuit poenæ metu precium. Preciosa autem uasa esse omnino oportuit, quæ ea arte fabrefacta essent, quæ iam interijsset propter subtilitatem. De emble= matis in Annotationibus in libros iuris editis dicere me Emblemata. Z 3 memini

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 357 Phinos, bought for five thousand sesterces in a pound, C. Gracchus possessed. L. Crassus the orator, however, had two cups, the work of the craftsman Mentor, engraved by hand, for one hundred sesterces; yet he confessed that he had never dared to use them because of his modesty: just as he likewise had some vessels bought for six thousand sesterces per pound. In some old copies the reading is pondo, for sestertijs, in both places, but wrongly. For in the oldest text it reads sestertijs, as also in printed books. But enough has already been said on this passage above. What follows in Pliny at the earlier passage is: “Then there was Pytheas, of whom two ounces brought 20.” Ulysses and Diomedes were in the emblem on a phiale, stealing the Palladium. The same was also done by little drinking-cups called Magiresia, from which it is not even permitted to make copies, so apt was the delicacy of the injury. Teucer Crustarius also had a reputation, and this art so quickly fell into disuse that now it is judged only by its antiquity. In an old exemplar the reading is not twenty, but ten. Yet in both places the total seems to be missing. But the work must have been precious in which such an emblem was found. Magiresia is also a corruption for magiriscia, since magiriscus, in the diminutive, means “cook” among the Greeks. In ancient books too, crustarius is not read, but thus: “Teucer also had a reputation.” Yet what is said by Pliny is made credible by what was said above about Gracchus and Crassus, who, in the time of the censor, could not be restrained by fear of punishment from carrying the price of wrought and engraved silver so far that the value of the workmanship exceeded the substance of the silver by tenfold. For those words of Pliny mean this: “And the price was stronger than fear of punishment.” Moreover, those vessels must certainly have been precious, since they had been fashioned by that art, which had already perished because of its subtlety. I remember speaking of emblems in the Notes published on the books of law. Emblemata. Z 3 memini

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memini, cuiusmodi artis exempla hodie non uisuntur. nam & ante Plinij ætatem ars iamdiu exoleuerat. Officinæ Parisienses maximè auro & argento fabrefacto hodie no biles sunt, priuatim etiam uno uico aurificibus dicato. Et tamen uasa hodie pondere & inauratura cèsentur, & in= terdum pictura. In ijs enim rebus & in fabrica uascularij < Cælatores.> artem consumunt. Cælatores, sigillis, & aureolis gestami nibus, & mundo muliebri occupati sunt, quibus omnibus rebus ars nequit inclarescere. Quare hodie aurificium accessionis ferè uicem habet, olim autem precio huiusmodi rerum ex arte, non ex materia statuebatur. Inde illud Plinij dictum lib. x x x i i i i. Quondam ars confusè auro argento que miscebatur, & tamen ars preciosior erat. < Antiqua artificia.> Nunc incertum est, peior hæc sit, an materia: mirum q[ue], cum ad infinitum operum precio hæc creuerint, autoritas artis extincta est. Quæstus enim causa, ut omnia, exerceri coepta est, quæ gloriæ solebat: adeoq[ue] exoleuit fundendi æris preciosi ratio, ut iam diu ne fortuna quidem in ære ius artis habeat. Quoniam uerò iam multa de opibus Romanis, de primoribus uiris, & eorum magnificè tia, & immani etiam quorúdam luxu diximus, & eousq[ue] summas consumptarum opum auximus, ut fidem omnino facturi non uideamur, utemur nunc & alio testimonio Plinij, ut uerisimulia saltem dixisse uideamur, ijs quidem lectoribus, qui res priscas modulis nostræ auorumq[ue] memoriæ metientes, hactenus fidem historiæ accommodare possunt, quatenus pusilla animi sensa æstimare eos sinunt. < Plinius autor memorabiliu[m] reru[m] omnium.> Is igitur autor rerum omnium memorabilium, & æstimator acutus, & admirator disertus, lib. x x x vi. post enumerata opera externa, de rebus tædem Romanis dicere ita or sus est: Verùm & ad urbis nostræ miracula transire con= uenit

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I remember examples of that kind of craftsmanship are not seen today. For even before Pliny’s time the art had long since fallen into disuse. The Parisian workshops are now especially famous for wrought gold and silver, and even a whole street is privately devoted to goldsmiths. And yet today vessels are valued by weight and gilding, and sometimes by painting. For in these matters, and in the making of vessels, the engravers consume the art. Engravers are occupied with signet rings, pendants of gold, and women’s adornments, and with all these things the art cannot become illustrious. Therefore goldsmithing today has almost the role of an accessory, whereas in former times the price of such things was determined by workmanship, not by material. Hence that statement of Pliny, book xxxiv: “Once art was blended indiscriminately with gold and silver, and yet art was the more precious.” Now it is uncertain whether this is worse or the material itself; and it is remarkable that, although these things have increased to an infinite price of workmanship, the authority of the art has been extinguished. For what used to be exercised for glory alone has begun to be practiced for gain in all things; and so long has the method of casting precious bronze fallen into disuse that now even fortune itself has long no right over art in bronze. But since we have now spoken at length about the wealth of the Romans, about leading men, and about their magnificence, and even about the extravagant luxury of some, and have pushed the total of squandered riches so far that we seem not at all likely to be believed, we shall now also use another testimony of Pliny, so that we may at least seem to have spoken plausibly, namely to those readers who, measuring ancient matters by the scale of our memory and that of our ancestors, can so far accord belief to history only insofar as their small habits of mind allow them to estimate things. Pliny, therefore, that author of all memorable things, and keen appraiser and eloquent admirer, after enumerating foreign works, began to speak thus about Roman matters as follows, book xxxvi: “But it is fitting to pass on also to the marvels of our city”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. uenit, nongentorumq[ue] annorum dociles scrutari uiros, & sic quoque terrarum orbem uictum ostendere, quod accidisse toties penè, quot referentur muracula, apparebit: uniuersitate uerò accurata, & in quendam unum cumulum coniecta, non alia magnitudo exurget, quàm si mundus alius quidam in uno loco narretur. < Circus maximus à Cæsare extructus.> Nam ut Circum maximum à Cæsare Dictatore extructum logitudine stadiorum trium, latitudine unius, sed cum ædificijs iugerûm quaternûm ad sedem ducentorum L X. nullium, inter magna opera dicamus: non'ne inter magnifica, basilicâ Pauli, forumq[ue] diui Augusti, templum Pacis diui Vespasiani Imperatoris Augusti pulcherrima operum quæ unquam. < Plinij locus.> Lego ex uetusto exemplari, uires dociles, non uiros. Basilicæ Pauli memunit Plutarchus his uerbis in Cæsare, ut qui dem Latinè leguntur: Cæsar uberrimas Gallorum diuitias per omnes passim magistratus hauriendas permuttens, Curionem Tribunumplebis grandi foenore obstrictum liberauit. Paulo quoque Consuli nulle & quingenta sestertia præbuit, ex quibus nobilissimam ille in foro basilicâ Fuluiæ dicatam extruxit. Quo in loco non sestertia, sed talenta lego ex Græco exemplari, & ex Appiano lib. 11. bel. Ciuilium: Paulum autem, inquit, nulle & quingentis talentis eo pacto redemit, ut neque pro illo quicquam ageret, neque contra eum quicquam moliretur. Curionem autem, ut pro eo in plerisq[ue] ageret, quæ plurimo ære alieno sciebat obrutum, facile adegit. Paulus basilicam admodum splendidam suo nomine ex ea pecunia extruxit παῦλον μὴ χιλίων καὶ πεντακοσίων ταλάντων ἐπικάτο, μὴν ἀυτῶ μὴτε συμπράτησε, μὴτε ἔνο χλεῖν: καρίωνα δὲ συμπράτησε ὑπο χρεῖν ὑπολῶν. Plutarchus etia[m] ipse in Pompeio talēta nō sestertia dixit his uerbis, ut Latine legimus: Z 4 Cæsar

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PART OF HIS BOOK III. came, and men instructed by nine hundred years to investigate, and thus also to show the conquered globe of the earth, which will appear to have happened almost as many times as the wonders related are reported: when the whole matter is carefully considered, and gathered into one heap, no other greatness will arise than if some other world were being described in one place. < The Circus Maximus built by Caesar.> For as the Circus Maximus, built by Caesar the Dictator, with a length of three stadia and a breadth of one, but with buildings covering four iugera for the accommodation of 250,000 people, may be counted among great works: is it not among the magnificent works, the Basilica of Paullus, and the forum of the divine Augustus, the temple of Peace of the divine Vespasian, the Emperor Augustus, among the fairest works ever made. < A passage of Pliny.> From an old copy I read uires dociles, “instructed powers,” not uiros, “men.” Plutarch mentions the Basilica of Paullus in these words in Caesar, as they are read in Latin: Caesar, distributing the richest wealth of the Gauls to be drawn off by all the magistrates in turn, freed Curio the tribune of the plebs, who was bound by a heavy debt. He also gave Paulus the consul five hundred thousand sesterces, out of which Paulus built that very splendid basilica in the forum, dedicated in the name of Fulvia. In this passage I read talents, not sesterces, from the Greek exemplar, and from Appian, book 2 of the Civil Wars: Paulus, he says, he redeemed for five hundred talents on this condition, that he should do nothing for him, nor contrive anything against him. Curio, however, he easily brought over so that he would act with him in most matters, since he knew him to be overwhelmed by very great debt. Paulus built a very splendid basilica in his own name out of that money. παῦλον μὴ χιλίων καὶ πεντακοσίων ταλάντων ἐπικάτο, μὴν ἀυτῶ μὴτε συμπράτησε, μὴτε ἔνο χλεῖν: καρίωνα δὲ συμπράτησε ὑπο χρεῖν ὑπολῶν. Plutarch himself also in Pompey said talents, not sesterces, in these words, as we read in Latin: Z 4 Caesar

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Cæsar multos ciues pecunijs sibi allexit, multos etia[m] pri= moru[m] muneribus placauit, inter quos Paulus C[on]sul ob mul le & quingeta talenta mutatus est, & Curio Trib. pl. in= ge[n]ti ære alieno liberatus. Diximus alibi hanc summâ non= genta millia aureoru[m] nostroru[m] ualere, ne miremur eâ basi= licam à Plinio inter opera magnificetissima c[on]c[ern]eri. Idem Plinius, Pyramidas, regum miramur opera, cum solu[m] tan= tum foro extru[n]edo sestertijs nulle ducetis Cæsar Dictator emerit, & (si quidem imp[er]sæ mouet captos auaritia ani= mos) P. Clodius quem Milo occidit, sestertijs CXLVIII. millibus domo empta habitauerit, quod equidem no[n] secus ac regu[m] insaniam muror. Itaq[ue] & ipsum Milonem sester= tia septingenta millia æris alieni debuisse, inter prodigiæ humani animi duco. Hæc uerba tot tatisq[ue] mendis scatent, uix ut restitui posse co[n]fidâ. Primum sestertijs nulle & du= centis pro duodecies sestertio, rarus fuit antiquis sermo, ut alibi dixi: deinde in antiq[ui]s quibusda[m] numerus corruptus est, ut omnino nihil elici possit. In uetustissimo H S. lib. le= gitur. Postremò Traquillus in Iulio ipso de hoc ita scribit, Nullum largitionis aut officiorum in quæquam genus pu blicè priuatimq[ue]; omissit. forum de manubijs inchoauit, cu= ius area super sestertium nullies co[n]stitit. De Clodiana au tem domo ut nuc legitur, ridiculum est precium, quum Lu cij Crassi domus, cuius Plinius meminit ut mediocris, tri= cies pluris uendi potuerit. Milonem autem hominem egre giè profusum septingenta millia æris alieni debuisse, non erat admiratione dignum, quæ summa multo minor est de cies sestertio. Macrobius in 1 1. Satur. Augustus delata ad se magnitudine æris alieni quam quidam Eques Romanus dum uixit, excedetem ducenties celauerat, culcitram emi cubiculare[m] in eius auctione sibi iussit: & præceptum mi= rantibus

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G. BVD. OF ASS AND ET Caesar attracted many citizens to himself with money, and likewise pleased many of the first men with gifts; among these was Paulus the consul, who was won over for a million and five hundred thousand talents, and Curio, tribune of the people, freed from a huge burden of debt. Elsewhere we have said that this sum amounts to nine hundred thousand of our aurei, so let us not be surprised that Pliny counts that basilica among the most magnificent works. The same Pliny, when he marvels at the pyramids, those works of kings, says that Caesar the Dictator bought only the ground for constructing the forum for countless sesterces; and, if indeed such examples stir minds captured by greed, Publius Clodius, whom Milo killed, lived in a house bought for 148,000 sesterces, which I for my part marvel at no less than the madness of kings. So too I count it among the prodigies of human spirit that Milo himself owed 700,000 asses in debt. These words are full of so many errors that I scarcely dare to trust that they can be restored. First, sestertijs nulle et ducentis, for twelve hundred sesterces, was a rare expression among the ancients, as I said elsewhere; then in some ancient manuscripts the number is corrupted, so that nothing can be drawn out at all. In the oldest copy, H S. lib. is read. Finally, Suetonius himself writes thus about this in Julius: he omitted no kind of largess or favors, public or private; he began the forum with the spoils of war, the cost of whose site amounted to more than a hundred million sesterces. As for Clodius’s house, as it is now read, the price is ridiculous, since the house of Lucius Crassus, which Pliny mentions as ordinary, could have been sold for three times as much. But that Milo, a man exceedingly prodigal, should have owed 700,000 asses was not worthy of wonder, since that sum is far less than ten million sesterces. Macrobius in the first book of the Saturnalia says that Augustus, when the amount of a debt was brought to him which a certain Roman eques, while he lived, had hidden, exceeding two hundred million, ordered a coverlet for his bedroom to be bought at that man’s auction; and to those who were amazed at the order

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. mirantibus, hâc rationem reddidit, Habenda est ad somnum culcitra, in qua ille cum tantum deberet, dormire potuit. Planu[m] fit igitur locum medosum esse. In duobus antiquis libris, quos uidi taleta D C C. legitur, quod no[n] probo, cum propterea quòd Romani taletorum uocabulo no[n] utebantur, tum quia hæc summa minor est ducenties sestertio. at Curionem sexcenties sestertium debuisse, autor est Valerius lib. I x. his uerbis, Consinulis mutatio in domo Curionum extitit. Siquidem forum nostrum, & patris grauissimum supercilium, & filij sexcenties sestertium æris alieni aspexit, co[n]tractum famosa iniuria nobilium iuuenum. de quo nonihil suprà diximus ex secunda Ciceronis Antoniana. < Curionis xe alienum.> Publium autem Clodiu[m] perdita ac uecordi luxuria fuisse, ex eodem Valerio nouimus, his uerbis de eo eode[m] in loco dicete, Publij autem Clodij iudicium quâta luxuria & libidine abundauit? in quo ut euidèter incesti crimine nocens reus absolueretur, noctes matronarum & adolescetium nobilium magna summa emptæ mercedis loco iudici bus erogatæ sunt. Cicero ad Atticum libro primo de eo iudicio loquès ita inquit, Caluus per unum seruu[m], & quidem ex gladiatorio ludo, confecit totum negocium, accersiuit ad se, promisit, intercessit, dedit. Iam uerò (O dÿ boni) rem perditam, etiam noctes certarum mulierum, at que adolescetulorum nobilium introductiones, nonullis iudicibus pro mercedis cumulo fueru[n]t. Ita summo dissensu bonorum, pleno foro seruorum, x x v. iudices ita fortes tum fuerunt, ut summo proposito periculo uel perire maluerint, quàm perdere omnia. x x x 1. fueru[n]t quos fames magis quàm fama commouit. De eo iudicio iteru[m] loquès eode[m] lib. Afflicta, inquit, Resp. empto constuprató que iudicio. Omnino igitur oportet magnas has esse summas quas Pli- z s nius

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PART. OF HIS BOOK III. To the men wondering at this, he gave this explanation: A mattress must be provided for sleep, on which he, though owing so much, was able to sleep. Thus it is made plain that the place is a steep one. In two ancient books which I have seen, it is read, taleta D C C , which I do not approve, both because the Romans did not use the word taletorum , and because this sum is less than two hundred thousand sesterces. But that Curio owed six hundred thousand sesterces, Valerius is the authority, book I x, in these words: “A change of consulship took place in the house of the Curiones. For indeed our forum, and the very severe frown of the father, and the six hundred thousand sesterces of debt of the son, were seen, contracted by the notorious outrage of noble young men.” About which we said something above from the second Philippic of Cicero. <Curio’s debt.> But that Publius Clodius was of ruined and shameless luxury, we learn from the same Valerius, in the same place, where he says of him: “But what a judgment on Publius Clodius, with what luxury and lust did it abound? In order that the defendant, openly guilty of the crime of incest, might be acquitted, the nights of matrons and noble youths were paid out to the judges as a large sum in the place of a fee.” Cicero, speaking to Atticus in the first book about that trial, says thus: “Calvus, through one slave, and indeed one from the gladiatorial school, carried through the whole business; he summoned him to himself, promised, interfered, gave.” And now indeed, O good gods, a ruined affair, even the nights of certain women and the introductions of noble young men were, for some judges, as it were the heap of a bribe. So, with the greatest disagreement of the good men, the forum full of slaves, those 25 judges were then so brave that, with the greatest danger set before them, they preferred even to perish rather than to lose everything. There were 30 who were moved more by hunger than by reputation. About that trial he again says in the same book: “The Republic, he says, was afflicted by a trial bought and corrupted by debauchery.” It must therefore be that these sums are large, which Pliny-

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nius ob insignem nequitiam insaniæ Regum Aegypti eô parandas duxerit, qui pyranudas ipsi mundi miracula eô struxerunt. Vidi tria exemplaria, ut suprà dixi, manu scri pta, in quibus ita de Clodio legitur, talètis ducétis XLVII. emut locum in quo habitauit. sensu etiam immutato, quasi aream domus tanti emerit. Sæpe suprà testati sumus exemplaria Pliniana fluxam fidem habere, quod ad numeros quidem & summas peculiæ pertinet. quid enim simule habet talentum cum sestertio? quanquam & in omnibus autoribus id genus errati inualuit, ut multis exemplis docui mus. Rursus ut sestertium nullies legam apud Tranquillu[m], adduci non possum, cum ea summa fidem omnino excessu ra sit, si superficiem operis proportione areæ æstimandæ relinquamus: potiusq[ue] sestertia nulle, & apud Plinium sestertijs nulle & ducentis probarim, si alterum eligere cogar, etsi omnino minor summa est, quàm ut Plinius inter muranda poneret. Quare nihil constituo, nisi hoc tantum, quòd hic locus corruptus est. Reliqua uerò ex uetustissimæ lectionis obseruatione sic legenda contenderim: Et si quidem impensæ mouent captos auaritia animos, P. Clodius quem Milo occidit, sestertium cēties & quadragies octies domo empta habitauerit: quod equidè non secus ac Regum insaniam nutor. Itaq[ue] & ipsum Milone[m] sestertiu[m] septingenties æris alieni debuisse, inter prodigia animi humani duco. Vidimus suprà Curionem grandi ære alieno liberatum esse à Cæsare, & hac mercede Rempu. prodidisse. Hos æs alienum Valerius sexcenties sestertium taxæ uit, ego nulle & quingentis nullibus aureorum uostrorum æstimo, id est quindecies centenis nullibus. Milo ultra hâc summam ducenta & quinquaginta nullia aureoru[m] debuit. Ne nuremur Plinium id inter prodigia humanarum me= tium

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G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND nius, on account of the notable wickedness of the madness of the Kings of Egypt, should have thought it necessary to prepare this, who built pyramids, those very wonders of the world. I saw three exemplars, as I said above, written by hand, in which Clodius is read thus: forty-seven hundred thousand sesterces. He changed the place in which he lived; the sense also being altered, as though he had bought the area of the house of such a one. We have often testified above that the Plinian exemplars have a wavering reliability, as far as numbers and sums of money are concerned. For what has a talent in common with a sesterce? Although in all authors that kind of error has also become common, as I have shown with many examples. Again, as I cannot read “nulle” sesterces in Suetonius, I cannot be persuaded, since that sum would altogether exceed belief, if we leave the surface of the work to be estimated by the proportion of the area: rather I would approve “nulle sestertia” and in Pliny “nulle and two hundred sesterces,” if I were forced to choose the other reading, though the sum is altogether too small for Pliny to have placed it among marvels. Therefore I determine nothing, except this alone: that this passage is corrupt. But the rest, from observation of the very ancient reading, I would contend should be read thus: “And if indeed expenses move minds captured by greed, P. Clodius, whom Milo killed, would have lived in a house bought for one hundred and forty-eight million sesterces,” which I indeed regard no otherwise than the madness of kings. And so I count Milo himself as having owed seven hundred million sesterces of debt, among the prodigies of human nature. We have seen above that Curio was freed from heavy debt by Caesar, and that with this price he betrayed the Republic. Valerius assessed this debt at six hundred million sesterces; I estimate it at nulle and five hundred nulle of your gold coin, that is, fifteen times one hundred nulle. Milo owed an additional two hundred and fifty million gold coins beyond this sum. Let us not wonder that Pliny placed this among the prodigies of human me= tions

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 363 tium posuisse, tanti hominem obstringere se creditoribus in animum induxisse ea lege, ut pecunijs non dissolutis so lum uertendum esset, aut nexum ineudem. Nondum enim scripta erat lex ob alienum, quæ est in codice Iustiniani in titulo de Actionibus & obligationibus. Domum aute[m] illam Clodius ante paucos menses quàm à Milone occide retur, de Marco Scauro emerat in Palatio, ut autor est Asconius in Ciceronis Milonianâ. Ne aute[m] muremur Mi= lonem tantum æs alienum conslasse, idem Asconius refert Milonê eo tempore Consulatus cædidatum cu[m] P. Plaucio & Q. Metello Scipione suisse, cum ipsi candidati non so lum largitione profusa certatim populare studium eme= reri cõtenderent, sed etia[m] armatis factionibus succincti pæ làm uiderentur. Mense autem intercalari interfecto iam Clodio, Milonem aduersariorum inuidia recreatum, qui curiam incenderant, integrato impetu Consulatum solito etiam enixias & audacius petere coepisse, ita ut apertè tri butim in singulos nullia assiu[m] dederit ad fauorem concilia[m] dum. Ex quibus uerbis conijcere licet, immensam quandâ summam in e[ss]u ambitum effudisse, cum præter magistratu[m] sumnum, quem uiuo etiam Clodio petebat, accusationem etiam instantè de cæde Clodiana ea renu[n]ciatione redime= re populi fauore conaretur. A qua spe cu[m] decidisset, in exi lium abiit. Mille ases, decem aureis nostris ualebant, quâ mercedè suffragij uiritim repræsentare Milo non dubita= uit. Nunc si quis parcus æstimator in singulas tribus (quæ trigintaquinq[ue] fuerunt) nullenos redemptos suffragato= res colligat, ad trecenta quinquaginta nullia hoc nomine sumptus eu adet. Ob cuius rei infamia lex statim de ambi= tu à Pompeio noua & seuerior lata est. De eo Asconius ita inquit, Milo damnatus, in exilium Massiliam intra pau= cissimos <Mille ases ua luisse aureos de cem.> <Lex de ambi- tu.>

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...having set a price, he had resolved in his mind to bind the man to his creditors under that law, so that, if the money were not paid, he must either be turned out, or be held in bondage. For the law against debt had not yet been written, which is in the code of Justinian under the title De Actionibus & obligationibus . That house, however, Clodius had bought from Marcus Scaurus in the Palatine only a few months before he was killed by Milo, as Asconius states in Cicero’s Pro Milone . And lest we wonder that Milo contracted so large a debt, the same Asconius relates that at that time Milo was a candidate for the consulship together with P. Plautius and Q. Metellus Scipio, when the candidates themselves strove not only by lavish bribery to win the favor of the people, but also appeared openly accompanied by armed factions. But in the intercalary month, Clodius having already been killed, Milo, revived by the hatred of his opponents who had burned the curia, and with his attack renewed, began to seek the consulship with even greater eagerness and boldness than usual, so that he plainly gave money to individuals in each tribe to win favor. From these words it is possible to infer that he poured out an immense sum on this election, since besides the highest magistracy, which he was also seeking while Clodius was still alive, he was also trying by that proclamation to purchase the people’s favor in order to escape the accusation then pending for the murder of Clodius. When this hope failed him, he went into exile. A thousand asses were worth ten of our aurei, and Milo did not hesitate to pay the price of each vote in cash. Now if some parsimonious estimator should count, in each tribe—which were thirty-five in number—no fewer than so many hired voters, the sum spent for this purpose would amount to three hundred and fifty thousand asses. Because of the infamy of this affair, a new and stricter law against bribery was immediately passed by Pompey. As Asconius says of it: <A thousand asses were worth ten aurei.> <The law against bribery.>

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET cissimos dies profectus est. Bona eius propter alieni æris <magnitudinem semucia uenierunt. Semuncia uenire bona.> Semuncia uenire bona. Semucia nummi. sic dictum est; ut addicere nummo, de quo antè diximus: quod perinde est ac si gratuitò addiceretur. Semucia enim hoc in loco quartam & uicesimam partem assis nummi si gnificat, quæ stipe nostrate sextantem turonici denarioli ualeat. <Cæsar corruptor animosissimus.> Mirari hic rursus subit animosum corruptorem (ut suprà diximus) Cæsarem Dictatorem, de cuius ære alieno libro secundo dictum est, qui Paulum Consulem aureorum nongentorum nullium æstimatione redimere non dubitarit, atque ea demum lege, ne quid commoda= ret ei, modò ne quid incommodaret. Curionem Tribu= num etiam quindecies centenùm nullium, sed eo pacto, ut penè in omnia se addiceret, ne sexcentis nullibus au= reorum pluris sese indicasse Tribunum quàm Consulem muremur. Profectò non uideo ad hanc seu magnificen= tiam seu uecordiam aliquid addi posse. <Cæsar enim tum ciuis tantum Romanus erat, necdum Dictatura assumpta, & sublato Pompeio animos maiores priuato fastigio su=stulerat. Nam quæ post Dictaturam & triu[m]phos destina=uerat (ut autor est Traquillus) si mors e[ss]e non occupasset, æquare potuissent Alexandri magni incepta. Idem Plinius loco supradicto de Romanis domibus loques, Computed, inquit, in hac æstimatione qui uolet, marmoru[m] molem, ope ra pictorum, impedia regalia, & cum pulcherrima laudatissimaq[ue] certates centum domos, posteaq[ue] eas ab innume rabilibus alijs in hunc diem uictas. Profectò incendia pu=niunt luxu[m], nec tamè effici potest ut mores aliquid ipso ho mine mortalius esse intelligat, uel moralius ut in antiquis. <Domus Caligulæ & Neronis.> Sed eas omnes duæ domus uicerunt. Bis uidimus urbe[m] tota[m] cinqi domibus principu[m] Caij & Neronis, & huius quide[m], ne quid

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET he departed on the most fortunate day. His property, because of the magnitude of his debts, was sold for a semuncia. <Property sold for a semuncia.> Property sold for a semuncia. A semuncia of money. so it was said, as with “to bid in for a coin,” of which we spoke before: which is as though it were awarded for nothing. For a semuncia in this place signifies the twenty-fourth part of an as of money, which in our coinage would be worth a sextant of a denarius of Tour. <Caesar, a most reckless corrupter.> Here again one is moved to wonder at the bold corrupter (Caesar the Dictator, as we said above), of whose debt mention was made in the second book, who did not hesitate to redeem Paulus the Consul for the valuation of nine hundred thousand aurei, and indeed on this condition only, that he should not do him any favor, provided only that he did him no harm. He also made Curio the Tribune his own for fifteen hundred thousand, but on such terms that he surrendered himself almost in everything, so that we may not complain that he had made himself known as Tribune rather than as Consul for more than six hundred thousand aurei. Truly I do not see that anything can be added to this either in magnificence or in madness. <For at that time Caesar was only a Roman citizen, not yet having assumed the dictatorship; and with Pompey removed, he had raised his ambitions above private station. For what he was preparing after the dictatorship and his triumphs (as Suetonius relates), had death not intervened, might have equaled the undertakings of Alexander the Great. Pliny likewise, in the passage cited above, speaking of Roman houses, says: “Compute, if you will, in this valuation the mass of marble, the works of painters, the royal furnishings, and the hundred houses distinguished by the most beautiful and highly praised contests, and then the innumerable others defeated by them to this day.” Truly fires punish luxury, yet it cannot be brought about that man should understand that anything is more mortal, or more moral, than in the ancients.> <The house of Caligula and Nero.> But those two houses surpassed them all. We have twice seen the whole city taken in by the houses of the emperors Gaius and Nero, and indeed this one, so that nothing

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 363 ne quid deesset, aurea. Et paulo inserius, Non patiemur duos Caios, uel duos Nerones, ne hac quidem gloria fa= mæ frui. docébimusq[ue] etiam insaniam eorum uictam priuæ tis operibus M. Scauri. < M. Scauri magnificetia por tentiua.> Cuius nescio an Aedilitas maxime prostrauerit mores ciuiles, maiusq[ue]; sit Syllæ malum tanta priuigni potetia, quàm proscriptio tot milliu[m]. Hic fecit in Aedilitate sua opus maximum omniu[m] quæ unquam fuere humana manu facta, no[n] temporaria mora, uerùm etiam æ= ternitatis destinatione. Theatru[m] hoc fuit, scena ei triplex altitudine, trecetarum L X. columnaru[m], in ea ciuitate quæ sex hymettias non tulerat sine probro ciuis amplissimi. Ia[m] pars scenæ è marmore fuit, media è uitro, inaudito etiam postea genere luxuriæ, summæ tabulis inauratis colunæ, ut diximus, imæ duodequadragenum pedum: signa ærea inter columnas, ut indicauimus, fueru[n]t tria millia numero: cauea ipsa cepit hominum L X X X. millia, cum Pompeij amphitheatri, toties multiplicata urbe tatoq[ue]; maiore po= pulo, sufficiat largè X L. millia sedere. Reliquus apparatus tatus Attalica ueste, tabulis pictis, cæteraq[ue]; cura fuit, ut in Tusculanam uillam reportatis quæ superfluebat quotidia ni usus delicijs, incesa uilla ab iratis seruis concremaretur ad sestertia M. In antiquis non nullis bina millia sestertia legitur, et Hermolaus, co[n]cremarentur bina millia sester= tia, legit ex antiquis: quod miror, cu[m] sestertium in geniti= uo legi debeat, uel dictio sestertia præcedere hæc duo uer ba bina millia, si in recto legatur. Etsi no[n] est is sermo è mo re antiquo, ut diximus: deinde no[n] bina, sed duo dixisset Plinius. < Locus Plinij insignis.> In antiquissimo est, concremaretur ad H. S. M. q[ui]d ego interpretor sestertium millies, uel bis millies potius. co[n]cre maretur enim singulari numero legitur. Admaturatio autem Plinij in eo co[n]sistit incedio, ut ex uerbis sequetibus appa= ret:

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PART OF HIS BOOK III. 363 so that nothing might be lacking, golden. And a little below, “We shall not allow two Gaii, or two Neros, even to enjoy this glory of fa- me. And we shall also teach that their madness was conquered by the private works of M. Scaurus.” <The magnificence of M. Scaurus’s display.> Of this I do not know whether his aedileship most of all corrupted civic morals, and whether Sylla’s greater evil was so much power in a stepson as the proscription of so many thousands. In his aedileship he made the greatest work of all that were ever made by human hand, not with a temporary intention, but even with a destination to eternity. This was a theatre, its stage threefold in height, with 360 columns, in a city which had not tolerated even six Hymettian ones without the reproach of the most distinguished citizen. Now part of the stage was of marble, the middle part of glass, an unheard-of kind of luxury even later on; the upper columns were gilded tables, as we said, the lower ones of forty-eight feet: among the columns there were, as we have said, three thousand bronze statues in number: the seating itself held eighty thousand men, when the Pompeian amphitheatre, so often multiplied by the city and by a much greater population, would be more than enough for forty thousand to sit. The rest of the apparatus—Attalic clothing, painted panels, and the other furnishings—was so arranged that, when the surplus from daily luxury had been carried back to the Tusculan villa, the villa, set on fire by angry slaves, was burned down for a hundred million sesterces. In some ancient texts it is read “two thousand sesterces,” and Hermolaus, “let them be burned for two thousand sesterces,” reads from the ancients: which I marvel at, since sestertium ought to be read in the genitive, or else the word sestertia should precede these two words bina millia, if it is read in the nominative. And yet this is not the sort of expression used in the ancient manner, as we said; moreover Pliny would have said not bina, but duo. <An outstanding passage in Pliny.> In the oldest text it is, “let it be burned for H. S. M.,” which I interpret as sestertium millies, or rather twice millies. For it is read with the singular number, “let it be burned.” Pliny’s haste here, however, lies in the fire, as appears from the following words:

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ret: Quando hoc, inquit, certè incendij illius præmiu[m] habuit, co[n]uectis ex orbe terrarum rebus, ut nemo postea par esset insaniæ illi, sed ne ipse quidem Scaurus comparari sibi posset. Ex his enim intelligimus, incensa uilla, colliquesa eta signa ærea, et arsisse tabulas pictas immesi precij, et Attalicas uestes, id est tapetas preciosissimos, quales aliquado Neroni quadringenties sestertium co[n]siterunt ad tricliniu[m] ornandum, ut suprà docuimus ex eodem Plinio. Sensus est igitur, eo incèdio factum ut res eximuæ ex omni parte imperij Romani conuectæ, igne haurirentur, ita ut nemo postea imutari exemplum tanti spectaculi posset, ac ne ipse quidem Scaurus iterum edere tale posset, si maxime cuperet. hoc enim significant uerba illa Plinij. omnino igitur sestertium nullies legedum est, id est uicies et quinquies centena nullia aureorum nostroru[m], uel bis nullies potius ex plerisq[ue] libris, id est quinquagies centena. alioquin ridiculus esset Plinius, qui Scauru[m] superasse Caium et Ne ronem ingenia luxu et prodigentia monstirifica dixit: de quibus postea dicemus nonnihil, si locus dicendi incurrerit. Verùm ubi legitur, reliquus apparatus tantus Attalica ueste, tabulis pictis cæteraq[ue] cura fuit, legendu[m] censeo, cæteroq[ue]; choragio fuit: admonitus ab antiquis exeplaribus, in quibus tum uorago legitur, tum corago: et à Valerio lib. 11. cuius hæc uerba sunt, Claudius Pulcher scenam uaritate colorum adumbrauit, uacuis antè pictura tabulis extentam, quam totam argento C. Antonius, auro Petreius, ebore Quintus Catulus prætexuit, uel prætexit. Versatilem fecerunt Lucius et Cinna locum, quem argentatis choragijs Publius Lentulus Spinter adornauit. translatum antea Phoeniceis indutum tunicis M. Scaurus exquisito genere uestis cultum induxit. Cæterùm ubi legitur, iam

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ret: When, he says, indeed he had received the reward of that fire, after goods were brought together from all over the world, so that afterward no one was equal to that madness, not even Scaurus himself could be compared with him. For from this we understand that the villa was burned, the bronze statues melted, and painted panels of immense value were consumed, and the Attalic garments, that is, the most precious tapestries, such as once cost Nero four hundred thousand sesterces to adorn the dining-room, as we have shown above from the same Pliny. The sense, therefore, is that by that fire things of extraordinary value, collected from every part of the Roman Empire, were devoured by the flames, so that afterward no one could imitate the example of so great a spectacle, and not even Scaurus himself could produce such a thing again, even if he most desired it. For this is what those words of Pliny mean. Therefore, by all means, it should be read not "sestertium nullies," that is, twenty-five hundred thousand of our gold pieces, or rather, according to most books, twice "nullies," that is, fifty hundred thousand. Otherwise Pliny would be ridiculous, since he said that Scaurus surpassed Gaius and Nero in monstrous ingenuity of luxury and extravagance; of whom we shall later say something, if an opportunity for speaking arises. But where it is read, "reliquus apparatus tantus Attalica veste, tabulis pictis cæteraque cura fuit," I think it should be read "cæteroque choragio fuit," being warned by ancient exemplars, in which sometimes "uorago" is read, sometimes "corago": and from Valerius, book 11, whose words are these: Claudius Pulcher shaded the stage with a variety of colors, having stretched it before with empty painted panels; C. Antonius covered it entirely with silver, Petreius with gold, Quintus Catulus with ivory. Lucius and Cinna made the place turnable, which Publius Lentulus Spinter adorned with silvered choragia. A place formerly draped in Phoenician-colored tunics Scaurus introduced, adding an elaborate kind of dress. But where it is read, now

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 367 Iam pars scenæ è marmore fuit:lego, ima pars, licet exem plaria refragetur. Ipse Plinius alibi eodem lib. M. Scauri Aedilitate ad scenam theatri temporarij, & uix uno men se futuri in usu, uiderunt portari silentio legum. Et post duos uersus, Veru esto indulserint publicis uoluptatibus, etia ne tacueru[m] maximas earum atq[ue] adeo duodequadrage[n]um pedum Lucullei marmoris in atrio Scauri collocari? nec clam illud occulteq[ue] factu[m] est. satisfari sibi dani infecti egit redemptor cloacaru[m], cum in Palatium extraherentur. Ex his uerbus intelligimus, dissoluto theatro, quod ad unius circiter mensis tempus factum erat, id est quoad ludi finirentur, columnas grandissimas in atrium domus Scauri, quæ erat in Palatio, translatas. Atria enim peristy lijs constant, ut uidere est apud Vitruuium lib. v 1. sicut & caua ediu[m]. Addit hæc Plinius, Nec potest uideri Scaurus rudi & huius mali improuidæ ciuitati obrepsisse quodâ uitæ rudimeto. Iam enim Luciu[m] Crassum oratorem illum, qui peregrini marmoris colunas habuit in eodem atrio, hymettias tame[n], nec plures sex aut longiores duode[n]um pedum, M. Brutus in iurgijs ob id Palatinam Venerem appellauerat. Idem alibirusus de ijs loques qui marmoræ in donubus habuerunt, Inter hos, inquit, primum (ut arbitror) marmoros parietes habuit scena Marci Scauri, no[n] facilè dixerim, sectos, an solidis glebis politos, sicut est hodie Louis tonantis ædes in Capitolio. Idem libro trigesimoseptimo, Gemmas plures (quod peregrino appellat nomine dactylothecam) primus omnium habuit Romæ priuignus Syllæ Scaurus: diu que nulla alia fuit, do nec Pompeius Magnus eam quæ Mithridatis Regis fuerat, inter dona in Capitolio dicaret, ut M. Varro alijq[ue] eiusdem ætatis autores confirmant, multum præla- tam

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. HIS BOOK III. 367 Now part of the stage was made of marble: I read, the lowest part, though the examples may dispute it. Pliny himself elsewhere, in the same book, says that in the aedileship of M. Scaurus, for the temporary stage of the theatre, which was hardly to be used for more than one month, they saw it carried in, with the laws silent. And two verses later: “Even if they had indulged public pleasures, did they not also keep silent about the greatest of them, and indeed about the placement in the atrium of Scaurus of Lucullian marble, nearly thirty-eight feet long?” Nor was it done secretly or in hiding. The contractor for the sewers, when they were being brought into the Palatium, claimed compensation for the damage done to him. From these words we understand that, when the theatre had been dismantled, which had been made for about the space of one month, that is, until the games should be finished, very large columns were transferred into the atrium of the house of Scaurus, which was on the Palatine. For atria are provided with peristyles, as may be seen in Vitruvius, book 5, chapter 1, and likewise with the open spaces of houses. Pliny adds this: Nor can Scaurus be thought to have crept into a rude and unsuspecting city as though by some crude trick of life. For already Lucius Crassus, that famous orator, who had columns of foreign marble in the same atrium, though Hymettian marble, and no more than six columns or longer than twelve feet, M. Brutus had on that account in his jests called the Palatine Venus. The same author elsewhere, speaking in jest about those who had marble in their houses, says: “Among these, the first, as I think, to have marble walls was the stage of Marcus Scaurus; I cannot easily say whether they were cut stones or polished with solid masses, as is today the temple of Jupiter Tonans on the Capitol.” In the same book, the thirty-seventh, he says that Scaurus, the stepson of Sulla, was the first of all to have more gems at Rome (which he calls by the foreign name dactylotheca); and for a long time there was no other, until Pompeius Magnus dedicated in the Capitol, among the spoils, that which had belonged to King Mithridates, as M. Varro and other authors of the same age confirm, greatly surpassing it.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tam Scauri. hoc exemplo Cæsar Dictator sex dactylothe- cas in æde Veneris genitricis consecrauit. Et rursus libro X X X I I I. In M. Scauri Aedilitate tria nullia signoru[m] in scena tantum fuere temporario theatro. Ex supradictis conijcere licet, non mirabilem, sed stupendam, non magni ficentiam, sed luxuriam, & portentosa impendia in appa- ratu ludorum Scauri fuisse, quorum uix iniri ratio potest præ magnitudine. Fuit autem Scauro (ut eiusdem Plinij uerbis loquar) uitricus Sylla, & Metella mater, pro- scriptionum sectrix, & M. Scaurus pater, toties princeps ciuitatis, & Marianis sodalitijs rapinaru[m] provincialium sinus, uel (ut in antiquo legitur) Mariani sodalitij rapina- rumq; provincialium sinus. Metella uxor fuit Syllæ, ut au tor est Plutarchus: quam sectricem proscriptionu[m] Plinius uocat, quasi impetratricè redemptricemq; proscriptionu[m] quæ sub Sylla factæ sunt. Cui tamen morbo languenti Syl la repudium nusit, ne felicitas sua luctu uxoris contamina retur, cum interim ipse epulum magnificentissimum popu lo instauraret decima rapinarum & proscriptionum Herculi polluce[n]da. Plutarch. in Publicola de templo Iouis Ca pitolini loquens, quod ter incensum, quartum à Domutia no extractu[m] est, tati deauratu[m] fuisse suo tempore prodidit, ut nullius ciuis Romani priuati hominis c[æ]sus æquare eam impesam potueri t: quippe quod duodecim nullibus talen- torum deauratum. sic enim inquit, τοῦτα τὴν ἐμα[n]ς ἰρει- μερισον ἐν ἡωμη τῶν ἀθοπικῶν πλῶτον ἐκλογιαίντα, & ὑ χνοῦσεως μὴ τελεσον ἀνάλωμα λήτεα, πλεον ἐν ἀγχιλιων καὶ μεριον ταλάντων γενόμων. Quod tamen opus longe minus murandum esse domo principis ipsius ait, quæ undique auro splendebat. id quod mirum est Plinium & Tranquillum silentio prætermisisse. Quoniam autem hic liber

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND also of Scaurus. By this example, Caesar the Dictator consecrated six dactylothecae in the temple of Venus Genetrix. And again, in book XXXIII, in M. Scaurus’ aedileship there were only three nullia signa in the stage of that temporary theater. From what has been said above, it may be inferred that there was in Scaurus’ provision for the games not admirable magnificence, but astonishing extravagance, not grandeur, but luxury and monstrous expense, the scale of which can scarcely be reckoned because of its vastness. Now Scaurus had, if I may speak in the words of the same Pliny, Sylla as stepfather, Metella as mother, a gatherer of proscriptions, and M. Scaurus the father, so often prince of the state, and in the Marian clubs the plunder of the provincials’ resources, or, as it is read in the old text, “the Marian club of plunder and of the provincials’ resources.” Metella was the wife of Sylla, as Plutarch is author; whom Pliny calls a gatherer of proscriptions, as if a procurer and redeemer of the proscriptions that were carried out under Sylla. Yet Sylla gave her a divorce when she was weakened by that disease, lest his own good fortune be stained by his wife’s mourning, while in the meantime he himself was providing the people with a most magnificent banquet, to be celebrated with the tenth part of the spoils and proscriptions in honor of Hercules and Pollux. Plutarch, in his Publicola, speaking of the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, which, having been burned three times, was restored a fourth time by Domitian, records that in his own time it was so gilded that the expenditure of no private Roman citizen could have equaled it; for it was gilded with twelve thousand talents. Thus he says: τοῦτα τὴν ἐμᾶς ἰρειμερισον ἐν ἡωμη τῶν ἀθοπικῶν πλῶτον ἐκλογιαίντα, & ὑχνοῦσεως μὴ τελεσον ἀνάλωμα λήτεα, πλεον ἐν ἀγχιλιων καὶ μεριον ταλάντων γενόμων. Yet he says that this work was far less remarkable than the house of the emperor himself, which shone everywhere with gold. This, it is surprising, Pliny and Suetonius passed over in silence. But since this book

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. liber iustam iam magnitudinem accepit, & multa nos transmittere necesse est, hac ueluti coronide ex Strabone sumpta lib. v. finem ei imponemus. Is enim autor de Vrbe Roma loquens, & de Cæsaris Augusti prouidentia circa eam constituendam: Tanta autem, inquit, aquæ copia per aquæductus in urbem inuebitur, ut amnes per mediam urbem & per cuniculos influant: omnesq[ue] ferme urbis ædes, cisternas, sipunculos & salientes habeant redundantes: quibus in rebus conficiendis Marcus Agrippa operâ bona ex parte nauauit, qui etiam multis alijs operibus Vr= bem Romam adornauit. Ad summam, prisci illi Romani < Vrbs Roma aquæductibus & extractis operibus mirificè exornata.> urbis decorem neglexerunt, uidelicet in alijs rebus maiori bus & necessarijs magis occupati: recentiores autem, & maximè qui memoria nostra fuerunt, ne illis quidem ea in cura cesserunt, sed & urbem monumentis permultis & speciosis impleuerunt, siquidem Pompeius & diuus Cæsar, & Augustus, & eius liberi, amici, & uxor sororq[ue]; omne studium in urbe extractis operibus ornanda, sumptumq[ue] supergressi sunt: quorum operum pleraq[ue]; habet cæpus Martius, ut [mercurius] [aurum], [mercurius] [argentum], [mercurius] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] 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Transcription: Translated (English)

PART III. BOOK III. The book has already attained a proper size, and it is necessary for us to pass over many things; as a kind of crown taken from Strabo, book V, we shall put an end to it. For he, speaking about the City of Rome and about the providence of Caesar Augustus in founding it, says: “Such a great abundance of water, he says, will be brought into the city through the aqueducts, that rivers will flow through the middle of the city and through underground channels; and almost all the houses of the city will have cisterns, spouts, and fountains flowing over.” In accomplishing these things Marcus Agrippa took a large share of the labor, and he also adorned the City of Rome with many other works. To sum up, those ancient Romans neglected the beauty of the city, namely because they were more occupied with other and greater necessities; but the more recent ones, and especially those who have been in our memory, did not give way to them even in that care, but filled the city with very many splendid monuments. For Pompey, and the divine Caesar, and Augustus, and his children, friends, wife, and sister, went beyond every effort and expense in adorning the city with public works, most of which the Campus Martius has, such as [mercurius] [aurum], [mercurius] [argentum], [mercurius] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum] [argentum].

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Transcription: ATR-1

L I B E R III. aut marmorea imposuit, & columnas ex marmore quadringetas, eaq[ue] omnia annuo spatio. Adiecitq[ue] ipse in Aedilitatis suæ commemorationem & ludos undesexaginta diebus factos, & gratuita præbita balnea C L X X. quæ nunc Romæ ad infinitum auxere numerum. Vicit antece dentes aquarum ductus nouissimum impendiu[m] operis inchoati à Caio Cæsare, & peracti à Claudio, quippe à lapide X L. ad eam excelsitatem, ut in omnes urbis montes leuarentur, influxere Curtius atque Cæruleus fontes. Erogata in id opus sestertia quingenta quinquaginta quinq[ue] millia. quod si quis diligentius æstimauerit aquarum abundantiam in publico, balneis, piscinis, domibus, euripsis, hor tis suburbanis, uillis, spatiæq[ue] aduenientis, extractos arcus, montes persossos, ualles æquatas, fatebitur nihil magis mirandu[m] fuisse in toto orbe terrarum. Idem paulo superius, Mirabantur cloacas operum omnium dictu maximum, suffossis montibus, atque ut paulò antè retulimus, urbe pensili, subterq[ue] nauigata. Id Marcus Agrippa fecit in Aedilitate post consulatum, per meatus corriuatis septe[m] annibus, cursu præcipiti torrentium modo rapere atque auferre omnia coactis. Insuper mole hymbrium concitati uada ac littora quatiunt: aliquando Tyberis retro infusi recipiunt fluctus, pugnantq[ue]; diuersi aquarum impetus intus, & tamen obnixa firmutas resistit: trahuntur soles internæ tantæ non succumbentibus causis operis. Verùm in loco superiore ubi legitur in impressis, Præterea fontes < Plin. locus restitutus.> & v. in uetusto sapientes legitur: quare salientes lego. sensus enim id exposcit. Vbi autem impressi habet, erogata in id opus sestertia quingenta L V. millia: antiqui nonnulli talenta, uetustissimus H S. L V. D. ordine notarum inuerso. quare sestertium quingeties quinquagiesquinquies lego. GVL.

Transcription: Translated (English)

BOOK III. He also set up marble [works], and four hundred marble columns, all within the space of a year. And in commemoration of his aedileship he added games lasting sixty-six days, and 170 free baths were provided, which now at Rome have increased the number to infinity. He surpassed the earlier aqueducts in the latest expenditure on a work begun by Gaius Caesar and completed by Claudius; for from the fortieth mile-stone the waters of the Curtius and Caeruleus springs flowed in, rising to such a height that they were carried to all the hills of the city. Five hundred and fifty-five thousand sesterces were spent on this work. And if anyone were to estimate more carefully the abundance of water in public places, baths, pools, houses, euripi, suburban gardens, villas, and avenues, together with the raised arches, the pierced mountains, and the levelled valleys, he would admit that nothing in the whole world was more marvelous. A little earlier he says, “They marveled at the sewers, the greatest of all works by name,” with the mountains cut through, and, as we related a little before, the city suspended in the air and sailed beneath. Marcus Agrippa made this in his aedileship after his consulship, by channels supplied with water over seven years, forcing the stream to rush and carry everything away like a torrent. Moreover, when a storm of rain is driven on by the mass, the shallows and shores are lashed; sometimes even the reflux of the Tiber receives the waves and resists them; the various forces of the waters contend within, and yet the steadfast strength holds out: the inner channels are drawn by such great causes without yielding to them. But in the earlier passage where the printed text reads, “Moreover the springs ...” and in the old manuscript “wise men” is read, I therefore read “sprouting” [or “gushing”], for the sense requires it. And where the printed text has, “There were spent on this work five hundred and fifty-five thousand sesterces,” some of the old copies have “talents,” and the oldest has “HS. L V. D.” with the order of the signs reversed; therefore I read “five hundred and fifty-five times a hundred thousand sesterces.” GVL.

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Transcription: ATR-1

GVLIELMI BVDAEI PARISI= ENSIS, CONSILIA= RII REG. DE ASSE ET PARTIBVS EIVS, LIBER IIII. VENTVM iamdiu esset ad finem huius operis, nisi aliaru[m] aliarumq[ue]; rerum recor datio subiens identidem mihi negotiu[m] fa= cesseret. Alter nunc de integro propè in= stauradus mihi labor, Persarum opes ex= pendendæ: qui soli, Romanorum fortunam ad terminos usq[ue]; Alexandri euadere gestientem, retro in occidua[m] mun di partem inhibuere: à Romanis etia[m] ipsi longè ad Orien= tem summoti. Herodotus Aicarnasceus libro III. qui Thalia inscribitur, Dariu[m] Histaspis filiu[m], qui post Mago ru[m] cæde hinnitu equi ad regnu[m] Persicu[m] assumptus est in ui ginti satrapias Persaru[m] regnu[m] distribuisse dicit, et præse etos unicuiq[ue]; dedisse, et tributa statu fixaq[ue]; indidisse, ea le ge dicta, ut qui argetu tributi nomine penderet, talenti Ba= bylonij pondere: qui auru[m], Euboici afferrent. Valet autem inquit, Babylonicu[m] talentu[m] L x x. minas Euboicas. Qua re Dariu[m] apud Persas ob hæc tributi formulâ cōstitutâ ea pelu[m] uerbo Græco, id est institoru[m] uel negotiatoru[m] uocita= tum ait. eo autem uerbo homine[m] ut quæstuariu[m] notabat. Ca[m] bysen uerò despotem, id est dominu[m] dictu[m]. Nec Cyrus enim nec Cambyses tributa ad certam formulam, et præcisam A 2 redeg

Transcription: Translated (English)

GUILLAUME BUDÉ OF PARIS, ROYAL COUNSELLOR, ON THE AS AND ITS PARTS, BOOK IV. It would already have been time to come to the end of this work, were it not that the recollection of other and other things, continually arising, kept burdening me with fresh business. A second labor, now almost to be taken up again from the beginning, is for me to weigh the wealth of the Persians: they alone, eagerly striving to carry Roman fortune all the way to the bounds of Alexander, held it back toward the western part of the world; and they themselves were also by the Romans driven far toward the East. Herodotus of Halicarnassus, in book III, which is entitled Thalia, says that Darius, son of Hystaspes, who after the killing of the Magi was raised to the Persian kingdom by the neighing of a horse, divided the Persian kingdom into twenty satrapies and appointed overseers for each, and imposed fixed tributes, with this provision, that whoever paid the tribute in silver should pay it by the Babylonian weight of the talent; those who paid in gold, by the Euboic. For, he says, the Babylonian talent is worth seventy Euboic minae. Wherefore Darius, among the Persians, because of this established form of tribute, was called by the Greek word epelus, that is, a shopkeeper or merchant. By that word he marked a man as one who makes gain. But Cambyses was called despot, that is, lord. For neither Cyrus nor Cambyses reduced the tributes to any fixed and precise form, and...

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET redegerant necessitatem, sed dona tantum anniuersaria à Satrapijs accipiebât. Has Satrapias, quas Nomos Herodotus appellat uerbo Græco, Plinius præfecturas uertit, Laurentius portiones subabsurdè uocitauit. Herodotus igitur has seu prouincias seu præfecturas ab Hellesponto ad Indiam usque sigillatim percensens, & quicquid una= quæque quotannis pensitaret, tandem summam colligens, Quòd si, inquit, Babylonica pecunia ad pondus Euboi= cum redigatur, fient nouem millia quingenta quadraginta argenti talenta, ὑ μὴ δὲ ἀργυριον τὰ βαθυλῶνιον, πρὸς ὑ οἰθοικὸν, συμβαλλῶνιον τὰ λατινον, εἰν[im] τεαράποντα μὴ πετακοσία μὴ ευνεκιχιλια τὰ λαττα. Aurum uerò ramentitium si ter= decies expendatur ad argentum, in summa reperietur ad rationem Euboicam esse quatuor millia talentorum, sex= centaq[ue]; & octoginta, ὑ δὲ χρυσίον πισκαίλιασάστον λευριον δὲ Τύγμα, ευρισκε) ἔνοι οἰθοικῶν ταλαντων δὲ σωκοντα, μὴ ἔκασθων μὴ τετακιχιλῶν. In Lauretij interpretatione medose hic locus legitur. Ramentu[m] auri, p[er]segma ab Hero doto dicitur, quasi aurea[m] scobem dixeris. Quibus, inquit, in unum coactis, fit summa eorum quæ quotannis collige= bantur, quaterdecies millena quingena & sexagena ta= lenta Euboica. Suprà autem dixit, ὑ δὲ βαθυλῶνιον τὰ λαταντον δυναται οἰθοικὰς ἔθοδημηκτα μείας. Valet autem talen= tum Babylonium septuaginta Euboicas minas. Ex uerbis Herodoti ut scire non possumus quantum Euboicum ta= lentu[m] fuerit, ita intelligimus minus fuisse Babylonio. Nos in superioribus nonnihil de hoc diximus cum loca Liuij ci taremus ex libris septimo et octauo de bello Macedonico. Festus Euboicum talentum quatuor millium denariorum fuisse dicit Romano nummo æstimatum, quod si est ueru[m], apud Pliniu[m] lib. x x x v. ubi legitur, Talentum autem Atticum < Nomi, id est præfecturæ. > < Herodoti locus. > < Psegma, > < Plinij locus, >

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET had made need of it, but received from the Satrapies only annual gifts. These Satrapies, which Herodotus calls nomoi in the Greek word, Pliny renders as prefectures, Laurentius somewhat absurdly calls portions. Herodotus, therefore, enumerating separately these provinces or prefectures from the Hellespont all the way to India, and whatever each one paid yearly, finally collecting the total, says: If, he says, the Babylonian money is reduced to the Euboic standard, there will be nine thousand five hundred forty talents of silver. ὑ μὴ δὲ ἀργυριον τὰ βαθυλῶνιον, πρὸς ὑ οἰθοικὸν, συμβαλλῶνιον τὰ λατινον, εἰν[im] τεαράποντα μὴ πετακοσία μὴ ευνεκιχιλια τὰ λαττα. But if golden filings are reckoned at thirteen times the value of silver, then in the whole it will be found, at the Euboic rate, to amount to four thousand talents, six hundred and eighty. ὑ δὲ χρυσίον πισκαίλιασάστον λευριον δὲ Τύγμα, ευρισκε) ἔνοι οἰθοικῶν ταλαντων δὲ σωκοντα, μὴ ἔκασθων μὴ τετακιχιλῶν. In Laurentius’s interpretation this passage is read corruptly. Ramentu[m] auri, p[er]segma is called by Herodotus, as if one were to say golden filings. By these, he says, when brought together into one mass, is made the total of what was gathered yearly, fourteen thousand five hundred and sixty Euboic talents. Above, however, he said, ὑ δὲ βαθυλῶνιον τὰ λαταντον δυναται οἰθοικὰς ἔθοδημηκτα μείας. But a Babylonian talent is worth seventy Euboic minae. From Herodotus’s words, as we cannot know how much the Euboic talent was, so we understand that it was less than the Babylonian one. We have said something about this above when we cited places from Livy from the seventh and eighth books on the Macedonian war. Festus says that the Euboic talent was worth four thousand denarii, being estimated in Roman coin; if this is true, in Pliny, book xxxv, where it reads, “The Attic talent however” < Nomoi, that is, prefectures. > < Herodotus’s passage. > < Psegma, > < Pliny’s passage, >

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. Atticum (ut dit Varro) sedecim sestertijs taxatur, legedu[m] esset Eubocum. Sedecim enim sestertia, quadraginta mi= nas ualent, & quatuor millia drachmarum. Sed apud Pli= nium legedum potius existimo denarium sex millia, quod olim sic scribebatur, x. v i. m. ex quo sedecim sestertia facta. Millia enim & sestertia ut idem significant, sic ea= dem nota scribebantur. < Hermolaus Barbarus.> Hermolaus Barbarus in glossema= tis in Plinium editis, dum autoru[m] magis nomenclaturæ quàm rei explicandæ studet, explanandæ huius rei diffi= cultatem propè conclamatam reddidit, autoritatumq; in= ter se pugnantium congerie ueritatem obruit. Interdum enim ea culpa summis in ingenijs deprehenditur, ut ambi= tione instincti, omnia magis consectari, quàm ueri simili= mum quodque amplexari cupiant: quasi diligentiores se doctioresq; quàm consideratiores existimari maluerint. Ego cu[m] rei obscuræ, & caligine quadam uariantium au= toritatum obductæ, lucem aliquam afferre magnopere la= borassem, nihil appositius ad illustrandam eam obscurita= tem inueni, quàm quod Pollux in nono de uocabulis reru[m] inquit: quod equidem miror ab Hermolao non esse animad= uersum, aut certè no[n] explicatu[m]: ut iudicare possis, forulos quidem eu[m] omnes diligenter excussisse, sed uolumina (quod aiunt) ad lucernâ Aristophanis non semper recognouisse, ac ne Plinium quidem ipsum, in quo tam sese admiratus est, quàm Peleus in machæra gloriabatur, ut est in prouerbio. Vir alioquin & disertus & elegans, & memoriæ suæ co= lumen: nec modò doctrina multiplici, sed etiam stylo gra ui, licet exultantiore ac licentiore: certè quidem scriptor in quo candidum ingenium, & bonam mentem agnoscas: id quod opinione nostra multis doctis uiris defuit. Cui utina[m] ipsi longior uita contigisset, præclaraq; nunc opera A 3 morte

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART IV. BOOK IIII. Atticum (as Varro says) is assessed at sixteen sesterces, [the reading should be] Eubocum. For sixteen sestertii are equal to forty minae, and four thousand drachmas. But in Pliny I think the reading should rather be six thousand denarii, because it was formerly written thus, x. v i. m., from which sixteen sestertii were made. For thousands and sestertii, since they signify the same thing, were written with the same sign. <Hermolaus Barbarus.> Hermolaus Barbarus, in the glosses on Pliny which he published, while showing more concern for the naming of authors than for the explanation of the matter itself, made the difficulty of explaining this point almost hopeless, and by a heap of authorities at odds with one another buried the truth. For sometimes even in the highest minds this fault is found, that, driven by ambition, they wish to pursue everything rather than embrace whatever is most likely to be true: as if they had preferred to be thought more diligent and learned rather than more considerate. I, having greatly labored to bring some light to a matter obscure and overcast by a kind of cloud of differing authorities, found nothing more apt for illuminating that obscurity than what Pollux says in the ninth book On Words in Common Use: which, indeed, I marvel that Hermolaus did not notice, or at least did not explain; so that you may judge that he certainly examined all the little drawers carefully, but did not always, as they say, review the volumes by Aristophanes' lamp, and did not even read Pliny himself, in whom he so admired himself, as Peleus boasted of the sword, as the proverb goes. A man otherwise both eloquent and elegant, and a light of his memory; not only of manifold learning, but also of a grave style, though a somewhat more exuberant and freer one: certainly a writer in whom you recognize a candid mind and a good spirit; something which, in our opinion, many learned men lacked. Would that a longer life had been granted him, and now his excellent works by death...

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET De talento dictum Pollucis memorabile. morte eius suppressa non desiderarentur, quæ exitura annos abhinc x i i i i. audieram cum domi eius prandere cum homine bene docto & eleganti Accursio Menerio, qui tunc legatus regius Venetijs agebat. Sed uerba Pollucis hæc sunt loco supradicto, τῶν καὶ ἐκἀφαίρον, ὑπὸ ὑπὸ ἀπικρὸν τὰλαιθρὸν ἐκαιχιλίας ἔδυνατο ἔραχμᾶς ἀπικᾶς, & ὑπὸ ἔκαθυλῶνιον ἐπικιχιλίας, ὑπὸ ὑπὸ αἰναιον μυρίας, ὑπὸ ὑπὸ εὐρον πεντακοσίας μὴ χιλίας, ως πρὸς ἐν ἀπικῶς ἔραχμᾶς λευκομὸν, ἐκωφὲ ὑπὸ μὴ τὰς μνᾶς τὰς ἀπικᾶς, ὑπὸ μὴ ἀπικὸν ἐκικοντὰ ἐμὲ χε, ὑπὸ ὑπὸ ἐκαθυλῶνιον ἐκδημηκοντὰ, ὑπὸ ὑπὸ αἰναιοῦν ἐκαχρὸν ἐμὲ χεν ἐραχμᾶς ἀπικᾶς, ὑπετω μὴ παρὰ πῶς ἀλλοις τὰς ἐπιχωρίας, δυναμένας πρὸς λόγον τὸν καθὲ ἐκαστὸν ταλὰντὸ κατὰ τε προδύνω μὴ ἀφαίρεστ. Hoc autem non absurdum erit dicere, quòd talentum Atticum Atticas drachmas ualebat numero sex millia, Babylonium septem millia, Aeginæum decé millia, Syriam mille & quingentas, duntaxat incunda ratione secundum drachmæ Atticæ modum: quippe earatione qua Atticum talentum sexagenas minas, Babyloniu[m] septuagenas, Aeginense centenas proportione capiebat. Porro mina ipsa ut apud Athenienses centenas habebat drachmas, sic apud alios quoq[ue] totidem suas cuiusque gentis, quæ proratione cuiusque talenti plus minus ue ualerent augme[n]to uel decreme[n]to. Ex his Pollucis uerbis ad formulam unam omnia propemodum genera talētorum minarumq[ue] redigere possumus. Quomodo enim Atticum talentu[m] sexagenas minas Atticas capit, & mina Attica centenas suas drachmas: sic Babyloniu[m] sexagenas minas Babylonias, quæ centenas ipsæ drachmas uernaculas capiunt: & Aeginense talentum totidem minas Aeginēses: & Aegineticæ rursus minæ, centenas drachmas Aegineticas

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET On the talent, something noteworthy of Pollux. If his death were concealed, there would be no reason to regret those things that were to come thirteen years ago. I heard this when I was dining at his house with the learned and polished man Accursio Menerio, who at that time was serving as royal envoy in Venice. But Pollux’s words in the passage cited above are these: τῶν καὶ ἐκἀφαίρον, ὑπὸ ὑπὸ ἀπικρὸν τὰλαιθρὸν ἐκαιχιλίας ἔδυνατο ἔραχμᾶς ἀπικᾶς, & ὑπὸ ἔκαθυλῶνιον ἐπικιχιλίας, ὑπὸ ὑπὸ αἰναιον μυρίας, ὑπὸ ὑπὸ εὐρον πεντακοσίας μὴ χιλίας, as regards in some way the white drachmas, ἑκωφὲ ὑπὸ μὴ τὰς μνᾶς τὰς ἀπικᾶς, ὑπὸ μὴ ἀπικὸν ἐκικοντὰ ἐμὲ χε, ὑπὸ ὑπὸ ἐκαθυλῶνιον ἐκδημηκοντὰ, ὑπὸ ὑπὸ αἰναιοῦν ἐκαχρὸν ἐμὲ χεν ἐραχμᾶς ἀπικᾶς, ὑπετω μὴ παρὰ πῶς ἀλλοις τὰς ἐπιχωρίας, duly able to reckon each talent according to the local moneys, not to be taken away. But it will not be absurd to say that the Attic talent was worth, in Attic drachmas, six thousand by number; the Babylonian, seven thousand; the Aeginetan, ten thousand; the Syrian, one thousand and five hundred, only in a proper reckoning according to the standard of the Attic drachma: for in that reckoning the Attic talent counted sixty minas, the Babylonian seventy, the Aeginetan a hundred, proportionally. Moreover, the mina itself, as among the Athenians, contained a hundred drachmas; so too among others it had its own corresponding amount in the coinage of each nation, which according to the proportion of each talent was worth more or less, with increase or decrease. From these words of Pollux we can reduce almost all kinds of talents and minas to one formula. For just as the Attic talent contains sixty Attic minas, and the Attic mina a hundred of its own drachmas, so the Babylonian talent contains sixty Babylonian minas, which each contain a hundred native drachmas; and the Aeginetan talent likewise [contains] sixty Aeginetan minas; and the Aeginetan minas in turn [contain] a hundred Aeginetan drachmas

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 375 ticas. Sic libra nostra nummaria duplex est: Parisina, & Turonensis. Parisina quinq[ue]; & uiginti solidoru[m] est: Tu= ronesis uiginti. Quod ideo fit, quia uiginti solidi Parisien ses æquales sunt æstimatione quinq[ue]; & uiginti Turonen sibus. quare utraq[ue]; libra uicenaria est, sed solidus tantum refert, ut drachma apud priscos. Verumenimuero ut Ba= bylonium talentum proportionem ephectam, id est sesqui sextam, uel (ut alij loqui malunt) super sextam ad talentu[m] habet Atticum (sexta enim parte hoc ab illo superatur) sic drachma Babylonia Atticam drachmam sesquisexta pro= portione superat. Et ut Aeginese talentu[m] proportione[m] su= perpartientem ad Atticu[m] talentum habet, utpote quod se= mel id capiat, & duas insuper eius partes (ita enim sese ha bet centenariu[m] talentu[m] ad sexagenariu[m]) sic eandem quoq[ue]; proportionem Aeginæa drachma ad Attica[m] drachma[m] ha= bet. Hoc autem ex alio eiusde[m] autoris loco probari potest, qui cum quodam in loco ita dicat, [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] 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Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 375 Thus our monetary pound is of two kinds: Parisian and Turonian. The Parisian is of twenty-five solidi; the Turonian of twenty. This is so because twenty Parisian solidi are equal in value to twenty-five Turonian solidi. Therefore each pound is a twentyfold pound, but only the solidus differs, as the drachma among the ancients did. But just as the Babylonian talent has with respect to the Attic talent an ephectic proportion, that is, one and one-sixth, or (as others prefer to say) one over six added, since it exceeds that one by a sixth part, so the Babylonian drachma exceeds the Attic drachma by the proportion of one and one-sixth. And just as the Aeginetan talent has to the Attic talent a superparticular proportion, inasmuch as it contains it once, with two additional parts besides (for such is the relation of the hundred-talent to the sixty-talent), so the Aeginetan drachma likewise has the same proportion to the Attic drachma. This can also be proved from another passage of the same author, who when he says in a certain place, [text corrupted]

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET enarrandæ intentus. Verùm Herodotus primæ præfecturæ quadringenta talenta argenti attribuit, secundæ quingenta, tertiæ trecenta sexaginta, quartæ quingenta, quintæ trecenta quinquaginta, sextæ septingenta, septimæ centum & septuaginta, octauæ trecenta, nonæ mille, decimæ quadringenta quinquaginta, undecimæ ducenta, duodecimæ trecenta sexaginta, tertiæ decimæ quadringenta, quartæ decimæ sexcenta, decimæ quintæ ducenta quinquaginta, decimæ sextæ trecenta, decimæ septimæ quadringenta, duodeuicesimæ ducenta, undeuicesimæ trecenta: quorum summam non colligit, sed supputata ratione inuenio septem millia septingenta quadraginta talenta in summa esse. Atqui si talentum Babylonium proportionem habet ephectam ad Atticum talentum: septem millia septingenta quadraginta talenta Babylonia, Attica ualent talenta nouem millia & triginta. Si enim hanc summam, id est nouem millia & triginta partiaris septenario, numerus partiens erit mille ducenta & nonaginta, quot talentis crescit summa ad Atticum modum relata. At Herodotus Euboica fieri talenta tradit nouem millia quingenta & quadraginta, quæ summa maior est Atticorum talentorum summa quingentis & decem. Ita fit planum, talentum Euboicum minus esse talento Attico tribus serè minis & triente. Hoc autem promptum est sic colligere: fac ut singulis illis talentis sexagenarijs, id est Atticis (quæ nouè millia & triginta esse diximus) ternæ minæ cu[m] triente, id est tribus & triginta drachmis et tertia parte drachmæ decedat: fient utiq[ue] in summa ter nouies millia minaru[m], id est septè et uiginti millia et nonaginta, et pro triëte minæ, ter millia minaru[m] & decè præterea. Hunc numeru[m] triginta milliu[m] minaru[m] & cetu[m], si sexagenario partiaris, quin- genta Talentum Euboicum.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE UNIT OF ACCOUNT intent on explaining it. But Herodotus assigns to the first satrapy four hundred talents of silver, to the second five hundred, to the third three hundred and sixty, to the fourth five hundred, to the fifth three hundred and fifty, to the sixth seven hundred, to the seventh one hundred and seventy, to the eighth three hundred, to the ninth one thousand, to the tenth four hundred and fifty, to the eleventh two hundred, to the twelfth three hundred and sixty, to the thirteenth four hundred, to the fourteenth six hundred, to the fifteenth two hundred and fifty, to the sixteenth three hundred, to the seventeenth four hundred, to the eighteenth two hundred, to the nineteenth three hundred: of which he does not make the total, but by calculated reckoning I find that seven thousand seven hundred and forty talents in all are involved. Yet if the Babylonian talent has in proportion a relation to the Attic talent: seven thousand seven hundred and forty Babylonian talents are worth nine thousand and thirty Attic talents. For if you divide this sum, that is, nine thousand and thirty, by seven, the quotient will be one thousand two hundred and ninety, by which number the total increases when brought to the Attic standard. But Herodotus states that the Euboic talents amount to nine thousand five hundred and forty, a sum greater than the Attic talents by five hundred and ten. Thus it is clear that the Euboic talent is less than the Attic talent by almost three minas and a third. This, however, is easy to determine as follows: suppose that from each of those talents of sixty minae, that is, Attic talents (which, as we have said, amount to nine thousand and thirty), three minae and a third, that is, three minae and thirty-three drachmas and one third of a drachma, is deducted: in the total there will indeed result three times nine thousand minae, that is, twenty-seven thousand and ninety, and, for the third part, three thousand minae and ten more. This number, of thirty thousand minae and the remainder, if divided by sixty, five hundred Euboic Talent.

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. genta talenta & unum co[n]sient, hoc est, quingenties semel sexagenæ minæ, & sexagies quingenæ singulæ, quod perinde ualet, et insuper quadraginta minæ. Sic fiunt Euboica noue millia & quing[ita]ta talenta & præterea unum & triginta cum quadraginta minis. Rursus ex talètis illis quingetis & uno ternæ minæ cum triente in singula decedant necesse est, quia Attica, id est, sexagenaria pro Euboicis secimus. fiut decessionis mille et sexcetenæ. At uerò ex Herodoti summa decem talenta Euboica restabat, quæ quingentas & septuaginta circiter minas ualent. Quòd si talentum Euboicum minus Attico fuisse tribus minis & quadrante ponamus, trecetæ tantum minæ & quadraginta excurrent, id est, circiter sex talenta. Et hac una ratione, quantum quidem obseruarim, iudicare possumus quantum talentum Euboicum fuerit. Omnino autem talentum Euboicum proximè ad Atticu[m] accedit: quod quia quantu[m] esset, satis superq[ue]; deprehensum, comprehensum, perceptumq[ue]; habemus, & omnino compertum: cætera quantu[m] fuerint, parum huius operis referre puto: etsi id inquisiuisse iuuat propter operis diuerticula, quæ uelut παραγαγα destinato argumento appingentur oblectamenti causa. Age uideamus quid ultrà dicat Herodotus de tributis Persicis, Indi, inquit, ut sunt multitudine multo numerosissima omnium quos nouimus hominu[m], ita tributum conferebant aliorum co[n]paratione maximum: trecenta scilicet & sexaginta psegmatis talenta, id est, aurei ramenti. Ramentum auri arena est aurea, ob id alio nomine ab eode[m] auto re Chrysitis dicta. Chrysamos etiam ad uerbum aurea arena dicitur lib. x 1. codicis Iustiniani. Aurum autem ramentitiu[m], inquit ille, inuenitur esse talentum Euboicorum quatuor millium sexcentorum & octoginta, si ita ratio A 1 inca Ramentum. Chrysitis. Chrysamos.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. and one consent, that is, five hundred times one sixty-minae, and sixty times five hundred each, which is equivalent, and in addition forty minae. Thus there make up the Euboic nine thousand five hundred talents, and besides one and thirty with forty minae. Again, from those talents five hundred and one, three minae with a third must be deducted from each, because we are dividing the Attic, that is, the sixty-mina talent, instead of the Euboic. The deduction becomes one thousand and six hundred and seventy. But in truth from Herodotus’s total, ten Euboic talents remained, which are worth about five hundred and seventy minae. But if we assume the Euboic talent to be less than the Attic by three minae and a quarter, only three hundred minae and forty will come out, that is, about six talents. And by this one method, so far as I have observed, we can judge how great the Euboic talent was. In general, however, the Euboic talent comes closest to the Attic one: and since we have sufficiently and more than sufficiently ascertained, comprehended, and perceived what that was, and have it fully established, the rest—how much they were— I think of little importance for this work; although it is pleasant to have investigated this too, because of the bypaths of the work, which, like παραγαγα, will be appended to the intended argument for the sake of entertainment. Come, let us see what Herodotus says further about Persian tribute. The Indians, he says, since they are by far the most numerous of all the peoples we know, also contributed the largest tribute by comparison with the others: namely three hundred and sixty psegmata talents, that is, gold dust. Gold dust is golden sand; for this reason it is called by another name by the same author, Chrysitis. Chrysamos also means, literally, golden sand, in book X, title 1, of the Justinian Code. Gold dust, however, he says, is found to equal four thousand six hundred and eighty Euboic talents, if the reckoning is made thus. A 1 inca Gold dust. Chrysitis. Chrysamos.

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ineatur, ut p[er]segma terdecies tanto argenti rep[er]edatur. hoc enim significat uerbum πρισκαδεκασάσπον, quod unius lite < Herod. locus.> ræ immutatione in libris impressis aliud significat. Laurentius eius loci intelligentiam parum assecutus uidetur, nisi sit error impressorum: et alioquin numerus in eius interpretatione corruptus est: quod ε[st] ex Græco contextu & ex calculo depreheditur, ὑ ὑ χρυσίον (inquit Herodotus) πρισκαδεκασάσπον λευρομων ἔυγμα, ἐυρισκεν) ἐνν δεδοκινων ταλάντων ὑ δώκοντα καὶ ἐκασοσίων καὶ τετρακιαχιλιων. Si enim terdecies trecêta sexaginta multiplices, qua tuor millia sexcêta & octoginta in summa inuenies. Me minisse autem oportet id quod Herodotus antè dixerat, edicto Darij cautum esse, ut auru[m] Euboico pondere pensitaretur: alioquin n[on] conueniret summa, si Babylonia tælenta p[er]segmatis intelligerentur, & p[er]segma tredecies argento repensile. Congruit autem quod sequitur, numero à nobis posito, τοῦτων ὑπ[er] πάντων σωπερμένων ἡ πλῦδος δεδοικὰ τάλαντα σωελέχετοις ὑπ[er] ἐπέδον φόρον διερίω, μὴ εὰ μὴ τετρακιχήλια μὴ πεντακόσια μὴ ἐκκοντα. His igitur omnibus in unum coagmentatis, Euboica talenta numero quatuordecim millia quingenta sexaginta annuo tributo colligebantur. Quòd si reges Persarum quaternadena millia & quingena tala[n]ta uel Attica uel Euboica ex Asia tantum & paucis locis Libyæ tributorum nomine percepisse dicuntur, quæ nos ad octogies quinquies centena millia aurcorum nostrorum ut minimum æstimamus, quantum Romani imperij dicemus esse reditum? Præsertim cum extra eas præfecturas Persis ipsa dominatrix immunis relicta esset. sic enim inquit Herodotus, ὑ περσίς ὑ χώρη μούνη μοι ἐκ ἐργται δεσμομορός, ἀτελικὰ γὰρ πέρσαι νέμοντα. Persidis autem regio una à me inter stipendiaras

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE ET let it be understood, so that by persema thirteen times as much silver may be found. For this is what the word πρισκαδεκασάσπον means, which by the alteration of a single letter in printed books means something else. Laurence seems to have grasped the meaning of that passage only imperfectly, unless there is an error of the printers; and otherwise the number in his interpretation is corrupt. This is evident both from the Greek context and from the calculation: ὑ ὑ χρυσίον (says Herodotus) πρισκαδεκασάσπον λευρομων ἔυγμα, ἐυρισκεν) ἐνν δεδοκινων ταλάντων ὑ δώκοντα καὶ ἐκασοσίων καὶ τετρακιαχιλιων. For if you multiply thirteen by three hundred and sixty, you will find in all four thousand six hundred and eighty. But it must be remembered that Herodotus had said earlier, that by the decree of Darius it had been provided that gold should be weighed by Euboic weight; otherwise the total would not agree, if Babylonian talents were understood by the persegmata , and the persegma thirteen times repaid in silver. Moreover, this agrees with what follows, with the number set down by us: τοῦτων ὑπ[er] πάντων σωπερμένων ἡ πλῦδος δεδοικὰ τάλαντα σωελέχετοις ὑπ[er] ἐπέδον φόρον διερίω, μὴ εὰ μὴ τετρακιχήλια μὴ πεντακόσια μὴ ἐκκοντα. All these things, therefore, being put together into one, fourteen thousand five hundred and sixty Euboic talents were collected as the annual tribute. But if the kings of the Persians are said to have received from Asia alone, and from a few places in Libya, only four thousand and five hundred talents, whether Attic or Euboic, under the name of tribute, which we estimate at a minimum as eighty-five hundred thousand of our gold coins, what shall we say is the revenue of the Roman empire? Especially since beyond those prefectures, Persia itself, the mistress, would have been left exempt. For so Herodotus says: ὑ περσίς ὑ χώρη μούνη μοι ἐκ ἐργται δεσμομορός, ἀτελικὰ γὰρ πέρσαι νέμοντα. But the region of Persia alone is by me reckoned among the tribute-paying lands

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diarias dicta non est. Persæ enim immunes agros colunt. Aethiopes autem & Colchi & alij quidam populi munera in Persidem quotannis afferebant: inter quos insignis est pensitatio Arabum, qui millena quotannis talenta thuris afferebant. Sed & recentioribus seculis aucta erant tributa prorogatione imperij Persici facta, ut autor est Herodotus. Quare quod apud Flutarchu[m] in Pompeio Latino facto antehac legebatur de uectigalibus & tributis imperij Romani post triumphum Ponticum, merito à nobis reprehensum est ut mendosum libro superiore. Iam < Imperium populi Rom.> primum Antiochus ex foedere cum L. Scipione icto, omni bus urbibus agrisq[ue] excesserat cis Taurum montem usq[ue] ad Tanaim annem, & à ualle Tauri usq[ue] ad iuga quà in Lycaoniam uergit, ut tradidit Liuius libro VIII. de bello Macedonico: quanquam apud Liuium Tanaim mendose legi puto, & pro eo restituendum esse Halym. Notum est enim ex Herodoto in primo, Halym fluuium confinium olim fuisse Lydorum & Medorum imperij. Meminit etiam < Asia propria dicta.> Plinius Halyos fluminis in sexto, à radicibus Tauri per Cataoniam Cappadociamq[ue] decurrentis. Ab his autem finibus ad Hellesspōtum Asia est propriè dicta, à mari Aegæo & Pontico ambientibus in peninsulam conformata, intra quam Lydij regni fines circumscribuntur, unde Cræsi circunfluentes diuitiæ in prouerbium cesserunt. In ea Asiæ parte Herodotus tres præfecturas ponit, millena ducena sexagena Babylonia talenta annuo tributo pensitantes, quæ ratione Attica millena & quadrigena & septuagena ualent, ære autem nostro octingena & octuagena bina aureorum millia. Romano more sestertium tre centies quinquagies bis paulò plus dicitur. Atqui apud Plutarchu[m] legitur ante triumphum Pompeianu[m] uniuersa populi

Transcription: Translated (English)

There is no daily tax. For the Persians cultivate the fields free of tribute. But the Ethiopians and the Colchi and certain other peoples each year brought gifts into Persia: among these is notable the tax of the Arabs, who each year brought a thousand talents of frankincense. But in later centuries the tributes had also been increased by the extension of the Persian empire, as Herodotus is author of it. Wherefore what in Plutarch’s Pompey, in the Latin version, was formerly read concerning the revenues and tributes of the Roman empire after the Pontic triumph, was rightly criticized by us as erroneous in the preceding book. Now first Antiochus, by the treaty made with L. Scipio, had withdrawn from all the cities and lands beyond Mount Taurus as far as the river Tanais, and from the valley of Taurus as far as the ridges which slope toward Lycaonia, as Livy relates in book VIII of the Macedonian war; although in Livy I think Tanais is read by mistake, and that in its place Halys ought to be restored. For it is known from Herodotus in the first book that the river Halys once was the boundary of the empire of the Lydians and the Medes. Pliny also mentions the river Halys in the sixth book, flowing down from the roots of Taurus through Cataonia and Cappadocia. From these boundaries, then, to the Hellespont is Asia properly so called, formed into a peninsula by the Aegean and Pontic seas surrounding it, within which the bounds of the kingdom of Lydia are enclosed, whence the proverbial wealth of Croesus has passed into a proverb. In that part of Asia Herodotus places three prefectures, paying in annual tribute one thousand two hundred and sixty Babylonian talents, which by the Attic standard amount to one thousand and seventy, and in our reckoning, in money, to eight hundred and eighty-two thousand gold pieces. In the Roman manner it is said to be three hundred and fifty times two sesterces, somewhat more. Yet in Plutarch it is read, before the triumph of Pompey, the whole of the people’s

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET populi Rom. tributa quinquagies decies centena millia fuisse: cum ijs uerò quæ Pompeius populo Ro. in ea expe ditione quæsiuit, octuagies quinquies decies centena mil= lia fuisse. Prior summa quingenties sestertium dici Latine potuit, id est, mille & ducenta quinquaginta millia aureo= rum. Altera trecenties & quinquagies sestertium priori summæ addidit, ut fuerint uniuersa populi Ro. uectigal ia & tributa cum augmento triumphi Pompeiani, uicies semel centena uicenaquina millia aureorum nostrorum, cum Pompeius imperio populi Rom. adiecisset Ciliciam, Syriam, Phoeniciâ, Palæstinê, Iudæam, Mesopotamiam, Cappadociam, Armeniam, Colchidem, Iberiam, Albaniâ, Scythas, & Arabiæ partem. A' Cilicia autem Phoenicia & Syria Palæstinæ usq; ad fines Syriæ et Aegypti octingenta quinquaqinta talenta Darium tulisse quotannis Herodotus tradit: à reliqua Syria & Mesopotamia, non minus quingentis, quæ ad Atticam ratione ralata, octingenta decem millia aureorum nostroru ualent. Ita paucæ pro uinciæ summam illam quæ apud Plutarchum legitur, pendere populo Ro. potuerunt, absq; Cappadocia, Armenia, Colchide, Iberia, Albania, & Scythis & Arabia, quas inter stipendiarias non numero. Quapropter Pompeius pro concione gloriatus est (ut autor est Plinius lib. VII.) <Cherronesus.> Asiam se ultimam prouinciarum accepisse, eandemq; diam patriæ reddidisse: de Asia Cherroneso, id est, peninsula loquês (quam propriè Asiam esse uocitata diximus) Lydiorum olim regno, nunc Turcarum imperio. Hæc ab Antiocho, bello Asiatico ablata fuerat: & ei postea Pompeius illas prouincias adiecit. Nunc si iam dictis Peloponnesum, Helladem, insulas Cycladas, Sporadasq; atq; uno nomine Græciam, Thessaliam, Epirum, Macedoniam, Illyric

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND the tribute of the Roman people was fifty times one hundred thousand; and with those sums which Pompey acquired for the Roman people in that expedition, there were eighty-five times one hundred thousand. The former total could be expressed in Latin as quingenties sestertium, that is, one thousand two hundred and fifty thousand gold pieces. The latter added three hundred and fifty times sestertium to the former total, so that the entire revenues and tributes of the Roman people, with the increase from Pompey’s triumph, amounted to twenty-one hundred and twenty-five thousand of our gold pieces, since Pompey, by authority of the Roman people, had added Cilicia, Syria, Phoenicia, Palestine, Judaea, Mesopotamia, Cappadocia, Armenia, Colchis, Iberia, Albania, the Scythians, and part of Arabia. From Cilicia, however, through Phoenicia and Syria as far as the borders of Syria and Egypt, Herodotus relates that eight hundred and fifty talents of Darius were paid annually; from the remainder of Syria and Mesopotamia, not less than five hundred, which, when reckoned according to the Attic standard, are worth eight hundred and ten thousand of our gold pieces. Thus a few provinces could have made up that total which is read in Plutarch, apart from Cappadocia, Armenia, Colchis, Iberia, Albania, and the Scythians and Arabia, which I do not count among the tributary provinces. Wherefore Pompey boasted before the assembled people, as Pliny is the authority in book VII, that he had received Asia as the last of the provinces, and had restored the same to the fatherland, speaking of Asia Cherronesus, that is, the peninsula, which we have said is properly called Asia, formerly the kingdom of the Lydians, now under the rule of the Turks. This had been taken from Antiochus in the Asiatic war; and afterward Pompey added those provinces to it. Now if, besides the things already said, the Peloponnesus, Hellas, the Cyclades and the Sporades islands, and, under one name, Greece, Thessaly, Epirus, Macedonia, Illyric

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. Illyricum, Italiam omnem, Siciliam, Sardiniam & Corcyram, & superi inferi[us]; maris insulas, populos Alpinos & Narbonensem Galliâ, cum citeriore ulterioreq[ue] Hispania, & Africam adiecerit (hæc enim omnia iam tum sub ditione Romana regebantur) quam summam tributorum colligere debeamus, æstimandum lectoribus relinquimus. Meritò ergo illam Plutarchi summam ad drachmas Atticas, non ad nummos sestertios referendam censuimus: quæ ratione quadruplicata redit summa: quanquam eo tempore nec Aegyptus, nec reliqua Gallia, nec Britannia, nec Germania Pannonia que imperio Romano parerent. Diximus suprà de statu imperij sub Augusto. Appianus autem, quem Latinè tantu[m] uersum uidere nobis cõtigerat eo tèpore quo hæc primum edidimus, in præfatione historiæ, terminos Rom. imperij sub Hadriano principe, quo tèpore ipse historiam scripsit, latè describès, ponit terminos ab Herculeis columnis ad Aethiopas Orietales, quod ad Libyam pertinet: Asianæ autem ditionis terminos facit Euphratem fluuium, & Caucasum monte[m], maiorisq[ue] Armeniæ principium, & Colchos ad Euxinum pontum habitantes. In Europa aute[m] Rhenum & Histru[m] fines Romani imperij fuisse dicit. Omnes autem insulas quæcunq[ue] intra mare interius sunt sitæ, Cycladas, Sporadas, Hyadas, Echinadas, & quæcunq[ue] magnæ dicuntur à Græcis circa Libyam, Ioniam, Aegyptum, Myrtoum uel Siculu[m], & aliud quo cunque nomine mare dictum, Rom. imperio paruisse tum affirmat. Romanos autem Regibus exactis usq[ue] ad septingentesimum annum sub statu populari & ciuili, qui politia Græce dicitur, imperium suum propagasse, quoad Caius Cæsar qui Dictaturam perpetuam suscepit Republica oppressa, & in potestate[m] suam redacta, reuerat Termini imperij Rom. Appian[us] æqualis Hadriani principis fuit. Imperium Rom manum ad monarchiam deuenit.

Transcription: Translated (English)

If he added Illyricum, all Italy, Sicily, Sardinia, and Corcyra, and the islands of the upper and lower sea, the Alpine peoples, and Narbonese Gaul, together with Citerior and Ulterior Spain, and Africa, for all these were then already governed under Roman rule, what total of tribute we ought to gather is left for readers to estimate. We have therefore rightly judged that that sum of Plutarch should be referred to Attic drachmas, not to sesterces; by which calculation it becomes four times as large. Although at that time neither Egypt, nor the rest of Gaul, nor Britain, nor Germany and Pannonia, obeyed the Roman empire. We have spoken above about the condition of the empire under Augustus. Appian, however, whom it had happened to us to see translated into Latin only at the time when we first published these things, in the preface to his history, describing at length the bounds of the Roman empire under the emperor Hadrian, at which time he himself wrote his history, sets the limits from the Pillars of Hercules to the Eastern Ethiopians, so far as Libya is concerned; but of the Asian dominion he makes the Euphrates River, Mount Caucasus, the beginning of Greater Armenia, and the Colchians dwelling by the Euxine Sea. In Europe, however, he says that the Rhine and the Danube were the boundaries of the Roman empire. And all islands whatsoever situated within the inner sea—Cyclades, Sporades, Hyades, Echinades, and whatever are called the great islands by the Greeks around Libya, Ionia, Egypt, the Myrtoan or Sicilian Sea, and whatever other sea it may be called—he affirms were then subject to the Roman empire. He also says that the Romans, after the kings had been expelled, for up to seven hundred years, under a popular and civil form of government, which is called politia in Greek, extended their empire, until Gaius Caesar, who assumed perpetual dictatorship, had overthrown the republic and reduced it under his own power. Appian was a contemporary of the emperor Hadrian. The Roman empire had come by degrees to monarchy.

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET < Principes Romani regio no mine abstinuerunt.> reuera principem egit, licet nomen Reip. antiquari noluerit: à quo tempore ad Appiani historiam ducenti paulò minus anni intercesserunt, quibus Romanu[m] imperiu[m] unius semper abitrio rectum est, perinde atq[ue] in regno fieri so= litum est: hoc tantum interest, quòd regio nomine princi= pes abstinuerunt, Imperatores se dici contenti, quo nomi ne temporarij duces Ro. populi censebatur, nempe annua potestate creati. Eo autem spatio ducentorum annorum rem Romanam mirum in modum creuisse dicit, suoq[ue]; tem pore eam hominu[m] expectatione fuisse, ut porrò progressu ra uideretur, blandiente magis magisque; in dies rerum suc= cessu. Καὶ ἰσην ἐνδυ ἀρχυ μὲχι νῦν ἰφὲ ἐνι ἐρχον, ὑς ἔα= σπίας μὲν ἐλευστην, ὃς ἐγώ γενωμέω, τον ὑφιξεν αἰδούμενοι τον πάθαι: αυθηράτορας ἐν ὑνομάζαστεν, ὃ και τῶν προσκαρμῶν στατητῶν ὑνομα ἐν, ὑσὶ ἐγχα τὰ πάντα βασιλεῖς. και ἐστ και πῶς ἐν πῶς αυθηράτορον ἐν ἐν παρόντα ἑρὸν ἐγγνατη διακοσίων ἐτῶν ἀλλων. ἐν οἰς ὑπεῖ πολις μᾶλισα κατενεσμήθι, και ἐν πρόσωδος ἐπι πλεῖσα μὴνθη, και πῶντα ἐν ἐρύνη μᾶ= κρὰς και συσκεῖν προῦλθεν ἀς συλλημονίαν ἀσφαλῶ. Eam ta= men Romanis mente fuisse, ut nominis sui famam propa= gare inter Barbaros magis, quàm terminos prorogare im perij sui cuperent, uidisseq[ue]; se nonnullaru[m] gentium lega= tos ad Imperatore cum potestate missos, ut gentem suam quisq[ue] Ro. imperio dederet, nec tame[n] admissos, quòd Ro. Imperator sua interesse no[n] arbitraretur feris & inopibus imperare populis. na[m] et eoru[m] qui imperio pareret aliquos plus incommodi q[uæ] comodi afferre: sed quos derelinquere atque abijcere pudet, in eos etiam de suo erogant. και τῶν ἐπικόσεν ἐνιοις προσκαλισκαστεν, αἰδούμενοι και πῶν ἐπιδημιας ἐντας. Plurimi etiam eorum qui dicto Romanis audien= tes non essent, Reges tamen & principes à Romanis pe= tere

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET < The Roman princes abstained from the royal name.> Indeed, he acted as prince, although he would not abandon the ancient name of the Republic; from which time until Appian’s history nearly two hundred years had passed, during which the Roman empire was always governed by the will of one man, just as is customary to happen in a kingdom: this only being the difference, that under the royal name the princes abstained, content to be called emperors, by which name the temporary leaders of the Roman people were reckoned, namely men created with annual power. But during that span of two hundred years he says the Roman state grew in a marvelous way, and in his own time it was, in men’s expectation, such that it seemed it would continue to advance further, as success in affairs daily more and more flattered that hope. Καὶ ἰσην ἐνδυ ἀρχυ μὲχι νῦν ἰφὲ ἐνι ἐρχον, ὑς ἔα= σπίας μὲν ἐλευστην, ὃς ἐγώ γενωμέω, τον ὑφιξεν αἰδούμενοι τον πάθαι: αυθηράτορας ἐν ὑνομάζαστεν, ὃ και τῶν προσκαρμῶν στατητῶν ὑνομα ἐν, ὑσὶ ἐγχα τὰ πάντα βασιλεῖς. και ἐστ και πῶς ἐν πῶς αυθηράτορον ἐν ἐν παρόντα ἑρὸν ἐγγνατη διακοσίων ἐτῶν ἀλλων. ἐν οἰς ὑπεῖ πολις μᾶλισα κατενεσμήθι, και ἐν πρόσωδος ἐπι πλεῖσα μὴνθη, και πῶντα ἐν ἐρύνη μᾶ= κρὰς και συσκεῖν προῦλθεν ἀς συλλημονίαν ἀσφαλῶ. Yet this, he says, was the Roman mind: that they desired to spread the fame of their name among the barbarians rather than to extend the boundaries of their own empire; and he saw that ambassadors from several nations were sent to the emperor with authority, so that each might surrender his people to the Roman empire, and yet were not admitted, because the Roman emperor did not think it in his interest to rule over savage and needy peoples. For even of those subject to their rule, some bring more inconvenience than advantage; but those whom it is shameful to abandon and cast off, upon those they even expend from their own means. και τῶν ἐπικόσεν ἐνιοις προσκαλισκαστεν, αἰδούμενοι και πῶν ἐπιδημιας ἐντας. Many also of those who were not obedient to the Romans by word, nevertheless sought from the Romans kings and princes to

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. tere solitos & accipere. Magnitudinem uerò Persarum imperij percensens, quod ex Assyriorum, Medorum, Persarumq[ue] regnis coaluit, nequaquam cum dimidio imperij Ro. comparari iure posse contendit. Nam imperium Alexandri (quod celerius aleæ iactu, uel fulgetræ potius emicantis, in modum inusitatum, & in gradum nulli alij imitabilem euasit) in membra distractum est mortuo statim Alexandro. Suis uerò regibus solis, id est, Aegypti, scribit peditum equitumq[ue] & apparatus terrestris ac maritimi ingentes copias fuisse, & Aegyptiorum talentum quatuor et septuaginta millia in thesauris códita. Sic enim in exemplari Latino scriptum est, quod circunfertur: quare uerbæ ipsius Appiani adscribenda censui. ἐπι ἔλεξάνδρος μετεθετε και πλύτει καὶ ἐυτυχια καὶ παχυδρια διαλάμασα ἀρχη, καὶ διλητη δὲν ἀις ἀπδρον καὶ ἀμινητον ἐλθησα, σκετιων ἐραχύντα τὴν χρόνα προσεοικὴν ἀσφασμὴ λαμπὴ, ἐνοχει καὶ διαλυθεισις ἀις δολλὰς σκτραπεῖα ἐπιπλὰσον ἐξελαμπε τοι μὴνη. Deinde enumeratis copijs ad usum belli terrestris, quas ducenta millia peditum fuisse dicit, & quadraginta equitum, elephantos bellatores trecentos, currus præliares ad duo millia, armorum ad supplemètum trecenta millia, ad bella autem naualia, nauigia actuaria aliaq[ue] minora duo millia, triremes ab hemiolijs ad quinqueremes mille & quingenta, & alia ad nauigationes amoenas, & uoluptatis gratia comparatas, & ad ostentationem octingenta, ad extremum ita subdit: ἡμμωτα ἐν τοῖς Θινομοις τειαρες καὶ ἐθοδιμηκντα μυριαδες παλάντων αιγνητιων ἐν ἐν ἐν ποῦθοι παρασκευηὶς τε καὶ σκαλιὰς, ἐν τῶν ἔασπικῶν ἀνατραφῶν φαίνεται πραγματώντε καὶ καταλιπῶν ὑδιτορ[ι]ν ἀιγυπτὴ ἔασπιλolis μετ' αλεξανδρον, ὑς καὶ τωρισαι δωατώτατον ἐν ἔασπιλιων μὴν ἐασπινησαι λαμπητητον, μὴ κατασκλησαι μεγαλαρ

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. to rub, as was customary, and to receive. Considering the magnitude of the Persian empire, which had grown together out of the kingdoms of the Assyrians, the Medes, and the Persians, he insists that it could by no means be compared with half the Roman empire by right. For the empire of Alexander, which, faster than the throw of dice, or rather like a flashing lightning bolt, passed into an unprecedented condition and a rank imitable by no other, was immediately, after Alexander's death, torn into fragments. He writes that, in his own kingdom alone, that is, Egypt, there were enormous forces of infantry and cavalry and of land and sea equipment, and that in the treasuries were stored forty-seven thousand Egyptian talents. For so it is written in the Latin copy that is circulated; for this reason I judged that the words of Appian himself should be appended. ἐπι ἔλεξάνδρος μετεθετε και πλύτει καὶ ἐυτυχια καὶ παχυδρια διαλάμασα ἀρχη, καὶ διλητη δὲν ἀις ἀπδρον καὶ ἀμινητον ἐλθησα, σκετιων ἐραχύντα τὴν χρόνα προσεοικὴν ἀσφασμὴ λαμπὴ, ἐνοχει καὶ διαλυθεισις ἀις δολλὰς σκτραπεῖα ἐπιπλὰσον ἐξελαμπε τοι μὴνη. Then, after enumerating the forces for the conduct of land warfare, which he says amounted to two hundred thousand infantry and forty thousand cavalry, three hundred war elephants, two thousand chariots for battle, three hundred thousand weapons as replacements, and for naval warfare two thousand vessels of different kinds and smaller craft, and fifteen hundred triremes from hemiolias to quinqueremes, and another eight hundred vessels prepared for pleasant voyages and for the sake of pleasure and display, he concludes as follows: ἡμμωτα ἐν τοῖς Θινομοις τειαρες καὶ ἐθοδιμηκντα μυριαδες παλάντων αιγνητιων ἐν ἐν ἐν ποῦθοι παρασκευηὶς τε καὶ σκαλιὰς, ἐν τῶν ἔασπικῶν ἀνατραφῶν φαίνεται πραγματώντε καὶ καταλιπῶν ὑδιτορ[ι]ν ἀιγυπτὴ ἔασπιλolis μετ' αλεξανδρον, ὑς καὶ τωρισαι δωατώτατον ἐν ἔασπιλιων μὴν ἐασπινησαι λαμπητητον, μὴ κατασκλησαι μεγαλαρ

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET In numerato uero in thesauris erant quæ tuor & septuaginta myriades talentorum Aegyptiorum, tantum enim apparatu, ac tam amplas opes fuisse, ex actis com[m]entarjjs apparet secundi ab Alexandro regis, qui & ad annuos reditus potentissimus, & ad sumptus splendidissimus, & ad opera facienda magnificentissimus omniu[m] regu[m] fuit. Hactenus Appianus. Quatuor & septuaginta myriades Romano sermone septingenta & quadraginta nullia dicuntur. Quod si emendatè legitur, talentu[m] Aegyptium minimu[m] fuisse intelligere debemus ex ijs quæ infrà commemorabimus. Reditus uerò imperij Rom. nec dicere quisqua[m] (ut opinor) nec animi certa com[m]ectura assequi potest, nec aliquis scriptoru[m] aliquid de ea re tradidit, quod magnopere memorandum sit. Sed nec semper eade[m] ratio fuit, sed alia atq[ue] alia pro com[m]ditione temporu[m]. Si tamen de hac re com[m]etari quenqua[m] iuuat, primu[m] hoc scire oportet, ærariu[m] Ro. ex uectigalibus & tributis constitutum fuisse quomodo & hodie nostrum. Vectigalia trium generum fuerunt, ex agrorum cultu, ex mercium traiectu, & ex pæ scuis. Primum decimæ, alteru[m] portorium, tertiu[m] scriptura appellabatur: & præter hæc salarium. Cicero de imperio Cn. Pompeij, Nam in cæteris rebus cum uenit calamitas, tum detrimentu[m] accipitur; at in uectigalibus no[n] solu[m] aduentus mali, sed etiam metus ipse affert calamitatem. Nam cu[m] hostium copiæ non longè absunt, etia[m] si irruptio nulla facta sit, tam[m]e pecora relinquuntur, agricultura deseritur, mercatoru[m] nauigatio conquiescit. Ita neq[ue] ex portu, neq[ue] ex decimis, neq[ue] ex scriptura, uectigal conseruari potest. Quo tandem animo esse existimatis aut eos qui uectigalia uobis pensitant, aut eos qui exercent atque exigunt, cum duo Reges cum maximis copijs propè adsint? cum una

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Indeed, in cash there were in the treasuries forty-four myriads of Egyptian talents; for such was the scale of the equipment, and so vast the wealth, as appears from the records of the accounts of the second king after Alexander, who was both most powerful in annual revenues, most splendid in expenditures, and most magnificent in works to be done, of all the kings. So far Appian. Forty-four myriads are in Roman speech called seven hundred and forty thousand. If the text is read correctly, we must understand that the Egyptian talent was the smallest, from the things we shall mention below. As for the revenues of the Roman Empire, neither can anyone say, as I think, nor can a certain conjecture of the mind grasp them, nor has any writer handed down anything on this matter that is worth particularly remembering. But neither was the same method always used, but one and another according to the condition of the times. If, however, it is of interest to anyone to comment on this matter, first it ought to be known that the Roman treasury was constituted from revenues and taxes, just as ours is today. There were taxes of three kinds: from the cultivation of fields, from the transport of goods, and from grazing lands. The first was called the tithe, the second the portorium, the third scriptura; and besides these, the salary. Cicero, On the command of Cn. Pompey: For in other matters, when disaster comes, then the loss is suffered; but in revenues not only the arrival of evil, but even fear itself brings disaster. For when the forces of the enemy are not far away, even if no attack has been made, still the cattle are left behind, agriculture is abandoned, the sailing of merchants ceases. Thus neither from the harbor, nor from the tithes, nor from the scriptura, can the revenue be preserved. What state of mind do you think those are in, either those who pay you revenues or those who administer and collect them, when two kings with the largest forces are near at hand? when one

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 385 una excursio equitatus perbreui tempore totius anni ue= ctigal auferre possit? cum publicani familias quas in sali= nis habent, quas in agris, quas in portubus atque custodijs magno periculo se habere arbitretur? Salinas Ancus Mar tius Romanorum Rex tertius instituit, ut autores sunt Li uius & Plinius. Sed salarium uectigal Liuius in Censura < Salinator unde dictus.> commentus est, ob id Salinator postea dictus, ut autor est Liuius libro undetrigesimo. Tributa autem pro modo Tributum Romax pro modo census confere batur. census cuiusque conferebantur: cuius rei tenuia documen= ta apud scriptores reperiuntur, quantum equidem memi= nerim. Liuius libro 1 x. de bello Macedonico, de Censura Catoniana loquens, In censibus quoq[ue] accipiendis tristis & aspera in omnes ordines censura fuit. Ornamenta, & uestem muliebrem, & uehicula quæ pluris quàm quinde= cim millium æris essent, in censum referre uiatores iussit. Item mancipia minora annis x x. quæ post proximum lustrum x. millibus æris aut eo pluris uenissent, uti ea quo que decies pluris quàm quanti essent æstimarentur, & his rebus omnibus terni in millia æris attribuerentur. Attribu= < Attribui.> buerentur hoc loco significat tributi nomine statueretur. Ergo Cato deterrere uolens homines à luxu, pluris decies delicatam uestè & uenusta mancipia, q[uæ] quanti uendi pos= sent, æstimauit, & in æris singula millia ternos asses tribu ti constituit. Tacitus libro x 1 1 1 1. Eodem anno crebris populi flagitationibus immodestiam publicanoru[m] arguen tis, dubitauit Nero an cuncta uectigalia omitti iuberet, idq[ue] pulcherrimum donum generi mortalium daret: sed im petum eius multum prius laudata magnitudine animi atti nuere Senatores, dissolutionem imperij docendo, si fru= ctus quibus Respub. sustineretur, diminuerentur. quippe sublatis portorijs, sequens ut tributorum abolitio expostu B laretur.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 385 Could a single cavalry raid in a very short time carry off the revenue of an entire year? when the publicans have, as they think, at great risk, families whom they keep in the salt-pits, in the fields, in the ports, and in the guards? Ancus Martius, the third king of the Romans, established the salt-works, as Livy and Pliny are authorities. But Livy says that the salt tax was devised in the Censorship, and therefore he was afterward called Salinator, as Livy says in the twenty-ninth book. Taxes, however, were imposed according to the amount of each person’s census: of which matter there are slight documents among the writers, as far as I remember. Livy, book XIX, speaking of the Censorship of Cato in the Macedonian war, says: In receiving the censuses also, the censorship was severe and harsh toward all orders. He ordered ornaments, women’s clothing, and vehicles worth more than fifteen thousand asses to be entered in the census. Likewise slaves under twenty years of age, who after the next lustrum had sold for ten thousand asses or more, were to be assessed as if they too were worth ten times as much as they had been bought for, and for all these things three asses per thousand were assigned. Attribui in this place means that it was set down under the name of a tax. Therefore Cato, wishing to deter men from luxury, valued elegant clothing and attractive slaves at tenfold more than what they could be sold for, and for each thousand asses set three asses as tax. Tacitus, book XIIII. In the same year, with frequent demands of the people accusing the insolence of the publicans, Nero hesitated whether he should order all taxes to be abolished and give that most beautiful gift to the human race; but the Senate, first praising the greatness of his spirit, checked his impulse by showing him the dissolution of the empire, if the revenues by which the Commonwealth was supported were diminished. For once the tolls were removed, it would follow that the abolition of the taxes would be demanded.

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laretur. temperandas planè publicanorum cupidines, ne per tot annos sine querela tolerata, nouis acerbitatibus ad inuidiam uerterent. Ergo edixit princeps, ut leges cuius= que publici occultæ ad id tempus, proscriberentur: omis= sas petitiones non ultra annum resumerent: Romæ Præ= tor, per prouincias qui pro Prætore aut Consule essent, iura aduersus publicanos extra ordinem redderent: muliti= bus immunitas seruaretur, nisi in ijs quæ ueno exercerent: aliaq[ue] admodum æqua; quæ breui seruata, dein frustra ha= bita sunt: manet tamen abolitio quadragesimæ quinquage simæq[ue], & quæ alia exactionibus illicitis nomina publica ni inuenerant. Temperata apud transmarinas prouincias frumenti subuectio: & ne censibus negociatorum naues adscriberentur, tributumq[ue] pro illis penderent, constitu= tum. Nonnihil etiam de hoc dicitur in l. Forma, in titulo de censibus, in Pandectis. Strabo de Britannia loquens li= bro I I I I. quam uectigalem sub Augusto factam fuisse dicit, Τελη Τε ὑπτως ὑπομεῖναι ὑδρια τῶν τε ἐπαρομήνων ὑπ πλῶ κελπικῶ μὴ τῶν ἐπαρομήνων. Vectigalia etia[m] sic tolera[n]t grauia earum rerum quæ in Galliam importa[n]tur, aut quæ inde exportantur. Et rursus, Ita nullo iam præsidio ad in= sulæ custodiam opus est. non enim una plus legione opus est ad exigenda ab eis tributa. Constituta autem erat omnis impesæratio exercitui pro modo tributorum: alio qui mi= nui necesse erat uectigalia, si tributa insuper imperaren= tur. Quòd si uis inferretur, periculum esset ne ad defectionem solicitarentur. Sic enim illa Strabonis uertenda mihi uerba uisa sunt, ἀς ἐγν ἐν καθίστο παν ὑδύλωμα της ἀρα= τεία ἐἰς προσφορομέναι χρήμαστεν, ἀυτηκη χαρ μειναι το τὴν φόρων ἐπιβαλλομένων. ἀμε δὲ μὴ κινδύνει ἀποταμ πνὰς ικις ἐπαρομήναις. Age citanda una autoritas insignis ad

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to be moderated. The greed of the publicani was to be quite restrained, lest what had been endured for so many years without complaint should be turned, by new bitterness, into resentment. Therefore the prince issued an edict that the laws of each public contract, hidden up to that time, should be published; that abandoned claims should not be revived beyond one year; that at Rome the Praetor, and in the provinces those acting as Propraetor or Consul, should give summary justice against the publicani; that immunities should be preserved for the municipalities, except in those cases in which they dealt in wares; and other provisions, quite equitable, which for a short time were observed, then afterwards were held in vain: yet there remains the abolition of the quadragesima and quinquagesima, and of whatever other names the publicani had invented for unlawful exactions. The transport of grain in the transmarine provinces was regulated; and it was established that merchants’ ships should not be entered in the census, nor tribute be paid for them. Something also is said of this in the law Forma , in the title de censibus , in the Pandects. Strabo, speaking of Britain in book IIII, says that, having been made tributary under Augustus, it had to endure the taxes on imports and exports; and again, that now no garrison is needed for the guarding of the island, for not even one legion is needed to collect tribute from them. For all extortion was fixed for the army according to the amount of the tributes; otherwise the revenues would have to be reduced, if tributes were imposed in addition. But if force were used, there would be danger lest they be incited to revolt. Thus those words of Strabo seem to me to be to be translated: [Greek text uncertain] Let one famous authority be cited next, from

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ad coniecturam faciendam in uniuersas opes Romani im- perij. ea erit ex codem autore libro X V I I. quo in loco Strabo ostendere uolens magnitudinem redituum eius prouinciæ, ita inquit, [n]o[n] αἰχοπή [n]o[n] τὰς προσόδας ἐν πιν- λόγω πινοδιων φράσθ, φιισκα πατ ἐπικοιχην ἐν [n]o[n] πλεοπάπας πατρὶ ἐν ἀυλιπτὴ μεσοφερεῖδαι φόρον παλάντων μυριων δε- χιλιων παντακεπιων. ἐπι [n]o[n] [n]o[n] κάκισα μὴ γαθυμότατα πῶς εαπλείων δοξικῶν ποσαῦτα προσωφοβετο, τὶ χινομίσαι τὰς τῶν συν ποσαῦτης ἐπιμελειας σκινομευμημα, μὴ τῶν ἰνδικῶν ἐμφειων καὶ τῶν πωρολοσυπικῶν ἐπινθημένων ἡτῶ ποῦθεντες Aegypti autem (inquit Strabo) reditus, Cicero quadam < Aegypti reditus.> in oratione eleganter explicans, Auletæ patri Cleopatræ dicit talenta duodecies millena & quingena quotannis ex Aegypto obuenisse. Quære si is Rex, qui & dissolutissi- mè & nequissimè regnum administrauit, tantum annuæ obuentionis habuit ex Aegypto, quid nunc existimare conuenit, quanti[us]; æstimare reditum eiusdem prouinciæ tanta prouidentia administratæ, præsertim Indicis nego- ciationibus & Troglodyticis usqueadeo adauctis? Dein- de hæc addit, Siquidem superiore tempore ne uiginti qui dem nauigia Arabicu[m] sinum penetrare ausa sunt, ut pro- ras quidem nauium extra angustias illas exereret: at nunc & classes ingentes ad Indiam usque uela faciunt, & ad extrema Aethiopiæ, ex quibus merces preciosissimæ im- portantur, & inde rursus in alia loca transmittuntur. Ita duplex inde uectigal cogitur, mercibus scilicet importan- dis, & exporta[n]dis. At qui eoru[m] quæ magno ueneut, magnu[m] quoq[ue]; uectigal est, ὑπεν καὶ τὰ γίλιν δηπλὰ σωάχη, τὰ μὲν εἰδωνκὰ, τὰ ἐπιδωνκὰ. τῶν ἐδυντιων, ὑδρια καὶ τὰ γίλιν. Adde etia[m], inquit, quòd Alexandria supradictaru[m] mer eiu[m] unu[m] est receptaculu[m], ita ut sola plerunq[ue]; eiusmodi mer- B 2 ces

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for making an estimate of the entire wealth of the Roman empire. This will be from the same author, Book XVII. In that place Strabo, wishing to show the greatness of the revenues of that province, says thus, [n]o[n] αἰχοπή [n]o[n] τὰς προσόδας ἐν πιν- λόγω πινοδιων φράσθ, φιισκα πατ ἐπικοιχην ἐν [n]o[n] πλεοπάπας πατρὶ ἐν ἀυλιπτὴ μεσοφερεῖδαι φόρον παλάντων μυριων δε- χιλιων παντακεπιων. ἐπι [n]o[n] [n]o[n] κάκισα μὴ γαθυμότατα πῶς εαπλείων δοξικῶν ποσαῦτα προσωφοβετο, τὶ χινομίσαι τὰς τῶν συν ποσαῦτης ἐπιμελειας σκινομευμημα, μὴ τῶν ἰνδικῶν ἐμφειων καὶ τῶν πωρολοσυπικῶν ἐπινθημένων ἡτῶ ποῦθεντες The revenues of Egypt, however, says Strabo, Cicero, in one place elegantly explaining Aegypti reditus , says of Auletes, father of Cleopatra, that twelve thousand five hundred talents annually came in from Egypt. Consider, if that king, who administered the kingdom both most loosely and most wickedly, had so great an annual income from Egypt, what ought we now to think, how much should we estimate the revenue of that same province, administered with such foresight, especially with Indian and Troglodytic trade so greatly increased? Then he adds this: since in former times not even twenty ships dared to penetrate the Arabian Gulf, so that the prows of the ships could scarcely be pushed out beyond those narrow straits; but now great fleets sail even as far as India and to the farthest parts of Ethiopia, from which the most precious merchandise is imported and then sent on again to other places. Thus a double revenue is obtained from it, namely from goods being imported and exported. But those things on which a great price is paid yield a great revenue too, ὑπεν καὶ τὰ γίλιν δηπλὰ σωάχη, τὰ μὲν εἰδωνκὰ, τὰ ἐπιδωνκὰ. τῶν ἐδυντιων, ὑδρια καὶ τὰ γίλιν. Add also, he says, that Alexandria is the common receptacle of the above-mentioned merchandise, so that it alone for the most part of such mer- B 2 ces

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ces uenditet, & exteris suppeditet: n[on] q[ui]a[n]t[ur] n[on] n[on] m[anu]opoliæ ἐχει, μονη q[ui]a[n]t[ur] μ[anu] αλεξανδρια τῶν ποιτων ἐς μ[anu] δων ἀνοσθχρῶν ἐσι, n[on] χορητὴν ἐγ[ε]ν ἐκτός. Quæ sint eiusmodi merces, ignorare nemo potest qui legem ultimam legerit tituli de publicanis in Pandectis: propter quas institutum est uectigal Rubri maris, ut apud Plinium legimus. Ptolemæus pater Cleopatræ fuit ultimæ Aegypti reginæ, qui omnibus flagitijs inquinatus, etiam tibicinum artem exercuit, ob quam cognomentum auletæ, id est tibici nis meruit. Hic ob nequitia & facinorosam uitam ab Alexandrinis exactus, à Gabinio duce Romano, qui tum Syriam obtinebat, reductus est: quo nomine Gabinio lis decemillibus talentum æstimata est accusante Memmio, ut ex oratione Ciceronis pro Rabyrio Posthumo in præcedentibus diximus. Poenæ tamen capitali creptum eum significat Valerius libro VIII. in principio. Cæterum in quæ oratione Cicero hoc dixerit, quòd Ptolemæus duodecies millena & quingena talenta ex Aegypto quotannis percipiebat, nescio, nisi in hac eadem pro Rabyrio loco aliquo mutilato, uel in ea oratione quæ non extat, quam pro Gabinio habuit, cui olim infensissimus, postea reconciliatum se dicit, his uerbis, Mihi hæc Cai Memmi causa defenden di Gabinij fuit reconciliatio gratiæ. Neque uerò me poenitet mortales inimicitias habere. Verùm duodecim millia & quingenta talenta Attica (Attica enim hic intelligo, ut ex superius de hoc à me dictis apparet, no[n] Aegyptia, quæ quadrante Atticis maiora sunt) septuagies quinquies centena nullia aureorum nostrorum ualent: quibus si augmentum addas ex Strabonis sententia, fortasse centies centenis millibus reditum annum Aegypti iure æstimare poteris. Sed operæ precium facturus mihi uisus sum, si ratione ad- minist

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these are sold, and supplied to foreigners: not because they are not carried by monopoly, but because Alexandria alone has them in its hands, while the others are outside the carrying trade. What sorts of goods these are, no one who has read the last law of the title on the publicani in the Pandects can be ignorant of: on account of which the toll on the Red Sea was established, as we read in Pliny. Ptolemy was the father of Cleopatra, the last queen of Egypt, who, stained with every kind of shameful conduct, even practised the art of the flute-player, for which he earned the nickname auletes, that is, flute-player. For his wickedness and criminal life he was expelled by the Alexandrians, and was brought back by the Roman general Gabinius, who was then in command of Syria: on that account a case against Gabinius was valued at ten thousand talents by the accusation of Memmius, as we said above from Cicero’s speech for Rabirius Postumus. Yet Valerius, in book VIII at the beginning, indicates that he was rescued from capital punishment. However, in which speech Cicero said this, that Ptolemy received twelve thousand five hundred talents yearly from Egypt, I do not know, unless in this same speech for Rabirius, in some mutilated passage, or in that speech which no longer exists, which he delivered for Gabinius, whom he says he had once hated most bitterly, but later became reconciled to, in these words: “For me, the cause of Caius Memmius was the reconciliation of Gabinius to my favor in defending him. Nor indeed do I regret having mortal enmities.” But twelve thousand five hundred Attic talents (for by Attic talents I understand this here, as is evident from what I have said above on the subject, not Egyptian talents, which are a quarter larger than Attic ones) are worth seventy-five hundred thousand of our gold coins; if to these you add the increase, according to Strabo’s opinion, you may perhaps be able to estimate the annual revenue of Egypt at a hundred times a hundred thousand. But I seemed to myself to be doing worthwhile work, if by reasoning I were to administer

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 389 ministradæ eius prouinciæ sub Augusto & Tyberio pro sequerer ex eodem autore. De Actiaco enim bello loquens ab Augusto confecto, & Antonio & Cleopatra captis, Aegyptum ab eo dicit in prouinciæ formâ redactam, his uerbis, ἐπαρχία δὲ νῦν ἰσί, φόρας μὴν τελῶς αξιολόγων, ἐπο σωφορών δὲ αυθῶν οἰκομεῖναι, τῶν πεμπομένων ὑ= παρχων αἰ. ὑ μὴν ὑπειμθεῖς, πῶν τὸς ἔασπλῶς ἐχεῖ τὰ= ξην. ὑπ ἀυτὸς δὲ ἰσιν ὑδικασθέτις, ὑ τῶν ὑπολῶν πρίσεων κυνθος. ἀλλοῦ δὲ ἰσιν ὑ προσαρθοῦμεν ἐν ὑ λόγο, ὃς τῶν καθαστών μὴ τῶν ἐικαισαρα πιπλὴν ὑφλόντων ἐξετασίς ἰς. παρεωτη ἐν ἐπιλοθοδοι καίθερ ἐν δικονόμοι, μὴν ὑ μὴ ἐλάτων πεπισομεῖναι πράγματα. Nunc aute[m] prouincia est tributa pendens memorabilia, à uiris eiusmodi administra ta, qui sibi teperare nouerût, quiq[ue] semper rectores ad eâ cum potestate mittuntur. Qui uerò recturus mittitur, is uicem Regis obtinet, sub eoq[ue] est is qui Dicæodotes dici= tur, id est iura reddes, in cuius potestate ferè sunt iudicia. < Dicæodotes.> Est & alius magistratus qui idios logos, id est priuata ra tio dicitur, earum rerum indagator, quæ adespotæ Græcè dicuntur, id est assertorem non habentes, uel nullius domi= nio mancipatæ, & omnino earum rerum quæ in Cæsarem recidût. Horu[m] uelut asseclæ sunt liberti Cæsaris & dispē= satores, quibus maiora minoraq[ue] negocia permittuntur. < Priuata ratio.> His uerbis procurator priuatæ rationis dicitur, q[ui] ea per= sequitur quæ fisco obueni[n]t, non quæ arario & populo, uel priuato principis patrimonio. Ex quo patet propriè esse hoc uerbum usurpatum in lege Procurator, in titulo De edendo, in Codice Iustiniani: licet aliter Accursius o= pinatus sit. Adespota autem appellat quæ etiam Hermæa < Adespota.> dici possent, uulgo Albana Spauaq[ue] dicuntur. Deinde idem autor enumeratis copijs militaribus, quæ ad eam B 3 prouin

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 389 I would follow from the same author concerning the administration of that province under Augustus and Tiberius. For speaking of the Actian war, completed by Augustus and with Antony and Cleopatra captured, he says that Egypt was reduced by him into the form of a province, in these words: ἐπαρχία δὲ νῦν ἰσί, φόρας μὴν τελῶς αξιολόγων, ἐπο σωφορών δὲ αυθῶν οἰκομεῖναι, τῶν πεμπομένων ὑ= παρχων αἰ. ὑ μὴν ὑπειμθεῖς, πῶν τὸς ἔασπλῶς ἐχεῖ τὰ= ξην. ὑπ ἀυτὸς δὲ ἰσιν ὑδικασθέτις, ὑ τῶν ὑπολῶν πρίσεων κυνθος. ἀλλοῦ δὲ ἰσιν ὑ προσαρθοῦμεν ἐν ὑ λόγο, ὃς τῶν καθαστών μὴ τῶν ἐικαισαρα πιπλὴν ὑφλόντων ἐξετασίς ἰς. παρεωτη ἐν ἐπιλοθοδοι καίθερ ἐν δικονόμοι, μὴν ὑ μὴ ἐλάτων πεπισομεῖναι πράγματα. Now however it is a province paying tribute, remarkable, administered by men of this kind, who knew how to restrain themselves, and who are always sent as governors to it with authority. But whoever is sent as governor holds the place of a king, and under him is the one who is called Dicæodotes, that is, “giver of justice,” in whose power are the judgments for the most part. <Dicæodotes.> There is also another magistrate who is called idios logos, that is, “private account,” the investigator of those things which are called adespotæ in Greek, that is, those having no owner, or dedicated to no one’s dominion, and generally all those things which fall to Caesar. As it were attendants upon these are the freedmen of Caesar and the stewards, to whom greater and lesser business is entrusted. <Priuata ratio.> By these words the procurator of the private account is called, who prosecutes those matters which come to the treasury, not those which belong to the public treasury and the people, or to the private patrimony of the prince. From this it is clear that this word Procurator is properly used in the law, in the title De edendo, in the Code of Justinian, though Accursius thought otherwise. But he calls adespota those things which could also be called Hermæa. <Adespota.> In common speech they are called Albana and Spauaq. Then the same author, having enumerated the military forces which belonged to that province, B 3 provिन

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET prouinciam tuendam statutæ sunt, [n]o[n] [e]n[im] ἐπιχωρισων ὑφα χοντων, [n]o[n] [tau]e ἐκπηντης ἀισι ἀποτι [μὴ]ν [μὴ]νοι, ὑφοφυραν ἀμα πεχομενον, [n]o[n] ἐχων πατρία πιὰς, [n]o[n] ἐπιμελαν [n]o[n] [μὴ]ν [μὴ]νοι [μὴ]νοι χησίμων. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] ὑπομηματομαρφον, [n]o[n] [n]o[n] δεχισμανον. ἔτορ[μον] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] νυχτονινος ἐρατην[ι]ς. Inter municipales <Exegetes.> autem magistratus est qui Exegetes dicitur, quasi sacroru[m] interpres, uel augur in urbe, purpuram gestans, & alijs ho noribus prouincialibus insignis, earum rerum procuratio <nem habens, quæ ciuitati conducunt. Est etiam qui hypo= mnematographus, id est à commentarijs dicitur, & qui iu> <Archidicastes.> dicibus præest, ob id archidicastes appellatus, & quartus Prætor nocturnus. Cicero pro imperio Cn. Pompeij de ue= stigalibus Romanis ita inquit, Nam cæterarum prouin= ciarum uestigalia Quirites tanta sunt, ut his ad ipsas pro= uincias tutandas uix contenti esse possimus: Asia uerò tam opima & fertilis, ut & ubertate agroru[m], & uarietate fru etuu[m], & magnitudine pastionis, & multitudine earu[m] quæ exportatur, facilè omnibus terris antecellat. Plinius autor lib. tricesimotertio post Persen Regem Macedoniæ deui= etum, & gazam eius in ærariu[m] illatam, populum Rom. tri= buta pendere desijsse. Quæ tame[n] postea restituta esse ex eo conijcio, quod Cicero in secunda Philippica dixit, Vbi est septies nullies sestertium quod in tabulis quæ sunt ad Opis, petebatur? funestæ quidem illius pecuniæ, sed tamen si ijs quorum erat, non redderetur, quæ nos à tributis possit uindicare. Vbi patebat, legendum puto. Non omit= tendum & id quod idem Strabo libro sexto tradidit, Romanos initio plurimam Africæ & Asiæ partem Re= gibus sibi subditis commisisse, quos propter amicitiam & societatem regnare permuserunt. Postmodum autem <Quonam modo regna in p uincias redacta sint.> uel defectione Regum, & uiolatis foederibus, uel stirpium regia

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASSE ET for the protection of the province were established, [n]o[n] for there being no ἐπιχωρισων ὑφα χοντων, [n]o[n] also ἐκπηντης αἰσὶ ἀποτι [μὴ]ν [μὴ]νοι, ὑφοφυραν ἀμα πεχομενον, [n]o[n] having patria πιὰς, [n]o[n] ἐπιμελαν [n]o[n] [μὴ]ν [μὴ]νοι [μὴ]νοι χησίμων. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] ὑπομηματομαρφον, [n]o[n] [n]o[n] δεχισμανον. ἔτορ[μον] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] νυχτονινος ἐρατην[ι]ς. Inter municipales <Exegetes.> moreover, there is a magistrate who is called the Exegetes, as it were the interpreter of sacred things, or an augur in the city, wearing purple, and distinguished by other provincial honors, having the administration of those matters which are useful to the state. There is also the one who is called the hypomnematographus, that is, the one from the commentarii, and the one who presides over the judges, for which reason he is called archidicastes, and the fourth nocturnal praetor. Cicero, in the speech On the Command of Cn. Pompeius, says of the Roman revenues: For the revenues of the other provinces, Romans, are so great that with these we can scarcely be content to protect the provinces themselves: but Asia is so rich and fertile that it easily surpasses all lands in the fertility of its fields, the variety of its fruits, the size of its pastures, and the abundance of the things that are exported. Pliny, author of book thirty-three, says that after King Perseus of Macedon was conquered, and his treasure was brought into the treasury, the Roman people ceased to pay tribute. Yet I infer that this was later restored from the fact that Cicero in the second Philippic said: Where is that seven times nullies sestertium which was being claimed in the records that are at Opis? Truly a disastrous sum of money, but nevertheless, if it were not returned to those whose it was, what could free us from taxes? Where it was open, I think it should be read. And it should not be omitted that Strabo likewise related in book six that the Romans at first committed the greater part of Africa and Asia to kings subject to them, whom they allowed to rule because of friendship and alliance. Afterwards, however, either by the defection of kings, or by violated treaties, or by the royal branches

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 391 regiarum interitu omnia ferme in prouinciarum formam redacta esse. Sic Attalicum regnum, sic Syrium, sic Pa= phlagonum & Cappadocum & Aegyptiorum & Mi= thridatis Eupatoris ad Romanos peruenisse: adeò ut Ty= berij tempore cuncta intra Phasin & Euphratem, præ= ter quosdam Arabas, Romano tenerentur imperio, uel à Regibus à Romanis impositis. Armenij uerò, & Alba= ni Colchis superiores, & Iberi, sola ducum præsentia in officio continebantur. Sed cum Romanos uiderent uarijs negocijs aut bellis implicitos, statim ad res nouas so= licitari gentes efferatæ solebant, sicut & eæ gentes quæ trans Istrum flumen & Euxinum pontum habitabant. Iosepus autem in secundo de bello Iudaico, Agrippam ad Hierosolymitanos orationem luculentam habuisse com memorat, & de potentia & opibus Rom. imperij magni= ficè disseruisse ad deterrendos Iudæos ne ad rebellionem spectarent. In ea autem oratione circa medium ferè ita cumloquentem inducit: Nam tertiam partem orbis ter= rarum, cuius ne nationes quidem numerare promptum est, ab Atlantico mari & columnis Herculis usque ad mare Rubrum sitas, totam armis Romani subegerunt. Et præter annuas frumentationes quibus Romanam ple= bem octonis mensibus alunt, alia quoque tributa pen= dunt. Et quidem apud illos una tantum legio compa= ratur: quanquam quid opus est exemplis longè petitis potentiam Romanam enarrare, cum eam possitis de ui= cina uobis Aegypto optimè æstimare? Hæc enim cum ad Aethiopas usque porrigatur, opulentamq[ue] Arabiam, conterminaq[ue]; sit Indiæ, ac septingenties & quinquagies centena millia incolarum habeat extra Alexandrinum po pulum, tributa tamen obsequentissimè pensitans (quorum B 4 magnit

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 391 by the downfall of kingdoms almost everything had been reduced into the form of provinces. Thus the Attalic kingdom, thus Syria, thus that of the Paphlagonians and Cappadocians and Egyptians and of Mithridates Eupator had passed to the Romans: so that in the time of Tiberius everything within the Phasis and the Euphrates, except for some Arabs, was held under Roman rule, either by kings appointed by the Romans. The Armenians, however, and the Albani superior to Colchis, and the Iberians were kept in obedience only by the presence of generals. But when they saw the Romans involved in various affairs or wars, those savage peoples were at once wont to be stirred up to new undertakings, just as also were those peoples who dwelt beyond the river Ister and the Euxine Sea. Josephus, however, in the second book of the Jewish War, recounts that Agrippa delivered a splendid speech to the men of Jerusalem, and spoke magnificently of the power and resources of the Roman empire in order to deter the Jews from looking to rebellion. In that speech, near the middle, he introduces him speaking in this way: For the Romans have subdued by arms the third part of the whole earth, whose nations indeed it is not easy even to number, from the Atlantic Sea and the Pillars of Hercules as far as the Red Sea. And besides the yearly grain supplies, by which they feed the Roman people for eight months, they also pay other taxes. And indeed among them only one legion is stationed; though what need is there to recount Roman power with examples drawn from afar, when you can best estimate it from the Egypt that lies next to you? For this, extending as far as the Ethiopians and bordering upon wealthy Arabia and India, has nevertheless seven hundred and fifty million inhabitants besides the population of Alexandria, yet pays tribute most obediently (whose magnit...

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET magnitudinem æstimare de censu singulorum capitum li= cet) Romano parere imperio non grauatur. tametsi quan tum stimulum defectionis habens Alexandriam urbem, cum multitudine hominum & opibus abundantem, tum amplitudine & ambitu non imparem? ut quæ longitudi= ne stadia triginta, latitudine decem habeat, tributorum ue rò multo amplius in singulos menses pensitet, quàm uos in annos singulos conferatis, & eo amplius Rom. populo quaternum mensium frumentum suppeditet: duæ autem legiones ciuitati insidentes, profundam Aegyptum cum illa Macedonum nobilitate frænant. De magnitudine Ale xandriæ Strabo idem cum Iosepo dixit, latitudinem pau= lo minorem ponens. Octo autem legionibus eo tempore Germania obtinebatur, ut inibi Iosepus in persona A= grippæ disserit. Quod eò pertinet, quod superiore libro de legionibus ab Augusto delectis, & per orbem colloca= tis diximus. Opimos autem fuisse reditus Hispaniæ, ex eo conijcere datur, quod de opulentia eius prouinciæ scribi= tur, præsertim Turdetaniæ, quæ & Bætica dicitur. Stra= bo libro 111. miranda de fertilitate eius narrans, quodam loco ita inquit, Quum uerò supradicta regio tot bona sup pediet, maximè tamen admiratione digna est ob metallo= rum copiam, quibus uniuersa Hispaniæ regio scatet: non ubiq[ue] ipsa frugibus exuberans, & præsertim ubi metallis copiosa est. Rarum est regionem inuenire utraque re ube= rem: rarius etiam illud, eandem regionem in paruo quo= dam agro metallis omne genus abundare. At uerò Turde= tania & finitima ei regio rationem nullam commendandi sui eo nomine remittit scribere de ea re uolentibus: usque= adeo numeros omnes laudis in metallis impleuit, nihil ut ei absit quod quidem memoratu dignum sit. Neque enim aurum

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. On ass and to estimate its magnitude from the census of individual heads is permitted) does not disdain to obey the Roman empire. Yet what a strong impulse of revolt had Alexandria, a city abounding both in population and resources, and not inferior in size and extent, since it is thirty stadia in length and ten in breadth, and moreover pays in taxes far more each month than you contribute in each year, and supplies the Roman people with four months’ grain besides; and two legions stationed in the city restrain lower Egypt with that Macedonian nobility. Strabo said the same as Josephus about the size of Alexandria, though he gives the breadth as a little less. At that time Germany, too, was held by eight legions, as Josephus there speaks in the person of Agrippa. This relates to what we said in the preceding book about the legions selected by Augustus and stationed throughout the world. That the revenues of Spain were very rich may be gathered from the fact that it is written of the wealth of that province, especially of Turdetania, which is also called Baetica. Strabo, in book 3, recounting marvelous things about its fertility, says in one place: “But since the aforesaid region supplies so many blessings, it is especially worthy of admiration for the abundance of metals, with which the whole region of Spain abounds: not everywhere does it overflow with crops, and especially where it is rich in metals. It is rare to find a region abundant in both; even rarer that the same region, in a small tract of land, should abound in every kind of metal. But Turdetania and the region adjoining it leave no ground at all for those wishing to write about it to praise it in that respect: so fully has it made up all the claims to praise in metals, that nothing noteworthy is lacking to it.” For neither gold

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 393 aurum, neque argentum, neq[ue] æs, neq[ue] ferrum alibi terrarum aut tantum, aut tam eximium nasci adhuc compertum est, quàm in Turdetania nascitur, [enim] [n]o[n] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] 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[enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] 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[enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [en

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 393 gold, neither silver, nor bronze, nor iron, anywhere else on earth has yet been found to be produced either in such quantity, or so excellent as in Turdetania is produced, [enim] [n]o[n] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] [enim] 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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET eam secante cognominata, cunctas prouinciaru[m] diuiti cul= tu, et quodam fertili ac peculiari nitore præcedit. Idem alibi, Metallis plumbi, ferri, æris, argenti, auri, tota ferme Hispania scatet, Bætica etiam minio. Vniuersæ Hispaniæ Vespasianus Imperator Augustus iactatus procellis Rei= publicæ, Latij ius tribuit. uel iactatum potius, ut referta= tur ad Latij ius. Idem lib. x x x 111. Aurum arrugia quæ= situm no[n] coquitur, sed statim suum est. Inueni[n]tur ita mas= sæ, necnon in puteis denas excedentes libras. Palacas Hi= spani, alij palacranas: idem quod minutum est, Ballucem uocant. Strabo palas dixit appellari massulas auri selibra les. Plinius palacas, sed denarum libraru[m]. Ballucæ x 1111. unciæ pro auri libra inferebantur à metallarijs sanctione Principum, ut legimus in titulo de metallarijs libro x 1. Chrysammos. Codicis. Græcè Chrysammos dicitur. lingua nostra uer= nacula paleolas appellat auri ramenta quæ alluuione riuo rum deseruntur, cuiusmodi hodie circa Pyrenen inueniuntur. Nos enim inde uidimus no[n]nullas ciceris magnitudine, quibus nulla excoctione opus esset. Pleræq[ue] tamen minutæ sunt et tenues, unde nomen sortitæ sunt. Quapropter a= pud Plinium libro tricesimoquarto ita lego ex antiquis exemplaribus, In ærarijs officinis et smegma fit. Iam li= quato ære atq[ue] percocto, additis etiamnum carbonibus, paulatimq[ue] accensis, ac repente uehementiori flatu expui tur æris palea quædam. Nec me latet Hermola[m] pala le= gere ex Strabone. Nam Strabo palas appellauit massulas auri semissales. Plinius paleas appellat non glebulas, sed ram[m]etulas palearum formâ habentes: quod no[n] magnopere mirum est Hermolaum in transeursu non animaduertisse. Id e[st] Plinius lib. tricesimotertio de argenti metallis loqués, Miru[m] (inquit) adhuc per Hispanias ab Annibale inchoa= tos pute < Palacæ.> < Chrysammos.> < Plinij locus.> < Palex.> < Putei ab Anni> < bale inchoati.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASSE ET so called from cutting through it, surpasses all provinces in wealth of cultivation, and in a certain fertile and distinctive brilliance. Likewise elsewhere, Spain is almost entirely rich in mines of lead, iron, bronze, silver, and gold, and Baetica also in cinnabar. Emperor Vespasian Augustus, having been tossed by the storms of the Republic, granted to all Spain the rights of Latium. Or rather, those rights had already been conferred, so that it might be referred to the rights of Latium. The same author, book xxxiii. Gold found by arrugia is not smelted, but is immediately its own. Thus masses are found, and even in pits exceeding ten pounds. The Spaniards call them palacas; others palacranas; the small pieces, however, they call ballucem. Strabo says they are called palas, little masses of gold weighing half a pound. Pliny calls them palacas, but of ten pounds' weight. Ballucae of four ounces were brought in per pound of gold by the metal-workers, by the enactment of the princes, as we read in the title De metallariis, book x i. Chrysammos. In the Codex. In Greek it is called chrysammos. In our vernacular language it calls the filings of gold, washed down by the overflow of streams, paleolas; of this kind are those found today around the Pyrenees. For we ourselves have seen some no larger than chickpeas, for which no smelting would be necessary. Most, however, are small and thin, whence they have received their name. For that reason I read in Pliny, book thirty-four, from ancient copies: In bronze workshops, smegma is also made. Now the bronze having been melted and well cooked, with the addition still of charcoal, and these being gradually ignited, and then suddenly blown with a stronger blast, a certain bronze palea is expelled. Nor is it unknown to me that Hermolaus reads pala from Strabo. For Strabo called palas the little masses of gold weighing half a semis. Pliny calls them paleas, not clods, but small branchlets having the form of chaff: which is not greatly surprising, if Hermolaus did not notice it in passing. That is to say, Pliny in book thirty-three, speaking of the silver mines, says: “Wonderful” (he says) “hitherto, throughout Spain, pits begun by Hannibal...” < Palacæ.> < Chrysammos.> < Plinij locus.> < Palex.> < Putei ab Anni> < bale inchoati.>

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 395 tos puteos durare, sua ab inuentoribus nomina habentes, ex quibus Bebelo appellatur bodie qui c c c. pondo An= nibali summunistrauit in dies, ad nulle quingentos passus cauato iam monte, per quod spatiu[m] Aquitani stantes die= bus noctibusq[ue]; egerunt aquæ lucernaru[m] mensura. Trece= na pondo Romana, tricena millia drachmarum efficiebat, quæ terna millia coronatorum ualent. Quare hoc dictum Plinij conuenit cum superiore Strabonus loco, ut suspicer Plinium de Carthaginie[n]sibus arg[umen]tisodinis locutum, quæ in citeriore Hispania erant, finitima Aquitanis. Polybius enim æqualis Annibalis ætatis fuit, quo autore Strabo usus est. Rursus Strabo, [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] 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[n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] 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Transcription: Translated (English)

PART IV. HIS BOOK IV. 395 these wells endure, bearing the names of their discoverers, among which that called Bebelo today supplied Hannibal with 300 pounds each day, to a place five hundred paces away, the mountain already hollowed out, through which space the Aquitanians, standing day and night, drew out the measure of water for lamps. Thirteen Roman pounds made thirty thousand drachmas, which are worth three thousand gold coins. Therefore this statement of Pliny agrees with the above-mentioned passage of Strabo, so that I suspect Pliny was speaking of the Carthaginian mines, which were in nearer Spain, bordering on the Aquitanians. For Polybius was a contemporary of Hannibal’s age, whom Strabo used as his authority. Again Strabo, [illegible] [illegible]

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET autè & nunc argentisodinæ, non tamen publicæ, nec illic, nec alibi, sed priuatorum: auri autem metalla pleraq[ue] sunt publica. < Metalla auri quondâ in Gal lia. Strabonis locus.> Hactenus de Hispania: cuius etiam Galliam æmulam aurifera ui fuisse, eôdem autore co[m]probabimus, quippe lib. III. de Turdetaniæ, id est Baeticæ, metallis loquens, ita subdit, ἀγίωσι δὲ γαλατὴ) τὰ παῖς ἔκαστῶς ἐν ἐν ἑρεῖτ[ur] υποταλα ἐν τῶν κιμωδίω ὅφ[ος], καὶ τὰ ὑπὸ αυτὴν κείμωνα τὴν πυρυντὴν. ἐμεντοὶ πλεῦντ τὴν εντευθεν σκοσμημὴν. Galli uerò meliora esse sua censent, quæ in Cimerio monte sita sunt, & quæ Pyrenæ ipsi subiacet. illinc tamen auru[m] magis probatur quàm Gallicum. Vbi puto no[n] Cimerio sed Cemmeno legendum. <Cemmeni.> Cēmeni enim montes (κειμμενον ὅφ[ο]ς apud Strabone[m] lib. III. ) Aquitaniâ à Celtis discludu[n]t, quo loco Cæsar Gebennam uel Cebennam potius montem ponit. Huius pars <Tarara.> hodie Tarara uocitatur. Rursus idem Strabo lib. III. de Narbonensi littore loquens, & sinu qui Gallicus illic dicitur, ἐχασι δὲ τὰρβελλοι ἐν κόλθον, παῖς ἐσὶ χειροσεῦν αυτοδαιστατα πᾶντων. ἐν χαρ[α] βοδοις ὑφ[ο]ν χεισιστιν ἐπι μικρὸν ἔνρισκοντα καὶ χειροπλήθει χνοσία πλάκες, ἐδὲ ὑπε μικρῶν ἀνθαρσεως δομημα. τὸ δὲ λειπὸν, ἥυτμᾶ ἐσι καὶ ὑλει, καὶ αυτὰς ἀντοδρασίαν ὑ δολλω ἐχασαι. Tarbelli, inquit, eum sinum obtinent, apud quos aurisodinæ sunt omnium præstantissimæ. In specubus enim leniter effossis inueniuntur auri crustæ quæ manu implere possint, interdum modico purgamento indigentes. reliquu[m] autem aurum ram[m]eta sunt & glebulæ, modicam & ipsæ operam poscètes. Interior autem regio & mo[n]tana melius solum habet. nam ad Pyrenè conuenarum est ciuitas, qui eò ad incolendu[m] conuenerunt, <Lugdunus.> ubi oppidum Lugdunus. Hallucinatus eo loco interpres, qui locum ita uertit: nam ad Pyrenen Conuenarum Synclydo est, ubi oppidum Lugdunu[m], quasi συγκυμων, id est Synclydo,

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET formerly and now silver mines, but not public ones, neither there nor elsewhere, but private; however, most of the gold mines are public. <Gold mines once in Gaul. Passage of Strabo.> Thus far concerning Spain: that Gaul also vied with it in the abundance of gold we shall prove from the same author, for when he speaks in book III of the mines of Turdetania, that is, of Baetica, he adds as follows, “... Galli vero meliora esse sua censent, quae in Cimmerio monte sita sunt, et quae Pyrenae ipsi subiacet.” The Gauls, however, consider their own to be better, those which are situated on Mount Cimmerio, and those which lie beneath the Pyrenees themselves. Yet the gold from there is held to be better than the Gallic. Where I think “Cimerio” should not be read, but “Cemmeno.” <Cemmeni.> For the Cemmeni mountains (κειμμενον ὅφος apud Strabonem lib. III) separate Aquitania from the Celts, in which place Caesar puts the mountain Gebenna or Cebenna rather than anything else. A part of this <Tarara.> is today called Tarara. Again the same Strabo, in book III, speaking of the Narbonensian coast and of the bay there called Gallicus, says, “Tarbelli, inquit, eum sinum obtinent, apud quos aurisodinæ sunt omnium præstantissimæ. In specubus enim leniter effossis inveniuntur auri crustæ quæ manu implere possint, interdum modico purgamento indigentes. reliquum autem aurum rammeta sunt & glebulæ, modicam & ipsæ operam poscentes. Interior autem regio & montana melius solum habet. nam ad Pyrenen conuenarum est ciuitas, qui eo ad incolendum conuenerunt, <Lugdunus.> ubi oppidum Lugdunus.” The Tarbelli, he says, hold that bay, among whom the gold mines are the most excellent of all. For in gently excavated caverns there are found crusts of gold that can fill the hand, sometimes needing only a little refining. The remaining gold is in small branches and little lumps, which also require only modest labor. But the interior and mountainous region has better soil. For near the Pyrenees is the city of the Convenae, who gathered there to dwell, <Lugdunus.> where there is the town of Lugdunus. The translator erred at that point, who rendered the passage thus: “for near Pyrene there is the city of the Convenae, Synclydo, where the town of Lugdunum is,” as though συγκυμων, that is Synclydo,

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 397 <Conuenx. Synclydes.> Synclydo, nomen esset oppidi, cum genitium sit pluralis, conuenaru[m] significans. Synclydes enim collectitij alicuius loci habitatores dicuntur, ut Latinè conuenæ. pròs μὴ π[er] πυρηνη μὴ τῶν καναίων ἐσί σηγκλώνην, ἐν [n]o[n] πόλις λογανθη. Plinius de Aquitania loquens, Mox in oppidum (inquit) contributi conuenæ. Lugduni autem oppidi in ea regione nô meminit. Strabo, Tectosages Pyrencis propinqui sunt montibus. paulum etiam aquilonare latus Cemmenorum montium attingunt, terram colentes auro multo præditâ. ιράπισται γὰρ μηρὰ καὶ τὴ προσαρτία πλοθήν τῶν κεμμήνων. πολυχναστε νέμονται γλῶ. Apud ipsos autem thesauros ab Imperatore Romano Scipione repertos in urbe Tolossa et ablatos ait: à quibus aurum Tolossanu[m] apud scriptores decantatissimum, in prouerbium cessit, ut autor est Gellius. πα μὴ γὰρ ἐυρεύντα ἐν τὴ πολυαπιχηματα μηριων πὴ καὶ πεντακιχηλιων ταλάντων καυίδαι φασί. πα μὴ ἐν ση- κητις αποκειμμενα, πα ιν λιμνας ιδροῦς, ολιαν κατασκοσμικὴ χοντα, αλλ ὑρὸν χνασίον μὴ ἀγωρον. Posidonius (inquit Strabo) uerisimiliter tradit pecunias Tolossæ repertas ad quindecim talentum millia, quaru[m] partem in fanis, partem in lacubus co[n]secratis reconditâ fuisse, argentum aurumq[ue] insectum atq[ue] rude. Et rursus paulo inferius, Vt autem inquit Posidonius, et alij complures, regio ipsa auro alioquin abundas, et homines habens superstitioni addictos, et ad parsimoniam in uictu assuetos, multis in locis Celticæ Galliæ thesauros habuit, maxime uerò lacus eis sacrosanctos à prædonu[m] direptionibus thesauros præstabat in quos ideo auri argentiq[ue] pondera demiserant. Romani uerò quum ui et armis loca ea obtinuissent, auctioni lacus eos publicè subieceru[n]t: emptoru[m] autem plurimi molas argenteas ductiles inueneru[n]t. μάλιστα δὲ αυθίς αἰ λιμνα τὴν ασπιαν

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART IV. BOOK IIII. 397 <Conuenx. Synclydes.> Synclydo would be the name of a town, when it is in the plural, meaning a settlement of fellow-dwellers. For Synclydes are indeed called the inhabitants of some collective place, as in Latin conuenæ. pròs μὴ π[er] πυρηνη μὴ τῶν καναίων ἐσί σηγκλώνην, ἐν [n]o[n] πόλις λογανθη. Pliny, speaking of Aquitaine, says: “Soon afterward the conuenæ were brought together into a town.” But he makes no mention of Lugdunum, a town in that region. Strabo says, “The Tectosages are near the Pyrenaean mountains. They also extend a little to the northern side toward the Cemmene mountains, cultivating a land supplied with much gold.” ιράπισται γὰρ μηρὰ καὶ τὴ προσαρτία πλοθήν τῶν κεμμήνων. πολυχναστε νέμονται γλῶ. Among them, he says, treasures were found by the Roman commander Scipio in the city of Tolosa and were carried off: from which the Tolosa gold, celebrated by writers, passed into a proverb, as Gellius is author. πα μὴ γὰρ ἐυρεύντα ἐν τὴ πολυαπιχηματα μηριων πὴ καὶ πεντακιχηλιων ταλάντων καυίδαι φασί. πα μὴ ἐν ση-κητις αποκειμμενα, πα ιν λιμνας ιδροῦς, ολιαν κατασκοσμικὴ χοντα, αλλ ὑρὸν χνασίον μὴ ἀγωρον. Posidonius, as Strabo says, plausibly relates that at Tolosa money was found to the amount of fifteen thousand talents, part of which had been deposited in temples and part in consecrated lakes, the silver and gold being wrought and rough. And again a little lower: “As Posidonius says, and many others, the region itself, being otherwise rich in gold and having men devoted to superstition and accustomed to moderation in diet, possessed treasures in many places throughout Celtic Gaul, but especially the sacred lakes furnished protection for treasures from the depredations of plunderers, into which they had therefore cast weights of gold and silver.” The Romans, however, when they had taken those places by force and arms, publicly brought the lakes to auction; and very many of the buyers found silver millstones, ductile ones. μάλιστα δὲ αυθίς αἰ λιμνα τὴν ασπιαν

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET [Lucrius Aruernus.] [ασυλίαν παρειχον, εἰς ἀς παθίεσαιν αρχυρα ή ποιι χνοῦ ζάρμ. οἰ] [τοῦμος ὑμματοῦι κρατήσαντες τῶν τόπων ἀπερδυλῶ πῶς λίμνας Σημοσία. Ποιι τῶν ὑμαρμένων Θολλοὶ μύλας εὐρον σφυρηλάτες δραγμῶς. Idem autor est Luerium Aruernum patrem Bititi (qui Bititus cum Maximo Aemiliano & Domitio Aenobarbo ducentorum millium hominum exercitu conflixit) tantis delicijs diuitijsq[ue] circunfluxisse, ut aliquando ostendendarum opum gratia curru uectus per campu ingredereretur nummos aureos argenteosq[ue]; huc atq[ue] illuc sparges: quibus colligendis amici & comites occupati sequerêtur. ποῦθην πλῶντω λεγεται ποιι πυντὴν δενεκημέν, ὑπει ὑπι ἐπί άδξην ποῦς φίλεις ὑπι ἀπήνς φερεδαι ὑμις περία, χνοῦ νόμισμα νοι δρυνε δημονιονιον; ἐπι συμμεγαν ἐκτινας ἀνθαθαντας. Auri Tolossani meminit Gellius libro tertio, & Cicero de natura Deorum libro tertio, ob cuius raptu quæstionem habitam esse dicit. Trogus lib. tricesimosecundo Cepione appellat eum Imperatorem qui aurum Tolossanum abstulit, quod sacrilegiu ei & exercitui eius excidij causam fuisse tradit. Auri autem (inquit) fuere centu & decem millia pondo, argenti quinquiesdecies centena millia. Hæc summa uix dicere ausim quanti æstimanda sit. Auri singula pondo minoris æstimari centum aureis solatis non possunt, etiam ut undecima pars æris in eo mixta fuerit. Qua ratione aurum illud Tolossanum centies & decies centenis millibus aureoru ualuit. quod si obryzum fuerit, id est centenis & duodenis solatis in libras æstimabile, centies uicies ter centenis & uiginti nullibus ualuit. Quod autem ad argentum pertinet, Trogum existimarim no[n] quinquiesdecies centena millia pondo scripsisse, quæ summa quinquagies millies mille aureos ualet, sed quindecies cetenam millia, quæ quindecies millies

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET [Lucrius Aruernus.] [asylum they provided, into which, having suffered hardships, they entered by force of arms; or perhaps something of this sort. There they] from the high places they had seized, one would see how the lakes of Semosia. For the worked-out things of the workers, many mills found by the smiths, in drachmas. The same author says that Lucius Arvernus, father of Bititus (who, together with Maximus Aemilianus and Domitius Aenobarbus, came into conflict with an army of two hundred thousand men) was so surrounded by pleasures and riches that, at times, for the sake of displaying his wealth, he would ride through the field in a chariot, scattering gold and silver coins here and there; while his friends and companions, occupied in gathering them up, followed after him. [... Greek text ...] Aulus Gellius mentions the gold of Tolosa in book three, and Cicero, in the third book of On the Nature of the Gods, says that an inquiry was held concerning its theft. Trogus, in book thirty-two, calls that man who took away the gold of Tolosa “imperator,” and says that this sacrilege was the cause of disaster for him and his army. The gold, however, he says, amounted to one hundred and ten thousand pounds, and the silver to fifteen hundred thousand. I would scarcely dare say what value this total should be estimated at. A single pound of gold cannot be valued at less than one hundred aurei, even if one-eleventh part of copper were mixed in it. On that basis, that gold of Tolosa was worth one hundred and ten million aurei. But if it was pure gold, that is, worth one hundred and twelve denarii per pound, it was worth one hundred and twenty-three hundred million and twenty thousand. As for the silver, I should think Trogus did not write fifteen hundred thousand pounds, which sum is worth fifty-five million aurei, but fifteen hundred thousand

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 399 Nullies mille aureis coronatis æstimatur à nobis, id est cen- ties & quinquagies cætenus millibus. Quod si quis Trogû < Quinquies decies, & quaterdecies.> quinquies decies scripsisse malit, tamen pro quindecies in- telligam, quomodo apud Suetonium in Augusto quaterde cies millies pro bis septies, id est quatuordecies. Cicero e- tiam sic usus est. Strabo ex Posidonio quindecim millibus talentum argenti æstimasse aurum argentumq[ue] simul uide tur: quæ summa minor est minima prædictarum, id est no- nagies centena millia aurcorum. Apud Iosepum libro su- <Felicitas Galliarum.> prædicto Agrippa magnificè de Galliarum situ, & felici- tate Gallorum domestica disserit, quos omne genus bonis apud se scatentibus totum penè orbem irrigare, mirifico præconio uociferatur, & nihilo secius sub mille & ducê- tis militibus Romano imperio parere, quibus plures pro- pemodum ciuitates habeant, non animi mollitia, ut qui o- ctoginta annis pro libertate dimicassent, sed animi destina- tione in obsequium eius gentis fixa, cuius & uirtute ex- perti fuissent, & fortunâ admirarentur. Multa adhuc ad- notauimus, quæ fide caritura sunt, ut opinor, præsertim apud eos (ut dixi) qui omnia & præterita & futura præ- sentis temporis modulis metiuntur. unum etiam addam ex eodem Strabone, qui de Bætica loquens, ὑπολῦ ἰκιν ἰδύς, inquit, πρότερον, τῶν ἰκια μᾶλλον τῶν περαζῶν, καὶ ὑποδε- θωλῦ τοι ἔσι τῶν κάλλος. ταλαντάις τοῦω ὑνοῦται τοῦς χρισ- τῶς τὰς δχεῖας. Multa autem uestis antea inde ueniebat: <nunc autem lanæ magis quàm à Coraxis, pulchritudine eximia siquidem propter hoc arietes talentari precio emun- tur ad admissuram. Coraxi autem populi sunt Colchorum Stephano de urbibus. Talentum sexcentis aureis æstima- mus. tanti autem uenditari arietes potuerut apud eos qui asinos admissarios, uel etia[m] asinas ad foeturâ, id est ad mu- larum>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 399 A thousand aurei with crowns is estimated by us at one hundred and fifty thousand no more. If anyone prefers to have Trogus written <Fifteen times, and fourteen times.> five times ten, nevertheless I shall understand it as fifteen times, just as in Suetonius in the Life of Augustus, quaterdecies millies for twice seven, that is, fourteen times. Cicero also used it in this way. Strabo, following Posidonius, seems to have estimated silver and gold together at fifteen thousand talents; which sum is less than the least of those mentioned above, that is, nine hundred thousand gold coins. In Josephus, in the book mentioned above, Agrippa speaks magnificently about the situation of Gaul, and the domestic prosperity of the Gauls, whom he proclaims with wonderful praise to be so overflowing with every kind of good that they irrigate almost the whole world; and yet they remain subject to the Roman empire with only one thousand two hundred soldiers, although they have almost more cities than these. This is not from softness of character, since they had fought for freedom for eighty years, but from a steadfast resolve of mind fixed in obedience to that nation, whose virtue they had experienced and whose fortune they admired. We have noted many other things, which, I think, will lack credibility, especially among those, as I said, who measure both past and future by the standards of the present time. I will also add one thing from the same Strabo, who, speaking of Baetica, says: ὑπολῦ ἰκιν ἰδύς, he says, πρότερον, τῶν ἰκια μᾶλλον τῶν περαζῶν, καὶ ὑποδε- θωλῦ τοι ἔσι τῶν κάλλος. ταλαντάις τοῦω ὑνοῦται τοῦς χρισ- τώς τὰς δχεῖας. But much clothing used to come from there before: <but now wool more than from the Coraxians, with outstanding beauty, since for this reason rams are bought at a talent price for breeding. The Coraxi are a people of the Colchians, according to Stephanus on Cities. We estimate a talent at six hundred gold coins. And at that price rams could have been sold among them, who use breeding asses, or even she-asses for foaling, that is, for mules>

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET larum partus, x L. sestertijs emerent, ut supra ex V arrone & Plinio didicimus. Verumenimuero cum tot olim auri metalla fuerint & in Hispania, & in Gallia, hodie neu= trobi esse dictitantur, quæ quidem comemorari digna sint. Nam & Strabo suo iam tempore in T molo & circa Pa= etolum & alijs in locis consumpta fuisse auri metalla au= tor est lib. x I I I. Vidimus hoc anno ex Lingonensi agro effossos lapides auro argentoq[ue] interstinctos, ex quibus aurum argentumq[ue] elicitur. hos metallarij pro experime[n]to dederant. qualis autem subesset uena, nondum compertum erat. Is ager in ditione est Michaëlis Bodeti antistitis Lin gonesis, uiri cum singulari ac multiplici eruditione præ= diti, tum uerò ad priscam normam continentiæ Pontisi= ciæ exacti, cuius auspicijs metallarij opifices specimina su prædicta auri argentiq[ue] metallorum ediderunt. Postremò idem Strabo lib. xiiii. circa finem, Polybius, inquit, au= tor est, tempore suo circa Aquileia, & præsertim in T au= riscis Noricis inuentam esse aurifodinam sic natura com= modam, ut cum quis in duos pedes terræ superficiem de= traxisset, statim aurum sossititium inueniretur. Effossione[m] autem non infra quindecimum pedem processisse. Fuisse autem aurum illud partim purum magnitudine fabæ aut lupini octaua tantum parte decocta, partim pluscula indi guisse excoctione, alioquin ualde utile. Verùm cum Itali Barbaris in eare operam nauare coepissent, continuò in= tra duos menses aurum per totam Italiâ tertia parte pre= cij uilius esse coepit. Quod cum T aurisci animaduertisset, eiectis adiutoribus operis, soli aurum promercale expo= suerunt. Nunc autem (inquit) omnia auri metalla in Ro= manorum potestate sunt. ἀυτοκατομήνω ἔπῶς ἀθράκοις τῶν ἰταλιωτῶν, ἐν ἔμύνει παραχρήμα κ ἀχιστόν ὑιωνοτάφον καί αἰθ

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G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND they would buy the offspring of the flock for 10 sestertii, as we learned above from Varro and Pliny. But since there were once so many gold mines both in Spain and in Gaul, today they are said to be nowhere, at least none worthy of mention. For Strabo is author that even in his own time the gold mines in Tmolus and around Pactolus and in other places had been exhausted, book XIII. This year we saw stones dug up from the Lingones territory, flecked with gold and silver, from which gold and silver are extracted. The miners had given these as a trial specimen. What sort of vein lay beneath, however, had not yet been ascertained. That territory is under the jurisdiction of Michael Bodet, bishop of Langres, a man endowed not only with singular and varied learning, but also truly disciplined according to the ancient rule of clerical continence; under his auspices the mining workers produced the aforesaid samples of gold and silver ore. Finally, the same Strabo, at the end of book XIV, says that Polybius is the authority that in his time, around Aquileia and especially among the T aurisci Norici, a gold mine was discovered so naturally convenient that when someone had removed two feet of the earth’s surface, alluvial gold was immediately found. But the excavation had not proceeded below the fifteenth foot. That gold, moreover, was partly pure, of the size of a bean or a lupine, needing only an eighth part to be refined; partly it required a somewhat greater smelting, otherwise it was very useful. But when the Italians began to work there with the barbarians, within two months gold throughout Italy began to be a third cheaper in price. When the T aurisci noticed this, they dismissed their helpers from the work and themselves offered gold for sale. Now, however, he says, all the gold mines are in the power of the Romans. ἀυτοκατομήνω ἔπῶς ἀθράκοις τῶν ἰταλιωτῶν, ἐν ἔμύνει παραχρήμα κ ἀχιστόν ὑιωνοτάφον καί αἰθ

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 401 Auri ad argentu[m] analogia. χυεαδ[η] βα πιτω μιερηαθ ὐλων πιu[m] italiαν αλαμυνας διπος ταυρισμας μονοπωλημιν ἱκαλοντας πος σωθραμυνας. νῦν δι ἀποντα χυσεια ύπο ὑωμαίοις ἔσι. Hoc dictum Strabonis eò pertinet quod suprà de auri ad argentum analogia dictu[m] est, quæ uaria olim fuisse deprehenditur. Pollux decuplice[m] posuit. Ex Plinio Romæ primùm dimidio etiam maiorem fuisse docuimus. Rursus Tranquillo autore Cæsar Dictator aurum in libras ternis millibus nummum uenundedit: quæ ratio subduplex est eius quam Plinius posuit, quæ est eiusmodi, ut aurum quindecies argento repensile fuerit. si tamen locus emendatè nunc legitur, quod uix mihi persuæ deo, ut alibi dictum est. Herodotus non modò aurum, sed etiam psegma aureum tredecies tanto argenti æstimabile posuit, cum tamen denæquaternæ unciæ psegmatis uel chrysammi sanctione principali pro singulis auri libris cedat, ut diximus. Qua ratioe septima ferè parte psegma auro obryzo uilius fuisse conuincitur. Sic Herodoti æstimatio proximè ad Plinianu[m] accedit. Porrò ex Tacito do cuimus aureos singulos Romanos nummis ualuisse centenis, id est quinque et uiqinti drachmis. Qua ratione auri drachma duodenis argenteis et hemidrachnio ualuit. didrachmi enim erant aurei, ut alibi dictum est. Nostri aute[m] temporis æstimatione aurum paulo minus duodecies argento repeditur. Intelligimus igitur ex uerbis Strabonis, interdum propter auri copiam ex metallis existente[m], auri pretium diminutum etiam tertia parte. sic fit ut Pliniana æstimatio ad Pollucis æstimationem redeat, hoc est quindecuplex ad decuplicem. Nostri autem plerique opinantur iustam auri ad argentum proportionem, decuplicem censeri, sed auri penuria esse auctam: id quod ex iam dictis non uidetur esse ueru[m]. In uniuersum aute[m] ostendimus C uariae

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PART II. BOOK IIII. 401 The analogy of gold to silver. This saying of Strabo refers to what has been said above about the analogy of gold to silver, which is found to have varied in former times. Pollux set it at tenfold. From Pliny we have shown that at Rome it was at first even more than half again as much. Again, on the authority of Tranquillus, Caesar the Dictator sold gold at three thousand sesterces per pound: this ratio is one half of that which Pliny stated, namely, that gold was worth fifteen times as much as silver. If, however, the passage is now read correctly, which I can scarcely persuade myself of, as has been said elsewhere. Herodotus set not only gold, but also psegma aureum, at a value thirteen times that of silver, although nevertheless the sanction of the prince allows ten and four ounces of psegma, or chrysammi, for each pound of gold, as we have said. By this reckoning it is proved that psegma was cheaper than refined gold by nearly a seventh part. Thus Herodotus’ valuation comes closest to Pliny’s. Moreover, from Tacitus we have shown that individual Roman gold coins were worth one hundred sesterces, that is, twenty-five drachmas. By this reckoning a drachma of gold was worth twelve silver pieces and a half-drachma. For the coins were in fact didrachms, as has elsewhere been said. In our own time, gold is reckoned at a little less than twelve times the value of silver. We therefore understand from Strabo’s words that sometimes, because of the abundance of gold coming from the mines, the price of gold fell by as much as a third. Thus it comes about that Pliny’s valuation returns to that of Pollux, that is, from fifteenfold to tenfold. Most people of our time, however, think that the just proportion of gold to silver is reckoned at tenfold, but that it has been increased by a scarcity of gold; yet from what has already been said this does not seem to be true. In general, however, we have shown ... C variæ

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET uarias auri indicaturas, quæ auri etiam pretia cuariare faciunt. nec aliud statui (ut arbitror) ex antiquoru[m] lectio ne de auri ad argentum proportione potest. Ad ea autem quæ de Gallia diximus, illud etiam addemus, Lugduni Ar= <Argyrocopiu[m] Lugdunense.> gyrocopium fuisse Romani imperij, id quod Strabo lib. 1 1 1 1. his uerbis perhibuit, Lugdunum in colle conditu[m], ubi Arar amnis Rhodano immiscetur, Romano tenetur imperio, ampliori quoq[ue] dignitate uirorum secundu[m] Nar bonem florens, quibus usui magno est emporium. Ibi quo= que Romani duces aureum nomisma arg[umen]tecumq[ue]; signa[n]t. χανάπισινταύθα ποὶ γε αργοροῦν καὶ ἀχνον[εν]. Fuit etiam signandæ pecuniæ officina Apolloniæ in Epi= ro. Cicero ad Cn. Plan. lib. x 1 1 1. Epist. Cum signaretur argentum Apolloniæ, non possum dicere cum præfuisse, neque possum negare cum affuisse. Lugduni autem tem= < Ara memorabilis Lugduni.> plum communi uniuersæ Galliæ impensa extractu[m] est, & Cæsari Augusto consecratum ea parte ante urbem ubi a= mnes confluunt, inibiq[ue] ara dignitatis eximiæ, gentium sexaginta titulo insignis, dicatis ibi totidem gētium simu lachris. Non omittendum etiam provinciales olim stipen= < Pensitationu[m] tria genera.> diarios tria genera pensitationum agnouisse, canoné, ob= lationem, & indictionem: quæ etiam hodie populares in Gallia agnoscunt. Hæc tria genera Cicero his uerbis com plexus est in tertia in Verre Actione, autore Asconio. Sic enim inquit de Sicilia loquens, Quando illa frumentum quod deberet, non ad diem dedit? quâdo id quod opus esse putaret, non ultro pollicita est? quando id quod imperare= tur, recusauit? Age iam percenseamus immensas pecuniæ= rum summas, & impedia inusitata, quibus cōfirmari pos= sit id quod antè diximus de reditibus opinis Romani im= perij. Tranquillus in Caligula: Nepotinis sumptibus omnium

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G. BVD. OF GOLD AND SILVER various indications of gold, which also cause the prices of gold to vary. Nor, as I think, can anything else be established from the reading of the ancients concerning the proportion of gold to silver. But to what we have said about Gaul we will also add this: that at Lugdunum there was a <Argyrocopyium Lugdunense.> mint of the Roman Empire, which Strabo in book 11.11.11. testified in these words: “Lugdunum, founded on a hill, where the river Arar joins the Rhone, is held by the Roman Empire; flourishing also with greater dignity from men of the province of Narbo, to whom the emporium is of great use.” There the Roman commanders also stamp the gold coin with a mark. χανάπισινταύθα ποὶ γε αργοροῦν καὶ ἀχνον[εν]. There was also a mint for stamping money at Apollonia in Epirus. Cicero, to Cn. Plan. book xi. Epist.: “When silver was being stamped at Apollonia, I cannot say that he was in charge there, nor can I deny that he was present.” At Lugdunum too a temple was constructed by the common expense of all Gaul and consecrated to Caesar Augustus, in that part before the city where the rivers meet; and there also was an altar of remarkable dignity, distinguished by the title of sixty nations, with the images of the same number of nations dedicated there. < Ara memorabilis Lugduni.> It should also not be omitted that the provincials formerly recognized three kinds of payments in tribute daily: canon, oblation, and indiction; which even today the common people in Gaul recognize. Cicero embraced these three kinds in these words in the third Action Against Verres, as Asconius states. For thus he says, speaking of Sicily: “When did she fail to provide the grain that she ought to have provided on the day appointed? When did she not offer voluntarily what she thought was needed? When did she refuse what was demanded of her? Come now, let us go through the immense sums of money and the unusual expenses, by which what we said before about the income of the Roman Empire may be confirmed.” Tranquillus in Caligula: “With the extravagance of the emperor’s nephew, of everyone”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. omnium prodigorum ingenia superauit, commentus no= uum balnearum usum, portentosissima genera ciborum atque coenarum, ut calidis frigidisq[ue] unguetis lauaretur, pretiosissimas margaritas aceto liquefactas sorberet, con= uiuis ex auro panes & obsonia apponeret: aut frugi ho= minem esse oportere dictitans, aut Cæsarem. quin etiam nummos non mediocris summæ è fastigio basilicæ Iuliæ per aliquot dies sparsit in plebem. In extractionibus præ toriorum atque uillarum omni ratione posthabita nihil tam efficere concupiscebat, quàm quod posse effici negare tur. Et iactæ itaq[ue] moles infesto ac profundo mari, & ex= cisæ rupes durissimæ silicis, & campi montibus aggere æquati, & complanata fossuris montium iuga, incredibili quidem celeritate, quum moræ culpa capite lueretur. Ac ne singula enumerê, immensas opes, totumq[ue] illud Tybe= rij Cæsaris uicies ac septies millies festertiù non toto uer= tente anno absumpsit. Idem alibi, Nouissimè contrectan= dæ pecuniæ cupidine incensus, sæpe super immësos aureo rum aceruos patentissimo diffusos loco, & nudis pedibus spatiatus, & toto corpore aliquandiu uolutatus est. Vi= cies septies millies festertium, nomismate nostro sexagies septies millies mille aureos & quingenta præterea millia ualuit: uel (ut prisco more loquamur) sexcenties septua= gies quinquies centena millia aureorum. Græci sex mil= lia septingentas & quinquaginta myriadas aureorum dicerent. Priscum autem eum morem numerandi fuisse ex Plinio apparet libro duodecimo, ubi de Arabia felici lo= quens, Minima, inquit, computatione millies centena millia festertium annis omnibus India & Seres, Peninsu= laq[ue] illa imperio nostro adimunt. non dicit centies mil= lies, mille festertium, ut nunc uulgo loquimur, sed millies C 2 centena

Transcription: Translated (English)

He surpassed the genius of all prodigals, inventing a new use of baths, the most extravagant kinds of food and dinners, so that he might bathe in warm and cold perfumes, swallow the most precious pearls dissolved in vinegar, and set bread and dishes before his guests from gold; saying that one must either be a frugal man, or a Caesar. Indeed, he even scattered coins of no small sum from the summit of the Basilica Julia among the people for several days. In the construction of harbors and villas, neglecting every consideration, he desired to achieve nothing so much as what was said could not be done. And so, throwing up masses against the hostile and deep sea, and cutting away the hardest cliffs of flint, and leveling plains with embankments of mountains, and flattening by excavation the ridges of mountains, he did indeed do so with incredible speed, since delay was punished with death. And not to enumerate each thing, he consumed immense resources, and that whole twenty-seven million sesterces of Tiberius Caesar, in not a full year. The same man elsewhere, fired by a desire to handle money at the latest possible moment, often walked barefoot and for some time rolled about with his whole body over immense heaps of gold coins spread out in the most open place. Twenty-seven million sesterces, in our coinage, was worth sixty-seven million and five hundred thousand gold pieces, or, to speak in the older manner, six hundred and seventy-five times one hundred thousand gold pieces. The Greeks would say six thousand seven hundred and fifty myriads of gold pieces. And that this was the old way of reckoning appears from Pliny in book twelve, where, speaking of happy Arabia, he says: “With the smallest calculation, India and the Seres, and that peninsula, take from our empire every year one hundred million sesterces.” He does not say “one hundred million thousand sesterces,” as we now commonly speak, but “one thousand times one hundred thousand.” C 2 centena

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET centena, quod idem est. Sic alibi in secundo: Pars nostra terrarum de qua memoro, ambiente (ut dictum est) oceano uelut innatans, longissimè ab ortu & ab occasu patet, hoc est ab India ad Herculis colūnas Gadibus sacratas octuagies quinquies centena septuaginta octo millia passu[m], sicut Artemidoro placet autori. Hoc apud Martianum Capellam totidem uerbis legitur, Longitudo ab ortu ad occa sum, hoc est ab ipsius Indiæ extremitate, usq[ue] ad Herculi columnas sacratas, octuagies quinquies cētena septuaginta octo millia sunt, sicut etiam Artemidorus autor asseruit. Rursus idem Plinius lib. eodem, Vniuersum autem hunc circuitum Eratosthenes in omnium quidem literarum sub tilitate, & in hac utiq[ue] præter cæteros solers, quem à cunctis probari uideo, ducetorum quinquagintaduoru[m] milliu[m] prodidit, quæ mensura Romana computatione efficit trecenties quindecies centena millia passuum. Hæc uerba cu[m] sic legerentur apud Vitruuium libro primo, nuper Iocundus < Iocundus architectus.> architectus uir religioni initiatus, omnis antiquitatis < Locus Vitruuij restitutus.> peritissimus, tamen more hodierno referenda censuit, in ijs exemplaribus Vitruuij, quæ egregiè alioquin & solerter emendata imprimèda curauit. Sic enim in his legitur, Quæ ducenta quinquagintaduo millia stadioru[m] fiunt passus semel & tricies millies nulle & quingēties nulle. Huius autem octaua pars, quam uentus tenere uidetur, est ter millies nulle & noningenties tricies septies nulle, & passus quingenti. qui modus loquendi antiquitatem non resipit: quare sic locum potius lego (ex librorum prius impressorum observatione, licet corruptus ille locus atque etiam mutilatus in eis sit) quæ fiunt passus trecenties & quindecies centena millia. Huius autem octaua pars quam uentus tenere uidetur, est triciesnouies centena trigintaseptem millia

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND a hundred, which is the same thing. Thus elsewhere in the second book: Our part of the lands of which I speak, surrounded (as has been said) by the ocean, as though floating upon it, extends very far from east and from west, that is, from India to the Pillars of Hercules consecrated at Gades, eight hundred and seventy-eight thousand five hundred and eighty miles, as the author Artemidorus is pleased to state. This same thing is read in Martianus Capella in the very same words: The length from east to west, that is, from the extreme end of India itself, to the consecrated Pillars of Hercules, is eight hundred and seventy-eight thousand, as Artemidorus the author also affirmed. Again the same Pliny, in the same book: Eratosthenes, moreover, in the subtlety of all learning indeed, and in this matter certainly especially skillful beyond the rest, whom I see approved by all, reported two hundred and fifty-two thousand stadia, which measure, by Roman reckoning, makes three hundred and fifteen hundred thousand paces. When these words were read thus in Vitruvius, book one, Joçundus recently <Joçundus architect.> a man initiated into religion and most learned in all antiquity, <The passage of Vitruvius restored.> nevertheless judged that they should be rendered in the modern manner in those copies of Vitruvius which he took care to have printed, having corrected them excellently and skillfully in other respects. For thus it is read in them: Which make two hundred and fifty-two thousand stadia, that is, one million, three hundred and thirty thousand paces. But the eighth part of this, which seems to belong to the wind, is thirty-nine thousand, three hundred and seventy thousand, and five hundred paces. This manner of speaking does not have the flavor of antiquity; wherefore I rather read the passage thus (from the observation of the earlier printed books, although that passage is corrupt and even mutilated in them): which make three hundred and fifteen hundred thousand paces. But the eighth part of this, which seems to belong to the wind, is thirty-nine hundred and thirty-seven thousand.

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 405 millia, et quingenti passus. Hac lectione et uetusta for= mula restituitur, et numerus ad passum conuenit. Apoca= lypseos cap. 1 x. Et soluti sunt quatuor angeli qui para= ti erant in horam et diem et mensem et annum, ut occi= derent tertiam partem hominum: et numerus equestris exercitus uicies millies dena millia. No uveiæstis uveiæsop, sic Latine et prisco more uerti debuit, Bis millies centena millia. Hæc enim uerba, millies centena millia, myriadum myriada significant: ultra quem numerum Græci uocabu lum non habet. Nostrates id centu[m] milliones appellat, cu[m] millione dicamus mullenariu[m] numeru[m] in sese multiplicatu[m]. Ergo bis millies centena millia, duas myriadas myriadu[m] significant: et ter millies, tres myriadas, et deinceps usq[ue] ad decies nullies centena millia, hoc est denas myriadum myriadas, quod uno uerbo nostrates abaci studiosi Milli= artum appellant, quasi millionum millionem. Romani igi= tur per centenarios mullenariorum numerant, no[n] per mul= lenarios mullenariorum, ut Græci per chiliadas chiliadum aut myriadum, quia apud priscos Romanos nullus erat numerus maior centies mullenario, Verum apud Plinium libro eodem, ubi legitur in codicibus post Hermolai emen dationes impressis, triciesquater quinquaginta millia, et quinquagies bis quindecim millia passuum, centena uer= bum subaudiendum est, ut rectè admonuit Hermolaus: quo= modo et paulo post, Quæ mensura uniuersa ab eo mari efficit octuagiesquinquies septuaginta octo millia. Supe= rius enim centena additum est à Plinio, quod hic non legi= tur, sed subintelligendum relinquitur. Hoc autem liquere potest ex Martiano, apud quem omnia ijsdem uerbis ut apud Plinium leguntur. Nam cum apud Plinium ita lega= tur in manu scriptis et in impressis ante Hermolaum, A C 3 Gange

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART II. OF HIS BOOK IIII. 405 miles and five hundred paces. By this reading and the old formula the text is restored, and the number agrees with the pace. Apocalypse, chapter 1 x. And the four angels were loosed, who were prepared for the hour and day and month and year, to kill the third part of men: and the number of the horsemen’s army was twenty thousand times ten thousand. No uveiæstis uveiæsop, thus in Latin and after the old manner it ought to have been translated, Two thousand times one hundred thousand. For these words, “thousand times one hundred thousand,” signify myriad of myriads: beyond which number the Greek language has no word. Our people call it one hundred millions, whereas by one million we mean a number of a thousand multiplied within itself. Therefore two thousand times one hundred thousand signify two myriad of myriads: and three thousand times, three myriads, and so on up to ten thousand times one hundred thousand, that is, ten myriads of myriads, which in a single word our abacus experts call Milliartum, as it were a million of millions. Therefore the Romans count by hundreds of millions, not by millions of millions, as the Greeks do by chiliads of chiliads or myriads, because among the ancient Romans there was no number greater than one hundred thousand. But in Pliny, in the same book, where in the manuscripts printed after Hermolaus’s emendations one reads, thirty-four times fifty thousand, and fifty-two times fifteen thousand paces, the word “hundred” must be understood, as Hermolaus rightly warned: in the same way, and a little later, “Which measure from that sea in its entirety makes eighty-five times seventy-eight thousand.” For above this Pliny has added “hundred,” which is not read here, but is left to be understood. This can be made clear from Martianus, where all the same words are read as in Pliny. For when in Pliny it is read thus in the manuscripts and in the printed editions before Hermolaus, A C 3 Gange

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Gange amne, ostioq[ue] eius quo se in eorum oceanum effundit per Indiam Parthienenq[ue] ad Myriadrum urbem Syriæ in Issico sinu positam L I I. M. X V. passuum decem & nouem: apud Martianum eadem uerba legutur, nisi quòd numerus ita effertur, quinquagies bis quindecim nullia. Ex quo autore Hermolaus Plinium eo capite emendauit. Quapropter coiectura ex hoc loco fieri potest ad ea quæ nos ipsi in Plinio mutauimus, ut millies sestertiu[m], & quin genties, & huiusmodi alia aduerbialiter prolata, quæ confusa sunt in exemplaribus propter notarum compendia. Simile est illud quod statim sequitur apud Plinium, Latitudo autem terræ à Meridiano situ ad Septentrionem dimidio ferè minor colligitur L I I I I. mil. L X I I. Sic enim in manu scriptis & olim impressis legitur, cum Martianus dicat quinquagies quater cætena sex agintaduo nullia, quê à Plinio hæc & alia superiora transcripsisse non dubito. Centena autem uerbum in his numeris subintelligendum relinqui, planum fit ex eodem Martiano, qui de Europæ longitudine loquens, ita inquit, Europæ solius mensura octogies bis X C I I I I. Plin. lib. I I I I. Longitudine Europæ Artemidorus atque Isidorus à Tanai ad Gades L X X X I I. X I I I I. prodiderût. Sic enim in antiquis legitur, licet in impressis L X X X I I I I. millia legatur. Apud Martianum octogies bis centena nonagintaquatuor millia intelligo. Apud Plinium sic, Octogies bis centena. X I I I I. mil. passuum. & sic pleru[m]q[ue] & Plinius & Martianus locuti sunt, & ante eos Cicero. quod eò ualet quod suprà diximus de compendio loquendi per aduerbia antiquis usitato, ut centies sestertium pro centies centena millia sestertium omnino intelligi debeat: ut fortasse illi numeri lib. X X I I I. Plinij de ærario Romano rectè restituti uideant

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET The river Ganges, and its mouth by which it pours itself into their ocean through India and through Parthia, to the city of Myriandrus in Syria, situated in the Issic Gulf, LII M. X V. paces, nineteen: in Martianus the same words are read, except that the number is expressed thus, fifty-two times fifteen, no units. From which author Hermolaus corrected Pliny in that chapter. Wherefore, by conjecture from this passage it may be inferred regarding those places in Pliny which we ourselves have altered, such as milies sestertium, and quin genties, and other expressions of this kind, which in the manuscripts are confused because of abbreviated signs. Similar is what immediately follows in Pliny: “But the breadth of the earth, from the position of the south to the north, is found to be somewhat less by half,” LIII I. mil. LXII. For thus it is read in manuscripts and in early printed editions, whereas Martianus says, “fifty-four times, by hundreds, sixty-two, no units,” from which I do not doubt that he copied this and the other preceding passages from Pliny. Now that the word “hundreds” is to be understood in these numbers is made plain from the same Martianus, who, speaking of the length of Europe, says: “The measure of Europe alone is eighty-two times X C I I I I.” Pliny, book IIII. As for the length of Europe, Artemidorus and Isidorus reported it from the Tanais to Gades as L X X X I I. X I I I I. For thus it is read in the ancient copies, although in the printed editions L X X X I I I I. thousand is found. In Martianus I understand eighty-two hundred ninety-four thousand. In Pliny thus: “Eighty-two hundred. X I I I I. thousand paces.” And so for the most part both Pliny and Martianus spoke, and before them Cicero; which has the force of what we said above about abbreviated expression by adverbs, commonly used among the ancients, so that centies sestertium must be understood altogether as centies centena millia sestertium: so that perhaps those numbers in book XXIII of Pliny on the Roman treasury seem correctly restored

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 407 uideantur à nobis suprà libro secundo. Macrobius in pri mo de Somnio Scipionis numerandi compendium refugiens, ita inquit, Duplicatis igitur illis quadragiesocties centenis nullibus, erit integra diametros coelestis circuli nonagiessexies centena millia stadiorum, & inuenta diametros facilè mensuram nobis ipsius quoque ambitus prodit. Hanc enim sumam quæ diametrû fecit, debes ter multiplicare adiecta parte septima: & ita inuenies totius circuli per quem sol currit, ambitum, stadiorum habere trecenties centena millia, & insuper centu septuaginta millia. Sed ut ad rem redeam, supradictas opes Tyberius Augustus princeps non modò deparcus & sordidus, sed etia[m] rapax, annis tribus & uiginti confiscauit: Caius autem successor intra annum primum imperij exhausit cum annuis uectigalibus & tributis imperij. Quapropter idem autor de Nerone ita inquit, Diuitiarum & pecuniæ fructum non alium putabat, quàm profusionem: sordidos ac deparcos esse, quibus ratio impensarum cōstaret: prælautos, uereq[ue] magnificos, qui abuterentur ac perderent. Laudabat mirabaturq[ue]; auunculum Caium nullo magis nomine, quàm quòd ingentes à Tyberio relictas opes in breui spatio prodegisset. Quare nec largiendi nec absum[m]edi modum tenuit. In Tiridatem (quod uix credibile uideatur) octingenta nummûm millia diurna erogauit, abeuntiq[ue] super sestertium millies contulit. nullam uestem bis induit. Quadringenis in punctum sestertijs aleam lusit. nunqua[m] carrucis minus mille fecisse iter traditur, soleis mularu[m] argenteis. Hactenus Tranquillus. Tiridates Rex erat Arme[n] niæ, Vologesis Parthoru[m] Regis frater, in qua regione quu[m] Corbulo præfectus res prosperè Neronis auspicijs gessisset, Tiridates rebus aduersis perterritus, ad colloquiu[m] cu[m] C 4 Corb

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART IV. BOOK IV. 407 may be seen by us above in book two. Macrobius in the first book of On the Dream of Scipio, avoiding a compendium of calculation, says thus, Therefore, if those forty-eight hundreds of thousands are doubled, there will be the full diameter of the celestial circle, ninety-six times a hundred thousand stadia; and the diameter once found easily reveals to us the measure of the circumference itself as well. For this sum, which makes the diameter, you must multiply by three, adding a seventh part: and so you will find the circumference of the whole circle through which the sun runs to contain three hundred times a hundred thousand stadia, and in addition one hundred and seventy thousand. But to return to the matter, the aforesaid wealth Tyberius Augustus, a prince not only parsimonious and sordid, but also grasping, confiscated in twenty-three years: but Caius, his successor, within the first year of his reign exhausted it with the annual revenues and taxes of the empire. Wherefore the same author concerning Nero says thus: He considered the fruit of riches and money to be nothing other than squandering; that men are sordid and parsimonious for whom account is kept of expenses: truly luxurious and magnificent are those who abuse and destroy them. He praised and marvelled at his uncle Caius for no reason more than that he had in a short space wasted the immense wealth left by Tyberius. Therefore he observed no moderation either in giving or in spending. On Tiridates (which may scarcely seem credible) he spent eight hundred thousand sesterces a day, and upon his departure bestowed upon him over a hundred million sesterces. He never wore a garment twice. He is said to have played at dice for four hundred sesterces a point. Never did he travel with fewer than a thousand carriages, with silver mule-shoes. Thus far Tranquillus. Tiridates was King of Arme nia, brother of Vologeses, King of the Parthians; and in that region, when Corbulo the prefect had successfully conducted affairs under Nero's auspices, Tiridates, terrified by adverse circumstances, to a conference with C 4 Corb

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Corbulone uenit. In quo colloquio Tiridates (ut inquit Tacitus lib. x v.) de nobilitate generis multum præfatus, cætera temperanter adiungit, Iturum quippe Romam, la turumq[ue] nouum Cæsari decus non aduersis Parthorum rebus supplicem Arsacidem. Tum placuit Tiridatem ponere apud effigiem Cæsaris insigne regiu[m], nec nisi manu Neronis resumere: & colloquium osculo finitu[m]. Dein pau cis interiectis diebus magna utrinq[ue]; specie inde Eques co[m] positus per turmas, & insignibus patrijs, hinc agmina legionum stetere fulgentibus aquilis. in medio tribunal sede[m] curulem, & sedis effigiem Neronis sustinebat. Ad quam progressus Tiridates, cæsis ex more uictimis, sublatum ca[m] piti diadema, imagini subiecit. Postero die spatium orauit quo tantum itineris aditurus, fratres antè matremq[ue]; uiseret. obsidem interea filiam tradit, literasq[ue]; supplices ad Neronem. Hæc causa fuit cur Tiridates Romam ueniret: cuius aduentum ut honorificentissimum sibi Nero omni= bus uotis concupierat. In huius aduentum Nero Pompeij theatr[u]m operuit auro: de quo Plinius lib. x x I I I. Ne= ro Pompeij theatrum operuit auro in unum die quo Tiridati Regi Armeniæ ostenderet. Id e[m] lib. x x x. de magiæ loquens, quam ob id inanem artem esse contèdit, quòd eâ Nero scire maximè concupiuit, nec potuit, cum nec ingeniu[m] nec facultates deessent: Magus, inquit, ad eum Tirida= tes uenerat, Armeniacum de sese triumphum afferens, & ideo prouincijs grauis, nauigare noluerat, quonia[m] expue= re in maria, alijsq[ue] mortaliu[m] necessitatibus uiolare natura[m] eâ fas no[n] putant. Magos secu[m] adduxerat. Magicis etiam cænis eum initiauerat: no[n] tame cu[m] regnu[m] ei daret, hanc ab eo accipere artem ualuit. Tranquillus alibi de eodem ita inquit, Non immeritò inter spectacula ab eo edita & Ti= ridatis

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Corbulo came. In which interview Tiridates, as Tacitus says in book V, having spoken at length about the nobility of his race, adds the rest with moderation: that he would indeed go to Rome and bring new glory to Caesar, not as an Arsacid supplicant because of the reverses of the Parthians. Then it was agreed that Tiridates should place his royal insignia beside the image of Caesar, and not take it back except from Nero’s hand; and the interview ended with a kiss. Then, after a few days had passed, a great display was made on both sides: on one side cavalry drawn up in squadrons and with native insignia, on the other the ranks of the legions stood with gleaming eagles. In the middle was a tribunal seat, and it supported the likeness of Nero’s chair. To this Tiridates advanced, after the usual sacrifice of victims, and having taken the diadem from his head, he laid it beneath the image. The next day he asked for time, so that, before undertaking such a journey, he might visit his brothers and mother. Meanwhile he gives his daughter as a hostage, and letters of supplication to Nero. This was the reason why Tiridates came to Rome, whose arrival Nero had desired with all his vows as something most honorable to himself. For Tiridates’ arrival Nero covered Pompey’s theater with gold: concerning which Pliny in book XXIII says, Nero covered Pompey’s theater with gold in a single day, so that he might show it to Tiridates, king of Armenia. In the same author, in book XXX, speaking of magic, which for that reason he declares to be a vain art, because with it Nero most desired to know what he could not, although neither intelligence nor means were lacking: “A Magus,” he says, “had come to him, Tiridates bringing with him a triumph over the Armenians, and therefore burdensome to the provinces; he had been unwilling to sail, because they spit into the sea, and among other necessities of mortals they do not think it lawful to violate nature. He had brought Magi with him. He had also initiated him with magical feasts; yet although he gave him his kingdom, he was not able to receive that art from him.” Elsewhere Tranquillus says of the same man: “Not undeservedly among the spectacles displayed by him was also Tiridates”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 409 ridatis in urbem introitum retulerim: quem Armeniæ Re gem magnis pollicitationibus solicitatum, cum destinato per edictum die ostensurus populo propter nubilum di= stulisset, produxit quo opportunissimè potuit, dispositis circa fori templa armatis cohortibus, curuli residens apud rostra triumphantis habitu, inter signa mulitaria atq[ue] ue= xilla: et primo per deuexum pulpitum subeuntem admisit ad genua, alleuatumq[ue] dextra exosculatus est: dein pre câti, tiara deducta, diadema imposuit, uerba supplicis in= terpretata prætorio uiro multitudini pronunciant. Per= ductum inde in theatrum, ac rursus supplicantem, iuxta se latere dextro collocauit. Ergo Tiridati Nero octingêta sestertia diurna erogauit, quæ perinde æstimo ac si uice= na nullia aureorum nostrorum diceres. Diurna autem ne= scio an quandiu Romæ fuit intelligam, an ex quo intra fines Romani imperij esse coepit. Discedenti aute[m] amplius uicies quinquies centenis millibus dono dedit. <Quadringenis in puctu sesterijs aleâ lusit.> Quadringenis in punctum sestertijs aleam lusit, id est, denis aureoru[m] nostrorum nullibus in singula puncta, non in singulos ca sus aleæ. Huiusmodi ludus ab eodem Tranquillo in Augu sto describitur, Inter coenam lusimus geronticôs et heri et hodie. Talis enim iactatis, ut quisq[ue] Canem aut Senio= nem miserat, in singulos talos singulos denarios in mediu[m] conferebat, quos tollebat uniuersos qui Venerem iecerat, Hac ratione fit ut immensus ille ludus Neronianus fuerit. De domo aute[m] aurea si quis locum apud Tranquillu[m] lege rit, quicquid nostro æuo exædificatu[m] est, despicabile exi= stimabit, adeo ut Galloniense prætorium Cardinalis Am= basiani, quod iam in prouerbium uenit ob sumptum su= peruacaneum, gurgustium præ illa domo Neronis uideri possit: quam tamen ipsam Plinius à Marci Scauri theatro C 5 operis Domus aurea Neronis.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART II. BOOK IV. 409 I have mentioned his entry into the city: the Armenian king, enticed by great promises, had postponed appearing before the people on the day appointed by edict because of cloudy weather; Nero brought him forth at the most convenient opportunity, with armed cohorts stationed around the temples of the forum, seated on the curule chair by the rostra in a triumphal dress, among standards and banners: and at first he allowed him, as he came up the sloping platform, to approach and kneel before him, and then, raising him with his right hand, kissed him; afterward, after a prayer had been spoken, with the tiara removed, he placed the diadem upon him, while the praetorian prefect interpreted the suppliant’s words to the crowd. Then he led him into the theater, and once more, as a suppliant, placed him beside himself on his right side. Therefore Nero gave Tiridates eight hundred sestertii a day, which I consider as though you were to say twenty of our golden coins. I do not know whether “a day” means for as long as he was in Rome, or from the time when he began to be within the bounds of the Roman empire. On his departure Nero gave him a further gift of twenty-five times five hundred thousand. "He played dice for four hundred sesterces a point." He played dice for four hundred sesterces a point; that is, ten of our golden coins at each point, not on each separate cast of the dice. A game of this kind is described by the same Tranquillus in Augustus: “At dinner we played at geronticôs, yesterday and today.” For when the dice were thrown in this way, whoever had thrown either a Dog or an Old Man put a denarius each on every die into the middle, and he who had thrown Venus took them all. By this method it appears that that Neronian game was an immense one. As for the Golden House, if anyone reads the passage in Tranquillus, he will think despicable anything that has been built in our own age, so much so that the pretorian palace of Cardinal d’Amboise at Gaillon, which has already become proverbial for its excessive expense, may seem a hovel beside Nero’s house: though Pliny himself says that it was smaller than the theater of Marcius Scaurus, a work of

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operis magnificentia uictam fuisse contendit: ne miremur nullies sestertium absumptu in Marci Scauri uillæ incendio, uel bis nullies fortasse, quod antea explicuimus. Quanti autem domus aurea constiterit, ex eo conijsiendum relinquitur, quod idem Traquillus de Othone scripsit, Diplomatibus primisq[ue] epistolis suis Neronis cognomé adiecit. Certè & imagines statuasq[ue] eius reponi passus est: nec quicqua[m] prius pro potestate subscripsit, quàm quingenties sestertium ad peragendam auream domu[m]. Si igitur Otho quingenties sestertium, id est, duodecies centena & quinquaginta milla aureorum nostrorum attribuit ad peragendam domum auream, quanti opus ipsum antea factum æstimamus? Nam nihil defuisse operi ex eo apparet, quod idem in Nerone inquit, Eiusmodi domum cum absoluta[m] dedicaret, hactenus co[n]probauit, ut diceret quasi hominem tandem habitare coepisse. Quingenties igitur sestertium subscripsisse Othonem intelligimus ad appendicem quandam domus faciendam, uel operis expolitionem. Plinius lib. x x x i i i. Nero Pompeij theatrum operuit auro in unum diem quo Tiridati regi Armeniæ ostenderet, & quotæ pars ea apparatus fuit aureæ domus ambientis urbem? Tacitus lib. x vii. de Galba loquens, Bis & uicies nullies sestertiu[m] donationibus Nero effuderat, appellari singulos iussit, decuma parte liberalitatis apud quæq[ue] eorum relictæ. At illis uix decumæ super portiones erant. Exactioni triginta Equites Ro. præpositi. Igitur si Nero quatuordecim annis quibus in imperio fuit, bis & uicies millies sestertium donationibus effudit, id est, quingenties & quinquagies centena millia aureorum nostrorum, & auream domum extruxit, cum interim in omni parte uitæ prodigos omneis superasset: quid existimabimus de opu- lentia

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He contends that he was defeated by the magnificence of the work: so that we should not be surprised at the expenditure of many millions of sesterces in the burning of Marcus Scaurus’s villa, or perhaps even twice that amount, as we explained before. But how much the Golden House cost must be inferred from this: for the same Tranquillus wrote of Otho that he added the surname of Nero to his first diplomas and letters. Certainly he allowed his images and statues to be restored; and he signed nothing before that, until he had assigned five hundred million sesterces for completing the Golden House. If, then, Otho assigned five hundred million sesterces, that is, twelve hundred and fifty thousand of our gold pieces, to complete the Golden House, what do we estimate the work itself had cost before? For that nothing had been lacking in the work is clear from what he says elsewhere about Nero: when he dedicated that house, completed, he praised it so far as to say that it was as though a man had at last begun to live in it. We understand, then, that Otho subscribed five hundred million sesterces for making some annex to the house, or for finishing the work. Pliny, book 33. Nero covered Pompey’s theater with gold in a single day, in order to show it to King Tiridates of Armenia; and what fraction of the Golden House, encircling the city, was that apparatus? Tacitus, book 17, speaking of Galba: Nero had poured out twenty-two hundred million sesterces in gifts; he ordered each man to be called in, with a tenth part of the bounty left to each of them. But for them there was scarcely even a tenth part left over. Thirty Roman equites were put in charge of the collections. Therefore, if Nero in the fourteen years during which he was in power poured out twenty-two hundred million sesterces in gifts, that is, five hundred and fifty million of our gold pieces, and built the Golden House, while in the meantime in every part of his life he surpassed all the prodigal spenders: what shall we think of the opulence...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 411. lentia imperij? De eo Plin. lib. XII. ita inquit, Periti reru[m] astruxerunt non ferre thuris tantu[m] annuo foetu Arabiam, quatum Nero princeps nouissimo pompæ suæ die concre mauit. ubi Poppeæ legendu[m] puto: de cuius morte Tacitus lib. xvi. Post finem ludicri Poppea mortem obijt fortuita < Poppeæ cædes.> mariti iracudia, à quo grauida ictu calcis afflicta est. Cor- pus no[n] igni abolitum, ut Romanus mos, sed regum exter norum consuetudine differtum, odoribus conditur, tumu= loq[ue]; Iuliorum insertur. ductæ tamen publicæ exequiæ. De hac Poppea Plin. lib. xxxiii. ita inquit, Vasa coquina= ria ex argento Caluus orator fieri queritur, ac nos carru cas ex argento cælare inuenimus. Nostra quoque ætate < Poppeæ lux.> Poppea coiunx Neronis principis delicatioribus iumetis suis soleas ex auro quoque induere solebat. Idem lib. xi. Poppea certè Domitij Neronis coniunx asinas quingen= tas foetas per omnia secum trahens, balnearu[m] etiam solio totum corpus illo lacte macerabat, extendi quoq[ue]; cutem credens. Eusebius in chronicis, & Orosius septimo hist. < Collatio Senatus exacta à Nerone.> autores sunt Neronem Senatum Rom. coëgisse ad conferendum sibi annuum centies sestertium ad toleradas ex= pæsas imperatorias, hoc est ære nostro ducena quinquage na millia aureoru[m], id quod post morte Senecæ factu[m] fuit, cum iam deterior fieri non posset Nero, & ad summum nequitiae & improbitatis peruenisset. Post Neronem Vi= < Vitellius.> tellius princeps successit: de quo ita scribit Tranquillus: Sed uel præcipue luxuriæ sæuitiaeq[ue]; deditus, epulas trifariam < Collatio Senatus exacta à Nerone.> semper, interdum quadrifariam dispertiebat, in ien= tacula, & pradia, & coenas, comessationesq[ue]; facilè omni bus sufficiens uomitandi consuetudine. Indicebat autem aliud alij eade[m] die: nec cuiquam minus singuli apparatus quadringenis millibus constiterunt. Famosissima super cæ- teras

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PARTIB. OF HIS BOOK IIII. 411. the weakness of the empire? Concerning this Pliny, book XII, thus says: “Experts have shown that Arabia does not produce by its annual fruit as much incense as Nero, princeps, consumed on the last day of his triumphal display.” Here I think it should be read Poppeæ : concerning whose death Tacitus, book XVI, says: “After the end of the games, Poppaea died by a chance death through her husband’s anger, by whom she was struck with a kick to the belly while pregnant. Her body was not consumed by fire, as was the Roman custom, but, after the practice of foreign kings, was embalmed with perfumes, and then placed in the tomb of the Julii. Nevertheless, public funeral rites were performed.” Concerning this Poppaea, Pliny, book XXXIII, thus says: “The orator Calvus complains that cooking vessels are made of silver, and now we have found carriages chased in silver.” In our own age Poppaea, wife of prince Nero, used to wear slippers of gold even on her more delicate feet. The same author, book XI, says: “Poppaea, certainly the wife of Domitius Nero, dragging along with her everywhere five hundred she-asses that had recently foaled, would even bathe her whole body in that milk in the bath, believing that it also stretched the skin.” Eusebius in the Chronicles, and Orosius in the seventh book of his history, are authorities that Nero compelled the Roman Senate to contribute to him an annual hundred million sesterces for the support of imperial expenses, that is, in our money, two hundred and fifty thousand gold coins; this was done after the death of Seneca, when Nero could no longer become worse, and had reached the height of wickedness and depravity. After Nero, Vi= tellius succeeded as prince: concerning whom Suetonius writes thus: “Devoted especially to luxury and cruelty, he always divided his banquets into three parts, sometimes into four, into breakfast, dinner, supper, and feasts, easily satisfying all with the habit of vomiting. He would assign one banquet after another on the same day; nor did any single course cost less than four hundred thousand sesterces.” Most famous among the rest

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Coena Vitelliana. teras fuit coena ei data aduentitia à fratre, in qua duo mil lia lectissimoru[m] piscium, septem auium apposita tradutur. Hanc quoq[ue] exuperauit ipse dedicatione patinæ, quæ ob immensam n[on]agnitudinem clypeum Mineruæ, id est, ægiæ poliuchi dictitabat. In hac Scarorum iocinora, Phasiano rum & pauonu[m] cerebella, linguas Phoenicopterum, Mu= rænarum lactes à Carpathia usq[ue], fretoq[ue] Hispaniæ peti= tarum comiscuit. Hactenus Tranquillus. Equide[m] nihil ma= ius dici aut excogitari in luxuria posse uideo, nisi mærga= ritarum liquefactarum haustus. Iamprimum pauones uidi= mus Varronis tepore quinquagenis denarijs uenaleis, id est, quinis aureis nostris, quoru[m] cerebellis patina illa con= stabat, ut iocinoribus Scarorum, de quibus Plin. lib. 1 x. ita inquit: Nunc Scaro datur principatus, qui solus piscium dicitur ruminare, herbisq[ue] uesci, non alijs piscibus, mari Carpathio maxime frequens. proxima est his mensa gene ris duntaxat mustellarum. & paulò post, Ex reliqua no= bilitate & gratia maxima est & copia Mullis, sicut ma= gnitudo modica. Ex his uerbis apparet Scaru[m] primæ au= toritatis fuisse apud ganeosos homines: qui quanti uendi potuerit, coijcere licet ex precio Mulli qui Claudio prin cipe septe uel octo millibus nummum emptus fuit ab Asi= nio, ut alibi dictum est. De Phoenicoptero idem Pli. lib. x. Phoenicopteri linguam præcipui saporis esse Apitius do= cuit, nepotum omnium altissimus gurges. Idem libro tri= cesimoquinto: Atq[ue] ut luxu quoq[ue] autoritas contingat fi= glinis, tripatinum, inquit Fenestella, appellabatur summa coenarum lautitia. una erat murænarum, altera luporum, tertia myxonis piscis, inclinatis iam scilicet moribus. Na[m] nos cum unam Aesopi tragædiarum histrionis in natura auium diceremus sestertijs sexcentis stetisse, non dubito indignatos Patina a[n]sopi. Plin. libr. 35. cap. 11.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Vitellian Dinner. There was set before him a dinner brought from outside by his brother, at which, it is said, two thousand of the choicest fish and seven kinds of birds were served. He himself surpassed even this with the dedication of a dish which, because of its enormous size, he called the shield of Minerva, that is, the aegis of Pallas. In it he mixed the livers of scarus-fish, the brains of pheasants and peacocks, the tongues of flamingos, and the milt of moray eels brought from as far as Carpathia and the Strait of Spain. So far Suetonius. Indeed, I see that nothing greater can be said or devised in luxury, except perhaps draughts of liquefied pearls. Already, in Varro’s time, we see peacocks sold for fifty denarii apiece, that is, for five of our gold pieces, and with their brains that dish was made, just as with the livers of scarus-fish, about which Pliny, book 10, says thus: “Now the scarus holds the chief place, the only fish said to chew the cud and feed on herbs, not on other fish, most abundant in the Carpathian Sea.” Next to these is the table of the weasel-fish only. And a little later: “Among the rest of the nobility, the mullets are most prized and most abundant, though of moderate size.” From these words it appears that the scarus was of the first rank among gluttons; how much it may have sold for can be guessed from the price of the mullet, which in the reign of Claudius was bought for seven or eight thousand sesterces by Asinius, as has been said elsewhere. Concerning the flamingo, the same Pliny, book 10, says that Apicius, the deepest gullet of all the wastrels, taught that the tongue of the flamingo was of exceptional flavor. The same author, in book 35: “And so that luxury may also have authority over clay vessels, Fenestella says that the three-dish platter was called the height of dining elegance. One dish was for moray eels, another for pike, the third for the fish called myxon, as morals were already in decline.” For when we said that one dish of Aesop the tragedian-actor cost six hundred sesterces in the form of birds, I do not doubt that they were outraged. Aesop’s dish. Pliny, book 35. chapter 11.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 413 indignatos legentes. At Hercules Vitellius in principatu suo c c. sestertijs condidit patinam, cui faciendæ fornax in campis ædificata erat, quoniam eò peruenit luxuria, ut etiam fictilia pluris co[n]stent quàm Murrina. Propter hanc Mutianus altero consulatu suo in co[n]questione exprobra= uit pontinarum paludes Vitellio, memoria no[n] illa foedio= re, cuius ueneno Apprenati reo Cassius Seuerus accusator objiciebat interijsse centum triginta conuiuas. Si hæc uer ba uerè leguntur, patina illa fictilis ducentis sestertijs, id est, non minoris quàm quinq[ue] nullibus aureorum nostroru[m] constitit, propter quod Plinius dixit pluris fictilia consta re quàm Murrina, quorum precia Plinius magna ponit lib. x x x vii. Sed quonam modo fieri potuerit, ut patina fictilis tanti constiterit, inire rationem nequeo, nec ipse Plinius hoc significare mihi uidetur, cu[m] prius dixerit Ae= sopi patinam sexce[n]tis sestertijs stetisse. Patinam enim pro ferculo posuisse notu[m] est ex loco libri decimi, qui à nobis diligenter (ut spero) explicatus est de centum auiculis hu mano sermone canoris, senis nullibus emptis. Sed rursus si Plinius de ferculo intellexit, quonam pacto Plinius non ineptus erit, qui post sexcenta sestertia, ducenta sestertia dixit? cum maius aliquid omnino et mirabilius dicere uel= let, ut planè quis ex uerbis eius intelligere potest. Cu[m] hic me scrupulus anxium olim habuisset, libros antiquos adij, in quibus decem talentis pro ducentis sestertijs legitur, quod nec ipsum placuit, utpote quod sextam tantu[m] partè ad ducenta sestertia adderet: & alioqui nunquam Plinius & antiqui de rebus Romanis per talenta locuti sunt, licet in antiquis quibusdam codicibus Plinij mendose sæpe le= gatur hoc uerbum in mentione rerum Latinarum. Quare ex uetustissimo exemplari decies sestertium lego, quod addit

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PARTIB. OF THE SAME BOOK IV. 413 the readers being indignant. But Hercules Vitellius, in his principate, spent 100,000 sesterces on a dish, for the making of which a furnace had been built in the fields; for luxury had advanced to such a point that even earthenware cost more than Murrhine ware. On account of this Mucianus, in his second consulship, reproached Vitellius in a complaint with the ponds of Pontinia, a memory no less foul, by whose poison, as Cassius Severus the accuser charged against the defendant Apprena, one hundred and thirty guests had perished. If these words are truly read, that earthen dish cost 200 sesterces, that is, not less than five gold pieces of our money; and for this reason Pliny said that earthenware cost more than Murrhine ware, the prices of which Pliny gives at great length in book xxxvii. But by what means it could have happened that an earthen dish cost so much, I am unable to work out; nor does Pliny himself seem to me to indicate this, since he had previously said that Aesop’s dish had cost 600 sesterces. For that he put dish for platter is known from the passage in the tenth book, which we have diligently (as I hope) explained, concerning one hundred little birds, singing in human speech, bought for six gold pieces. But again, if Pliny understood it as a platter, how can Pliny not be foolish, who after six hundred sesterces said two hundred sesterces? when he clearly wished to say something greater and more astonishing, as one can plainly understand from his words. When this scruple had long ago troubled me and made me anxious, I turned to ancient books, in which I read “ten talents” for “two hundred sesterces,” which also did not please me, since it would add only a sixth part to two hundred sesterces; and besides, Pliny and the ancients never spoke of Roman matters in talents, although in some ancient manuscripts of Pliny this word is often written wrongly in the mention of Latin matters. Therefore from a very old copy I read “ten times a hundred sesterces,” which adds

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Plin. locus memorabilb[us] me[m] dis expurgat[us]. addit quadringenta sestertia ad patinam Aesopi, id est, aureorum decem millia. Condidit autem pro commentus est & autor fuit, intelligo. Quod autem sequitur, sic le= go: Propter hanc Mutianus altero consulatu suo in con= cione exprobrauit patinarum paludes Vitellij memoriæ, non illa foediore, cuius ueneno Asprenati reo Cassius Se= uerus & c[ontra] hoc sensu, ut non sit foedior illa patina in qua uenenum datum est tot conuiuis. Patinarum autem palu= des figuratè dictum est allusione Pontinæ paludis, cum patina ipsa etiam fictilis esset & luteæ: de qua Plinius lib. 111.A Circeis palus Pontina est, quem locum x x 111. urbium fuisse Mutianus tert. consul prodidit. Is est autem Mutianus cuius mentio crebra est apud Tacitum, qui Ve spasianum ad capessendum imperium hortatus est: quem intelligimus ex uerbis Plinij Vitellio supplicio affecto, pro concione aliquando conuitijs incessisse tempora Vi= tellij ob luxum perditissimum: uel aliàs conquerendo ex= probrasse patinæ foeditatem, si conqvestione legatur. Ta= citus de luxu Vitellij loquens lib. xvii. Ipse abunde ra= tus si præsentibus frueretur, nec in longius consultans, nouies nullies sestertium paucissimis mensibus interuer= tisse creditur. Hanc ego summam non minorem ducenties uicies quinquies centenis millibus esse dico. Octauo aute[m] mense imperij sui exercitus ab eo desciscere coeperunt. Paucos igitur menses Tacitus octo mēses appellauit. Hic facere non potui quin maioris etiam luxuriæ exempli Vi telliana patina reminiscerer, tametsi non quærere. id erit ex Tranquillo in Nerone deterrimorum omnium princi pum facinorosissimo. quo loco enim de luxu eius epulari loquitur, Indicebat, inquit, & familiaribus coenas, quaru[m] uni mellita quadragies sestertium constiterunt. Ego mel= litorum Inauditus lu- xus, & fidem excedens.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Plin. locus memorabilis [was] cleaned up in my notes. adds four hundred sesterces to Aesop’s dish, that is, ten thousand gold pieces. But he founded it; or rather he invented it and was its author, I understand. What follows, I read thus: “Because of this, Mucianus, in his second consulship, in a public address reproached the ‘swamps of dishes’ of Vitellius’ memory,” not the uglier one, the poison of which Cassius Severus accused Asprenas, and [this is] in the opposite sense, so that that dish in which poison was given to so many guests is not uglier. “The ‘swamps of dishes’” is said figuratively, by allusion to the Pontine Marshes, since the dish itself was also made of clay and earthenware: of which Pliny, book III. “From Circeii is the Pontine marsh,” which place Mucianus, when third consul, recorded to have belonged to twenty-three cities. This is that Mucianus of whom Tacitus makes frequent mention, who urged Vespasian to take up imperial power: from which we understand, from Pliny’s words, that after Vitellius had been punished, he at some time in a public speech assailed the times of Vitellius with insults on account of his utterly ruinous luxury; or otherwise, lamenting, he reproached the ugliness of the dish, if the reading is conqvestione. Tacitus, speaking of Vitellius’ luxury, book xvii. “He considered himself sufficiently wealthy if he could enjoy the present, and, without planning far ahead, he is believed to have squandered nine hundred million sesterces in a very few months.” I say that this sum is not less than two hundred and twenty-five times one hundred thousand. In the eighth month of his rule, his troops began to defect from him. Thus Tacitus called a few months eight months. Here I could not help recalling an example of even greater luxury, Vitellius’ dish, though I am not seeking it; it will be from Suetonius, in Nero, the most criminal of the worst of all princes. For in the passage where he speaks of the luxury of his banquets, he says: “He would give dinners, both to guests and to his intimates, one of which cost forty million sesterces in honeyed dishes.” I, of the honeyed... Unheard-of luxury, and beyond belief.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 415 Mellita. litorum appellatione mellita dulciora sercula intelligo, quæ ultimis mensis apponuntur, ut hodie saccharati mis= sus epularum à pistore dulciario, & omnia quæ bellario= rum nomine continentur, & saccharei operis strues in adjicialibus coenis atq[ue] nuptialibus, quæ in lancibus argenteis ad ostentationem traducuntur, magis ut delibetur in= terdum, quàm ut esitentur. Hæc si centenis millibus au= reorum nostrorum æstimantur, quanti coena ipsa æstima ri poterit? Huic dicto fide arroget an deroget id quod se quitur, nescio. Seneca libro de Cōsolatione ad Albinâ ma trem suam ita inquit de Caligula loquens, C. Cæsar Augu stus, quem mihi uidetur rerum natura edidisse ut ostende= ret quid summa uitia in summa fortuna possent, cētices se= stertio coenauit uno die, & in hoc omnium adiutus inge= nio, uix tamen inuenit quo modo trium prouinciarum tributum una coena fieret. Quibus uerbis apparet centies sestertium immensam esse pecuniam, & quæ de Cleopa= træ unione diximus ex Plinio, non uanitate commenti= tia à nobis aucta, sed modicè æstimatum eius precium. id quod in omnia penè in his libris prodita ualet. Maiora sunt ista omnia nostræ ætatis captu. Sed de Vitellij hellua tione ita inquit Iosepus libro v. de bello Iudaico: Octo mèses ac dies quinq[ue]; potitus imperio, iugulatur in media urbe: quem si uiuere diutius contigisset, eius luxuriæ satis esse imperium non potuisset. Vitellio successit Vespasianus Augustus, qui omissa sub Galba uectigalia reuocauit: noua & grauia addidit: tributa etia[m] auxit, & prouincijs nonnullis duplicauit: quare eum nonnulli auarissimum esse tradideru[n]t. sunt contrà qui opinentur (inquit Tranquil= lus) ad manubias & rapinas necessitate co[m]pulsum summa ærarij fisciq[ue]; inopia, de qua testificatus sit initio statim princip Vespasian[us] tributis & uectigalib[us] grauis.

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PART I. HIS BOOK IV. 415 Mellita. By the term mellita I understand sweeter little delicacies, which are set before guests at the end of the meal, such as today the sugared dishes sent from the pastry-cook, and all things included under the name of confections, and the heaps of sugary work at after-dinner and wedding feasts, which are carried in silver dishes for display, sometimes more to be tasted than to be eaten. If these are valued at hundreds of thousands of our gold pieces, how much may the dinner itself be valued at? Whether credibility should be added to or detracted from this saying, I do not know. Seneca, in the book On Consolation to Albina, his mother, speaks thus of Caligula: Gaius Caesar Augustus, whom nature seems to have produced in order to show what extreme vices could do with extreme fortune, dined with a cost of a hundred million sesterces in one day, and in this he was aided by the ingenuity of all, yet he could scarcely find out in what way the tribute of three provinces could be consumed in one dinner. From these words it is clear that a hundred million sesterces is an immense sum of money, and that what we said from Pliny about Cleopatra’s pearl was not increased by any vain invention of ours, but was moderately estimated in its price. This applies almost throughout to everything set forth in these books. Such things are all beyond the grasp of our age. But concerning Vitellius’ gluttony Josephus says thus in book V of the Jewish War: Having held power for eight months and five days, he was butchered in the middle of the city; had he been granted longer life, the empire would not have been enough for his extravagance. Vitellius was succeeded by Vespasian Augustus, who restored the revenues that had been abolished under Galba: he added new and burdensome ones; he also increased taxes, and doubled them in some provinces; for which reason some have described him as most greedy. There are others, on the contrary, who think (in Tranquillus’ words) that he was compelled to plunder and rapine by the dire lack of funds in the treasury and imperial fisc, of which he testified at the very beginning of his principate. Vespasian was burdensome with taxes and levies.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET principatus, professus quadringenties millies opus esse, ut Respub. stare posset. quod uerisimilius uidetur, quòdo ma lè partis optimè usus est, in omne genus hominum libera= lissimus: quippe qui expleuerit censum senatoriu[m], & Con sulares inopes quingenis sestertium millibus annuis suste[n] tauerit, ingenia & artes uel maxime souerit, primusq[ue] è fisco Latinis Græcisq[ue] rhetoricus annua centena consti tuerit. Cæteru[m] quadringeties millies maiorem summâ esse uideo, quàm ut Vespasianus sperauerit quantauis parsi= monia aut tributorum exactione colligi posse, ne inueniri quidem fortasse, si & publicæ & priuatorum pecuniæ in unum locum confrantur. quare pro quadringeties, qua= dragies legendum esse uidetur, et sic quidem maxima erit summa earum quas adhuc diximus, id est millies centena nullia aureorum coronatorum. Vltra enim hanc summam ne ludiera quidem uota hominum procedere solent, etiam si immensum quid, maiusq[ue] omni auri conceptaculo ex= optare contendant. Sed fortasse credibile hoc faciunt ea quæ in secundo scripsimus. Hæc ferè sunt ex quibus Ro= manoru[m] opes coijcere magis quàm cognoscere possimus. Reliqua enim monumenta per autores sparsa, huiusmodi sunt, ut ex ijs certum nullum argumentu[m] ad constitutione[m] huius rei colligere possemus: ut quod Plin. lib. uno & uice simo de gente quadam Pontica dicit:Gens, inquit, ea cum cerâ in tributa Romanis præstet, mel quonia[m] exitiale est, nô uendit. His dictum unum Plinij addemus, quod suprà in transcursu citauimus, ne id præterijsse uitio mihi uer= tatur. Is enim autor libro X I I. de felicitate Arabiæ lo= quens, ita inquit: Verum Arabiæ etiam nunc felicius mare est. Ex illo nanq[ue] margaritas mittit: minimaq[ue] co[n]putatio= ne millies centena millia sestertium annis omnibus Indiæ & Seres Notandæ liberalitates Vespasiani. Quadragies millies sestertium. Memorabilis locus Plinij.

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G. BVD. Of the as and principate, professing that four hundred million was needed so that the Republic might stand. This seems the more likely, because he made the best use of the bad, and was most liberal toward every class of men: for he filled up the senatorial census, and supported indigent ex-consuls with five hundred thousand sesterces a year, most especially encouraged talent and the arts, and was the first to establish from the treasury a yearly stipend of one hundred thousand to Latin and Greek rhetoricians. But I see that four hundred million is a greater sum than Vespasian could have hoped to collect, by however great frugality or exaction of taxes, nor perhaps even to find, if both public and private moneys were brought together into one place. Wherefore it seems that instead of four hundred million, forty million should be read; and thus indeed it will be the greatest sum of those we have mentioned so far, that is, one thousand times one hundred thousand gold crowns. For beyond this sum even the playthings of men’s vows are not accustomed to go, even if they strive to wish for something immense and greater than every receptacle of gold. But perhaps what we wrote in the second book makes this credible. These are nearly all the things from which we may rather conjecture than know the wealth of the Romans. For the remaining monuments scattered through the authors are of such a kind that from them we could gather no certain argument for the establishment of this matter: as what Pliny says in book twenty-one concerning a certain Pontic people: “That people,” he says, “since it pays tribute to the Romans in wax, does not sell honey, because it is deadly.” To these we shall add one saying of Pliny, which we cited above in passing, lest I be blamed for having omitted it. For that author, speaking in book XII of the happiness of Arabia, says thus: “But in fact the sea of Arabia is even now more fortunate. For from it it sends pearls: and by the smallest calculation one hundred million sesterces every year from India and the Seres” Notable liberality of Vespasian. Forty million sesterces. Memorable passage of Pliny.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 417 & Seres peninsulaq[ue] illa imperio nostro adimunt. tanti nobis deliciæ & foeminæ constant. Libro autem sexto de cursu annuo & nauigatione in Indiam loqués, ita inquit: Nec pigebit totum cursum ab Aegypto exponere, nunc primu[m] certa notitia patescente: digna res, nullo anno mi= nus hîc quingentesimis imperij nostri exhauriente India, & merces remittente quæ apud nos centuplicato ueneat. Ex horum locorum collatione dicere possemus millies se= stertium Pliniu[m] quingentesimam imperij Romani taxa= uisse, non reditus publici, sed uniuersaru[m] opum publica= rum priuatarumq[ue], quasi in Indiam quotannis quingetesi= ma pars pecuniæ trasportaretur ex ijs prouincijs quæ Ro manæ ditioni subsunt. Ego autem hunc locu[m] corruptum esse puto. nam in uetustissimo exemplari, no[n] quingentesimus, sed D L. legimus. & alioquin particula hic, omnino hoc loco absurde sita est. quære sic Pliniu[m] scripsisse puto: nul= lo anno minus H S. quingenties imperij nostri exhaurien= te Indiæ. licet libro duodecimo Plinius millies sestertium dixerit, geminata summa. Alioquin quonam modo Plinius inire rationem potuisset quingentesimæ imperij Ro. non uideo, ne si breuiarium quidem censuale omnium prouinciæ= rum uidisset. Hactenus de Romanis opibus. Redeamus ad Persicas. Diximus supra quanta essent tributa Persaru[m] au= ri argentiq[ue], Darij Histaspis tempore, præter cæteras ob= uentiones thuris & aromatum. Præfecturas autem Partho= rum (sic enim postea Persæ appellati sunt) Plinius decem et octo esse dixit, his uerbis libr. v 1. Regna Parthoru[m] duo= deuiginti sunt omnia. ita enim diuidunt prouincias circa duo (ut diximus) maria, Rubrum à meridie, Hyrcanum à septentrione. Ex ijs undecim quæ superiora dicuntur, in= cipiunt à confinio Armeniæ Caspijsq[ue] littoribus, pertinet D ad

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PART OF IT. BOOK IV. 417 And the Seres and that peninsula are taken from our empire. Such luxuries and women cost us dearly. But in the sixth book, speaking of the annual voyage and navigation to India, he says this: Nor will it be tedious to set forth the whole route from Egypt, now that definite knowledge is first becoming available: a worthy matter, since India every year drains off no less than five-hundredths of our empire, and sends back merchandise which sells among us at a hundred-fold increase. From a comparison of these places we could say that Pliny assigned one five-hundredth part of the Roman Empire, not of the public revenue but of all public and private wealth, as though every year a five-hundredth share of money were transported into India from those provinces subject to Roman rule. But I think this passage is corrupt. For in the oldest manuscript we read not “five-hundredth,” but “D L.” And besides, the word “here” is altogether absurdly placed in this passage. I think Pliny wrote it thus: “with no year less than H S. quingenties exhausting our empire in India.” Although in the twelfth book Pliny mentioned “a thousand sesterces,” the sum being doubled. Otherwise, in what way could Pliny have been able to reckon the five-hundredth part of the Roman Empire? I do not see, not even if he had seen the census brief of all the provinces. Thus far concerning Roman wealth. Let us return to the Persian. We have said above how great were the tributes of the Persians in gold and silver, in the time of Darius Hystaspes, apart from the other revenues of frankincense and spices. Pliny, however, said that there were eighteen prefectures of the Parthians (for thus the Persians were later called), in these words, book V: “The kingdoms of the Parthians are all twenty-two. For thus they divide the provinces around the two seas, as we said: the Red Sea to the south, the Hyrcanian to the north. Of these, the eleven which are called upper begin from the frontier of Armenia and the Caspian shores, extending to the D

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ad Scythas, cum quibus ex æquo degunt. Reliqua septem regna inferiora appellantur. Sed Plinius de tempore suo loquitur. Herodotus autem lib. 11. præfecturas uiginti posuit in regno Persarum, ut diximus: in quibus regnu[m] Lydium ut præcipuum ponit. Ab eo tempore ad Darium ultimum Persarum regem multi reges fuerunt. Qua tempo ris intercapedine Persarum regnu[m] magnis opibus auctum est. Primus ille Darius qui à septem Persis primoribus, obtruncatis Magis, creatus est, omnium hominum pulcherrimus suit, excepta brachiorum & cubitorum longitudine, qua dehonestabatur, usq[ue] ad genua protentorum, ob quæ Macrochir, id est, Longimanus appellatus est, ut autor est Strabo lib. x v. & is fuit qui tributoru[m] formulas instituit. Macrochir Darius Longimanus. An sè (inquit ille) tæs φορας δαρύνειν ἀντιμαχρόχρα μὴ καλυστον δυσηώπων, πλω τὴ μὴννα τῶν ἔραχιονων καὶ τῶν πηχῶν. ἀπερεθαι γὰρ καὶ τῶν ἔνατων. Huius ergo Darij tempore uiginti erant præfecturæ stipendiaræ præter immunes & munerarias, ab Hellesponto ad Oriëtem tendentes inter duo maria. Ab Hellesponto autem & Aegæo mari māsiones, qui stathmi Græce dicuntur, certis spatijs ad Susa regiam Persidis nuro ordine dispositas fuisse dicit. ἐχδ γὰρ ἀμφί τὴ ὑδῶν τὰυτὴ ὑδε. σαθμοὶ τε πανταχηὶ ὑσὶ ἔασπιλιοι, καὶ καταλύσεις καλλισμ. ὑμεῖ ὑικεωμένης τε ἐν ὑδῶς ἀπεισα καὶ ἀσφαλεῖν. Sic autem, inquit, res se habet circa uiam illam māsiones ubiq[ue] sunt regiæ, & diuersoria elegantissima. Omnis autem uia per habitatam regionem tutamq[ue] ducit. Deinde Herodotus rem singillatim persequens, māsiones per Lydiam & Phrygiam uiginti numero ponit. Excipit autem à Phrygia, inquit, Halys fluuius, in quo portæ sunt quas omnino trāsire necesse est. tandem mansionibus omnibus enarratis usq[ue]; ad Susa, ubi erat regia, ὑπι (inquit) ὑπι παντες σαθμοὶ ὑσι ἔνδικα

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET to the Scythians, with whom they live on equal terms. The remaining seven kingdoms are called inferior. But Pliny is speaking of his own time. Herodotus, however, in book II places twenty prefectures, as we said, in the Persian kingdom, among which he sets the Lydian kingdom as the principal one. From that time until Darius, the last king of the Persians, there were many kings. During that interval of time the Persian kingdom was increased by great wealth. That first Darius, who was created by the seven chief Persians, after the Magi had been slain, was the handsomest of all men, except for the length of his arms and elbows, by which he was disfigured, being extended as far as the knees; for which reason he was called Macrochir, that is, Longimanus, as Strabo is author of book XV. And he was the one who instituted the rules of tribute. Macrochir Darius Longimanus. “And if,” says he, “the burden of taxes is not made too heavy by the long arms of the man, not even the best of men is pleasing, because of the length of the arms and forearms. For even the hands become burdensome.” This therefore was in the time of Darius: there were twenty tributary prefectures, besides the exempt and honorary ones, extending from the Hellespont to the East, between the two seas. From the Hellespont and the Aegean Sea, however, there were stations, which are called stathmoi in Greek, placed at fixed intervals along the royal road to Susa in Persia, arranged in due order. “For along that road also there are stathmoi everywhere, and most beautiful lodgings, as one travels safely through inhabited country.” Thus, he says, the matter stands regarding that road: everywhere there are royal stations, and the inns are most elegant. Moreover, the whole road runs through inhabited and safe regions. Then Herodotus, pursuing the matter in detail, places the stations through Lydia and Phrygia, twenty in number. He excepts, however, from Phrygia, he says, the river Halys, at which there are gates that must by all means be crossed. At length, after all the stations have been described, as far as Susa, where the royal palace was, “there,” he says, “all the stations are equally fitting.”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 419. Omnes autem hæ mæsiones numero sunt centum undecim, tot sunt mansionum diuersoria à Sardibus Susa tendenti. < Via regia Persarum. Parasanga.> Quòd si rectè dimensa via est regia parasangis, & parasanga tricena stadia ualet, ut certè ualet: à Sardibus ad regiâ quæ Memnonia dicitur, stadia sunt tredecim millia & quingêta, & parasangæ quadringentæ quinquaginta. Centena igitur & quinquagenta na stadia quotidie peragranti uiatori, consumuntur dies solidi nonaginta. < Euersum regnu Persaru.> Hoc regnu ab Alexandro euersum est deuicto Dario, et in plures Alexandri successores diuisum: quo ad Parthi denuo instaurauerût cu[m] Romanis sæpe belligerates. < Dari ultimus> Maximas autè opes sub Dario ultimo fuisse ex Quinto Curtio & Strabone docebimus. 1a[m] primum Curtius lib. III. de gazâ Damasci loquês Alexandro prodita à præfecto qui eâ eduxerat fugæ colore quæsito, Iacebant (inquit) totis câpîs opes regiæ, illa pecunia stipèdio ingēti militu[m] præparata. Ille cultus tot nobilium uirorum, tot illustrium foeminarum, aurea uasa, aurei fræni, tabernacula regali magnificetia ornata. uehicula quoq[ue] à suis destituta, ingētis opuletiæ plena. facies etiam prædatibus tristis, si qua res auaritiâ moraretur, quippe tot annoru[m] incredibili & fidem excedete fortuna cumulata. & paulo inferius, Summa pecuniæ signatæ fuit talentum duo millia & sexcêta facilè argēti pòdus quingêta æquabat. Sic enim in mebranaceo legimus. Idem lib. quinto de Susis loquens Alexandro citra oppugnatione traditis. Hic D 2 Abulites

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 419. Now all these stages are in number one hundred and eleven; these are the lodging places from Sardis to Susa. < Persian royal road. Parasanga.> If the royal road is correctly measured in parasangs, and a parasanga is worth thirty stadia, as indeed it is, then from Sardis to the royal city called Memnonia there are thirteen thousand five hundred stadia, and four hundred and fifty parasangs. Therefore, for a traveler covering one hundred and fifty stadia each day, ninety full days are consumed. < The Persian kingdom overthrown.> This kingdom was overthrown by Alexander when Darius was defeated, and was divided among Alexander’s many successors; later the Parthians restored it, after often warring with the Romans. < The last Darius> That Darius the last possessed very great wealth we shall show from Quintus Curtius and Strabo. First, Curtius, in book III, speaking of the treasury of Damascus, which was handed over to Alexander by the governor who had brought it out, having sought a pretext for flight, says: “There lay in all the royal riches of the camp, that money prepared for the pay of the great army. There was the apparel of so many noble men, so many illustrious women, golden vessels, golden bridles, tents adorned with royal magnificence, and vehicles too, abandoned by their owners, full of immense wealth. Even the faces of the plunderers were sad, if anything delayed their greed; for riches accumulated through the incredible fortune of so many years, a fortune exceeding belief.” And a little further on: “The total amount of coined money was two thousand and six hundred talents, which easily equaled five hundred pounds of silver.” So we read in the manuscript. In the same work, in book five, speaking of Susa, which was surrendered to Alexander without a siege. Here D Abulites

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Abulites cum donis regalis opulentiæ occurrerit. Dromades cameli inter dona erant uelocitatis eximiæ, x 1 1. elephanti à Dario ex India acciti, non iam terror (ut sperauerant) Macedonum, sed auxilium, opes uiecti ad uiectore transferente fortuna. Vt uerò urbè intrauit, incredibilem ex thesauris summam pecuniæ egessit. quinquaginta millia talentum argenti non signati forma, sed rudi pòdere. multi reges tantas opes longa ætate cumulauerant liberis posterisq[ue], quas una hora in externi regis manus intulit. In codicibus impressis millia uerbum deest, errore librarioru[m]. Hæc talenta aut Babylonia fuerunt, aut Attica. quare hæc summa minima computatione treceties centena millia aureorum nostrorum ualuit. Antea autem idem autor dixerat eodem libro: Alexandro traditur Arbela, regia supellectili Darijq[ue]; gaza repleta. quatuor millia talentum fuere. præterea preciosæ uestes, totius (ut suprà dictum est) exercitus opibus in illam sedem congestus. hac summa fit accessio quater & uicies centenum millium aureorum, præter gazam Damasci. Sua (ut autor est Stephanus) regia est Persaru[m], quam Memnon cōdidisse dicitur: quare Strabo regiam Memnoniam appellauit. ab hac, Susiana dicta est regio Persidis citerior. Ab ea urbe Alexander Darium cedentem sequens, Persepolin ueluti ad regni penetralia raptim contendit. cui præstò fuerunt quatuor Græcorum millia mutilis corporibus, quos Persæ quondam bello captos uarijs suppliciorum generibus affecerant. Quare Alexander impetum cepit urbis eius excidendæ, quæ antiqua regia erat Persaru[m], olim à Cyro condita, qui & Persarum ipse regnum condiderat. ab ea enim sede profectos aliquando Persaru[m] reges Græciæ bellum impiu[m] & Europæ intulisse. Quare Persepolos excidio parentandu[m] maio ribus esse

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Abulites, having come forward with gifts of royal magnificence. Dromedary camels were among the gifts, of extraordinary speed, x 1 1. Elephants summoned by Darius from India were now no longer the terror they had hoped for of the Macedonians, but an aid, riches transferred from the vanquished to the victor by fortune. But when he entered the city, he drew from the treasuries an incredible sum of money: fifty thousand talents of silver, not stamped in form, but by rough weight. Many kings had amassed such wealth over long years for their children and descendants, and in one hour he brought it into the hands of a foreign king. In printed copies the word “thousand” is missing, through the mistake of copyists. These talents were either Babylonian or Attic. Therefore, by the smallest reckoning, this sum was worth thirty times one hundred thousand of our gold coins. But earlier the same author had said in the same book: Arbela is handed over to Alexander, with the royal furniture of Darius and the treasury filled. There were four thousand talents; in addition, precious garments, and, as has been said above, the wealth of the whole army was gathered into that place. By this sum there is added four and twenty hundred thousand gold coins, besides the treasury of Damascus. His royal city, as Stephen says, is that of the Persians, which is said to have been founded by Memnon; therefore Strabo called it the Memnonian royal city. From this city the region of nearer Persia was called Susiana. From that city Alexander, following the retreating Darius, hastened toward Persepolis as if to the innermost chambers of the kingdom. There were ready there four thousand Greeks with mutilated bodies, whom the Persians had once captured in war and subjected to various kinds of punishment. For this reason Alexander conceived the purpose of destroying that city, which was the ancient royal city of the Persians, formerly founded by Cyrus, who had himself also founded the Persian kingdom. For from that seat the kings of the Persians had at times set forth and brought a godless war against Greece and against Europe. Therefore Persepolis must be made an offering to the dead for the sake of its forefathers

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ribus esse césuit, quos Persæ uarijs cladibus traiecto Hel= lessponto & pontibus etiam iuncto lacessiuerat. In ea igi= tur urbe quantas opes Alexander ceperit, uerbis ipsius Curtij, autoris tersi atq[ue] elegantis, referemus. Multas ur= bes (inquit) refertas opulentia regia, partim expugnaue= rat, partim in fidem acceperat: sed urbis huius diuitiæ ui= cere præterita. In hanc totius Persidis opes congresserant Barbari. aurum argentumq[ue] cumulatum erat. uestis ingens modus. supellex non ad usum modò, sed ad ostentationem luxus comparata. & paulò infrà: Ingens pecuniæ capti= uæ modus traditur, propè ut fidem excedat. Cæterùm aut de alijs quoq[ue] dubitamus, aut credimus in huius urbis gaza fuisse cètum & x x. millia talenta. ad quæ uehenda (nan= que ad usus belli secum portare decreuerat) iumèta & ca= melos à Susis & Babylone contrahi iussit. sic in uulga= tis libris legitur. uerùm obseruata uetusta lectione, non cen tum & uiginti millia talenta lego, refragante loquendi consuetudine doctorum, sed centum millia & uiginti ta= lenta. Hæc summa quanti æstimari nomismate nostro pos= sit, ex præcedenti apparet. Quanta autem fuerit gaza Ba bylonica, Curtius non addidit, licet Alexandrum reco= gnouisse dicat. Strabo autem libro decimoquinto Alexan drum ait angustias Persidis & Vxiorum, qui Persis con= termuni sunt, & Persicas deniq[ue] ipsas portas superasse ui bellica, penetrare festinante ad caput ipsum regni & ga= zophylacia Persarum, quæ tot seculis congesta ac recon= dita fuerant. ἀν ἀυτὰ ἔἰα ὑπλθεν ἀλήκαν οἰς ἑπιτὰ τὰς πρε σικὰς πύλας καὶ κατέ ἐλλης τὸνος οἰκιῶν τῶν χύραν, καὶ καὶ πρὸς αυτὸν αυτὸς οἰκιῶν τὸν κυριώτατα μὲνη καὶ χαριονάπια ἀν πο= σόντως χόνοις ἐξεπεπλήρωτο. Et paulo infirius de Cyro lo= quens, Omnes autem Persidis pecunias Susa exportandas D 3 curauit,

Transcription: Translated (English)

He had been driven into the city by the Persians, whom he had irritated by various disasters after crossing the Hellespont and even joining the bridges. In that city, then, we shall relate from the very words of Curtius, a writer who is polished and elegant, how great a treasure Alexander captured. “Many cities,” he says, “filled with royal wealth he had taken, some by storm, others received into surrender; but the riches of this city surpassed all that had gone before. Into it the wealth of the whole of Persia had gathered. Gold and silver were piled up. There was a vast amount of clothing. Household furnishings had been prepared not merely for use, but for display and luxury.” And a little below: “An immense amount of captured money is said to have been found, almost beyond belief. Moreover, either we may also doubt other accounts, or we may believe that in the treasury of this city there were one hundred and twenty thousand talents.” To transport these, since he had decided to carry them with him for the purposes of war, he ordered mules and camels to be brought together from Susa and Babylon. So it is read in the common editions. But following the ancient reading, I do not read one hundred and twenty thousand talents, against the usual speech of scholars, but one hundred thousand and twenty talents. How much this sum may be worth in our coinage appears from what went before. Curtius did not add how great the Babylonian treasury was, though he says that Alexander examined it. Strabo, however, in the fifteenth book says that Alexander, by force of arms, passed through the narrow passes of Persis and of the Uxians, who border on the Persians, and finally through the Persian Gates themselves, hurrying to penetrate to the very head of the kingdom and the treasuries of the Persians, which had been accumulated and hidden away through so many ages. “And he went through those Persian Gates, and came to the city of the king, and to the very chief royal dwellings, which had been filled with great wealth.” And a little later, speaking of Cyrus: “He also took care that all the money of Persia should be carried out to Susa.”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET curauit, quæ thesauris ipsa & supellectili plena erant. Nec ideo tameu illic regiam animo destinabat, sed apud Babylonem, quam constituerat etiam supellectili & instrumento regio adornare. etenim illic quoq[ue] thesauri cõditi erat. πᾶντα δὲ τὰ ἐν πορθίδι χημικὰτα ἐκσκοσκάστον ἔς τὰ σκοπ, κεί ταῦτα θησοφητῶν ἐν λατασκοβήν μεσὰ ἔδι τὴν ὑπὲντο ἔασπιαν, αλλὰ πῶς ἔασυλῶνα. ἐν Σενοεὶς τὰυτῶν προσκασκοβάσην, κοινταῦθα δὲ ἔκαυτο θησοφητῶ. Faina est (inquit) præter eas pecunias quæ Babylone, & eas quæ in castris erant, quæ inde sumptæ non fuerant, ipsa per se quæ Susis & in Perside erant, quadraginta millia talentum numerata & recognita fuisse. φασὶ δὲ χωρίς τῶν ἐν ἔασυλῶνι, κεί τῶν ἐν ἔσθρατοπεδῶν τῶν πορί ταῦτα μὴ ληφθεντων, ἀυτὰ τὰ ἐν σκοσοις κεί τὰ ἐν πορθίδι τεαράς μυρίασις ταλάντων ἐκεταδυνάιν, πνίς δὲ κεί πέντε λήγσι. Hoc non conuenit cum eo quod Curtius scripsit, quia Susis & Persepoli cētum & quinquaginta nullia Curtius inuenta dixit. Plutarchus L X. nullia talentum argenti inuenta dixit in regia gaza Susis, & quinquaginta nullia taletum purpuræ hermionicæ. Sed uideamus quid ultra dicat. ἀλλι δὲ πανταχόθεν σωαχεῦνα παραδευτον ἔς ἐκβάτανα δυτωκάδινα μυρίασις ταλάντων. Alij autem uniuersas undique coactas pecunias centum & octoginta talentum millia dicunt Ecbatana comportata fuisse. hoc confirmari non potest ex Curtio, quia locus ille libro quinto mutilatus est, licet eodem libro in mentione Philotæ significet Parmenionem maximæ pecuniæ custodem in Media fuisse. Verùm ex Arriani libro tertio nouimus Alexandrum mandasse Parmenioni, ut pecuniam quæ ex Perside exportata fuerat, Ecbatonis in arcem couderet, ibiq[ue] ad custodiam sex nullia Macedonum cum amicis relinquueret. Tantum hoc refert, quod Arrianus

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET took care of them, which were themselves full of treasures and household goods. Nor for that reason, however, did he still have the royal palace in mind there, but at Babylon, which he had also decided to adorn with royal furniture and equipment. For there too the treasures had been deposited. And all the things in the porticoed storehouse were removed into the magazines; these things were placed among the treasures, after the expedition to Asia, but how it was at Babylon. At Susa he made arrangements for them, and there the treasures were stored. Faina est (he says) that, besides those sums of money which were at Babylon, and those which were in the camp and had not been taken from there, the amounts which were at Susa and in Persia themselves were counted and checked, forty thousand talents. But some say that, apart from the treasures at Babylon, and those in the camp which had not been taken, the sums themselves which were in the storehouses and in the portico amounted to forty-three thousand and five hundred talents. This does not agree with what Curtius wrote, because Curtius said that at Susa and Persepolis one hundred and fifty thousand talents were found. Plutarch, in Book X, said that no talent of silver was found in the royal treasure at Susa, and that fifty thousand talents of Hermionean purple were found. But let us see what he says further. And from everywhere there were brought together and conveyed to Ecbatana two hundred and forty thousand talents. Others, however, say that the funds collected from all quarters were brought to Ecbatana, amounting to one hundred and eighty thousand talents. This cannot be confirmed from Curtius, because that passage in Book Five is mutilated, although in the same book, in the mention of Philotas, he indicates that Parmenion was the guardian of the greatest treasure in Media. But from Arrian’s Book Three we know that Alexander ordered Parmenion to place the money that had been exported from Persia in the citadel of Ecbatana, and there to leave six thousand Macedonians with their companions as guards. This is all that Arrian reports.

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PARTIB. BIVS LIB. IIII. 423 Arrianus tradit Alexandrum Cyri thesauros Pasagardis, oppressis celeritate custodibus, reperisse: Strabo autem dicit Cyrum Pasagardis regiam quidem suam statuisse, sed tam[m]e pecunias Susis condi uoluisse. Curtius igitur ga= zam Persarum multis in thesauris conditam, ad centum & quinquagintaseptem millia talentum subduxit absque Babylonica pecunia. Strabo omnia complexus, centum & octoginta posuit. Hæc summa centies & octies mul= lies mille aureos nostros ualet, hoc est nullies & octe= gies centena millia. summa haud dubiè multo maier ma= xima omnium summarum quas uno tempore coactas in rebus Romanis legerimus: nisi si fidem habuerimus ijs quæ dicta sunt in secundo de ærario Romano ex uetusto exemplari, in quo iudicium meum uix interponere au= sim propter dubiam fidem exemplarium. Præter hanc summam post Persepolim direptam dirutamq[ue], cum Ale= xander iam in Hyrcaniam uenisset, uiginti (inquit Cur= tius) & sex nullia talentum proxima præda redacta e= rant, è queis xii. millia in congiarium nulitum absumpta sunt. par huic pecuniæ summa custodum fraude subtracta est. Tantis opibus Alexandri magnifica eius facta respon= dere uidentur. Cum enim in Perside ex India regressus in= tellexisset mulites suos iam ueteranos consumptis per lu= xum Orientis spolijs, insuper etiam ære alieno obstrictos esse, edixit ut omnes mulites æs alienum profiteretur. quod cum illi facere cunctarentur, tentari sese rati, quo facilius Alexa[n]der sumptuosos notaret, rex satis narus professioni æris alieni pudore non contumaciam obstare, mensas totis castris poni iussit, & decem millia talenium proferri. Tum demu[m] fide facta professio est, nec amplius ex tanta pecunia quàm centum & x x x. talenta superfuere. adeò ille exer= D 4 citus

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. BIVS LIB. IIII. 423 Arrianus relates that Alexander found the treasures of Cyrus at Pasargadae, the guards having been overpowered by speed; but Strabo says that Cyrus had indeed established his royal seat at Pasargadae, but had wished the money to be stored at Susa. Curtius therefore reckons the Persian treasure, deposited in many treasuries, at one hundred and fifty-seven thousand talents, apart from the Babylonian money. Strabo, taking everything together, puts it at one hundred and eighty. This sum amounts to one hundred and eighty million of our gold pieces, that is, eight hundred and eighty million hundreds. A sum by far, without doubt, the greatest of all the sums which we have read as having been collected at one time in Roman affairs: unless we give credence to those things which were said in the second book concerning the Roman treasury from an ancient copy, in which I would scarcely dare to interpose my judgment because of the doubtful trustworthiness of the copies. Besides this sum, after Persepolis had been plundered and destroyed, when Alex- ander had already come into Hyrcania, twenty (says Cur- tius) and six thousand talents were brought in as the nearest spoil, of which twelve thousand were used up in a public distribution. An equal sum of money was taken away by the fraud of the guards. To such riches Alexander’s magnificent deeds seem to correspond. For when, after returning from India, he learned in Persia that his soldiers, now veterans, had exhausted by the luxury of the East the spoils, and were furthermore also burdened with debt, he issued an edict that all the soldiers should declare their debts. When they hesitated to do this, thinking that they were being tested, so that Alexander might more easily mark the extravagant among them, the king, well aware that shame at declaring debt, not obstinacy, was the obstacle, ordered tables to be set up throughout the camp, and ten thousand talents to be brought forth. Then at last, confidence having been given, the declaration was made, nor did there remain out of so great a sum more than one hundred and thirty talents. So great was that army D 4

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET citus tot ditissimarum gentium uictor, plus tamen uictoriæ quàm prædæ deportauit ex Asia. Autores Curtius lib. IX. & Plutarchus in Alexandro. Arrianus in sexto ijsdem penè uerbis, nisi quòd ait regem gratiam eis secisse nominum suorum deserendorum, sed tantum uoluit fidem æris alieni fieri prolatis syngraphis. πατεῖς δὲ παρείσα ἐν τῷ ἐπιμελημένας ὑπὸ δο= σεως ἔκάσοις ὑψίς συμβολαιον ἐπεδεικνυλ, ἐπιλυεατ τὰ χρια ἐκελοβεν, ἐν ἀποθραφομένας ἐπι τῷ ὑποματα, καὶ ὑμω δὲ ἐπι= σευσαι ἀληθόδων ἀλεξανδρον. Ab eade[m] munificentia est con= giarium militare, de quo paulò antè diximus, XI. millium Hephæstionis < Hephæstionis funus memorabile.> talentum. sed inusitata est illa sublimitas animi, Hephæstionem charissimum sibi, morbo defunctum, decem millibus talentum, id est sexagies cætenis millibus nostris funerasse, ut autores sunt Plutarchus in Alexandro, & Arrianus in sexto his uerbis, ἐκεῖνα δὲ πρὸς πῶντων ἐν μφωνόμωνα, ἐς πῶ= πῶ ἀπὸ τῷ ἔανάτα τῷ ἑρασίων ὑμέραν, μὴτε στὰ τοῦθα= δικι ἀλεξανδρον, μὴτε πια θεραπτιαν ἀλλην θεραπθύσαι ὑ σωμα, καὶ πυρὰν κελωθαι αυτῶ ἐπιμάθεαν ἐν ἐκαθυλῶνι ἀπὸ ταλάν= των μυριον. Diodorus li. XVII. de hoc loquès, ita inquit, τασὰντω δὲ αυσθλῶ ἐποιησαιον πρὸς πῶν ὑκροφαίς ἐπιμελθ= αν, ὑπε μὴ μὸνον τῶς προγεγνημένας παῖν ὑμμώνοις τὰρὰς ὑ= προβαλεὰν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πῶς ἐμευοις μιδεμιαν ὑπερθεσιν καταλι= πῶν. Tanto autè studio cõtendit in accura[n]do eius funere, ut nô solum superioru[m] ætatum omniu[m]q[ue] hominu[m] funebres apparatus superauerit: sed ne posteris quidè quicqua[m] reli= quum fecerit quod ipsi possent superaddere. Deinde appa ratu descripto ad extremu[m] ita narrationem claudit, φασὶ ἀ πλῦθος τῶν αναλωθέντων χημικῶν χησονάναι πλὴν τῶν μυ= ρίων κὴ διχιλίων ταλάντων. Aiunt numeru[m] cõsumptæ pe= cuniæ maiore duodecim nullibus taletoru[m] fuisse. Plutarc. in Pelopida,

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET he was the victor of the richest nations, yet he carried off from Asia more of victory than of plunder. The authorities are Curtius, book IX, and Plutarch in Alexander. Arrian too, in book VI, says almost the same in these words, except that he says the king showed them favor by permitting them to abandon their names, but he wished only to make good the debt by producing the written acknowledgments. πατεῖς δὲ παρείσα ἐν τῷ ἐπιμελημένας ὑπὸ δο= σεως ἔκάσοις ὑψίς συμβολαιον ἐπεδεικνυλ, ἐπιλυεατ τὰ χρια ἐκελοβεν, ἐν ἀποθραφομένας ἐπι τῷ ὑποματα, καὶ ὑμω δὲ ἐπι= σευσαι ἀληθόδων ἀλεξανδρον. From the same munificence is the military largess, of which we spoke a little before, of 11,000 talents. <The memorable funeral of Hephaestion.> But that elevation of spirit is unusual: he buried his dearest Hephaestion, who had died of sickness, with ten thousand talents, that is, sixty times a hundred thousand of our money, as Plutarch says in Alexander, and Arrian in book VI in these words, ἐκεῖνα δὲ πρὸς πῶντων ἐν μφωνόμωνα, ἐς πῶ= πῶ ἀπὸ τῷ ἔανάτα τῷ ἑρασίων ὑμέραν, μὴτε στὰ τοῦθα= δικι ἀλεξανδρον, μὴτε πια θεραπτιαν ἀλλην θεραπθύσαι ὑ σωμα, καὶ πυρὰν κελωθαι αυτῶ ἐπιμάθεαν ἐν ἐκαθυλῶνι ἀπὸ ταλάν= των μυριον. Diodorus, book XVII, speaking of this, says as follows, τασὰντω δὲ αυσθλῶ ἐποιησαιον πρὸς πῶν ὑκροφαίς ἐπιμελθ= αν, ὑπε μὴ μὸνον τῶς προγεγνημένας παῖν ὑμμώνοις τὰρὰς ὑ= προβαλεὰν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πῶς ἐμευοις μιδεμιαν ὑπερθεσιν καταλι= πῶν. So great was his zeal in arranging the funeral that he not only surpassed the funeral preparations of all former ages and of all men, but even left nothing for posterity to add. Then, after describing the preparations, he concludes the narrative as follows: φασὶ ἀ πλῦθος τῶν αναλωθέντων χημικῶν χησονάναι πλὴν τῶν μυ= ρίων κὴ διχιλίων ταλάντων. They say the amount of money spent was greater than twelve myriads of talents. Plutarch, in Pelopidas,

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 425 Pelopida, ἀλήκαροθή ἐ ὑ μιχαὶς ἐφασιων ἀποθεωόντες, ὑ μόνον ἐπικς ἐκδρεν ἐν ἐμικόνας, ἀλλὰ ἐν ἐπικλήδεις ἀφεὶλε τῶν ποχῶν ὑς ἀν σκηνην αἰ πόλει πανθήν, αυτί τ[ame]ν πρὸδεν μορφὴς κυμμον χημια, καὶ ἀπιμον αυαλαμβάνουν. Alexander Magnus, inquit, Hephæstione mortuo, nō equis modò suis & mulis iubas totondit, sed & murorum pinnas propugnaculaq[ue]; exemit, ut urbes lugere ipsæ uiderêtur, & pro pristina specie lugubrem habitum, honoreq[ue]; uacuum induisse. idem Diodorus. Alexander in nuptijs Statyræ Darij filiæ, quam Suis matrimonio sibi iunxit, epulum noue[m] millibus conuiuarum secisse traditur, & unicuiq[ue]; ad libamina peragenda aurea[m] phialam donasse, autore ipso Plutarcho. Arrianus lib. v 1. uel v 1 1. ut alij numerant, ait Alexandrum Suis sibi nuptias amicisq[ue] celebrasse. ipsum enim sibi maximam natu filiarum Darij accepisse, nomine Bærsinen. ut autem Aristobulus ait, cum hac Parysatin quoq[ue] minimâ naturis Ochi duxit, cum etiam antè Ro xanen uxorem duxisset Oxyærtæ Bactriani filiam: Bærsinesq[ue]; sororem Drypetin Hephæstioni dedit, ut filios Hephæstionis, sororis filios appellaret. Tum Cratero et Perdiceæ & Eumeni alijsq[ue]; primoribus Macedonum connubio iunxit filias principum Persides & Mediæ ad octoginta numero: omnibusq[ue]; dotes dedit: deinde omneis alios qui uxores Persides & Asianas duxisset, nomina dare iussit: qui supra decem millia inuenti sunt: omnibusq[ue]; ab ipso donationes propter nuptias factæ. προξαί ἐν μικτῶσαι ἐπεδωκεν αλήκαροθή, καὶ ὑσοοι δὲ ἀλλοι ἐν μικνοι ἐσται μακεδῶν τῶν ἀσπικῶν πνὰς γωνακῶν, ἀποθεραφήναι ἐκιλοβοει καὶ ποῦτων τὰ ὑνόματα: καὶ ἐγένοντο ὑπὲρ τὰς μυρίας. καὶ ποῦτοι δωρεαὶ αλήκαροθή ἐσθεωαν ὑποῖς γαμοις. In hanc autem liberalitatem largitionemq[ue]; æris alieni cuius supra D 5 memini

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 425 Pelopida, [corrupt Greek text], not only in public spectacles, but also in [corrupt word] and in [corrupt word] removed the marks of age, as if the city itself were putting on mourning, and [corrupt] of former form, confusion, and [corrupt]. Alexander Magnus, he says, when Hephaestion was dead, not only clipped the manes of his own horses and mules, but also took away the battlements and turrets of the walls, so that the cities themselves seemed to be mourning and to have put on, instead of their former appearance, a mournful habit and one empty of honor. The same is in Diodorus. Alexander, at the wedding of Statyra, daughter of Darius, whom he joined to himself in marriage, is said to have prepared a feast for ten thousand guests, and to have given to each for the performance of libations a golden phial, as Plutarch himself says. Arrian, book 5, section 1, or 11, as others count it, says that Alexander celebrated his wedding with his friends. For he himself had taken as wife the eldest of Darius’s daughters, by name Bærsine. But, as Aristobulus says, he also married Parysatis, the youngest daughter of Ochus; and previously too he had married Roxane, daughter of the Bactrian Oxyartes. He gave Bærsine’s sister Drypetis to Hephaestion, so that Hephaestion’s sons might be called sons of the sisters. Then he united in marriage Craterus and Perdiccas and Eumenes and other leading Macedonians with the daughters of Persian and Median nobles, to the number of eighty; and to all of them he gave dowries. Afterwards he ordered all the others who had married Persian and Asiatic wives to give in their names; and they were found to be more than ten thousand; and to all of them wedding gifts were given by him. [corrupt Greek text]. In this liberality and bounty of money, of which I have mentioned the above...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET meminimus, uiginti millia talentum collata esse, aliquant[ur] post subdit, his uerbis, λεκτη [n]o[n] γενεαν [n]o[n] συστη τὴν σφα= πα ἐς ταλαυτα συμμελα. Huius autoris dicto ac superioris fidem facere potest Chares historicus qui Alexandri gesta scripsit, ut ex Athenæo nouimus. Ait enim post Darij mor tem Alexandrum nuptias sibi amicisq[ue] celebrasse splendi= dissimo apparatu. Siquidem in eode[m] conclaui duos & no= naginta thalamos sternendos iussisse. Erat autem conclauê prægrande, centenarij lectisternij facilè capax: in quo sin= guli lecti toralibus strati genialibus erant impensa uicê= nûm nunarum argenti. Inter quos uisendus erat lectus re= gius pedibus aureis sultus. E pulum autem nuptiale in aula temporaria factum fuit excitatis tentorijs singulari splen dore & opule[n]tia. Huius aulæ ambitus quatuor stadiorum erat, id est duum millium & quadringentorum pedum, uel passuum quadringentorum & octoginta. Firmamentum autem præstabant columnæ uicenum cubitorum, partim aureis laminis, partim argenteis cōtectæ, & insuper lapil= lus preciosis distinctæ. tum ambitum ipsum cingebant Ba= bylonica stragula aurea textura & belluata distincta. Nu ptiaru[m] celebritas diebus quinq[ue] instaurata, cum interim & musici artifices & scenici, & omne genus acroamatu[m] in mediu[m] prodirent, sui quisq[ue] specimê artificij præbêtes. In= deq[ue]; primu[m] assentatores regis Alexandrocolaces dici coepe runt, qui antea à tyranno Siciliæ Dionysiocolaces dice= bantur: omnia summa hilaritate Alexandro approbante. Arrianus libro sexto id co[n]uiuium factum fuisse ait non ob nuptias, sed ob seditionem militarem pacatam, quæ postea ad urbem Opim sitam ad Tigrim flumen, in quo & Ma= cedonum & Persarum & omnium gentium principes ui ri fuerunt: ibiq[ue] libamina & obsecrationes ob concor= diam

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASSE AND we remember that twenty thousand talents were contributed, and afterwards he adds, in these words, λεκτη [n]o[n] γενεαν [n]o[n] συστη τὴν σφα= πα ἐς ταλαυτα συμμελα. The statement of this author, and that of the one above, can be confirmed by the historian Chares, who wrote the deeds of Alexander, as we learn from Athenaeus. For he says that after the death of Darius, Alexander celebrated a wedding for himself and his friends with the most splendid equipment. Indeed, in the same hall he ordered ninety-two bridal chambers to be prepared. The hall itself was very large, easily capable of a banquet for one hundred; in it each couch was laid with festive coverings at an expense of twenty minae of silver. Among them was to be seen the royal couch, supported by golden feet. The wedding feast, moreover, was held in a temporary hall, with tents raised in singular splendor and opulence. The circuit of this hall was four stadia, that is, two thousand four hundred feet, or four hundred and eighty paces. Its support was provided by columns twenty cubits high, partly covered with golden plates, partly with silver, and further adorned with precious stones. Then the entire circuit was surrounded by Babylonian hangings, woven with gold and decorated with figures. The celebration of the wedding was renewed for five days, while meanwhile musicians and stage performers, and every kind of entertainer, came forward into the middle, each displaying a specimen of his art. And thus the king’s flatterers first began to be called Alexandrocolaces, who had previously been called Dionysiocolaces by the tyrant of Sicily Dionysius: all this with Alexander approving in the greatest good humor. Arrian, in the sixth book, says that this banquet was held not because of the wedding, but because a military sedition had been pacified, which later occurred at the city of Opis situated on the river Tigris, in which commanders of the Macedonians, Persians, and of all nations were present; and there libations and prayers were offered for concord

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 427 diam Macedonum cum Persis facta, ut in idem imperium conspirarent. Fuisse autem conuiuarum circiter nouem nullia: & ex eodem cratere ipse libando cum suis hausit. Kai απο τὴν κατηλος Θ αυτὸς τε μὴ δι πρὸι αυτὸν δρυονδυοι ἀνον= δην τὰς αυτὰς ανονδὰς, καταδρχειων τῶντε οἰκιων μᾶντε= ων, μὴ τῶν μᾶντων. primitias libamunum facientibus fatidi= cis Græcis ac Magis. ἐν χελον ἐν τὰτε ἀλλα ἀραθὰ, μὴ δημονιάν τε μὴ καινωνιαν τὴν δρχης πῶς τε μακεδῶν μὴ ποῦσαις, εἰν ἐν τε χλώον τὰς μεταχόντας τὴν δούνς ἐνναμιχιλίας, καὶ πῶτος πῶντας μιαν τε ανονδωιοι ανείσαι, μὴ ἐπι αυτὴν παωνίσαι. eosq[ue] omnis, id est nouem nullia, uno eodem libamine libasse, & præana cecinisse. à quo statim conuiuio ueteranos & cau= sarios uoluntarios Cratero duce in patria[m], id est in Mace= doniam remisit: qui ad dece[m] nullia inuenti sunt: quibus sin gulis stipendium non modò in præteritum, sed etiam in id tempus persolutu[m] est, quod ad reditum co[n]sumpturi erant, & pro corolario talentum unicuiq[ue]. Ex quo co[n]ijci potest quanta largitio illa fuerit. ἐνθα δὴ ἐθελευταί ἐνημαλος α= πιεσαν τῶν μακεδῶν όσοι ολητηρας ἐπικα ομμων συμφορὰν απόλεμοι μοιν. καὶ ἐπι αυτῶν εγένοντο ἐς τὰς μυρίας. ποῦς ἐν τῶν τε μιδοφορὰν ἐν τὴν εγκυνωσε ἐνημα ἐδωκεν αλεθαν= δος μὸνον, αλλὰ κὴ τὴν ἐς τῶν ανονόσμον τῶν διαφήνειαν= τὸς. ἐπιδωκε ἐν μὴ παλαινθεν ἐνάσω ὑπὲρ τῶν μιδοφορὰν. Tum subdit Athenæus, δὴ ἐν πεμθειτοβ φησὶ δερανοι, ὑπὸ τῶν πρε= σοβλῶν καὶ τῶν λειπῶν, ταλάντων μοινων παντα= χιχιλιων. Coronæ autem à legatis & alijs in ea celebri= tate missæ, quindecim nullibus talentum æstimabantur. Quapropter paulò superius ita dixerat: καὶ ἐκποτε δὴ πρὸντὸν καλευμων οἰονοιοι οἰονοσκολακες, αλεθανομολακες ἐκλή= θησαν σημε τὰς τῶν δύσων ὑποδολᾶς, ἰρὸς σὲς καὶ ἐμὴν ὃ α= λήθαν δος. Proinde qui prius Dionysiocolaces uocaban= tur, iam inde Alexandrocolaces dicti sunt propter mune=

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 427 the banquet of the Macedonians with the Persians having been held, so that they conspired for the same empire. There were about nine of the guests; and from the same bowl he himself, making a libation together with his men, drank. Kai απο τὴν κατηλος Θ αυτὸς τε μὴ δι πρὸι αυτὸν δρυονδυοι ἀνον= δην τὰς αυτὰς ανονδὰς, καταδρχειων τῶντε οἰκιων μᾶντε= ων, μὴ τῶν μᾶντων. to those making first-offerings, libations to the gods and to the Magi. ἐν χελον ἐν τὰτε ἀλλα ἀραθὰ, μὴ δημονιάν τε μὴ καινωνιαν τὴν δρχης πῶς τε μακεδῶν μὴ ποῦσαις, εἰν ἐν τε χλώον τὰς μεταχόντας τὴν δούνς ἐνναμιχιλίας, καὶ πῶτος πῶντας μιαν τε ανονδωιοι ανείσαι, μὴ ἐπι αυτὴν παωνίσαι. all of them, that is, the nine guests, having libated from one and the same bowl, and having sung the paean. From that banquet he at once sent the veterans and the volunteers, with Craterus as leader, back to their homeland, that is, to Macedonia: they were found to be ten thousand in number; to each of whom not only the pay for the past, but also that for the period up to the time when they would have to return, was paid, and as a bonus one talent each. From this it may be inferred how great that largesse was. ἐνθα δὴ ἐθελευταί ἐνημαλος α= πιεσαν τῶν μακεδῶν όσοι ολητηρας ἐπικα ομμων συμφορὰν απόλεμοι μοιν. καὶ ἐπι αυτῶν εγένοντο ἐς τὰς μυρίας. ποῦς ἐν τῶν τε μιδοφορὰν ἐν τὴν εγκυνωσε ἐνημα ἐδωκεν αλεθαν= δος μὸνον, αλλὰ κὴ τὴν ἐς τῶν ανονόσμον τῶν διαφήνειαν= τὸς. ἐπιδωκε ἐν μὴ παλαινθεν ἐνάσω ὑπὲρ τῶν μιδοφορὰν. Then Athenaeus adds, δὴ ἐν πεμθειτοβ φησὶ δερανοι, ὑπὸ τῶν πρε= σοβλῶν καὶ τῶν λειπῶν, ταλάντων μοινων παντα= χιχιλιων. The crowns, moreover, sent by the ambassadors and others at that celebration were valued at fifteen thousand talents. Wherefore a little above he had said: καὶ ἐκποτε δὴ πρὸντὸν καλευμων οἰονοιοι οἰονοσκολακες, αλεθανομολακες ἐκλή= θησαν σημε τὰς τῶν δύσων ὑποδολᾶς, ἰρὸς σὲς καὶ ἐμὴν ὃ α= λήθαν δος. Accordingly, those who were formerly called Dionysiocolaces were now called Alexandrocolaces because of the gifts.

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET rum magnificentiam, exhilarato ob id etiam Alexandro. Quindecim millia talentum non nunus nonagies centenis nullibus coronatorum ualuerunt. Hæc autem munera in= telligimus Alexandro ab Asia gentibus sub a[n]tis & regi= bus & dynastis ob honorem nuptiarum nissa, ut hodie fa ctitari uidemus: cum fortasse Alexander literas ad præfe= ctos prouinciaru[m] ob id misisset: & præterea ab ipsis Ma= cedonum primoribus, quos uictoriæ aliæ super alias in im mensum locupletarant. Magnificentiam autem & nito= < Augustale Alexandri.> rem inusitatum Augustalis Alexandri Phylarchus his uer bis animo concipiendam dedit, ut idem autor refert: [ph]r[ase]s [ph]r[ase]s [ph]r[ase]s πατάνς καὶ πιλ[.] [ph]r[ase]σων ἀμπελον, ὑφ[.] ἐπι περδ= σων βασιλεῖς επιμάπιστον πολλὰς κατήμων, συμφανητικὰς βότρις εκύσης, καὶ τῶν ἰνοικῶν συζήκων άλλων τε ποιλε= στικῶν λίθων ἐπιδεικτων τῶς πολυτελιας, ἐλάπω φα= σίν ὑφοδξεῖνται τῶς καθημεῖντων ἐκάστον ἐγνομένης ποῦ αλεξανδρω διατάνει. Nam aureas, inquit, platanos au= reamq[ue]; uitem sub qua Persarum reges sedentes iura sæpe reddebant, audiendisq[ue]; gentium postulatis uacabant, infe riores uideri quotidiano sumptu Alexandrinæ regiæ Phy larchus perhibuit, etiamsi uitem illam auream spectabile[m] opulentia facerent uuæ in ea dependentes, ex sinaragdis illæ quidem & carbuculis Indicis, atq[ue] gemmis alijs sum= niæ taxationis aptæ. Pergit Phylarchus in hæc ferme uer= < Prætorium castrense Alexandri Magni.> ba: Iam primum erat eius prætorium castrense centum le= ctorum capax, idq[ue] aureæ columnæ octo numero contine= bant. Supra aute[m] colūnas assurgentia laquearia opere uer miculato, auro aliaq[ue] exinua materia coagmetato, summa[m] prætorij partem decore fastigiabant. Ipsi primùm quin= genti Persæ, quos illi melophoros uocabant, id est hastilia ferentes aureis malis præpilata, intrinsecus prætorium cin gebant,

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE ET his magnificence, and because of this Alexander too was delighted. Fifteen thousand talents, not less than ninety hundred thousand crowns, were spent. These gifts, moreover, we understand to have been sent to Alexander from Asia by peoples under kings and dynasts, in honor of the marriage, as we see done today; perhaps Alexander had sent letters to the governors of the provinces for that purpose; and furthermore by the leading men of the Macedonians themselves, whom victory after victory had enriched to an immense degree. But Phylarchus conveyed the magnificence and unusual character of Alexander’s court in these words, as the same author relates: [phrases] [phrases] [phrases] ... For the kings, seated beneath it, were accustomed to render justice and to attend to the petitions of nations, Phylarchus says that the golden plane-trees and the golden vine were considered inferior by comparison with the daily expense of Alexander’s royal court, even though that golden vine was made splendid by the grapes hanging from it, those indeed of emeralds and Indian carbuncles, and other gems of the highest value. Phylarchus continues in words nearly as follows: < Alexander’s field headquarters.> At first his field headquarters were capable of holding a hundred beds, and eight golden columns supported them. Above the columns, vaulting with a honeycomb-like design, joined together with gold and other precious material, elegantly crowned the highest part of the headquarters with a peaked roof. First of all, five hundred Persians, whom they called melophoroi, that is, spear-bearers with golden apple-shaped finials on their weapons, surrounded the headquarters on the inside,

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 419 gebant, luteis ac purpureis uestimentis exculti. Post hos mille sagittarij, partim flammeis induti uestibus, partim hysgino tinctis. non pauci etiam cæruleos amictus habe= bant. His quingenti Macedones præerant argenteis par= mis insignes, ob id argyraspides dicti. In augustali medio < Argyraspides.> aurea sella solio similis statuebatur: in qua residens Alexa[n] der de ijs rebus statuebat, quæ regiam sententiam posce= bant, aut præfectos ad imperia accipienda uocabat, cum interim stipatores undiq[ue] regi apparerent. Extrorsus ue= ro elephantorum agmen suis stratis contectum prætorio circundabatur, et simul Macedones mille Macedonico cultu conspicui. Ab his rursus Persæ numero decem nullia excubias agebant. Quibus autem purpuram ferremos e= rat, quingenti tantu[m] erant. ijs enim tantum ex supradictis Alexander purpurea[m] uestem dabat. Cumq[ue] tot essent præ= fecti comitesq[ue]; Alexandro et ministri, nulli ad eum acce= dere non accersito ius erat. Huiuscemodi, inquit ille, fuit dignitas et augusta species Alexandri in expeditione a= gentis post Darium uictum. Sed quod Phylarchus de pla= < Platanus uitisc[us] aurea.> tanis et aurea uite dixit, uidendum id quale sit. Idem igi= tur Athenæus circa principium lib. XII. de luxu et deli= cijs loquens ita inquit: ἧἀρης ἐν ἑμιτολλωσ[ou]ς ἐν τὴν πεῖμπτὴν τῶν περὶ αλιξανθρον ἰσοριῶν, ὃς ποιντὸν φυσιν ἐπικην πρυφής ὃι τῶν ποροσῶν ἔασπιλεῖς, ὃςε ἐχεῖδαι ἔν ἔασπιλικὴς κλῖνης ὑπὲρ κε= φαλής ὅικημάτι παντάκλινον. ἐν ὃχυσία πανταχιχίλια σκια παν κα ἐκδοτο τάλαυτα. καὶ πρὸς ὑδον ἐτροδον ὑικιμια πικλινον. ὃ τάλαυτα τριχίλια ἐχετο ἀγνωρία, καὶ προσηνοδυετο ἔασπιλ= κὸν ὑποποδον. ἐν ὃν ὑδὸν κειτῶνι καὶ λιθοκόλλητο ὃιμ= πελον ἀχυστῶν ὑπὲρ ἔν κλῖνης, καὶ πιτὸς ἀμπελον τῶντω ἀμυντ= τας φυσιν ἐν πῶς σαδυοῖς, καὶ ὑπερνας ἐχαν ἐκ τῶν ὑπολι= τελεσάτων ἔμφων σωπερμένας. Chares autem Mityle= νæus

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 419 They were dressed in garments of yellow and purple. After these came one thousand archers, some clothed in flame-colored garments, others dyed with hyacinth color. Not a few also had blue cloaks. Over these were placed five hundred Macedonians, distinguished by silver shields, and for that reason called Argyraspides. In the middle of the augustal court a golden chair, like a throne, was set up: seated in it, Alexander decided those matters which required royal judgment, or summoned the commanders to receive their orders, while meanwhile guards appeared to the king on every side. Outside, however, the troop of elephants, covered with their own draperies, surrounded the praetorium, and at the same time one thousand Macedonians, conspicuous in Macedonian dress. Behind these again, ten thousand Persians kept watch. Of those who bore purple, there were only five hundred; for to these alone, from among the above-mentioned men, Alexander gave purple garments. And since there were so many commanders, companions, attendants, and servants to Alexander, no one had the right to approach him unless summoned. Such, he says, was the dignity and august appearance of Alexander in his expedition after the defeat of Darius. But what Phylarchus said about plane trees and golden vines, it remains to be seen what that may be. Accordingly Athenæus, near the beginning of book XII, speaking of luxury and delights, says thus: ἧἀρης ἐν ἑμιτολλωσ[ou]ς ἐν τὴν πεῖμπτὴν τῶν περὶ αλιξανθρον ἰσοριῶν, ὃς ποιντὸν φυσιν ἐπικην πρυφής ὃι τῶν ποροσῶν ἔασπιλεῖς, ὃςε ἐχεῖδαι ἔν ἔασπιλικὴς κλῖνης ὑπὲρ κε= φαλής ὅικημάτι παντάκλινον. ἐν ὃχυσία πανταχιχίλια σκια παν κα ἐκδοτο τάλαυτα. καὶ πρὸς ὑδον ἐτροδον ὑικιμια πικλινον. ὃ τάλαυτα τριχίλια ἐχετο ἀγνωρία, καὶ προσηνοδυετο ἔασπιλ= κὸν ὑποποδον. ἐν ὃν ὑδὸν κειτῶνι καὶ λιθοκόλλητο ὃιμ= πελον ἀχυστῶν ὑπὲρ ἔν κλῖνης, καὶ πιτὸς ἀμπελον τῶντω ἀμυντ= τας φυσιν ἐν πῶς σαδυοῖς, καὶ ὑπερνας ἐχαν ἐκ τῶν ὑπολι= τελεσάτων ἔμφων σωπερμένας. Chares however of Mitylene

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET næus lib. v. historiarum Alexandri, Darij regis tempore in eas iam delicias Persaru[m] reges prolapsos esse scribit, ut ad caput cubilis regij co[n]claue unu[m] esset pariete uno intermedio obstructum, ea magnitudine, quæ quinq[ue] lectos caperet, in quo semper essent condita talenta auri quinq[ue]; millia hocq[ue] co[n]claue ceruical regium appellabatur. E regione uerò huius aliud esse conclaue triclinu[m] ad pariete eum excitatu[m], ad quem cubilis pedes uergebant, in quo argenti talenta numero tria millia co[n]debantur. nam etia[m] ipsum triu[m] tantum lectoru[m] capax erat, et scamnum suppedaneum regis esse dicebatur. Verum in ipso cubiculo regio uitis erat aurea gemmis insuper inclusis locupletata, eaq[ue] uelut pergula regio cubili obtendebatur. Hanc uit e[st] Amyntas in libro de mansionibus regijs, prodidit racemos etia[m] pensiles habuisse ex lapillis æstimatissimis aptos. Nec procul ab ea crater e[st] aureum collocari solitu[m] Theodori Samij opificio nobilem. Quinq[ue]; millia auri talentum non minus nullibus quinquaginta argenti ualuerunt, quæ nos trecenties centenis nullibus coronatoru[m] æstimanda esse co[n]tendimus. Tanti Persarum reges ceruicem suam inclinandam esse censuerut, et præcipuè Darius ille, quem tertio iam prælio atq[ue] etia[m] bello uictum, amicorum iuratissimi aureis compedibus uin etum, cum aliquandiu traxissent, ad extremu[m] equum conscendere negantem, nescario scelere contrucidarut. Hoc sibi fortuna ludibrium extremum ex tanta superbia comparante, ut qui tanti caput suu[m] recumbere, et pedes subniti uoluerat, tanti etia[m] manibus pedibusq[ue] uinciretur. Sic fert humana conditio, ut cum fastigium suum longè supergressa sit, continuò concidat. Quod utina[m] reges satis animaduer teret, animaduersumq[ue] meminissent. Sed unde id in mente illis ueniat? Darius enim ille Persarum regu[m] ultimus, lite- ras

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Naeus, in book 5 of the Histories of Alexander, writes that in the time of King Darius the Persian kings had already fallen into such luxuries that at the head of the royal bedchamber there was one chamber blocked off by a single intervening wall, of a size to hold five couches, in which five thousand talents of gold were always stored; and this chamber was called the royal pillow-room. Opposite this there was another chamber, a triclinium built against that wall toward which the feet of the bed were turned, in which three thousand talents of silver were kept. For it too was capable of holding only three couches, and it was said to be the king’s footstool. But in the royal chamber itself there was a golden vine, enriched with gems set in it, and it was stretched out like a canopy over the royal bed. Amyntas, in the book On Royal Residences, states that it also had hanging clusters of grapes made of the most highly valued small stones. Not far from this there was a golden bowl, usually set there, famous for the workmanship of Theodorus of Samos. Five thousand talents of gold were worth no less than fifty million silver coins, which we maintain should be reckoned at three hundred times one hundred thousand gold crowns. To such a degree did the kings of the Persians think that their neck must be bent, and especially that Darius, who, after being defeated in a third battle and also in war, bound with golden fetters by his sworn and most faithful friends, and after being dragged about for some time, finally, as he refused to mount a horse, was cut down in some atrocious crime. Fortune, making for him the final mockery from such great pride, so that he who had wanted his head to recline on so much and his feet to be supported by so much was also bound with hands and feet by so much. Thus is human nature ordered, that when it has greatly surpassed its own height, it immediately falls. Would that kings noticed this sufficiently, and remembered what they had noticed. But how should that come into their mind? For Darius, the last of the kings of the Persians, letters

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 431 ras etiam Græcas sciuit, ut autor est Curtius, nec id meminisse potuit, tum maximè florente philosophia. Idem Curtius autor est lib. 1111. cum Alexander ad Arbela castra metatus esset, qui uicus est Assyriæ Persarum clade & Alexandri uictoria nobilis, legatos Darij iteru[m] ad Alexandru[m] ad pacem petendâ uenisse, & redimendam matrem Darij cum duabus uirginibus: mandata aute[m] Darij & conditiones huiuscemodi attulerunt, quæ conditiones, Darij incredibilem opulentia[m], latæ, & Alexandri inauditam animi fiduciam atq[ue] celsitudine, non acceptæ, ostendere potueru[n]t. Verba legatorum hæc apud Curt. leguntur: Quid opus est armis, inter quos odia sublata sunt? Antea Darius imperio tuo finem destinabat Halym annem, qui Lydiâ terminat: nunc quicquid inter Hellespontum & Euphrate[m] est, in do tem filiæ offert quam tibi tradit. Ochum filium, quæ habes pacis & fidei obside[m], retine: matre & duas uirgines filias redde. pro tribus corporibus triginta millia talentum auri precatur accipias. sic enim in antiquo libro legimus, licet in impressis trigesimu[m] talentum auri legatur. & inferius: Alexander legatis excedere tabernaculo iussis, quid place ret, ad consiliu[m] refert. diu nemo quid sentiret ausus est dicere, incerta Regis uoluntate. tande[m] Parmenio, antea suasis se se ait ut captiuos apud Damascu[m] redimetibus redderet. ingente[m] pecuniâ potuisse redigi ex ijs qui multi uincti uiroru[m] fortiu[m] occupauerant manus: & nunc magnopere censere, ut unâ anum & duas puellas itineru[m] agminumq[ue]; impedimenta, x x x. mil. talentum auri permutet. Ingrata oratio regi fuit: itaq[ue] ut fine[m] dicendi fecit, Et ego, inquit, pecuniâ quàm gloriâ malle[m], si Parmenio essem: nunc Alexader, de paupertate securus sum, & me non mercatorè memini esse, sed rege. Hactenus Curt. lib. 1111. cuius illa uerba cor- ruptè

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART. IV. BOOK IIII. 431 He also knew the Greek letters, as Curtius says, and could not have remembered that, even at the time when philosophy was most flourishing. The same Curtius says in book IIII that, when Alexander had pitched camp at Arbela, which is a village in Assyria made famous by the defeat of the Persians and the victory of Alexander, the envoys of Darius came again to Alexander to seek peace, and to ransom the mother of Darius together with two maidens. But they brought such a message from Darius, and terms of this kind, which, because of Darius's incredible wealth and Alexander's unheard-of confidence and loftiness of spirit, were not accepted, could show. The words of the envoys are read in Curtius as follows: “What need is there for arms, when hatred has been removed between us? Formerly Darius set the boundary of your rule at the river Halys, which marks Lydia's border; now he offers in dowry to his daughter whatever lies between the Hellespont and the Euphrates, which he gives to you. Keep Ochus his son, whom you have as a hostage for peace and good faith; return the mother and the two maiden daughters. For the three persons he begs that you accept thirty thousand talents of gold.” For thus we read in the old book, although in printed editions it is read as the thirtieth talent of gold. And further below: Alexander, after ordering the envoys to leave the tent, refers what should please him to the council. For a long time no one dared say what he thought, because of the king's uncertain will. At last Parmenio, who had previously advised that he should restore the captives to the ransomers at Damascus, said that a great sum of money could have been obtained from those who had in their power many chained men of valour; and that he now strongly thought he should exchange one old woman and two girls, with the baggage of the train and column, for 30,000 talents of gold. The speech was unwelcome to the king; so, when he had finished speaking, he said, “And I,” he said, “would prefer wealth to glory, if I were Parmenio: but now, Alexander, I am secure as to poverty, and I remember that I am not a merchant, but a king.” Thus far Curtius, book IIII, whose words there are corruptly...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Curtij locus. ruptè uulgò leguntur, cum aliàs, tum etia quòd x x x. ta= lentis auri codices impressi habent, quod non magnum est precium, hoc est minus quadringentis talentis argenti. Plu tarchus decem millia talentum oblata fuisse dicit, non adie= cto auri uel argenti. puto igitur corruptum esse numerum etiam in antiquo codice (nullæ enim opes eam summam æ= quare possunt) aut certè argenti legendum esse, non auri: tametsi talentum auri fortasse non sexagenarium erat, ut Iustini locus. infrà uidebimus. Apud Iustinum epitome x i i i. ubi le= gitur de opibus Alexandri: Erant enim in thesauris c. mil lia talentum, & in annuo uectigali & tributo c c c. mil= lia. Ego non c c c. sed x x x. legendum censeo. non enim conuenit ut c c c. millia annua essent, & centum nullia tantum in conditis pecunijs. & alioquin x x x. nullia an= nui reditus fuisse conijcere possumus ex supradictis. Hæc ferè sunt quæ de opibus Persaru comperimus, at que etiam dici possunt, quibus hoc institutum fuit (ut diximus ex He rodoto) ut aurum atque argentum graue in thesauris ha= berent. Strabo autem ita inquit de hoc loquens: ἀν δὲ πλὴσον χρυσόν καὶ ἀρχερον ἐν τοῦς πατηνολοῦς ἔντ, νομί= σματ ἐν ὑν ουλλῶ. πρὸς τε τῶς άωρεὰς ἐκεῖνα κεχαρισμὸνα νομίδρον μαλλον, καὶ πρὸς κειμηλιων ἀπόθεσιν. ἀν ἐν νομισμα πὸ πρὸς τῶς χρήσιν ἔκινθν. ἰκατον ἐντ, κόπιν δὲ πῶλην ἐν τῶς ἐναλώμασι σύμμετρον. Maximam autem auri atq; argen= ti parte in instrumento & supellectili esse, in nummo non multam. siquidem illa elegantiora & ad munificentiam, & ad thesauros condendos apud eos existimari. Nummi autem signati tantum sufficere quantum satis sit ad usum, ideoq; signari pro modo impendiorum. Hoc institutum Institutu[m] Persarum animad uertendum. Persarum ignorasse homines ij mihi uidentur, qui cen= sent interesse Reipublicæ, ut uasa aurea & argentea, quàm

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Curtij locus. They are commonly read as corrupt in various places, and likewise because printed editions have x x x talents of gold, which is not a large sum, that is, less than four hundred talents of silver. Plutarch says that ten thousand talents were offered, not including gold or silver. Therefore I think the number is corrupt even in the ancient manuscript too (for no wealth can equal that amount), or at least that silver should be read, not gold; although perhaps a gold talent was not a sixty-mina talent, as we shall see below in the passage of Justin. In Justin’s epitome x i i i, where Alexander’s wealth is described: “For in the treasury there were c. thousand talents, and in annual revenue and tribute c c c. thousand.” I think it should be read not c c c., but x x x. For it does not agree that there should have been c c c thousand as annual income, and only one hundred thousand in stored money. And otherwise we may infer from what has been said above that the annual revenue was x x x thousand. These are almost all the things we learn about the wealth of the Persians, and also what can be said about the custom—mentioned by Herodotus—that they kept heavy gold and silver in their treasuries. Strabo, however, says this on the subject: “And there is much gold and silver among them, in their stores of coin, with the greater part devoted to gifts, and to the depositing of treasures; but of coined money only so much as is needed for use, and a moderate amount spent according to expenses.” Thus the greatest part of gold and silver is in vessels and plate, and not much in coin, since those things are regarded among them as more splendid and more suitable both for liberality and for the storing of treasures. Coined money, however, is sufficient only for ordinary use, and therefore is minted in proportion to expenditures. This Persian institution should be noted. Those men seem to me to have understood nothing of the Persians who think that it concerns the republic’s interest that golden and silver vessels, rather than ...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 433 quàm paucissima in priuatis sint césibus, & plurimum au rum argentumq[ue] consletur in officinus monetalibus, ut no musma in commercijs exuberet. Nec me latet censura olim dignum apud Romanos uisum, argentum factum domi ul tra paucula pondo habuisse: sed ob aliam causam id insti= tutum, & in penuria argenti. Verumenimuero quum im perij nostri reditus componerem cum Persicas, subqua= druplam ferme proportionem habere deprehendi. Sic enim ratiocinabar, quasi largè annua quinadena talentum mul= lia Persaru[m] reges referre in accepta potuerint. Huius sum= mæ quartam partem quadragies centenis nullibus franci= corum (hoc enim uocabulo nostri in ratiocinijs principa libus utuntur) ubere ratione æstimabam. Quam summam acceptam & expensam memoria nostra aliquot annis no= uimus. Sic igitur statuebâ, si tributa quæ quotannis ex oc= cassione gerendarum rerum uariè & libero principum ar bitratu indicuntur, ad statam fixamq[ue] summam & formu lam redigerentur, posse hilari populi conditione ad quin= quies & uicies centena millia francicorum peruenire: ue= ctigalia autem (de quibus antè diximus) & patrimoniu[m] regium ac diadematicum duodecies minimum conficere. Reliqua omnia quæ uices statas non habent (qualia sunt fortuita, & aduëtitia, & omnia in fiscum cedentia) in pa= ginam liberalitatum seponebam, cum muneribus & magi stratibus & omnibus dispensationibus quæ codicillis con= seru[n]tur à rege. his enim rebus prolixè munificetiam teperare meditar[n]etur, nec primo cuiq[ue]; petedi aditu[m] occupati largi= ri. Hanc breuiarij principalis constitutione spondere au= sim & fortunis omnibus meis cauere, populu[m] Gallicum no[n] modò ferre posse si ei iniugatur, sed etia[m] benèficij loco de= E posci

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART IB. BOOK IIII. 433 how very few things are in private hands, and how much gold and silver is coined in the mints, so that money abounds in trade. Nor is it unknown to me that in former times a censure was thought fit among the Romans, against anyone who had silver made at home beyond a few pounds: but this was instituted for another cause, and in a shortage of silver. But when I compared the revenues of our empire with those of the Persians, I found that they stood at nearly the proportion of four to one. For I reckoned as if the Persian kings could bring into account, generously, five hundred thousand talents annually. The fourth part of this sum I estimated, with good reason, at forty million French francs (for this is the term our men use in principal reckonings). We have known this sum to have been received and spent for some years within our memory. Thus I concluded that, if the taxes which are annually imposed on occasion of the conduct of affairs, in various forms and at the free discretion of princes, were reduced to a fixed and settled sum and formula, it would be possible, with the people in cheerful condition, to reach fifty-five million francs; but the revenues (of which we spoke earlier) and the royal and crown patrimony would amount to at least twelve times as much. I was setting aside all the rest, which do not have fixed periods, such as accidental and adventitious revenues, and everything that falls to the treasury, in the page of liberality, together with gifts and offices and all disbursements which are preserved in the king’s private papers. For by these things he might be accustomed to temper his generosity more broadly, and not lavish it on the first person who came at the first approach of a request. I dare promise this by the constitution of the principal brief, and to guarantee it with all my fortunes: that the French people would not only be able to bear it if it were imposed on them, but even to ask for it as a benefit.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET posciturum, dūtaxat ea lege, ut ab iniuria militari incolumem se fore & sartum tectum (ut dicitur) restipulari liceat, & semel quotannis ea cōditione imperatis regijs defuncturum. Adde, si placet, & sibi bona fide sponderi id intelligat: neque id quidem modò, sed etiam corollarij nomine hoc additurum, ut si de aris & focis dimicandum sit, repetitum se iri ubere aliqua indictione caueat. Semper enim ad incerta bellorum reges nostri uelut sanctius ærariu[m] in populi benignitate obsequiosa reconditu[m] habueru[n]t. Quòd si qushuius anni collatione[m] reputet anni superioris collatione[m] excipientem, atq[ue] in id tempus utra[m]q[ue] incurrente[m], quo & uis maior seu coeli intemperies calamitate[m], et uis improbior (quæ militaris est petulatia) pauperie[m] longè late que per rura fecere, nullus iam modus æstimationis erit. Nam cum aliàs ferè ea populi imperia accipientis obsequentia, & tributa præstationesq[ue] alias imperatium duritia apud nos esse soleat, quæ est uinitoris aut insciti, aut minimè indulgetis, qui pluribus palmitibus uitè quàm pro stirpium uiribus onerare non ueretur, quum nihilo secius imperatas uuas uitis frugifera reddat: tum sic actum est hoc biennio (quod nuremur plebicola principe) quasi postremùm tributa atque simul omnia iniungerentur, perinde ut conductores agere iam ferè exactis lustrorum annis assolent, qui prædio non suo mox futuro, multorum annorum fructum exprimunt improbius. Sed scilicet fatali diraq[ue] (ut ego quidem arbitror) omnium propè ordinum ignauia, incuriaq[ue] pari, insignes anni fueru[n]t, eo utiq[ue] te[m]pore, quo nemo ferè Gallus indole Gallica inuētus est. Etenim per deu[m] perq[ue] publicam cōscientiam, quo to cuiq[ue] gloriari licet sua in rem publicam officia cōstitisse? Certè nulli, ut uide

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET he is to be called upon, provided only that on this condition he may stipulate in return that he will be safe from military injury and, as the saying is, safe and sound, and that once each year he will have to pay the royal exactions on that condition. Add, if you please, and let him understand that this is also pledged to him in good faith: and not only that, but this is further added by way of a corollary, namely, that if one must fight for hearth and home, he should beware lest he be sought out again by some further levy. For our kings have always kept, as it were, a more sacred treasury for the uncertainties of war, stored up in the people’s dutiful generosity. But if one considers the levy of this year as succeeding that of the previous year, and both falling due over that same period, during which both greater force, or unseasonable weather, brought disaster, and a worse force, which is military insolence, spread poverty far and wide through the countryside, then there will now be no limit to the estimation. For since elsewhere the obedience of the people receiving such commands, and their taxes and other payments, is ordinarily met with the harshness of rulers, which is that of a vine-grower either ignorant or least indulgent, who does not hesitate to burden the vine with more branches than its strength allows, although nevertheless the vine, when ordered to bear grapes, does make it fruitful: yet in this biennium it has been acted as though, under a plebeian prince—since we are reckoned so—taxes and all demands were being imposed for the last time, just as contractors, when the years of their leases are almost over, are accustomed to act, who from property not their own, soon to pass to another, extract the fruit of many years more wickedly. But surely by a fatal and, as I think, dreadful sloth of almost all ranks alike, and equal negligence, these have been remarkable years, especially at a time when scarcely any Frenchman has been found with the French spirit. Indeed, by God and by the public conscience, where is there any man to boast that his duties to the commonwealth have been upheld? Certainly none, as

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uidetur, eoru[m] quidem certè qui à memoria aut co[n]silijs principi, & super sanctiora officia fuisse dictitantur. Ecquado autem post homunum memoriam strenuis magis nauisq[ue] ducibus & loricatis & togatis respublica indigere uisa est? At utrosque eam nunquam tatum desiderasse constat, quum populo id uociferante, omnes etiam ordines tumultuose admurmurarent. Heu dissoluta inertia, plebeij gemetis uoce no[n] commoueri? Nutrici regiæ ac publicæ, iam exuetæ atq[ue] aridæ, primores eius alumnos neutiquam condolesce re? Quòd si parum de comprimendo ore fame laboramus, dum famem longe à nostris priuatim penatibus arceamus, ne deu[m] quidem res humanas credimus despectare? E equo igitur unquam tempore maior (ut ita dicam) < Ad limen obseruant ij qui aditum aulæ interioris claudunt pro potestate, & aperium,> seges emerendæ gratiæ tum diuinæ tum humanæ fuit, si ijs qui ad limina obseruabant, publicæ charitatis guttulam paracletus ille spiritus subinstillasset, qui totum se iam profundere creditur simul ac creare potifices eisdem libitum est? Atenim rex aures ferendæ ueritati non habet, nec oppidani homines scire possumus quid cum principe in aula interiore agatur. Quot igitur eorum tandem, aut quoties ipsos uidimus (ut ita loquar) excuriatos ob id, quòd ingenuè homines dicerent eos esse prolocutos, aut uicem publicam egregiè conquestos? Hæc in pullata forsitan turba admutti excusatio potest, quæ trans tectoria uultuum introspicere præ hebeti acie non potest: inter eos no[n] potest, qui aliam opinionem habent, cum ex usu ipsam aulico, tu[m] ex ingenio principis plebicolæ & indulgetis, ex eorumq[ue] ipsorum moribus confirmatam. Ego ut credam causam populi eos agere, qui nihil no[n] sibi suisq[ue] impetrare auserreq[ue] non uerentur? aut regiæ charitatis igniculos excitare eos posse, qui beneficentiæ fines gentilitate aut cognatione circum

Transcription: Translated (English)

It seems to have been true for those, certainly, who are said to be in the prince’s memory or counsels, and above the more sacred offices. But at what time since the memory of mankind has the commonwealth seemed to need more energetic commanders, both naval and armored and in civilian dress? Yet it is clear that it has never lacked both, when, with the people shouting it, all the orders too were muttering in uproar. Alas, dissolved by inertia, can you not be moved by the voice of the common people’s groans? Can you not pity the pupils of the royal and public nurse, now dried up and parched? And if we labor little to suppress the mouth in hunger, while we keep hunger far from our private homes, do we not believe even God himself looks down on human affairs? When, therefore, at any time was there ever a greater crop, so to speak, of earned favor, both divine and human, than when those who kept watch at the thresholds— those who, by authority, close and open the entrance to the inner court—had been given by the spirit of public charity a drop, as it were, to instill, that Spirit which is now believed to pour itself out wholly as soon as it is pleased to create priests from among them? But the king has no ears for truth to be endured, nor can we, as townsmen, know what is being done with the prince in the inner court. How many of them, then, or how often have we seen them, so to speak, stripped for that reason, because plain-speaking men said they had spoken out, or because they had complained excellently on behalf of the public? Perhaps this excuse may be made for the black-clad crowd, which cannot peer through the coverings of faces because of its dull sight; but it cannot among those who hold another opinion, since it is confirmed both by the courtly practice itself and by the prince’s disposition—popular and indulgent—and by their own character. Am I to believe that those are acting for the people’s cause who are not ashamed to extort everything for themselves and theirs, and do not fear to do so? Or that they can kindle sparks of royal charity, who have bounded the limits of beneficence by kinship or blood relation?

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circuscribentes, ad suffragationes aut pias aut honestas, frigidiores esse Salamandra uidentur? Quonam autem modo existimabo diuinæ legis eos ratione ullam habere, quos in actu uniuersitatis stipulationes priuatim identidem eôcipere notum est? Quid eos deniq[ue]; pensi habere credam, quos populo ad extremam inopiam redacto, Crassianis e[ss]e sibus penates suos augere nec piguit nec puduit? Atqui eò iam uentum esse uideo, ut uelut in lusu talario populus damnoso semper iactu miser, omnia sua in medium conferre teneatur, cum aulæ pauci alumni tanquam iactu Venereo fortunati, uniuersa raptim, aut certè pignora uniuersorum auferant: nos autem ludi fortunæ spectatores, proculq[ue] ab actu summoti, ut immunes, ita exortes, risum interdum rebus, interdum lacrymas suspiriaq[ue] accommodemus. Hæc enim non tam Democrito spectatore quàm Heraclito indigent. Hæc alea dudum Gallia omnis æui decus gloriamq[ue]; perdidit, ut parcissimè loquar. Verumenimue- Adagium Græcum. ro est in Græcorum prouerbio, superni Louis tesseras nun quam non aut cadere commodè, aut tandem euenire: quo intelligi uolunt, deum quum rebus humanis lentam quide[m] manum, sed incluctabilem admouit, cum euentum cuique rei dare solere, quem aut hominu[m] promerita, aut secus admussa postulauerint. Quare qui lusu antedicto immodicè creuerunt, cauere (ut opinor) etiam atque etiam debent, ne sibi propterea ninuopere gratulentur. Si enim deus uicissim alcam suam iccerit, isti qui nunc Venerem sibi cecidisse lætantur atque triumphant, uersa uice ludi, sero quidem casu, sed caniculari concident. Siquidem nec impostura fieri iudicio diuino potest, nec diuinæ iustitiæ præscribi ullo tempore aut titulo. Sui autem amor nimius, et charitas publica, tam inter se dissident, ut ne glutino quidem gerend

Transcription: Translated (English)

Do those who are engaged in making up the votes, for either pious or honorable suffrages, seem any colder than a salamander? And in what way shall I think that they have any regard for divine law, whom it is well known, in the conduct of the whole body, to take private contracts over and over again? What, finally, shall I believe they value, who, when the people have been reduced to extreme poverty, have not been ashamed or embarrassed to increase their own households with Crassian resources? And indeed I now see that matters have come to such a pass that the people, as though in a game of dice, ever miserable through a ruinous throw, are bound to put all their own possessions into the middle, while a few pupils of the court, as if fortunate by a Venus throw, quickly carry off everything, or at least the pledges of all. But we, spectators of fortune’s game, set apart from the action, as exempt and excluded, apply laughter now to these things, now tears and sighs. For these matters call not so much for Democritus as spectator as for Heraclitus. This game of dice has long since deprived all Gaul of its former distinction and glory, to speak as sparingly as possible. Yet there is a Greek proverb: the dice of the highest god never fail either to fall well or to come out at last; by which they mean that God, when he has applied his slow yet irresistible hand to human affairs, is accustomed to give to each matter the outcome which either men’s merits, or the reverse, have demanded. Therefore those who have grown excessively rich by the aforesaid game ought, as I think, to beware very carefully lest they congratulate themselves on that account. For if God in turn should throw his own dice, those who now rejoice and triumph that Venus has fallen to their lot will, when the game is reversed, fall by the throw themselves, late indeed, but on the fatal day. For neither can deception be practiced against divine judgment, nor can any time or title prescribe to divine justice. And excessive self-love and public charity are so at odds with one another that not even with glue could it be

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. geredi magistratus uel honoris sociabilia esse possint. Tu demum igitur aula Franciæ rectè constituta esse dicetur, quum ij qui summam rerum tenebunt, sui & larium suo= rum obliuisci tantisper uidebuntur. Nunc autem ita ad a= ctum rerum honunes partim irrepere, partim irrumpere uidemus & prosilire, ut quos tenues et ieiunos uiderimus pridie, distentiores recinus cernamus postridie. En queis cum in tenebris micemus, ut in utranq[ue] aurem reges secu= ri, somno sopiri possint, qui huiuscemodi uicârijs atq[ue] ad= ministratoribus habenas rerum concrediderunt. At etiam homines eximium se decus meritos esse adeptos que cense bunt, si res dudum accisæ, benignitate diuina uberiores fie ri iam coepere citra pulueris tætum, ut est in prouerbio. Quasi uerò obscurum sit ductores ipsos ordinum impa= res grauioribus curis, consertis (ut aiunt) manibus opta= bundos, fatis omnia regenda permisisse, casuumq[ue] temeri= tati: quum interim populus alienæ culpæ poenas pendens (ut assolet) insulas ac fercula propitiatoria circunferens, ueniam & pacem superum, supinis ad aras manibus expo sceret atque exoraret. Num etiam (si dijs placet) proui= dentiam suam populo imputabunt ij qui auras omnes laxa menti securitatisq[ue] priuatæ captantes, in pacem tande ge= nialem fato auspice decidunt? Equidem sacrilegij instar esse putarem, si id quod præter hominum opinionem diui= nitus fatis ita competentibus euenit, humana prudetia ac= ceptum sibi ferri uellet, aut etiam sineret. Quis autem ne= scit quàm malè parati ad occasiones eramus, quàm undi= que deprehensi & stupetes, nisi deus nullo nostro merito impetum iræ suæ repressisset? Gratias igitur ob id habere & agere clemetiæ diuinæ, no[n] nostræ gratulari prudetiae debemus. Neque uerò ex illa iactatione foederum anniuer E 3 sario

Transcription: Translated (English)

Part B. Book IV. ... that they may be capable of being companions in magistracy or honor. Then, and only then, will the court of France be rightly said to be well ordered, when those who hold the highest power will seem for a time to forget themselves and those of their own household. But now we see men, some stealing in, some bursting in, and others leaping forward into the business of state, so that those whom we saw lean and famished the day before, we behold the next day grown sleek and well-fed. Behold in whose hands we grope in the dark, while kings, secure and asleep on both ears, may be lulled by sleep, because they have entrusted the reins of affairs to such vicars and administrators. Yet these men will think that they have obtained a remarkable honor and earned great distinction, if matters long reduced and worn down begin now, by divine favor, to become more plentiful, and that without raising a cloud of dust, as the proverb says. As if indeed it were not plain that the leaders themselves of the orders, unequal to weightier cares, with hands joined, as they say, had chosen to commit everything to fate and to the chance of events; while in the meantime the people, paying the penalties for another’s fault, as is usual, carrying around propitiatory offerings and feast-offerings, with hands lifted up to the altars, sought and implored pardon and peace from above. And shall those, if it please the gods, even claim to the people as their own providence what they, grasping at every breeze of private ease and security, finally by fate’s favor fall into a peaceful and pleasant repose? Indeed, I should think it akin to sacrilege if anyone wished to claim for human prudence, or even allow it to be claimed for it, that what happened beyond men’s expectation was brought about by divine providence in accordance with the appointed course of fate. And who does not know how ill prepared we were for the occasion, how on every side taken unawares and stupified, unless God, without any merit of ours, had checked the onset of His wrath? We ought therefore to give thanks for this and to ascribe it to divine mercy, not to congratulate our own prudence. Nor indeed from that boasting about annual treaties and agreements ... E 3 annual

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sariorum satis ipsi uidemur in portu quædam fixi certi[us]; eosilij respexisse, nec pignus certum habemus pacis superum ueniæ que impetratæ. Quid ni enim has ego superum inducias potius quàm pacem uocandas esse putem, cum aspectum in coelum nos referre no[n] uideam? Simul ab istis Galcripetis metuo (ut aperte loquamur) qui nos semper è tranquillo in æstum atque in scopulu[m] auferunt, fatali Fræciæ calamitate. Hic facere no[n] possum, quin ad aliquantum spatij amoenioris excedam à proposito, animoq[ue]; obsequar meo, opere multo iam fatigato. Nam quum in mentem mihi earum rerum uenit, quas post decimum abhinc annum uidimus: mihi uidetur animaduersio diuina uelut lanista quidam præpotens totius propè Occidentis imperia inter se commisisse, nempe ut uicissim bella populi propulsantes & inferetes, iustitiæ supernæ poenas penderent insolentiæ, & tanquam sanguinem mitterent opulentiæ exuberantis. Atque ut reliquos omittam, nos in Italia rebus gestis froces, Venetis bellum utcunque indiximus, indictumq[ue]; strenuè gessimus cum contemptu hostium, atq[ue] ingenti uirium nostrarum fiducia id etiam mura felicitate uno prælio, ductu & auspicijs principis penè profligauimus. Huius clarissimæ victoriæ quum lauream non sceptris nostris alligare, sed in gremio summi Louis (ut aiunt) deponere deberemus (ancipiti enim alea prælium commissum suisse notum est, nec incrueto Marte confectum) pro eo ut benigni tatem diuinam summamq[ue]; potestatem agnosceremus, victoria ipsi stroces, subinde gigantea propè immanitate theomachiam meditari institimus, in superos'que uelitari: quu[m] interim & à nobis et ab hostibus sacrosancti liticines bellicum occineret. Heu fatalis furor utrarum que partium. Quid, malum? nos maiorum nostrorum pietas no[n] moue bat?

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASH AND we seem to ourselves to be in the harbor, certain things fixed more securely; having looked back upon those things, we have no certain pledge of peace, nor of the grace that has been obtained from above. For why should I not rather think that these are truces from heaven rather than to be called peace, when I do not see that we can lift our gaze to the sky? At the same time I fear those Gallic reavers (to speak plainly) who always drag us from calm into heat and onto the rocks, by the fatal calamity of France. Here I cannot do otherwise than depart somewhat from my purpose to a pleasanter space, and follow my own mind, since I am now much wearied by the work. For when I call to mind those things which we have seen since the tenth year now past: it seems to me that divine providence, like some mighty trainer, has made nearly all the empires of the West engage one another, namely so that, alternately repelling and inflicting wars upon the peoples, they might pay the penalties of heavenly justice for insolence, and, as it were, bleed off an overabundant prosperity. And, to pass over the rest, we in Italy, brave in deeds, declared war on the Venetians in whatever way, and having declared it, we waged it vigorously, with contempt for the enemy and with great confidence in our own strength; and that too with happy fortune we nearly crushed them in a single battle, under the leadership and auspices of the prince. When we ought to have bound the laurel of this most glorious victory not to our scepters, but to lay it in the lap of the supreme Louis (as they say), since it is known that the battle was committed to the hazard of a twofold chance, and was not brought to an end without bloodshed, in order that we might acknowledge divine kindness and supreme power, we, after the victory, at once almost with gigantic savagery, set ourselves to meditate war against God and to make threats against heaven; while meanwhile the sacred heralds were sounding the signal for war both among us and from the enemy. Alas, the fatal madness of both sides. What? Did not the piety of our ancestors move us?

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 439 bat? illos heroicorum temporum sanctitatis non pudebat? An eius temporis fortasse in mentem non ueniebat, quum diuus Petrus Paulus que & eorum sequaces ecclesiæ ar= chitecti, no armorum splendentium fiducia infesti ad præ= lia grassabantur, sed cruce, sed innocentia freti, cætera in= ermes, ad castra CHRISTI tuenda in tumultu fla= grantissimæ charitatis classico ciebantur? < Alludere uide t ad conciliu[m] Pj fas indictum.> Nunc inania tantùm ipsi nomina tanto interuallo facti, etsi eorum de= mum maiestate apud populos sacrosancta, sacerdotum ordines primarij fastus suos obumbrant. O diram porten= tosamq; uecordiam sacrosancta potestatis. Quis enim un= quam tantùm animo concepit nefas, ut sacerdotum culmè, ut cleri magister, ut sacrorum summus opifex, manus in= auguratrices, ab altaris operatu adhuc calentes, in fami= liam domini armare sustineret? ut animo plus quàm gla= diatorio grassaretur ad Christiani nomunis columè mun= do stupente delendum? & nunc mysticum illum ensem cæ sim punctimq; irrito (ut credimus) proposito uibraret, nunc à Marte sanguinariam frameam mutuaretur, & co[m] sternatos diris execrationibus (quæ fortasse in eum ipsæ uerterunt) ad internecionem quoque persequi connitere= tur? En quos pedes, quas manus libes exosculare, inde ut os cruëtum ac pollutum referres. Miserum uerò te tum Iu li, atque intemperijs actu, qui usqueadeo iræ cæcæ indul= gedum putaris. Tute ut trásuersus & præceps uesana ani mi cæcitate raperere? & nec te, nec decoru[m] maiestatis bea tissimæ præ odio respiceres, sed ordinem amplissimum, sed senatum illum purpuratum, præcipua ueneratione insi= gnem, sed Libani gloriam splendoremq; tecum rapies, inui tum bona ex parte et mussitatem, arcis ecclesiæ ruina nos obruere teq; adeò ipsum cuperes? orbem etiam penè totu[m] E 4 conc

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. BOOK IV. 439 Were they not ashamed of the sanctity of heroic times? Or perhaps did it not occur to them that in those days, when divine Peter and Paul and their followers, the architects of the Church, did not rush into battle trusting in the glitter of arms, but, relying on the cross and on innocence, though otherwise unarmed, were stirred in the tumult by the trumpet-call of most ardent charity to defend the camp of CHRIST? <He seems to allude to the council of Pius, which was appointed by law.> Now only empty names remain to them after so long an interval of deeds, and although at last by their majesty among the peoples as sacrosanct, the leading orders of priests overshadow their own pride. O dreadful and monstrous madness of sacrosanct power! For who ever conceived in his mind such wickedness, that the summit of the priesthood, the teacher of the clergy, the highest maker of sacred things, should endure to arm hands of ordination, still warm from the work of the altar, against the household of the Lord? that he should rage with a mind more than gladiatorial to destroy, to the astonishment of the Christian name, its summit before the world? And now he would brandish that mystic sword, both in cutting and thrusting, for an idle (as we believe) purpose, now he would borrow from Mars a bloodstained spear, and would strive to pursue the prostrate with dreadful curses to utter destruction as well—curses which perhaps have turned back upon him himself. Behold whose feet, whose hands you would kiss, so that you might return a bloodstained and polluted mouth. Truly wretched were you then, O Julius, and in action given over to excess, who were thought to yield so far to blind anger. Were you thus dragged away, turned aside and headlong, by the blind madness of your mind? And did you not regard either yourself or the decorum of most blessed majesty because of hatred, but rather the most eminent order, but that purple senate, distinguished by special reverence, but the glory and splendor of Libanus, carrying along with you even that unwillingness in large part and muttering, so that the ruin of the Church’s stronghold might overwhelm us, and that you yourself might so greatly desire it? almost the whole world even E 4 conc

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G. EVD. DE ASSE ET concuteres, fulminibus ciendis intorquendisq[ue] collabefactum? ut nos odio & inuidia flagranteis, igneq[ue] deinde ardentes, toruis istis oculis inspiceres? nec ia recusares, quin in rogum nostrum flamantem uoti compos insilires? Proh superi immortales? tantum ne de summo sanctuarij uertice licuit malesuadæ noxæ, ut æstro uindictæ plusquam Atreiæ perctum per fas ageret nefas que præcipitem, ut uel corpus animumq[ue] in busto inimicorum properaret ire perditum? Non fuit iræ efferatissimæ satis, retro nos in fines fulmine perterrefactos egisse, italiæ perditè nobis adamatæ possessione cedentes cum fremutu genutú que, nisi de æris insuper ac focis dimicare, extremaq[ue] deinde exempla timere coëgisset: quum interim sub ipso lanista sanguinario totus propemodum hic orbis nobiscum pariter digladiaretur animo infestissimo. Vbi nam erat igitur ille zelus domini, quæ est ira iusta læsæ aut imminutæ uindex diuinæ maiestatis? Hoc enim demum signifero in aciem prodire sacris cohortibus fas est, siquando prodire fas est. Num tandem igitur ille ex æde Charitatis aut Fidei sacello ancilia prompterat, & signa cruciatæ? Ecquid igitur cum pudebat seruum dei se uocare, cum Franciam Christianorum decus semper, & pontificum olim religionisq[ue] asylum, bustis iste Gallicis insignire gestiret? quum sacerdos septuagenarius, Christi pacis conditoris & parentis legatus, Bel lonæ sacris operaretur: cui cum generis humani luculento dispendio litare contendebat, idq[ue] tum, quum profanu[m] uulgus ad delubra pacis & concordiæ miserabili specie supplicationes inibat? Enimuero uisendum spectaculum, patrem non modò sanctissimum, sed etiam senio & canitie spectabilem, quasi ad tumultum Gallicum è Belonæ fano suos euocatos cientem, no[n] trabea, non augustis insignibus uene Alludit ad eum locum qui olim Romæ busla Gallica dictus est ob Gallos quondam Camilli tempore aceruarim illic sepultos.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. EVDO. DE ASSE ET would you shake it, and, hurling down thunderbolts, batter it to pieces? So that, with us blazing with hatred and envy, and then burning in the fire, you might gaze on us with those harsh eyes? Would you not rather refuse to do so, unless, victorious in our burning pyre, you were to leap into it? O immortal gods! Was it permitted from the very summit of the sanctuary to malice and wrong, that, in the heat of vengeance more than Atreian, wickedness might drive headlong what is forbidden by every law, so that it might even hasten to destroy both body and soul on the funeral pyre of its enemies? Was the most frenzied rage not content to have driven us backward into the borders, thunderstruck and terrified, yielding possession of Italy, dearly though we loved it, with groans and tears, unless it had also compelled us to fight over the very altars and hearths, and then to fear the most extreme examples? Meanwhile, under that bloodstained taskmaster, almost the whole world was wrestling with us in a mind utterly hostile. Where then was that zeal for the Lord, what was the just wrath, the avenger of violated or diminished divine majesty? For only then is it lawful for sacred bands to go forth into battle with the standard-bearer, if ever it is lawful to go forth. Did he then at last take shield and standards from the shrine of Charity or the chapel of Faith? And was it at all fitting, while he was ashamed to call himself a servant of God, that he should long to mark France, always the glory of Christians, and once the refuge of popes and of religion, with Gallic tombs? While a seventy-year-old priest, the envoy of Christ the founder and father of peace, was ministering in the rites of Bellona, against whom he strove to make sacrifice at the terrible cost of the human race; and this too while the profane crowd, in miserable fashion, entered the shrines of peace and concord with supplications? Truly it was a sight to be seen: a father not only most holy, but also remarkable for age and white hair, as though summoning his own people, called forth to a Gallic tumult from the temple of Bellona, with no trabea, no august insignia borne He alludes to that place which was once called the Gallic tombs at Rome because the Gauls, who had been buried there in a heap in the time of Camillus, had formerly been slain there.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 441 uenerâdum, non pòtificijs gestaminibus sacrosanctum, sed paludamento & cultu barbarico conspicuum: sed furiali (ut ita dicam) confidetia succinctum, pulmunibus illis bruitis & inanibus luridum, emunente in truci uultu cultu que spirituum atrocitate. Profectò nos uidimus paucis annis multa quæ prorsus maiora fide posteris uidebuntur. Hoc turbine, hac procella luxata ecclesiasticæ autoritatis ac disciplinæ compage, quo nam modo fides recta, nisi clauis trabalibus & æternis fixa, sacrisq[ue] monumentis semel affirmata co[n]stabilitaq[ue], stetisset? Verùm o superiboni, quàm præstò manus ipsa dei affuit, quondam ipsa ecclesiæ architectatrix? Quam autem eadem ipsa ueluti num[m]e tragicum (ut dicitur) e machina necopinatò uisa est præsentissima opitulatrix? Nam illo pontifice de medio mox sublato, < Leonis X. præconiu> hunc murificis comitijs eade[m] manus suffecit, intestini protinus externiq[ue] belli pacificatorem, qui caliginem sanctuario domini incubantem discussurus haud dubiè existimatur, coeli que liberum aspectum omnino redditurus: quum etiam eadem manus diuina Iulium ipsum ante mortem Titanici sceleris cordolio tetigisse crederetur, ut utar uerbo comuco in re prorsus tragica. Nos tam[m]e eas poenas (ut ingenuè fatear quod negare non possum) meritò pependimus, ob uictorias (ut iam dixi) luculentas semper insolentes, ne non planè Galli, priscoru[m]q[ue] simules Fraci, nunc esse uideamur. Siquidem supradictarum rerum religione obstrictis Gallicarum copiaru[m] animus. (ferre enim diu piaculi religionem uiri Christianissimu nequeunt) idem qui à nostris deus in rebus secundis no[n] agnitus fuerat, ex fauore mox in iram uersus (si tam[m]e irasci deus potest) lymphatico primùm pauore consternatos retro egit in Franciam: deinde etiam classicis circu[m]sonantibus pautanters, de aris E 5 ac

Transcription: Translated (English)

venerable, not sacred with pontifical vestments, but conspicuous with cloak and barbaric dress; yet girded with a kind of frenzied confidence, squalid with those empty and brutish lungs, and with the atrocity of spirits expressing itself in a fierce countenance and garb. Indeed, within a few years we have seen many things that posterity will regard as altogether beyond belief. In this storm, in this tempest, when the framework of ecclesiastical authority and discipline had been shaken apart, how could right faith have stood firm unless fixed with eternal nails and once confirmed and established by sacred monuments? But, O most excellent ones, how ready the hand of God itself was, once the very architect of the Church? And how that same hand, like a tragic deity, as they say, suddenly appeared from the machine as a most present helper? For when that pontiff was soon taken from the midst, the praise of Leo X, this same hand supplied him by a building council, a pacifier of internal and external war, who is undoubtedly thought to be about to drive away the darkness resting upon the sanctuary of the Lord and to restore completely the open view of heaven; since it was also believed that the same divine hand had long before touched Julius himself with the grief of the Titanic crime before his death, if I may use a comic word in a matter altogether tragic. Yet we ourselves have deserved those penalties — to confess candidly what I cannot deny — on account of our victories, as I have already said, always brilliant yet always overbold, lest we appear to be not truly French, but rather like the ancient Franks. For the minds of the Gallic troops, bound by the religion of the aforesaid matters — for most Christian men are unable to bear for long the burden of expiation — were the same, and God, whom in prosperous affairs we had not acknowledged, soon, out of favor, turned into wrath (if indeed God can be angry), first drove them back in panic, struck with a dazed fear, into France; then also, with the trumpets sounding all around, they...

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ac laribus dimicare delicias suas Francos, aut certè tergiuersari coëgit. Quo tumultu ac dedecore quum iam multum poenarum uidereimur superis pependisse, nec ideo uecordiam nostram expiatam esse putaremus: hostes autem rursus bellum & tumultum inferre, nos propulsare pigeret (neque enim satis iam animorum nobis, præsertim quu[m] alibi manus nostræ distineretur: neque illis satis copiarum aut apparatus fuisse dictitatur) factum est omnia moderante prouidentia, utrisque ut commoda pax esse crederetur, fremete tum Sinone aquilisero, qui libens incedia miscere magno tumultu solebat, & rursus extinguere, in utranq[ue] partem alternans, sæpe leues ob causas atque indignissimas. Ita animaduersio diuina ut lanista placidus ac clemens, duos populos ad internecionem iamiam digladiaturos, medio in certamine diremit, co[n]tenta (ut spero) ad sanitatem & modestiam utrosq[ue] redegisse. Inuidia enim apud superos utrinq[ue] flagrabamus ob redundateis opes. I amq[ue] eò uentum putabatur, ut illi hausturi propediem de fece, nos etiam resecturi de uiuo uideremur. Tametsi in ea sum opinione, ut nobis improuisa tempestate iactatis, una & altera (ut dicitur) anchora sicca restaret, si gubernandi satis nari in tumultu atq[ue] in trepidatione fuissemus. Qua[n]do enim Francia omnibus rebus instructa, deo quidem non aduerso, undique deprehensa est, atque ad incitos redacta? ut est in prouerbio. Ecce autem rursus hic mihi uereri subit, ne in geniali foedere præteritorum nobis obliuio surrepat, & ueluti rude donatos nos esse diuinitus existimemus, quasi iterum nobis bellum non timendum sit, duntaxat pro portis propulsandum, pro laribus, pro pignoribus. Nam ne nusquam belligeremus, inquies noster animus ferre nullo modo potest. Sic opes iam nimias con- teri

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET and compelled the French to fight for their pleasures and homes, or at least to back down. In that uproar and disgrace, when we already seemed to have seen much punishment hanging over us from the gods, and yet did not think that our folly had been expiated, the enemy, on the other hand, again to bring on war and commotion, and us to be slow to repel it—since our strength was now not sufficient, especially when our hands were occupied elsewhere, and it is said that they too had not enough forces or equipment—by the act of Providence, all things being governed, it came about that both sides were thought to have a favorable peace, while that eagle-bearing Sinon still raged, who used gladly to stir up conflagrations amid great tumult and then extinguish them again, shifting from one side to the other, often for slight and most unworthy causes. So divine correction, like a calm and merciful trainer, parted two peoples who were just about to duel to the death, in the midst of the contest, having contented itself, as I hope, with bringing both back to health and moderation. For we were burning with envy before the gods on both sides because of our overflowing wealth. And it was now thought that they were soon to draw from the dregs, while we too seemed about to be cut back while still alive. Although I am of the opinion that, had we, tossed by an unexpected storm, had one or two anchors left, as the saying goes, dry, if we had been sufficiently skilled in steering amid turmoil and panic. For when was France, furnished with all things, not indeed with God hostile, taken in on every side and driven to extremity, as the proverb has it? But behold, I am again moved to fear here lest in this genial alliance the forgetfulness of the past creep in upon us, and we should think ourselves as it were released by divine gift, as though war were no longer to be feared by us, but only to be repelled at the gates, for our hearths, for our children. For that our spirit cannot in any way endure not to wage war somewhere, you will say. Thus our wealth, now excessive, is being worn away.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 443 teri bello continenti necesse est, et referre dicunt nostroru[m] quorundam ærarij dispensatorum, principes à rebus bellicis nunquam esse seriatos, ne tranquillo rerum statu rationes ipsis recognoscere uacet. O beatam futurâ Galliâ, si tam ei contigisset heros habere frugi, quàm bonos habe re solet. Nam mancipia, ut quæ maximè unquam prouinicia, dicto habet audientia, etiam si suum ius seruientibus constat, æquitate domunatium. I amprimum in ea summum Liberi patris cum Cerere certamen, ut uini nobilitates no[n] < Francix bona.> possis sine nomenclatoris opera numerare. Mitto temperiem coeli & clemetiam, & quòd utriusque maris cinetu & commercio commodè comuterq[ue] habitatur. soli ubertas tata est in uniuersum etiam inter inopes frugum sterilesq[ue] prouincias, ut quasi annonæ præfecturam sub cardine nostro gerere existimemur, prorsus (absit inuidia uerbo) ut ieiunia indicere finitimis, uictum que abstemium cum libuit possimus, quum sume (ut ita dicam) Occidentis arare uideamur, si in uniuersum fiat æstimatio. Adde animorum alacritatem ad res omnes inceptandas, tum dexteritatem corporum impigram atque eximam ad uices obeundas: quibus si mulitaris disciplina constantiam addidisset, nihil esset utique quod in nobis ab exteris requireretur. nam nostris quidem satisfacere nullo modo possumus, ut antea dictum est, qui nos in ordinem nuper Barbarorum coëgissee dicuntur, nec disciplinas nobis politicas, nec prudentiam concedentes. Equidem proborum hominum esse non puto, ingenitam simplicitatem in Francis improbare, quæ in latebris mentis insidias condere non didicit. Atqui nisi Genius Francici diadematis iam inde ab incremento sceptrorum ita ferme semper tulisset, ut oculis & auribus alienis uti, decus esse regium crederetur, sicq[ue] sæpe fieret impe

Transcription: Translated (English)

...in continuous war it is necessary, and they say that some of our financial stewards report that princes are never far removed from military affairs, lest, while all is peaceful, they should have leisure to examine their accounts themselves. O future Gaul most blessed, if it had been granted to it to have such a hero as it is accustomed to have good men. For his subjects, as the most dutiful provincials ever, obey his word, and even though their own right remains with those who serve, he rules by the fairness of his lords. First in it is the highest contest of Father Liber with Ceres, so that the varieties of wine can be counted not without the help of a nomenclator. I pass over the temperateness of the climate and its mildness, and the fact that by the circuit and commerce of both seas it is conveniently inhabited on both sides. The fertility of the soil is such throughout, even among provinces poor in grain and barren of crops, that we seem to hold, as it were, the prefecture of supply under our own pole; indeed, to speak plainly, free from envy, we can impose fasts on our neighbors, and when we wish we can live on spare fare, since we seem to be plowing, so to speak, the very altar of the West, if judgment be made in general. Add to this the eagerness of minds for undertaking all things, and then the nimble, untiring, and exceptional agility of bodies in discharging their tasks: had military discipline added constancy to these, there would surely be nothing that would be demanded of us by foreigners. For we ourselves, as has been said before, can by no means satisfy our own people, who are said to have recently forced us into line with the barbarians, granting us neither political training nor prudence. Indeed I do not think it the part of good men to condemn the native simplicity in the Franks, which has not learned to hide snares in the recesses of the mind. Yet unless the Genius of the Frankish diadem, from the very rise of the scepters, had almost always so carried matters that it was thought a royal distinction to use the eyes and ears of others, and thus that it often became...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET imperij magni potentes, semisses, quincunces atque trien= tes, ut fortuna tulit, homines, qui imperandi uetandiq[ue]; im= potentes esse in actu rerum deprehenduntur: qua sumus rerum omnium instructi commoditate, Persici quodammo do regni nunc instar obtineremus. Cui enim tandem pro= uinciæ itidem datum est, omnia ut pacis belliq[ue]; subsidia, et sua, & (quod dicitur) in numerato haberet: Ita nobis co= piæ uostræ equestres stato perpetuoq[ue]; stipedio descriptæ, in turmasq[ue]; centenarias quinquagenarias que c[on]turiatæ, non dico præstò sunt, si ad delectum edictumq[ue]; citentur, sed etiam in procinctu, & arrectæ ad bellicum exaudien= dum: ex quibus centurias habemus cum ad præsidia regni omni in parte collocatas, tum uerò ad incerta casuum sta= tiones agenteis, in quascunque partes incubuerit tumul= tus, protinus coituras. Quòd si & alias quoque succentu riari oporteat, abunde est iuuentutis ad sacramentum pa= ratæ, imperiaq[ue]; manentis. Propter has aliasq[ue] prouinciæ præstantias, Francia ab externis inter primas prouinciæ= rum libentissimè & uisitur et habitatur: quippe uisendam eam singularis præterea hospitalitas facit: incolendam au tem, omnium rerum expetendaru[m] exteris commoditas. Sed & si nulite externo accersitoq[ue]; uti libeat, pecunia largè superest & annona, unde alere copias, & autorare peren ni stipendio possimus. quanquam per hosce annos infelici= ter id experiri statuimus, ut ferè omnia agi præposterè coe < Xenomania.> pta sunt fatali dementia. Si quidem eo errore quæ Græci Xe= nomania appellant, id est nimiu[m] & incosultum externoru[m] studium, luculenta clades illata rusticam plebem afflixit. Cernere erat & nostrum & externum nulitem plebeculæ penu saginatum, ultro etiam temulentu[m] illudere quasi ui= ctis: quum interim muselli, & egentes & sicci, alijs super alias

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET the powerful of the great empire, semisses, quincunxes, and trientes, as fortune granted them, are men who are found in actual affairs to be able to command and forbid: we are furnished with such conveniences in all things that we might now seem to possess, after a fashion, the likeness of the Persian kingdom. For to what province, pray, has it ever likewise been given to have all the supports of peace and war, and its own resources, and, as the saying goes, to have them ready in cash? Thus our cavalry forces, arranged by fixed and perpetual pay, and marshalled into companies of a hundred and fifty, are not only ready to hand, if summoned for levy and by edict, but are even in battle order and alert to hear the trumpet signal: from these we have centurions, both stationed in all parts of the kingdom as garrisons, and indeed serving as posts against unforeseen chances, who, whichever way tumult may break out, will immediately assemble. And if other reinforcements must also be sent in, there is an abundance of youth prepared for the military oath and remaining under authority. Because of these and other advantages of the province, France is most gladly visited and inhabited by foreigners among the foremost of the provinces: indeed, its singular hospitality makes it worth seeing; but its convenience in all desirable things for outsiders makes it worth dwelling in. And even if one does not wish to use foreign and imported help, there is plenty of money and grain, from which we can maintain troops and hire them on a perpetual wage. Yet during these past years we have unfortunately resolved to test this, so that almost everything has begun to be done backwards, by a fatal madness. For by that error which the Greeks call Xenomania, that is, an excessive and foolish fondness for foreigners, a conspicuous disaster was brought upon and afflicted the rustic common people. One could see both our own and foreign rabble stuffed with provisions, and even drunkenly mocking others as though they were conquered; while meanwhile the little mice, both needy and dry, among one another in succession...

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alias collationibus in desidis stipendia militis omnia corra dere atq[ue] eo amplius corrogare cogerentur, & (quod si= ne gemitu meminisse nemo potest) interdum nexum inire, ut est formulæ exigendi tributi, si pignora capi nequeat. Sed sic est uisum diri temporis interregibus, quibus ipsis placere patrium nihil potest, quicq[ue] ante pedes positos tra silientes, in Colchos nobis aut Basternas petedos uiros pu tant. ob quod eos non dubiè biennij epinicia manet, ab ijs (ut opinor) decatanda, qui eorum olim actui supererunt. Sedenim (o miram uim numinis) sic libitum est prouiden= tiæ (quæ res & uires mortalium temperat, omniaq[ue]; à se facta pro poestate moderatur: cuius rei ratione inire mor tales no[n] nisi co[n]fusam aut ambigam possunt) ut tantæ re= rum nostrarum competentiæ consilium perinde publicum non suppeteret: ne si bonis in rebus Franciæ & copiosis, bonam quoque m[anu]tem reipub. circu[m]spectamq[ue]; dedisset, fi= nitimos fortasse Gallia longissimè summoueret. Priuatim autem nostros co[n]silio & solertia defici ego certè non cen seo, ac ne eos quidem ipsos qui in medium co[n]sulere nobis existimari uolunt, ut quos in augenda re priuata & stre= nuè & solerter operam nauare uideamus. Hinc illi subiti penates imaginum nouarum, luminibus nunc officientes antiquissimæ cuiusque domus & generosissimæ. Scilicet hic est ille orbis fatorum scitorumq[ue]; prouidentiæ, quo ge= nus humanu[m] & digito & nutu dei uertitur: in quo emer= genteis alias in solem familias, alias sideteis in tenebras ui demus, inuicem inter se sursum deorsumq[ue]; impellentes & summouentes: quæ uicissitudo facit ut alternis floreat exo lescantq[ue]; interituræ tandem stirpes tum priuatæ, tu[m] prin= cipes. Verùm hoc ridiculum, quòd qui ad centesimum se nepotem animi destinatione propagant, illustrem sibi fa= mam

Transcription: Translated (English)

...by collections they would be compelled to strip all the soldier’s pay from the idle, and to extort even more besides, and, what no one can remember without a groan, sometimes to enter into nexum, as is the formula for exacting tribute, if pledges cannot be taken. But such seemed good to the interreges of that dreadful time, to whom nothing native can possibly be pleasing, while they let whatever lies before their feet slip by, and think that for us men must be sought in Colchis or among the Bastarnae. For this reason, no doubt, the epinicia of two years await them, to be chanted, I suppose, by those who shall survive their former actions. Yet in truth—O wondrous power of the divine—it has so pleased Providence, which moderates this matter and the powers of mortals, and governs everything made by itself according to its own will, the reason of which mortals can approach only in confused or doubtful fashion, that for so great a harmony of our affairs public counsel did not befit it: lest, if in good and abundant conditions of France it had also given a good and prudent hand to the republic, Gallia might perhaps have driven her neighbors very far away. Privately, however, I certainly do not think that our people are lacking in judgment and shrewdness, nor even those themselves who wish to be thought to deliberate on our behalf in common, as men whom we see exerting themselves both vigorously and shrewdly in increasing private wealth. Hence those sudden household gods of new images, now obscuring the light of each and every most ancient and most noble house. Surely this is that wheel of fate and of known Providence, by which the human race is turned by the finger and nod of God: in which we see some families emerging into the sun, others sinking into darkness, each in turn driving and removing the other upward and downward; and this alternation causes both private stocks and princes, destined at last to perish, to flourish in alternate turns and then fade away. But it is ridiculous that those who, by intention of mind, propagate themselves to a hundred great-grandchildren, should for themselves a glorious fame...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET mam in omne æuum pollicentes, sæpe intra primos nepotes stirpitus exolescût: & tam friuola spe homines, certam & diuinitus oblatam atque expositam mutabunt æternitatem? Cæterùm quidnam in causa esse dicemus quamobrem qui suis commodis suorum que consulere bene ac feliciter norunt, ijsdem rebus ipsi publicis prospicere non perinde uideantur? Nempe quòd aulicis institutis cauetur, ne quid è republica esse uideatur aut principis, quod non idem cessurum in rem priuatam paucorumq[ue] manifestò intelligatur: nec rursus aliquid publicè turpe, quod priuatim aut honorificum esse possit, aut luculenter co[m]pendiosum. Non item uice uersa, quicquid publicè aut honestum aut utile sit, id ut ad singulos quoque eorum pertinere uideatur. Nihil enim moribus huius ætatis publicum præter aërem & pluuiam censetur, cætera non tam publica esse, quàm exposita existimantur, in eorum utique prædam cessura, qui anteuertere uerecundis & probis, ac præripere possint. < Alludit ad uerbum iuriiperitorum.> Sic aulica uigilantibus strenuisq[ue] opitulari iura ferunt, uirtutisq[ue] præmia concedere improbè sæpenumero procaciter que occupanti. Proinde nulli iam in Gallia publica commoda domum suam auertisse fraudi fuisse foreq[ue] existimatur, aut noxam publicè, quanta sit illa cunque, nocuisse, qui quidem ipse, eius ue amici in libras damni dati, unciolis decidere singulis non grauetur, & ea sit solertia, ut uti foro norit. Quo fit ut tam maximè ferè actui summo præpositorum diuitiæ circunfluant, quàm maximè uires opes que publicæ & priuatorum facultates exhauriuntur: sicut in ægris corporibus lien & uenter pellacia duo membra, tum maximè redundare dicuntur, quîcætera exacta defecta que uidentur. Quòd siquando nonnulli, ut irudines distentæ, caput in sorptu popularis sang < Irudo est sanguisuga.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET men who promise everything for all time often, within the first few descendants, die out completely: and with so frivolous a hope will men change a sure eternity, offered and set forth by God? But what, moreover, shall we say is the reason why those who know well and successfully how to look after their own interests and those of their household do not seem equally able to take forethought for public affairs? Plainly because under courtly institutions it is so guarded that nothing appears to belong to the commonwealth or to the prince which is not plainly understood to pass into the private advantage of a few; nor again anything publicly disgraceful which may not privately be either honorable or plainly profitable. Nor, on the other hand, is it made to appear that whatever is publicly honorable or useful also concerns each of them individually. For by the customs of this age nothing is reckoned public except air and rain; the rest are thought not so much to be public property as to be exposed, and sure to fall as prey to those who can outstrip the modest and the upright and snatch it away. <He alludes to the word of the lawyers.> Thus the laws, it is said, help those who are vigilant and energetic at court, and in many cases wickedly concede the rewards of virtue to him who shamelessly and boldly lays hands on them. Accordingly, no one now in France is thought to have done wrong if he has turned public goods to his own house, nor to have committed public injury, however great it may be, if he has harmed the state, provided that he himself, or his friends, does not scruple to deduct each separate little coin from the sums of damage done, and is so shrewd that he knows how to use the market. And so it comes about that riches overflow, for the most part, especially around those in highest office, just as the strength and resources of the commonwealth and private fortunes are drained away: as in sick bodies the spleen and the belly, two deceitful members, are said to swell the most when the rest seem wasted and depleted. But if at times some, like stretched leeches, thrust their head into the sucking of the people’s blood sang <A leech is a bloodsucker.>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 447 sanguinis uisi sunt reliquisse, longo iam interuallo reditu rum id exemplum non timetur, præsertim quando quod olim capitale censebatur, nunc impulsis legibus atq[ue] affli= ctis, non tam criminosum ipsum, quàm contumeliosum es= se coepit. Cotumeliosum? imò uerò ingeniosum inter istos beatos & fortunatos, atque etiam palmarium, ut pote in= ter quos nihil ignominiosius egenti innocentia aut ridicu losius esse credatur. Simul enim hominum fidem atq[ue] exi= stimationem cum re & censu concidere arbitrantur. Iam uerò quu[m] hoc semper habuit Gallia, ut bona sua interdu[m] ipsa nesciret, interdu[m] scire nollet, tum uerò illa præ grauat indignitas, & optimum queq[ue] enecat (si id effari fas est, quod nequit non expectorari, ut eo uerbo utar) quòd am= plissima familiadomini beati et copiosi, atriensiu[m] paucoru[m] regitur arbitratu: qui accepti expesiq[ue] paginas luculétas habentes in potestate, in rem priuatam iuxtà atque pu= blicam uersa, publicæ rei expensare licenter impuné que uidentur, necessitudini & obsequio gratiosè ea tribuëtes, quæ uirtuti officiosæ & industriæ debebantur. unde fa= ctum est ut ad summum dedecus res nostræ paucis an= nis non semel deuenerint. Quid enim per deum rerum nostrarum olim fortunatorem, quid inquam non modò iniquius, sed etiam ad speciem maiestatis huius regni indignius ac foedius esse potest, quàm quòd inertes quidam homines, atque ab omni actu memorabili feria= ti, in Prytaneo (ut ita dicam) exuberante saginantur cum suis clientelis, tanquam de republica aut principe meriti præclarissimè? Quid perniciosius, quàm quòd ij nunc demensum unicuique pro potestate statuunt, qui meritos ab immeritis, dignos ab indignis, lectores seruos à mediastinis, non magis internoscere didicerunt, quàm litera

Transcription: Translated (English)

They seem to have left behind traces of blood; since this example has now been absent for a long interval, there is no fear of its return, especially since what was once deemed capital now, with the laws pressed down and the afflicted crushed, has begun to seem not so much criminal as merely insulting. Insulting? Nay rather, among those blessed and fortunate people, even commendable; indeed, almost a mark of distinction, since among them nothing is thought more shameful than needy innocence, or more ridiculous. For they suppose that men’s credit and reputation fall along with wealth and property. And indeed, since France has always had this fault, that at times it did not know its own possessions, and at times did not wish to know them, then truly this overbearing wrong consumes what is best of all; and, if it may be said, it cannot be kept from bursting from the chest, to use that word—because a very ample household of a blessed and wealthy lord is governed by the will of a few chamberlains, who, having in their power the splendid pages of receipts and expenses, turn them both to private and to public profit, and seem to spend the public revenue with license and impunity, granting with great favor to kinship and dependence what ought to have been owed to dutiful virtue and industry. Whence it has come about that our affairs have more than once, within a few years, fallen to the utmost disgrace. For what, by God, who once was the bringer of good fortune to our affairs, what, I say, could be not only more unjust, but also, in the very appearance of the majesty of this kingdom, more unworthy and more foul, than that certain idle men, free from every memorable deed, should be fattened in a Prytaneum, so to speak, with their clients, as though they had most gloriously deserved well of the commonwealth or the prince? What is more destructive, than that those men now set the allowance for each man according to their own power, who have learned no better how to distinguish deserving from undeserving men, worthy from unworthy, readers from servants, than literate

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET literarum nescij doctos ab imperitis? Qui etiam si id facere quoquo modo nouerint, tamen frugi bonæ homines, aut aliquo artificio comendabiles, n[on]quam aut nequitia præditis aut uerberonibus seruis censeant præferendos, quoru[m] quidem opera non in rebus domunicis, sed peculiaribus, arbitratu suo uti possint. Ita dominicum ipsum nomen tantarum indignitatum inuidiæ objiciunt. Omnia enim imperas se dominus dictitatur, quæ paucis dispensatorum commoda sunt, uel utcunq[ue] complacita. Horum præcipuè interest (id quod quidam nuper astruxisse dicuntur) solertes & cordatos in Francia non esse, ut qui hac uia grassantibus ad peculium augendum ultra modu[m] seruilem, fastigiumq[ue] priuatum, perinde conniuetiam non possent patientiamq[ue] accommodare. Verùm enim ex hoc iam instituto eò u[n]ctum est, ut quàm optimè quisque de republica meritus est, tam pessimè plerunque de eo principes mereâtur. Quippe aliter fieri non potest, quum huiusmodi administri non modò dispensationibus, sed etiam admissionibus in prætorio præsint. Quòd si pauci interdum ad aulæ penetralia non exoratis istis admissionalibus euasere, uiri uel doctrina præditi & solertia, uel grauitate & probitate laudabiles & eximij, dicere ausim, uel maioribus eos satis eousq[ue] eua sisse, uel (quod æquè rarum est) benigno aliquo sidere insinuatos, ui maioris ingenij fortunam sibi finxisse. Ex ea ferè nota uidimus Petrum Cothardum summæ curiæ Luetetianæ principem, & Guidonem à Rupesorti Cancellarium Franciæ. Legum tutorem, morum ordinum que censorem, ac togatorum uerticem, hoc nomine significamus, quem & pleniore & feliciore nomine Nomophylacam appellare possemus, si aures hodie hanc uocem non respuerent. Horum autem duorum potissimùm ideo Cancellarius Guido à Rupe forti. Nomophylax.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. On the ass and the ignorant men of letters by the unlearned? Even if they know how to do this in some fashion, still they would never judge worthy of preference men who are upright and good, or capable in some craft, over slaves who are tainted with wickedness or are mere brutes, whose labor they may use not in household matters, but only in private ones, at their own discretion. Thus they make the very name of master hateful through such indignities. For the master is said to command everything, yet only those things which are useful to a few stewards, or agreeable in whatever way. This especially concerns them (as some are said recently to have argued), that there should not be in France men who are skillful and prudent, since those who by this means are making a living, in order to increase their private gain beyond the measure of servitude and private rank, would not otherwise be able to connive and accommodate themselves to patience. But indeed from this institution it has now come about that the better a man has deserved of the commonwealth, the more often the princes deserve badly of him. For otherwise it cannot be so, since such men not only preside over distributions, but also over admissions in the palace. And if a few at times have made their way into the innermost chambers of the court without the favor of these admission officers, men either endowed with learning and shrewdness, or worthy and outstanding for seriousness and integrity, I would dare to say that either they had advanced thus far by reason of greater birth, or else (which is equally rare) were introduced by some kindly star, and by the force of greater genius had fashioned for themselves their own fortune. From that same general sort we have seen Peter Cothard, chief of the supreme court of Paris, and Guy of Rupesorti, Chancellor of France. We mean by this title the guardian of laws, the censor of morals and estates, and the summit of the men of the toga; and we could call him by the fuller and happier name Nomophylax, if today ears did not reject that word. Of these two, however, especially for that reason Chancellor Guy of Rupe forti. Nomophylax.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 449 ideo meminisse me iuuat, quòd eorum nominibus appel= landis quum in memoria feliciorum temporum acquiesce re mihi uideor, inani que præteritorum meditatione re= creari, tum uerò assètationi & gratiæ nihil dedisse dicar: utpote qui nec ab ipsis iam mortuis, nec ab eoru[m] sequacib[us], qui ferme iam nullisunt, gratiam inire sperem. Quos autem uiuos colebamus, omni que obseruantia dignos es= se censebamus, utinam memoriæ perpetuæ uel nunc uel in posterum consecrare possemus, uiros quidem illos di= uersissimis ingenijs æquè de literis ferme literatis que me= ritos. Ille muro lepore studiosos exosculans, nostros & externos benignè adiuuabat, festiuus, facetus, beneficis, comitate, iucunditate, & morum facilitate nulli homunum secundus: ut uno uerbo absoluam, præsidiu[m] subsidiumq; omnium qui Mineruæ sacramento dixisse profiterentur. nam & ipse muro lepore inter ingeniosos literatos que præditus erat. Hunc illi aduersam per diametrum genitu ram habuisse diceres, ut Democrito Heraclitum ex aduer so stetisse produnt, sed sub uultuosa illa facie, & propè di xerim truculenta, summa omnia latebant etiam ad huma= nitatem pertinentia. Nihil autem amplius in eo cognoui= mus (quum omnia essent amplissima) quàm quòd æquabi= lem animi præstantiam in aula imperiosa, uersabili atque morosa seruauit ad extremum, non ut in eo trucem ani= mum, aut uitæ infensum esse diceres, sed citra ignauia[m] cir= cunspectum, & generosè cautum, tempori ita cedentem, ut consortis (quod aiunt) manibus integritatem retenta= ret. Quo temperamento in loco sanè lubrico, non sine optimatum plausu stetit, qui nùrè increbruit eo de medio sublato. posteritatis enim dissimilitudine, desiderium eius in dies magis ac magis sensimus. Hic adhuc unus nu= F meros

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART II. BOOK IIII. 449 so it delights me to remember, because, in calling to mind their names, I seem to rest in the memory of happier times, and to be refreshed by the empty meditation of what is past; and then, indeed, I am said to have given nothing to flattery or gratitude: as one who neither expects to win favor from the dead themselves, nor from their followers, who are now almost no one at all. But those whom we honored while they lived, and judged worthy of every mark of respect, would that we could even now, or hereafter, consecrate to perpetual remembrance—those men indeed of the most diverse talents, yet almost equally deserving in letters and learning. That man, embracing scholars with urbane charm, kindly aided our own men and strangers alike, festive, witty, obliging, gracious, agreeable, and easy in manner, second to none among men: to put it in a word, the support and refuge of all who professed themselves to have taken the oath of Minerva. For he too was endowed with urbane charm and with a spirit both ingenious and learned. Of him you would say that he had a disposition diametrically opposed, as Democritus is said to have stood over against Heraclitus; yet beneath that seemingly stern face, and, I might almost say, that harsh expression, there lay hidden every quality pertaining even to humanity. But in him we recognized nothing further—since all was most ample—than that he preserved to the end an evenness of character in that imperious, shifting, and capricious court; not so as to make him seem of a harsh spirit or hostile to life, but rather cautious without cowardice, and nobly prudent, yielding to the times in such a way that he retained his integrity with the hands of his companion, as they say. By this moderation, in a place indeed so slippery, he stood firm, not without the applause of the great, which grew louder after he was removed from the scene. For with the passing of time, unlike posterity, we felt his loss more and more each day. Here still one num-

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meros omneis implesse geredi iam summi magistratus existimatur. Fuit ingenio summo, doctrina (ut inter prudentes) præstantissima, memoria longè æqualium tenacissima, animo sibi semper instanti, uoluptatu uel nescius, uel contemptor. In illa celebritate ac strepitu aulico homunens apud sese dixisses semper esse. Reprehensus fuit à multis (ne ab omni eum culpa uidear uindicasse) quòd dicerent eum ad rem paulo auidiorem (ut seculo adhuc uerecudiore) fuisse, tum iræ præcipiti non satis temperasse, & nihilo secius omnes probum fuisse eum uirum non negant, ij quidem certè qui à uero no[n] aberrant priuata simultate perciti. E quidem ut iram in eo præcipitem expertus sum, qui cum eo sæpe negocium habui in munere publico, ita contendere ausim, omnium iracudorum maleficam ipsum minimè habuisse iracundiam. Fuit enim huiusmodi, ut mira animi æquitate uerba propemodum iurgiosa redirascé tium ferret, duntaxat liberaliora, etiam si in repræsenti ægrè ferre admodum uideretur. Videlicet uir ingenui & Catoniani spiritus, nemini fraudi esse uoluit generosè libertatem in quenquam usurpasse, eorum quidem certè, quos malè sibi conscios non esse intelligebat. alioquin uerò quis negat nemini unquam homini mores undique absolutos fuisse? Atque haud scio an laudi id uerti debeat, uirum natura biliosum, & iræ intemperantem, nunquam tamen iræ ad uindictam usque obsecutum fuisse. Eidem quum comitas in seueritate tristioris naturæ culpa defuit, omnium tamen quos quisquam bodie meminit, gratiosus & suffragator ueracissimè fuit. Neque enim, ut bodierri homines, aut fumos uenditare solebat, aut sæpius appellari de pollicitatione aut promisso serebat. Nec ut ueteratores aulici & flexiloqui solent, ancipites postulato- res &

Transcription: Translated (English)

He is now judged to have filled up the lot of all men’s offices and to have attained the highest magistracy. He was of the highest intellect, of learning exceptionally great (as among the wise), of a memory far more tenacious than that of his peers, and with a mind ever pressing upon itself, either unaware of pleasures or contemptuous of them. In that public splendor and courtly bustle, you would have said that he always lived among other men by himself. He was criticized by many, not that I should seem to vindicate him from every fault, because they said he was somewhat too eager after gain, as befitted an age still too modest, and that he did not sufficiently restrain his hasty anger; and yet none the less all do not deny that he was a good man, at least those who are not swayed away from the truth by private rancor. For my part, as I have myself experienced his quick temper in dealing with him often in public office, so I dare assert that of all hot-tempered men he had by no means the most wicked anger. Indeed he was such a man that, with remarkable fairness of mind, he would endure words that were almost quarrelsome from those who were already growing angry, responding only with more liberal speech, even if he seemed at the moment to bear it with difficulty. Surely, a man of noble and Cato-like spirit, he would not wish to do anyone a wrong by having generously taken liberties with another—at least with those whom he understood not to be consciously acting in bad faith toward him. Otherwise, who denies that no man has ever been wholly flawless in conduct on every side? And I do not know whether this ought not rather to be counted to his credit, that a man naturally choleric and immoderate in anger nevertheless never followed anger all the way to revenge. In the same man, though his affability was lacking because of the severity of his gloomy nature, still he was in the truest sense gracious and supportive to all whom anyone now remembers. For unlike the men of today, he was not accustomed either to make a show of empty pretensions or to allow himself to be called upon more than once concerning a promise or commitment. Nor, like the old courtiers and double-tongued men, did he act as a wavering petitioner and…

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res & susp[er]sos ambitu lustrali tenebat & enecabat. Se= mel suffragium suum aut spondebat aut negabat, fronte ut tristi, ita nimiè aulica & fallaci. Opitulator non mo= dò benignus tempore imperiosissimo, sed etiam strenuus & peruicax: tanta animu acrimonia & solertia, ut nullum serè moribus commendatum, tuendum susceperit, quem non & pertulerit ad finem destinatum. Hic (ut ita dicam) Corculus in summa talis fuit, ut quum omneis flexus auli= cos occasionesq[ue] memoria teneret, nimiè tamen aulicus esse uoluerit & uersipellus: eorum dissimilimus, quos ho= die hoc nomine uersari decimo quoque uerbo atque obso= lescere in ore uulgi non pudet, homines perfictæ frontis, imò planos improbissimos, quos imposturam factitare ore iuuat renidenti, eosq[ue] petitores frustrari & ludere, quos aulicæ uersutiæ rudimentum non posuisse sentiunt. Alios ex Chrestologorum natione nouimus mellito & medica= to sermone afficientes animos flagitantium, ut gaudio perfusos ab eis discedere sæpe uideas, & spe bona lacta= tos & gesti[n]teis, sed post intellectam tandem ludificationem, diras ijsdem imprecanteis, quibus quidam obaudien= tes (ò improbum sermonem) fortunari sese dictitant. En artes & disciplinas quas aulica philosophia profitetur: quibus præditi iam nonnulli domesticis pridem institutis clarissimi, nunc aduerso rumore inter aulicos agunt, etia[m] si se suos'que secundis numinibus aulicis euasisse gratu= lantur. Qui autem eius academiae decretis iam perimbu= ti fuerunt, eos ad frugem aliquam bonam ciuilis & æ= quabilis uitæ redire per quàm rarum est. Huiuscemodi au= tem apud nos aulicastri degentes in oppidis uocitantur à populo, quo uerbo tam Aristippeos quàm Ephecti= eos ueluti philosophos Scepticos que significant: illos F 2 salutige

Transcription: Translated (English)

He kept the anxious in suspense, and wore them down with a lustral circuit. He would either promise or deny his vote, with a brow as sad as it was excessively courtly and deceitful. A helper not only kindly in the most overbearing of times, but also energetic and persistent: such was his keenness and resourcefulness of mind, that he undertook to support almost no one of good character and recommendation without also carrying him through to the intended end. This man, so to speak, was in the highest degree such a Corculus that, although he kept in memory all the bends and opportunities of the court, he nevertheless wished to be too courtly and slippery: utterly unlike those whom today it does not shame to use this name, turning it about every fifth word and making it stale in the mouths of the crowd—men of perfectly smooth faces, rather downright scoundrels, who take delight in practicing fraud with a smiling face, and in deceiving and mocking petitioners, who feel that they have not even laid the first foundation of courtly cunning. We have known others from the tribe of the Chrestologoi, affecting the minds of those who petition with honeyed and medicated speech, so that you often see them depart from them bathed in joy and warmed by good hope and eager expectation, but after at last understanding the delusion, they call down curses on those very men whom, by obeying them (O wicked speech), some boast that they have made their fortune. Behold the arts and disciplines which courtly philosophy professes: those endowed with them, even if once most distinguished for domestic training, now are active among courtiers under an adverse reputation, even though they congratulate themselves that they and their own have escaped by the favor of courtly divinities. But those who have already been thoroughly imbued with the decrees of that academy, to return to any good fruitfulness of civic and even-handed life is exceedingly rare. Of this sort, moreover, those dwelling among us in the towns are called by the people aulicasteri, a word by which are meant both the Aristippean and the Ephectic, as it were philosophical skeptics; those F 2 salutige

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET salutigeros, & uerborum comitate morigeros, hos cunctatores & hæsitatores appellicantes, nulli uel amicitiæ ipsos uel causæ ita unquam addictos, quin statim cum fortuna transire parati sint. Sic enim homines Aeolidæ, uersatiles ad omnem aulicam auram animos aiunt sapietum esse debere. Quo fit ut municipes inuicem admonentes, uulgo eos in cornu foenum ferre dictitent, ut inquit Poëtæ lepidissimus. At Guido ne in Ironum quidem conuëtu dissimulator fuisse dictus est (quod quidem ipsi uerti à quoquam uitio possit) alioquin ingenij & doctrinæ & seueritatis maiestate maiores æqualesq[ue] loqissimè summones, ut tum opinio fuit constans. Cuius utinam sublimitas non etiam luminibus posteritatis obstruxisse uideatur. Eam enim formam summi honoris inchoauerat, cuius præscriptis qui succederet, propius'ue accederet, nemo adhuc repertus est: ut Veneris quondam Coæ tabulam ijsdem lineamentis qui absolveret, Apellis successor nusquam potuit inueniri. Etenim qui ei proximus fuit, sextus aut septimus magis quàm secundus ei fuit. Mortuus autem est uirtutis commendatione sera cognitus, quum tristitia & seueritate popularis esse coepisset. Quare illi ex aduerso ac successori co[n]tigit. neq[ue] enim ipse ut Fhidiæ signum (quod aiunt) statim aspectus & probatus est, sed primore aduen tu nec plausibilis nec gratiosus, decendens tandem omnibus non iniquis desiderium sui non modicum reliquit: ma iusq[ue] olim fortasse in dies id futurum est. Alter contrà magna hominum expectatione exceptus, præsumpta'que ex præterito opinione gratus, incundo etiam magistratu uibrans ac coruscans extitit, sed illico à sese desciscens, euanido splendore etiam cessit in prioris gloriam. Quippe ut inclusa in funda annuli bratteola fulgêtem suapte ui carbunculu[m]

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND salutigeros, and compliant with the courtesy of words, calling these men laggards and hesitaters, men who were attached neither to friendship nor to a cause in such a way that they were ever ready to pass over at once with fortune. For thus the Aeolid people say that men ought to be, minds adaptable to every courtly breeze. Hence fellow townsmen, warning one another, commonly say that they carry hay in their horn, as the most witty poet says. But Guido was said not even in the assembly of the Ironi to have been a dissembler (which indeed could be turned against him by anyone as a fault), otherwise in genius and learning and in the majesty of his severity he surpassed his elders and equals most remarkably, as was then the settled opinion. Would that his sublimity had not also seemed to obstruct the eyes of posterity. For he had begun that form of supreme honor, to whose standards no one has yet been found who might succeed him, or even come near him: just as no successor to Apelles could anywhere be found to complete the tablet of the Coan Venus by the same outlines. Indeed, he who was nearest to him was to him rather the sixth or seventh than the second. And after his death he was recognized too late by the praise of virtue, when he had begun to be popular because of sadness and severity. So it happened to the one and the successor in opposite fashion. For he himself, like the statue of Phidias (as they say), was not at once seen and approved, but on his first arrival was neither pleasing nor popular, yet in the end, departing with no ill will on anyone’s part, he left behind no small desire for himself: and perhaps that will one day grow greater still. The other, by contrast, having been received with great expectation from men, and having been regarded beforehand as agreeable from his former reputation, shone and gleamed even in office, but straightway falling away from himself, he faded and yielded even in his vanishing splendor to the glory of the former. Just as a little foil enclosed in the setting of a ring surpasses the shining carbuncle by its own power.

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 453 bunculum flagrantiorem reddit: sic successore prouinciæ longè inferiore atque obscuriore subiecto, decessoris illu= stris gloria intentius resplendescit: quo maiore co[n]tentio= ne animi adnitendum erit ijs qui in posterum eum bonoré gesturi sunt. Heroicæ enim uirtutis exuuias gestare, non cuiusuis est capitis, etiam primæ notæ. Sed sunt qui à for= tuna quous modo sublati, cum in digitos assurrexerunt, suam ipsi stupidè murantur magnitudinem. Vtinam autem illi Herculi Theseus aliquis me uiuo suboriatur, qui mon= stra Reip. ab eius obitu enata, præstantissimæ uirtutis eius æmulatione tollat. Eius mors publicè haud dubiè acerba, mihi priuatim quoq[ue] luctuosa, omnibus ijs incommodissi= ma fuit, qui honestarum rerum studio fortunam sibi factu= ri uidebantur. Quod genus hominum quum maximè pla= citurum in aula speraretur, frigere statim ubique eo mor= tuo coepit. Siquidem tantum momentum supremis in fasci bus esse iam notum est, ut quam in partem mores eius uer= gant qui eum honorem gerit, eiuscemodi bona ex parte primarios ordines sortiamur. Nam quum in eius sodali= tio & comitatu uelut seminariu[m] antistitum & magistra= tuum habere Francia iam coeperit, fit ut ea in officina po litos uel uiros uel homines uenerari quo iure quaq[ue] iniu= ria cogamur. Quare si diutius illi uiro ex sinu (ut ita di= cam) probæ beneficentiæ edito, inter uiuos esse supersti= tesq[ue] licuisset, & literatos utiq[ue] uiros, & de meliore nota in scenam productos aulicam ciuilemq[ue] uidissemus. Hoc enim nemo unquam à bonorum causa, quos quidem com= perisset & explorasset, aut firmius aut animosius stetit. quanquam sibi quidem ipse certè & gloriæ satis, studio= sis & pudetibus qui productore & commedatore ad ty= rocinium indigent, parum, per, inquam, parum uixit, ipse. E 3 uerò

Transcription: Translated (English)

This makes the page all the more brilliant: thus, with a successor to the province set in place who is far inferior and more obscure, the illustrious glory of the predecessor shines out more intensely. Therefore those who are hereafter to bear that honor will need to strive with the greater effort of mind. For to bear the spoils of heroic virtue is not for just any head, even one of the first rank. But there are those who, raised up by fortune, as soon as they have stood upon their toes, foolishly marvel at their own greatness. Would that, however, some Theseus might spring up for me, living as I am, for that Hercules, who might remove the monsters of the Republic that were born after his death, in emulation of his most outstanding virtue. His death was unquestionably bitter to the public, and for me privately too sorrowful, and most harmful to all those who seemed likely to make fortune for themselves by the pursuit of honorable things. That class of men, when it was most expected to find favor at court, began at once to cool everywhere after his death. For it is now known that there is such great weight in the highest authority, that according to the character of the one who holds that honor, we are for the most part assigned our chief offices. For since France has already begun to have, in his circle and company, as it were a seedbed of bishops and magistrates, it happens that in that workshop we are compelled by right and wrong alike to venerate polished men, or rather polished persons. Therefore, if it had been permitted that that man, brought forth from the bosom, as it were, of true beneficence, should live longer among the living and the surviving, we should certainly have seen both learned men and those of a better sort brought onto the stage of court and civic life. For no one ever stood more firmly or more courageously for the cause of good men, whom indeed he had both understood and thoroughly tested. Although, for his own part, he certainly had enough glory for himself, he lived too little, too little, I say, for those devoted and modest men who need a sponsor and guide to their apprenticeship. E 3 indeed

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET uerò reipublicæ paululum tam salubris enim sideris occasu, sæua mox orta tempestas, turbinibus rapidis res Gallicas in omneis coeli plagas diuentilare coepit: qui duorum hominum spiritibus immodicis excitati, quum eoru[m] quoq[ue] obitu consopiti esse uiderentur, ingenti stupore homunum extiterunt inauditæ calamitates: quibus quum par nemo iam in aula superesset, Gallia tum primum animos despondere uisa est, retuso etiam illo mucerone incudi strenuè certam nis, gēti peculiari, id est primore Martis impetu, quo maximè ualere nostri existimantur. Simul rei summæ gubernacula, laurea partim excussa, partim emarcescente, omnium ordinum ore redijsse ad triarios dictitabantur. Verùm ille à Rupe forti faustum cognomen sortitus, eum semper animum circa honestatis studiosos, modestiæq[ue] tenaces præstitit (etiam si remittere frontem atque supercilium ne ijs quidem ipsis uideretur) ut eius obitus diem atru[m] & funestum semper habere debeant. Qui autem eius institutis insistere noluerunt, iam inde eo uiuo uirtuti eius insensi, huiusmodi fuerunt, partim ut priuatis studijs summi rerum actus fastigium inclinasse, magistratumq[ue] censuram (ut ita dicam) delumbasse uideantur: partim ut ex suo contubernio literatos & doctos exegisse iudicari debeant, eorumq[ue] affines, ambitionis ass[er]tationisq[ue] nescios. & sic quoque uiri improbi delectu eius cemodi hominum delectari sese dicere consueuerunt, ut omnia ferme uiri aulici diuersissima actionibus suis animiq[ue] sententiæ proloquuntur, impudetia quorundam tam putida, ut aures desecatæ, harumq[ue] rerum insolentes, haurire hæc mendaciæ sine nausea quadam stomachosæ indignationis nequeant. Nihil autem est indignius, quàm quòd sic quoque fallere sperant ipsi nos, intra pomæria & natos & institutos. Ostultim

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Indeed, for a little while to the commonwealth, at the setting of so health-giving a star, a cruel storm soon arose and began to scatter the Gallic affairs in every quarter of the heavens with rapid whirlwinds: stirred up by the unruly spirits of two men, who, when they seemed to have been lulled to sleep by their deaths as well, brought forth calamities unprecedented to men amid great astonishment. Since no equal to them now remained at court, France then for the first time seemed to lose heart; and even that well-tempered blade, being ground again on the whetstone, was said by the voice of all orders to have returned strenuously to the triarii, to the special genius of the people, that is, to the foremost onset of Mars, in which our men are thought especially to excel. At the same time they were saying that the chief reins of government, the laurel being partly shaken off and partly withering away, had gone back, as all declared, to the triarii. But the man who received the fortunate surname from the Strong Rock always maintained that spirit toward lovers of honor and those tenacious of moderation, even if he seemed not even to those very persons to relax his brow and his severity, so that they must always hold the day of his death as dark and mournful. Those, however, who were unwilling to follow his practices, already while he was alive hostile to his virtue, were such men as to seem partly to have made private pursuits incline the summit of public affairs, and to have, so to speak, crippled magistracy and censorship; and partly to be judged to have driven learned and educated men from their company, along with their associates, ignorant of ambition and assertion. And so too wicked men were accustomed to say that, by his selection of such men, he delighted in this sort of company, while almost all the actions and dispositions of the courtier proclaim things utterly contrary: the shamelessness of some is so foul that ears cut off, and unaccustomed to such matters, cannot absorb these lies without a certain nausea of vexed indignation. But nothing is more disgraceful than that they should thus hope to deceive us too, we who were born and raised within the walls.

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 455 O'stultam & ridiculam opinionem, si quidem ita putant: impudentem & capitalem sermonem, si non putant. Sed il ludere proteruè atque improbè eorum gaudent conniuentiæ, quibus cum collo quuntur, quum interim ne tantulum quidem ipsi còmouere se in illo regni theatre extra nume ros possint aut probitatis aut honestatis, quin aut risu statim acrium spectatorum, aut aduerso murmure excipiantur omnium cuneoru[m] usqueadeo qui suspici se supra alios uolunt, uel agentes ipsi uel loquentes latere nos nequeu[n]t. Non'ne quæ in adytis aulæ, quasiq[ue] intra scenam ac post uelum aguntur, quæ illi[us] numina, quibus que sacris uictimusq[ue] colantur, solenne est nobis anniuersarijs ludis uelut ex proscenio audire? satyricisq[ue] actibus ita in rem præsentem perduci, ac si reducto uelo opertanea sacra introspicere permutteremur? Quî igitur fieri id posse dicamus? Nempe quòd Aius ille (ut ita dicam) Locutius arcanum nihil esse sinit eorum quæ in aula geruntur, aguntur, aut summussim dicuntur. Quod enim ad uniuersos pertinet, id palam quoq[ue] uult & facit omnibus ordinibus esse. Sed beatu[m] illud diuersoru[m], illi tatum qui intus sunt, rimis perlucere nesciunt. Proh superi immortales num quisquam sodali & contubernali uel etiam familiæ notior esse potest, quàm omnes eorum mores & habitus, omnes status, flexus, affectiones, motus corporis animiq[ue], omnes uultuu[m] species & aspectuum, omnibus nobis notæ sunt istorum, qui sese & nos & omnes pulchrè latere putant? Quanta[m] igitur cautio[n]e, quàm circu[m]spectè, quàm religiosè in suo se actu gerere, uel alieno inferre debet, q[ui] acribus oculis theatri amplissimu[m] sese circu[m]spici sentiu[n]t? Sed quis eos hoc sentire credat, q[ui]bus in re sibi gerèda satagetibus omnibusq[ue] sensibus occupatis, còsulere famæ no[n] uacat? Atq[ue] si oculus cuneoru[m] F 4

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART IB. HIS BOOK III. 455 What a foolish and ridiculous opinion, if indeed they think so; an impudent and outrageous statement, if they do not think so. But they rejoice in that bold and shameless jesting and insolence of those with whom they converse by reason of their own connivance, while in the meantime they themselves can scarcely move a step in that theatre of the court outside the bounds of measure, propriety, or decency, without being at once received either with the laughter of shrewd spectators or with the hostile murmur of all the benches; so that those who wish to be looked up to above others cannot, whether acting or speaking, hide from us. Do not those things which are done in the inner chambers of the court, as it were within the scene and behind the curtain, those divinities and sacrifices to which victims are offered, do they not, on the occasion of the annual games, become customary for us to hear, as it were from the front of the stage? And are we not thus brought by satirical performances into the matter itself, as though the curtain were drawn back and we were allowed to look into the hidden rites? How then are we to say that this can happen? Clearly because that “Aius” (if I may so call him) “Locutius” allows nothing to remain secret of those things that are done, acted, or spoken in whispers in the court. For what concerns all alike, he wills and makes public for all ranks to know. But that blessed thing, which is different for those only who are inside, they do not know how to make secure from cracks. By the immortal gods, can anyone be more familiar to a companion and table-fellow, or even to a member of the household, than all their habits and bearing, all their postures, turns, affections, movements of body and mind, all their expressions and glances are known to all of us in those men who think that they themselves, and us, and everyone, are hidden very well? With how much caution then, how circumspectly, how religiously must he conduct himself in his own actions, or in those of another, who feels that he is being closely watched by the keen eyes of a very large theatre? But who would believe that they feel this, when, busy with the business they must do and occupied with all their senses, they have no leisure to care for their reputation? And if the eyes of the benches F 4

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Transcription: ATR-1

cuncorum inseruire non uacabat, aut si non magnopere id referre existimabat, uel ordinum ipsi oculis uel orche- stræ certè inseruire debebant. Hoc enim memunisse oportebat, qui existimationi olim suæ consulere neglexerunt, de ijs aliquando publicè grauiter esse consultum. Verùm hæc iam terricula infantium aut nouitiorum esse creduntur. Periti autem rerum, & quos ueteratores uocant au- licos, arcem sibi impunitatis nuper præstruxisse existimantur, cum immanium opum propugnaculis tutam, tum ue- ro ualidis præsidijs contractaru[m] affinitatum necessitudi- numq[ue] firmatam, quâ expugnare nulla uis iudicioru[m], nulla constituendæ reipublicæ formula ualeat. Pessimè uerò de se mereri iam putantur, qui uel famæ detrimento comodis suis non co[n]sulunt interim d[omi]ni disp[er]esant. Inane enim & ie- iunum nunc aucupiu[m] famæ esse creditur, fortunis suis au- gendis quoquo modo parcere, ut integritatis opinionem honestatisq[ue] tueantur. Proinde no[n] ita pridem qui rerum po- tiebantur, scenicoru[m] figuras uerecundis auribus transmit- tere aut deuorare uidebantur: hanc loquendi libertatem moribus atq[ue] usu confirmatâ tolli no[n] posse Fracis iure no[n] violato intelligentes. Nunc uerò aures istoru[m] sensim cauillis ita occalluisse atq[ue] insueuisse uidemus, ut inter theatri- cas personas prodire optabile ia[m] esse coeperit quorundam opinione, qui non nisi beatoru[m] & copiosorum nomina in argumentis Satyricis frequentari dictitat: quadò illi acto- res auriti capitij licentia atque impunitate, summum ferè quodq[ue] caput salibus suis perficant. Vnde eò rem tandem uidemus euasisse, ut quæ olim uitia figuratè maximoq[ue] cu[m] lepore allegoriaru[m] carpebantur in summis magistratibus, quum uel Satyri cauillabundi inducerentur, uel uitia ipsa personata prosopopoeias in scenam prodirent, in ijs quas uulgo

Transcription: Translated (English)

it was not possible to serve every one, or if it was thought that this did not matter greatly, they ought at least to have served the eyes of the audience or the orchestra. For this must be remembered: those who once neglected to take care of their reputation must at some point be dealt with publicly and severely. But these things are now thought to be merely scarecrows for children or the newly initiated. The experienced, however, and those whom they call court “old hands,” are thought to have recently built for themselves a citadel of impunity, both fortified by the ramparts of immense wealth and indeed strengthened by strong supports of contracted alliances and kinship ties, which no force of judgments, no formula for establishing the commonwealth, can breach. Indeed, they are now thought to earn the worst treatment for themselves, those who, while their masters are in despair, do not take care for their own advantage even at the cost of their reputation. For now it is believed to be a vain and empty pursuit of fame to spare no means of increasing one’s fortune, in order to preserve the appearance of integrity and honor. Accordingly, not so long ago those who held power seemed able to pass over the figures of stage-players to modest ears, or to swallow them whole; understanding that this freedom of speech, confirmed by custom and usage, could not be abolished without violating justice. But now we see the ears of those people so gradually hardened and accustomed by jibes, that appearing among theatrical characters has begun to seem desirable, in the opinion of some, who insist that only the names of the fortunate and the wealthy should be frequent in satirical themes; so that those actors, with the license and impunity of a “listening head,” may all but aim their sallies at every head of state. Whence at last we see the matter has come to this: that what once, in the highest offices, was censured figuratively and with great charm through allegories, when either mocking satyrs were brought on, or the vices themselves, personified in prosopopoeias, came onto the stage, in those things which commonly

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 457 uulgò moralitates, nos antiquo uocabulo ethologias ap= pellamus: ea nunc Satyrico felle insulsè & simpliciter, ac sine uenustate schematum enuncientur, uidelicet quòd li= centia peccandi perijssè frontem, ut inquit ille, de rebus ar bitrantur. En quibus seruire, quos colere & obseruare, quorum uoluntati lenocinari, deniq[ue] quibus grauitatis & doctrinæ, atq[ue] omnium ingenij ornamentoru[m] fasceis sum= mittere necesse est: eos quidem, qui aliquo in numero ha= beri in Francia concupiuerint: ut mirari iam homines de= sinant, quòd rari sapientes & cruditi in rerum nostraru[m] administratione uisantur. Nam ij quorum maximè inter= est res probè administrari, quum in speculis esse deberet, V calegontes ferè sub tecto securi rerum euentuumq[ue] dor mitant, ne discrimine quidem ipsi nuper sumigante ueter= num excutientes. Hic est status ferè Fræciæ, qui si aliqua[n]do ipse rectè at que ordine constitutus fuerit, ut ij ultrà in puppi ne imperitent, qui uel in transtris sedere, uel inter uectores quouis loco esse deberent, tam opulenta, ut opi= nor, erit Gallia, quàm priscis temporibus Hispania & Persis fuisse perhibentur. Rex quidam Franciæ, Ludoui= cus, ut opinor, undecimus, quum sermo aliquando inter eum & Legatos magni cuiusdam principis incidisset de pro= uinciarum opulentia, illi[us]; magnificè de suis sentire rebus opibusq[ue]; uiderentur, respondisse ita fertur, ut diceret præ= tum se & graminosum & latè patens habere, quodq[ue] to ties fieret restibile, quoties uisum esset foenisecio opus es= se. Quo dicto significare uolebat, nunquam non imperata tributa populos sibi subditos obedienter co[n]festimq[ue]; pepè disse. Nos aute[m] sic actum esse per hosce annos cu[m] populis Franciæ scimus, ut eode[m] anno una & altera accessione tri buta, modò dimidio, modò altero tanto, nonnunqua[m] etiam F 5 sesquiplo

Transcription: Translated (English)

Commonly called moralities, we, using the ancient word, call ethologies: these are now set forth in a Satyrical vein, foolishly and plainly, and without the grace of figures; namely, that men judge about affairs as if the license to sin had utterly vanished, as that man says. In these matters they must serve, whom they must honor and obey, whose will they must court, and, in short, before whom they must bow under the bands of gravity and learning, and of all the ornaments of intellect: namely, those who have desired to be held in some account in France, so that men may now cease to wonder why the wise and learned are so seldom seen in the administration of our affairs. For those who are most concerned that matters be well administered, when they ought to be on the lookout, lie almost safely under cover, with the outcome of affairs asleep; not even with danger itself recently smoking them out do they shake off their old drowsiness. Such is almost the state of France, which, if it should ever be rightly and orderly established, so that those who ought to sit among the rowers do not command from the poop, or those who ought to sit on the benches or be somewhere among the passengers, then, as I think, France will be as wealthy as they say Spain and Persia were in ancient times. A certain king of France, Louis, I think, the eleventh, when once some conversation had arisen between him and the envoys of a great prince concerning the wealth of provinces, and they seemed to speak magnificently of their own resources and riches, is said to have replied thus: that he had a meadow, grassy and broad, and one that could be made productive again whenever it seemed that haymaking was needed. By this remark he meant to indicate that the taxes imposed on the peoples subject to him had always been paid obediently and at once. But we know that in these past years things have been managed with the peoples of France in such a way that in the same year, with one and another increase of taxes, sometimes by half, sometimes by a second half again, sometimes even by a sesquialter amount...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sesquiplo excreuerint, tanta animorum æquitate, ut uicem principis plebem etiam dolentè uideres, audiresq[ue], qui tot in curas ipse rebus gerendis distingeretur: no[n] aliter ac si ab eadem samenti altera & tertia seges demeteretur in Francia, aut si ex noualibus spicilegium instar iustæ mes= sis existeret, uindemiamq[ue] racematio excipiens, noua atq[ue] integra foetura denuo exuberaret. Verùm Rex ille Ludo= uicus prato suo amplissimo florentiæq[ue] idètidem gloriaba= tur, ex quo eodem anno foenisecium iterum & sæpius co= geret, quantumq[ue] placuisset. < Oues chryso-mallæ.> Erit olim fortasse Rex alter breui, qui chrysomallas oues aureo uellere opimas uisen= dasq[ue]; habere se dictitabit, non illas quidem apud Colchos aut Iberos, ut in fabulis leguntur quondam fuisse, sed cle= mente coeli tractu luculentis inerrantes latifundijs, toties attonsiles, quot res extiterint gerendæ, uellere succresce= te perenniter, ac mira foecunditate. Illud uerò singulare, ac nulli æquè prouinciæ datu[m], ut bellis continuis intestinis uel externis exhausta Francia, & uiris uiribusq[ue]; ad sum= mam inopiam usq[ue]; defecta, unius statim aut alterius anni pace & commercio recreetur. < Antæus.> Et ut Antæum illum gigan tem ab Hercule sublatum poëtæ fabulantur, quantuuis lu Etta fatigatum, ac certamne confectum, simul atq[ue] terram matrem contigisset, integras illico uires solitum recupe= rare: ita Franciæ uires opesq[ue] quantulibet accisæ, cu[m] pri= mùm per pacem aut inducias tellure aratro mouere licet, quasi terræ tactu instaurari uide[n]tur ac restitui incredibili celeritate: absit modò calamitas, nec uitium obuenisse su= pernè experiamur. O raram prouinciæ felicitatem, O re= ges undiq[ue] beatos, si tantu[m] personam suam ipsi satis nosse potuisset, & in actu summo reru[m] grauissimum quodq[ue] ne gocium ductu suo transigi, non auspicijs tantum suis ipsi concupi

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they had increased to one and a half times the amount, with such equality of spirit that you would see and hear even the common people grieving for the prince, who was himself distracted by so many cares in the conduct of affairs: no differently than if from the same sowing a second and third crop were being reaped in France, or if from the fallow fields there should arise a gleaning equal to a proper harvest, and after the vintage, the gathering of the grapes should be followed by a new and ever-renewed fertility, overflowing with fresh and whole produce. But that King Louis used to boast likewise of his very ample meadow and of its flourishing condition, from which in the same year he could gather hay again and yet again, and as often as he pleased. <Golden-fleeced sheep.> Perhaps there will one day be another king, who will declare that he has golden-fleeced sheep, rich in golden wool, to be seen and admired; not indeed those said in fables to have once existed among the Colchians or Iberians, but in the serene region of the sky, wandering through splendid broad lands, so often shorn as there are tasks to be done, with wool growing again continually, and with marvelous fertility. This indeed is singular, and granted to no province equally, that France, worn out by continuous wars, civil or foreign, and brought down to the utmost poverty in men and strength, is at once revived by the peace and commerce of a single year or two. <Antaeus.> And just as poets tell of that giant Antaeus, lifted up by Hercules, who, however weary and exhausted by combat he was, as soon as he touched his mother earth was accustomed to recover his full strength at once: so too France’s strength and resources, however much weakened, when at last, through peace or truces, it is allowed to turn the soil with the plough, seem, as if by contact with the earth, to be restored and renewed with incredible speed: only let disaster be absent, and may we not come to experience some evil from above. O rare happiness of a province, O kings blessed on every side, if only he had been able sufficiently to know his own role, and to have the most weighty business of state transacted under his own guidance, not merely by his auspices alone he himself desired

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 459 concupiuissent, aut certè no sine sua conscientia hoc deus ad cetera Galliæ addidisset, numeris omnibus cumulata felicitatis esset. Nam cum elementiam in regibus, tum libertatem in ciuibus rarissimè desiderauit, quatum utiq[ue] ferre monarchia potest liberaliter imperiosa. Illud enimuero, illud inqua[m] acreis homines, rerumq[ue] no[n] nescios urit, angit, enecat, quòd pusillus homunculus necesse est persæpe subseruire, quos ut actores et uicarios principis aulica comitia ceruicibus iniungunt succollantis populi, ac succiduæ plebis: illos quidem aut fortunæ suffragio, aut fauoris incôsulti redempti ue, aut aliàs perperam renunciatos. Huiusmodi autem homines cu[m] fata Gallica pro potestate regat, quu[m] liberalitates principis munificentiamq[ue] arbitrentur, quum cuiuscunq[ue] nostrarium externorumq[ue] merita ancipiti trutina arbitrij sui perpendant, et uoluntatis suæ modulus uiros magnos pusillosq[ue] metiatur, sursum deorsumq[ue] (ut aiunt) permuscent omnia in Francia, facilè quidem illa principe alioquin omnium prouinciarum. Quid enim per deum immortalem rectè atq[ue] ordine administrare semisses actores possunt, qui nullu[m] ius ciuilitatis atq[ue] isonomiæ no uerunt, quæ est æquabilis honorum bonorumq[ue] distributio, pro dignitate ac merito ciuium temperanda, qualis esse in monarchia potest? Nam quod ius à peritis appellatur distributiuum, id ab Aristotele iuris ciuilis eximio co[n]ditore dictum est, quod est secundum dignationem et promerita cuiusq[ue] ciuium statuendum. At huiuscemodi uelut interreges iamdiu pertulimus, fcrementibus nequicquam frendentibusq[ue] omnibus ordinibus, suppressa quodammodo procerum autoritate. Hic mihi manum inijcit reputatio fortunæ temeritatis, resisteré que paulisper me cogit, ac sui meminisse. Siquidem quum in omni mundi

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 459 if they had desired it, or certainly not without their own knowledge, God would have added this to the rest of Gaul, it would have been endowed with every blessing in full measure. For while it rarely lacked gentleness in kings, so too it scarcely ever lacked liberty in citizens, as much as indeed a monarchy can bear, if it is liberally imperious. For this thing, yes, this thing, I say, burns, torments, and consumes keen men and those not ignorant of affairs: that a petty little man must very often serve those whom the court assemblies, as actors and vicars of the prince, place upon the shoulders of the supporting people, and of the sinking multitude; men indeed either chosen by the vote of fortune, or bought by incautious favor, or otherwise wrongly proclaimed. But when men of this kind govern the French state according to their power, when they regard the liberality and munificence of the prince as a matter of profit, when they weigh the merits of natives and foreigners alike in the uncertain balance of their own judgment, and the measure of their own will measures great men and small alike, then everything in France is thoroughly jumbled up, as they say, up and down, indeed easily in that prince of all provinces. For what, by the immortal God, can stewards administer rightly and in order, who have known nothing of the right of citizenship and of isonomia, which is the equitable distribution of honors and goods, to be regulated according to the dignity and desert of citizens, such as it can be in a monarchy? For that which by experts is called distributive justice, this Aristotle, the distinguished founder of civil law, said to be what is to be established according to the rank and merits of each citizen. But we have long endured rulers of this sort, while all orders grind and gnash their teeth in vain, and the authority of the nobles is in some measure suppressed. Here the recollection of fortune’s daring lays hold of me, and compels me to stop for a little while, and to remember myself. For since in the whole world

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mundi parte fortuna plurimum pollere, & rerum esse do nuna dispensatrixq[ue], oculus ipsa capta, existimatur, tum ue ro super omnia ipsam esse in Francia cæcam atque hallucinatricem iudico. Haud ita pridem homines duos uidi= mus tanta subnixos potentia, ut ad reip. officia uix deci= mus quisq[ue] no[n] ex eorum clientelis quasi è seminario quo= dam magistratum prodire uideretur, quum etia[m] ipsi in= cremèta sua fortunæ ac temeritati bona ex parte deberet. Horum cum alter tempore paulùm prior, & fastigio mul tùm amplior, eo prorsus esset ingenio, ut qui se submittere maximè eius potentiæ uellent, hosce ille maximè cæteris præficere uellet, prolixè que augere: alter eos præcipuè promoueri co[n]cupiebat, ornamentisq[ue] immodicis crescere & eminere, quos sibi usui fore sperabat ad potentiam uel augendam uel tuendam: aut ijs moribus præditos, ut sibi morigeri esse omni genere obsequij ministerijq[ue] sustine= rent. Nam & ipse impigrè morigerando probatus, in se= cundas gerendarum reru[m] à maiore adoptatus fuerat: quin & asseclam comutemq[ue] illius potentiæ, non socium postea semper egit, haud grauatè primos summosq[ue] fasceis sub= mittens atq[ue] etiam subijciens illius fortunæ, cuius tum nu= tu omnia uertebantur: & meninerat quas in leges quum summum magistratum iniret, surdo sacramento ipse ada= ctus esset: Quo ad illo de medio sublato, quum nutanti iam fortunæ uideretur imminere, alius ex eodem prodijt comi= tatu uir eximius, apud ordines aulicos egregie gratiosus, cuius matura iam & adulta autoritate solertiaq[ue] effectum est, ne ille primariæ autoritatis aut hæres aut prædo, impo tetiæ animi omnino indulgeret. Cui si spiritus omneis suos profundere liberè licuisset, ne curia quide[m] summa quan= tumus obnixa substitisset. Quum hoc reru[m] statu for= tunaq[ue]

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that fortune has very great power in the world, and is believed to be the dispenser of affairs, even though she herself is blind; but then, above all, I judge that in France she herself is blind and hallucinating. Not so long ago we saw two men supported by such great power that scarcely a tenth man could be found for the duties of the state who did not seem to come from their clienteles, as if from some nursery of offices; and yet they themselves also owed a good part of their advancement to fortune and boldness. Of these men, the one, somewhat earlier in time and much greater in rank, was of such a disposition that those who most wished to submit themselves to that power, he most desired to set over the rest, and to raise them abundantly higher; the other especially desired those to be promoted, and to grow and stand out with excessive honors, whom he hoped would be useful to him either for increasing his power or for defending it; or men so disposed that, in every kind of service and obedience, they would remain compliant to him. For he himself, having been successfully approved by ready obedience, had been adopted by the greater man for a secondary role in the conduct of affairs; and later, though no longer a partner but the follower and companion of that power, he nevertheless acted not without restraint, readily putting under and even subjecting the foremost and highest men to that fortune at whose nod everything then was turned, and he remembered the terms under which, when he entered the highest magistracy, he had himself been bound by a deaf oath. After this man had been removed from the scene, when fortune now seemed to be tottering, another man from the same company emerged, a distinguished man, outstandingly favored among the court circles; by his now mature and fully developed authority and skill it was brought about that he, neither heir nor plunderer of the chief authority, should not wholly indulge his restless ambition of spirit. If he had been freely allowed to pour forth all his impulses, not even the highest court could have stood, however much it might have resisted. When this was the state of affairs and fortune...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 461 tunaq[ue] specimen facere potentiæ suæ uideretur, contigit (id quod necesse erat) ut quos casus temerarius in aula in= sinuauisset (aula autem tum erat ferè comitatus ipsorum) quum unum aut alterum stipendium ijs supparascando se cissent, statim uel magistratu uel antislitio locuplete do= nati, quasi militiæ præmio, macti esse uirtute obsequij atq[ue] obseruantiæ iuberentur. Quod quum murificis exemplis apud omneis innotuisset, eoq[ue] mores incubuisse uulgò di= ctitarentur, ut nulla iam uia certius ad magistratus, ad ho nores, ad uirtutis decora & diuitias ferret, quàm ambitio & assentatio, & (ut planè loquar) corporis animiq[ue] foeda uenditatio: cõtraq[ue] quum honestarum artium studiosi, aut ueritatis tenaces, omnesq[ue] qui sese eximere fortis fortunæ ditione cupiebant, uel quos extra præscriptum decori & honesti pudebat prosilire, seseq[ue] ueditare, male de se suisq[ue] mereri uiderentur, qui uel studio literarum nuseri intabe= scerent, uel inania & obsoleta iam nomina honestatis & uirtutis tantopere amplecterentur, uel deniq[ue] in ijs rebus fouendis consenescerent, quæ nihil ad id tempus pertinere cernerentur: Quum ea inquam ferè esset conditio tempo= ris, certatim eò aduolanteis, atque etiam migranteis uide= bamus, ubi cõtubernium esse fortunæ uidebatur, largitio= nisq[ue] eius promptuariu[m]: quum interim paucis illis qui con stantia & pudore ducebantur, domi agere striatos ab o= mni actu publico necesse esset, qui quidem adiunctu[m] compè dium cu[m] honore haberet. Sic paucis annis factum, ut inuer sis ordinibus patricij ad plebem, & plebeij ad patricios plausibiliter traduceretur, quum uelut somno beatos re= deunteis uideremus, quarto uel quinto, atq[ue] item decimo iam equite n[on]nullos comitatiores factos, imaginibus nouis insignes, quæ gentilitijs & Troiugenarum stemmatibus nunc

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PART IV. BOOK IIII. 461 and while it seemed to give a specimen of its power, it happened (which was necessary) that those whom chance had drawn into the court (which at that time was almost the retinue of the men themselves), after they had somehow scraped together a stipend or two for themselves, were at once, by being granted either a magistracy or a rich command, as though as a military reward, bidden to be made illustrious by the virtue of obedience and respect. And when this had become known to all by striking examples, and when it was commonly said that the manners of the age had been so infected that there was now no surer road to magistracies, to honors, to the ornaments of virtue and riches, than ambition and flattery, and, to speak plainly, a shameful selling of body and soul: whereas those devoted to honorable arts, or faithful to truth, and all who wished to withdraw themselves from the dominion of blind fortune, or who were ashamed to leap beyond the bounds of decency and honor and to barter themselves away, seemed to be doing ill by themselves and their own, whether they were wasting away in love of letters, or were so strongly embracing those empty and now worn-out names of honesty and virtue, or were at last growing old in cherishing those things which they saw to have nothing to do with the times: since, I say, such was then more or less the condition of the age, we saw people rushing thither in rivalry, and even moving there, where it seemed that fortune had her dwelling and was a storehouse of her largesse; while in the meantime those few who were guided by steadfastness and modesty had to stay at home, restrained from every public activity, though indeed any restraint joined with honor was to be preferred. Thus in a few years it came about that, with ranks reversed, patricians were transferred plausibly to the plebs and plebeians to the patricians, while we saw some, as though returning in bliss after sleep, become more frequented in the fourth or fifth, and likewise now in the tenth generation, distinguished by new images, which to the genealogies and Trojan-born lineages now

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nunc claritate præstant. Ita duorum hominum potentatæ, repagulis pudoris et reuerentiæ legum, atq[ue] existimationis bonorum et grauium, refractis, retusaq[ue] acie iudicio= rum seueritatis, eò iam insolentiæ et licentiæ uentum erat, ut accepta expensaq[ue] omnia non fortunæ (quod æquo animo ferres) sed fortunatoribus hominum referrentur, quos princeps eius indignitatis nescius præfecerat (ut assolet) hominum delectui. Qua potentia ipsi freti, quum diuinos iam sibi honores poposcissent, nec defuissent homines primarij qui se eorum cultus ingessissent antistites, oraculorumq[ue] interpretes, ab altaribus interim Domini non pauci emansitantes, iam mortalium sensu inauditæ rei miraculo stupente, Prouidentia utiq[ue] rerum humanarum curam abiecisse, aut certè interim posuisse à multis putabatur. Et alioquin usque eò publica mens successu rerum elata aber rauerat, ut Martis et Bellonæ numina instar propemodum haberent omnis diuinitatis. Quibus rebus Franciæ Christianarum partium signifera (me nuserum qui hæc meminisse cogor) quum cognomé illud ipsa suum et æternum contaminasset: ibi tum ibi uerum et unicum numen rapida nostri orbis uertigine terribile, diuinitatis suæ maiestatem asserere institit mirificè, editis in superbos quosdam insolentesq[ue] exemplis omnis memoriæ clarissimis, omniumq[ue] gentium, si rerum diuinarum intelligentiæ dociles ipsi animos haberemus. Sed nos (ô cæcæ mentes humanæ) monita diuina perinde ac fulmina terrifica, celeri transmuttere obliuione gaudemus, tantisper modò in coelu[m] suspectantes, quoad orbis concussu fragoreq[ue] contremusci mus: serenitate autem reddita, uel substillo adhuc coelo, ne turbinum quidem recentium uestigijs admonemur alias quoq[ue] procellas sæuiores impéndere fortasse. Quæro ec= quo

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G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND now stand out by their brightness. Thus, when the restraints of modesty and reverence, the laws, and the esteem of good and grave men had been broken through, and the edge of judicial severity blunted, matters had already come to such a pitch of insolence and license that everything received and spent was attributed not to fortune, which one could bear with equanimity, but to the fortunate men themselves, whom the prince, unaware of their disgrace, had set over the choice of men, as is customary. Relying on this power, and having long since demanded divine honors for themselves, they were not without leading men who had thrust themselves forward as ministers of their worship and interpreters of oracles, while many meantime were straying away from the altars of the Lord; now, as the human mind was struck in astonishment by a thing unheard of, it was thought by many that Providence had certainly cast off, or at least for the time being laid aside, the care of human affairs. And otherwise public opinion had so far been carried away by the success of events that the deities of Mars and Bellona were held almost as if they were the whole of divinity. In these circumstances France, standard-bearer of the Christian cause (I, poor wretch, who am forced to remember these things), when it had itself stained that name of its own and eternal fame, then there indeed the one true deity, terrible in the rapid whirl of our world, began in a wondrous way to assert the majesty of his divinity, by examples set before certain proud and insolent men, examples most famous to all memory and to all nations, if only we ourselves had minds capable of understanding divine things. But we (O blind minds of men) delight to transform divine warnings just like terrifying thunderbolts into swift forgetfulness, merely looking up to heaven until we tremble with the crashing shock of the world; but when serenity is restored, or even while the sky is still drizzling, we are not even reminded by the traces of recent storms that other, even more severe tempests may perhaps be threatening. I ask therefore whence

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. III. 463 quo unquam seculo dominus in nostros, uel in suos potius atque peculiares, rapidiorem iræ suæ terrorem, micantio= remq[ue] distrinxisse uisus est? Distrinxisse dico? imo etiam uibrasse, & contorsisse: tametsi contremefactas delicias suas Francos persequi pepercerit. Hoc quum heri & nudistertius factum sit, quis iam satis menunisse dicetur, si quidem mens publica ex habitu & fiducia singulorum æstimetur? Siccine fomento uno (præcalido fortasse) è re nata apposito, doloris statim & discriminis Franci obliui scuntur, ut uulnere percurato? Proh suprema & æterna dei prouidentia, usque adeo'ne densa seculo nostro erroris impij offusa est caligo, ut ne fulmunante quidem deo sur= sum aspicere possimus? Qui si coelum suspicere obliuisci= mur, quin igitur omnia intentè circunspectamus, ut sensu saltem humano Gallia niteretur? Nûc uerò nec dextror= sum ipsi nec sinistrorum intuemur, nec retrorsum respe= ctamus, ac ne id quidè quod porrò est, uidere co[n]tendimus. Id demum quod oculis admotu[m] est, aut etiam ad quod idè= tidem offensamus, animaduersione dignum esse censemus. Vt mirari nunc subeat eorum uel inertiam, uel amètiam, quorum oculus princeps pro conspicilijs solet uti: qui quu[m] coëmundis possessionibus, exædificandis penatibus, gen= tilitijs nominibus suis prodendis longissimè prospectare, & ad pronepotum usq[ue] atnepotes porròq[ue] etiam uidean tur, existimationi tamen populari non seruiant ad poste= ros manaturæ, etiam si perpetuo ipsi tenore felicitatis (quod rarissimè euenit) uitam transegerint longiorem. Quanqua[m] quid felicitatem istorum uoco, quoru[m] nulli securum sui possessorem esse licet, ex quo ciuilis & municipa= lus uitæ tranquillitatem aulicæ potentiæ semel emancipa= runt? Na qui acquiescere intra natalium modum, exigui esse

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In what age has the lord ever seemed to our people, or rather to his own and peculiar ones, to have drawn against them a swifter terror of his wrath, flashing more brightly? Did I say “drawn”? Nay, even brandished and swung it; though he has spared to pursue his frightened delights, the French. When this was done yesterday and the day before, who will now be said to remember it enough, if public memory is judged from the state and confidence of individuals? Is it thus that, by one remedy applied in the nick of time—perhaps a very hot one—French pain and danger are at once forgotten, as if the wound had already been tended? O supreme and eternal providence of God, has the dense darkness of impious error so completely covered our age that, even with God thundering, we cannot look upward? If we forget to gaze at heaven, why then do we not at least look all around attentively, so that by human feeling alone France might recover her strength? But now we look neither to the right nor to the left, we do not look behind us, and we do not even strive to see what lies ahead. Only that which is placed before our eyes, or that upon which we repeatedly stumble, do we deem worthy of notice. So one is moved to wonder at the sluggishness, or the madness, of those whose chief eye is usually used for spectacles: men who, when it comes to buying estates, rebuilding houses, and preserving their family names, seem to look far ahead, and even to their great-grandchildren and descendants and beyond; yet they do not serve popular opinion, though it is destined to flow on to posterity, even if they themselves should pass their lives with an unbroken course of happiness, and for a longer span than usual, which happens very rarely. And yet why do I call the condition of those men happiness, when none of them is allowed to possess security for himself, since they have once renounced the tranquility of civic and municipal life in favor of the power of the court? For who can rest within the measure of his birth, being of little account?

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esse animi aut degeneris arbitrantur, ij quàm altissimè uo lentes emicare, eò abripiuntur sæpe, & effrûtur, unde si= ne præcipitio in uitam descendere tranquillior[um] nequeat. Atqui huiusmodi est ferè eorum conditio, qui ius in caput hominum, atq[ue] in fortunas habere, aut decus opimum esse putant, aut culmen felicitatis. Quos equidem (ut nûc sunt humana) crediderim potius gradum ad æternum præcipitium factitare, quàm ad ueram beatitudinem uel tantulum proficere. Qui enim sensus omnes suos diuino desponsos amori, cultuiq[ue] religionis ascriptos, humano obsequio & fastui seculari ita mancipauerit, ut ne animam < Anima humana i baptisma- te in dei manu & potestatem mancipat, quo te[m]pore eiurat obsequium de monis, id est, dæmoni renu- ciat obsequiu[m].> quidem receperit coelesti sodalitio natam atque creatam, quæ in manum ipsa dei mancipiumq[ue] tum co[m]uenit, quum in militiæ Christianæ tyrocinio quisque nostrum sacramento primùm dominico dixit, nomenq[ue] dedit lustrali rore respersus: quonam modo is non perfidus & transfuga est, qui à deo, in cuius uerba sanctissimè adaclus est, ad e[ss]u[m] mundi fastum desciscit, cuius ipse obsequium rogatus eiurauit? Etenim anima usqueadeo aulicæ potentiæ amore capta, quid aliud quàm à sponso suo eodem que domino diuertens, res suas sibi habere eum iubet, ac cum dote sua licet profectitia, dominica, atque paterna transit ad amorem impietatis? Sed deus ipse ista uiderit, cuius est prouidentiæ quicquid rectè atque ordine in commune consultur, ut eius est conniuentiæ destinatæ quicquid nunc populus perpetitur. Cæterùm (ut ad rem redeam) si per hosce aliquot annos isti hominum merita in dispensandis honoribus, & officijs publicis expensa & ponderata quoquo modo fuisse contenderint, sunt qui ausint affirmare, raro libripedibus ipsis eorum lancem competitorum ijsse pessum, qui meritis quamlibet amplis uel aurum, uel ne= cessitudine

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Those people think these impulses are either degenerate or base; the more they try to soar aloft, the more often they are swept away and dashed to pieces, so that they cannot descend into life without a downfall more tranquil people do not suffer. And such is for the most part the condition of those who think they have power over the lives of men and over fortunes, or who imagine honor to be wealth or the summit of happiness. Of these, I would certainly believe, as human affairs now stand, that they are making rather a step toward eternal ruin than making even the slightest progress toward true blessedness. For whoever has surrendered all his senses to divine love, and enrolled them in the service of religion, so that he has bound himself to human compliance and worldly vanity, to the point that he has not even received the soul itself, born and created for heavenly fellowship, into the service of baptism and into God’s hand and power—at the time when each of us first, in the training camp of the Christian soldiery, took the Lord’s oath and, sprinkled with the cleansing dew, gave his name—how can such a man not be faithless and a deserter, if he turns away from God, to whose word he has most solemnly committed himself, and goes over to the pomp of the world, whose service he once renounced when asked? Indeed, a soul so taken captive by love of courtly power does nothing else than, turning away from its bridegroom and lord, bid him keep his affairs to himself, and with its dowry—though it be an acquired one, a lord’s, and a father’s—passes over to the love of impiety. But let God himself look to these things, since whatever is rightly and orderly considered for the common good belongs to his providence, just as whatever the people now suffer belongs to his appointed forbearance. But to return to the matter: if, during these past few years, they have in some fashion maintained that the merits of men in the distribution of honors and public offices have been weighed and assessed, there are some who would dare to affirm that seldom has even their own balance among the competitors been overturned, those who, however great their merits, have had either gold or kinship

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cessitudinem, uel aliud quippiam commendatitium no[n] ad= diderint, quod uirtutem doctrinamq[ue] prægrauaret, & fa= mam quæuis illustrem. Ita uiros eximios, qui aut ingenij ornamentis, aut prærogatiua natalium, aut innocentiæ & doctrinæ suffragio renunciari sperent, & sua crescere in= dustria, obstrictos ijs esse graui quopiam autoramento ne cesse est, qui officinæ illius beatricis atque fortunatricis ui deri mancipes gaudent atque magistri: quorum ut quisq[ue] maximè uel obscuris uel exiguis natalibus ortus est, ita ple ruq[ue] esse solet plenissimus tumoris ac fastidij. Vnum tame[n] eorum genus semper exitiabile fuit, qui diuturno grassati obsequio, in omniumq[ue] potentium obseruantiam compo= siti: oris tandem probitate obrepserunt ijs qui super admis siones erant. Hoc genus & flexiloquum, & ad omnem re rum inclinationem, aut fortunæ celerem euariatione[m], Chæ mælcontea quoq[ue] ipsum mutatione aliud atque aliud esse solet. Visi sunt sæpe Onocephali qui numerum augerent, ut in omni ordine ferè hominum sunt quos fortunæ tantu[m] esse ludibria iudices, qui nec ingenio præditi, nec arte ulla[m] ciuili intincti sunt, nec natura aut sciti aut lepidi, sed fru= ges tantum consumere prytanei nostri nati. Illi enimuero nos urut aulici ueterani, uel uerius ueteratores, qui manu= bijs popularibus beati, proceresq[ue] ob æratos uersuris auto rantes, eos processibus suis ipsorum inimicos putant esse & aduersos, qui ijs studijs incumbunt, quæ quæstum non factitant. Hos stipatos manipulis asseclarum uidere est, quos uelut tyrocinio deducunt in officinam Ditis, ut illic argentariam factitent. Ii autem illorum pedissequi, ut li= terarum irrisores improbuli, sic ærarij arrosores minutu= li à uulgò dictitantur: ad id tamen succenturiati ab illis, ut uberrimum quodque munus per manus traditum susci= G piant

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unless they have added some badge of dependence, or some other commendatory mark, which would outweigh virtue and learning and any illustrious reputation. Thus men of distinction, who hope to be proclaimed by the ornaments of their talents, or by the privilege of birth, or by the support of innocence and learning, and to rise by their own industry, must of necessity be bound by some heavy obligation to those who rejoice in seeming to be the stewards and masters of that beneficent and fortunate office; and the more anyone is born of obscure or lowly parents, the more usually full of arrogance and disdain he is. Yet one kind of them has always been ruinous: those who, after long-continued subservience and having conformed themselves to the observance of all the powerful, have at last by the honesty of their face crept into the favor of those above them. This kind is also versatile in speech, and, with every turn of affairs or quick change of fortune, is apt to become one thing and then another by a Chameleon-like transformation. Often there have seemed to be ass-headed fellows who merely swell the number, as in nearly every rank of men there are those whom you judge to be only the sport of fortune, who are endowed with neither talent, nor any civil accomplishment, nor by nature are they witty or charming, but are born only to consume the provisions of our prytaneum. Indeed, those old courtiers, or rather old sharpers, who, enriched by popular favor and making use of the well-stuffed speeches of the nobles, think those who devote themselves to studies that do not make money are their enemies and opponents, can be seen surrounded by bands of their adherents; these they lead as if through their apprenticeship into the workshop of Dis, there to practice the trade of money-making. But these followers of theirs, as mean mockers of learning, are commonly called petty gnawers of the treasury; yet they are sent ahead by them so that they may receive, by hand after hand, every richest office that is transferred from one to another. G

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET piant, quod quidem esse possit in aulæ commercio. Ex ma[n] nubijs enim popularibus suppeditantur iuuenes beatuli, quæ literatis & doctis sacrosanctæ solent esse. Huiuscemo di autem stationarijs ordinum ductores in sua uerba adactis, firmissimum quodque tenent Reip. præsidiu[m]: nequa[m] do summa potestas & arbitrium ærariæ rei inclinatione aliqua rerum ex sinu suo excidat. Et nos consilium publi cum tantis hactenus copijs Galliæ non suppetijsse miramur? Quis enim ià referre uel honestatis uel utilitatis publicæ putat, qui quibus anteponantur? Nec uerò Gallia qualibet latis finibus patens, multis magistratibus atque honoribus instructa, multipliciterq[ue] descriptis, propinquis & necessarijs istorum cum numero permultis, tum uerò cupiditate deuorantibus uberrimu[m] quodq[ue] munus, iam esse satis potest. Quare quum magnæ ipsorum cognationes, etiam affinitates dudum coiuisse uisæ sint, quæ nul la ui uel legitima, uel aduersarum factionum frangi possint aut dissui, quid illis tandem sperandum est, qui suffragatores uel sequestres intra septa non habent? nam meritorum quidem surdas preces inanesq[ue] nihil prodesse scimus, quu[m] alioquin omnia in potestate ij teneant, qui dies & horas soli comitialeis nouerunt. Quidni enim comitia uel differre possint uel auferre, qui etiam iustitium edicut quum libuit, & remittunt? Sed quid nominis appellemus, aut quid hominum potius eos esse dicamus, quorum haud ita pridem silentium plus regno nostro nouimus incommodasse, quàm omnium potuere concionantium uociferationes prodesse? Sirach ille philosophus Iudæorum secundum Solomonem sapientissimus, tricesimo capite sui libri ita inquit: Effusa bona in ore compresso, stercula epularum apposita sepulchro. O fædissimam culpam, quum is animus

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G. BVD. OF THE ASSEMBLY AND plant, which indeed may be possible in the commerce of the court. For from the hands of the populace are supplied the young favorites, who are accustomed to be sacred to the learned and the educated. But of this kind of stationers, with the leaders of the orders brought into their own words, hold the very strongest defense of the commonwealth: lest the supreme power and the control of the treasury should by any inclination fall away from their grasp. And do we marvel that public counsel has thus far not been supplied to Gaul with so great forces? For who now considers it a matter either of honor or of public utility, who should be preferred before whom? Nor indeed can Gaul, open with broad boundaries, furnished with many magistracies and honors, and with offices distributed in many ways, and with very many near relations and necessary connections, now suffice, both because of the great number of those offices and because of those who, driven by greed, devour every richest office. Therefore, since their great kinships, and even alliances by marriage, seem long ago to have united, and can by no force, whether lawful or of hostile factions, be broken or dissolved, what at last is to be hoped for by those who have neither supporters nor intermediaries within the voting enclosures? For we know that the deaf and empty prayers of merit avail nothing, since otherwise all things are in the power of those alone who know the electoral days and hours. Why, indeed, should they not be able to postpone elections or carry them off, who even proclaim a suspension of business when it pleases them, and dismiss it again? But by what name should we call them, or rather what sort of men should we say they are, whose silence not long ago we know to have harmed our kingdom more than all the shouting of orators could possibly have helped? That philosopher of the Jews, Sirach, next to Solomon the wisest, says thus in the thirtieth chapter of his book: “Poured-out good things in a shut mouth, are like the fare of a feast laid upon a grave.” O most foul fault, when that spirit

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 467 animus in rerum non exhibetur actu, quem uel mores uel anteacta uitâ spondere, uel frons denique impostericula ui= debatur præferre. Silentium dico? Vtinam hactenus ærgui possent. Heu mores huius ætatis. Quo'nam tandem gen= tium germana uirtus abijt? Cedo nunc Aristidem unum, unum Fabritium, aut Nasicam, quicum in tenebris micê, & ego halcyonem uidisse me gloriabor. Cedo Catonem, aut alium quemuis liberi spiritus uirum, qui & reipubli= cæ charitate ducatur, & precarium se honorem habere nô meminisse uelit. Cedo qui in actu publico pleraq[ue]; in pri= uatas rationes non referat, nec uelut fortunæ largienti pu blica, pandendum esse priuatum sinum putet exemplo Luculliano, atque etiam Gabiniano. Cedo deniq[ue]; qui sim plici innocentia & integritate, quàm multiplici loricæ opum & propinquitatum aliarumq[ue]; necessitudinum te= tus esse malit, nô modò aduersus uim aulicam & impro= bam, sed etiam aduersus legitimam & ciuilem. Postremò ostende unu[m] ex istis uultuosis & personatis, qui aliquan= do omnibus integumentis simulationum euolutum se, uel amico & propinquo cognoscendum dederit. Ita ne uerò isti à conspectu nostro rapti, quum eos exceperint munia grandiora, iubeant non modò nos, sed etiam honestatem, ac ueritatem ualere, quasi ut in alienos mores (ô maleficâ uim Vertumni) sic in aulicos immigrarint, & primos ui= tæ actus, quasi obsides hominu[m] existimationi datos, æta= te iam uergente perfidè destituant? Videant quæso etiam atq[ue]; etia[m], ne id perinde esse credatur, atque si maturam se= getem laudu[m] suaru[m], tædio ipsi uitæ compositæ tandem ca= pti, repètè (ut sic loquar) inarare, uertereq[ue]; dicerètur. At= qui tales aliquado inuëtos esse eôstat, qui dignitate uultus populo imponeret, & oris probitate: ut nuces intus mar= G 2 cidæ

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 467 the mind is not shown in action, which either habits or prior life seemed to promise, or at last the face itself seemed to bear as an outward sign of deception. Shall I speak of silence? Would that even these could still be accused. Alas, the morals of this age! Whither at last has the genuine virtue of nations gone? Produce now one Aristides, one Fabricius, or Nasica; with whom, if I should shine in the dark, I would boast that I had seen a halcyon. Produce Cato, or any other man of a free spirit, who is led by devotion to the commonwealth, and who is unwilling to remember that he holds honor on sufferance. Produce one who, in public office, does not refer most things to private advantage, nor thinks that, like Lucullus and even Gabinius, the public purse is to be opened to his private chamber as though to Fortune bestowing gifts. Produce, finally, one who would rather be protected by simple innocence and integrity than by the multiple armor of wealth, kinship, and other ties, not only against courtly and unjust violence, but even against lawful and civil authority. Lastly, show me one of those smooth-faced and masked men who has ever once, after stripping off all the coverings of simulation, given himself to be recognized even by a friend or kinsman. Are those men then, once snatched from our sight when greater offices have received them, to bid not only us, but also honor and truth, be gone, as though they had migrated into the customs of others (O mischievous power of Vertumnus), and, with their first acts of life, as though pledges given to men’s reputation, treacherously abandon them now that age is inclining? Let them see, I pray, and again and again, lest this should be believed to be no different from a ripe harvest of their own praises, that, wearied at last with life itself, they have taken up the plough again, so to speak, and turned back to it. And yet it is stated that such men have sometimes been found, who would deceive the people by the dignity of their appearance and the honesty of their face: as chestnuts with the marl inside G 2 cidæ

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cidæ specioso sæpe fallunt legentes putamine. Rursus idem Sirach cap. tertio & tricesimo, Pabulu[m], inquit, & uirga & sarcinæ asello, panis & institutio & opus mancipio. Quorsum, inquis, hæc philosophi dicta? Nempe ut intel= ligatur uirum sapientem priore loco eorum socordia[m] figu ratè compellasse, qui sibi ac propinquis impigri & diser= ti (ut claris innotuit exemplis) in causa tamen populari inuenti sunt infantes ac remussi, idq[ue] eo tempore, quum eos nauos esse & facundos, rerum summæ interesset. Quibus aliquando ipsis, corumq[ue] collegis aut successoribus cam mentem dari uelim, ut uel pulpito facessant (ut dicitur) uel dicenda inculcandaq[ue] in tempore proloquantur. Alterum illud symbolum ad regum eruditionem proditum esse cen seo, ut crassis ac pigris ingenijs sordida ipsi munera reip. & uelut clitellas publicas iniungerent, exigua quoq[ue] sala ria geometrica proportione statuentes, ut Aristoteles do= cuit ratione pulcherrima de iure distributiuo loquens. exi mios autem uiros, quorum industria solertiaq[ue] rebus in ar= duis uti possent, primario ut pane alitos, ad ingenua mu= nia transcriberent, ingenuis ipsos artibus institutos: nec eos uitam agere sincerent ignobiles & abditos, qui orna= mento reipub. & usui esse possent. Ecquod est enim per su peros immortales aut utilius regni administrandi aut splen didius instrum[en]tum ad finitimas etiam & longinquas na tiones resulgens, quàm doctorum hominum multitudo, partim in comitatu regis agens, partim per uaria reipub. munia distributa? Huiuscemodi enim scrinia (ut dicitur) pectoralia, optimos & potetissimos principes circunfer= re necesse est, quibus in ipsis ius, fas, & æquitate[m], omneq[ue] genus ciuilis humaniorisq[ue] doctrinæ, c[on]dita ad usum quo tidianum habeant. At nunc is est reip. nostræ status, ut clitellæ

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These things, with their attractive husk, often deceive readers. Again, the same Sirach, in chapter thirty-three, says: “For a fool, bread and correction and a burden for the ass; for a servant, bread, discipline, and work.” Why, you ask, these sayings of the philosophers? Certainly so that it may be understood that the wise man has figuratively reproached, in the first place, the laziness of those who, for themselves and their own kin, are found to be diligent and eloquent— as is shown by clear examples—yet, in a popular cause, are found to be infants and slack, and that too at a time when it was of the highest importance that they be active and fluent. I would wish that at some time a mind of this sort be given to them themselves, and to their colleagues or successors, so that they may either quit the pulpit, as the saying goes, or speak in season what must be said and urged upon others. I judge that the other symbol was handed down for the instruction of kings: that they should assign to coarse and sluggish minds the sordid tasks of the commonwealth, and, as it were, public pack-saddles, while also fixing small salaries in geometrical proportion, as Aristotle taught in his very beautiful discussion of distributive justice. But outstanding men, whose industry and skill could be used in difficult affairs, they should transfer, as being supported by bread in the first place, to honorable duties, men trained in liberal arts; nor should they allow those to lead a life obscure and hidden, who could be an ornament to the state and of service to it. For what, by the immortal gods, is either a more useful or a more splendid instrument for administering a kingdom, shining forth even to neighboring and distant nations, than a multitude of learned men, some serving in the king’s retinue, others distributed through the various offices of the commonwealth? For such repositories of the heart, as the saying goes, must necessarily be borne about by the best and most powerful princes, in which they may have stored, for daily use, justice itself, piety, equity, and every kind of civil and humane learning. But now such is the condition of our commonwealth, that the pack-saddles

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PARTIB EIVS LIB. IIII. 469 elitellæ generosis equis, instrataq[ue] speciosa imponantur asinis. Proinde quum nec oculi nec aures Regis officium suum nunc agnoscant, & homines quidam in rebus suis acres, in republica & principis aut languidi aut hebetes, nec deligere ipsi idoneos uiros, nec hominu[m] famam secundam aut incommoda[m] satis explorare nouerint: quid causæ est tandem quin omnium in Rep. perperam factorum crimina ad eos pertineant? & quòd Francia male nunc audit atque ignominiose ob doctorum sapietumq[ue]; penuriâ, id ijs in crimen uerti debeat, per quos hîc tales multos esse non licet? Quid si etiam corum nonnulli prorsus doctos & bonos, eorumq[ue] dissimiles nouere, sed procul eos guberna culis summouent, ne uel coru[m] acta ad manus ipsi assiciat, aut in puppim fortasse admitti tade[m] uelint? Manauit enim hæc opinio in omnes iam ordines, cordatiores ideo homines istis suspectos esse, quòd prælucentem ipsi facem propius admoueri rebus gerendis nolint. Certè uidimus huiusmodi non admissos in consortium, quum uox id publica uociferatu summo, sed confuso flagitaret. Aut igitur hoc fateantur necesse est, amussim se albam in lapide albo esse, qui internaros ignarosq[ue] discerniculu[m] nesciant: aut nosse se quidem notæ melioris homines, sed no[n] tam scenæ & populo, aut etiam ueritati sese probare, quàm potentiæ suæ & commodis inseruire constituisse, principisq[ue] senectuti aut infirmæ ualetudini hactenus illusisse atq[ue] imposuisse. Vtrumuis autem fateantur, paris erit impudetiæ. Etenim qui satis secundas partes implere nequeunt, quæ (malum) fronte primas tenere contendunt? præsertim quu[m] tot egre gios actores inter cuneos inerteis exactosq[ue] sedere uideamus, & decus scenæ proceres longissimè submotos? eorum si sagacitatem requirere nuc uacaret, aut id interesse rerum G 3

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PART OF THE SAME, BOOK IV. 469 let the couches be placed on the backs of noble horses, and the splendidly furnished ones on asses. Since therefore neither the king’s eyes nor ears now recognize their duty, and certain men are sharp in their own affairs, but in the affairs of the commonwealth and of a prince either sluggish or dull, and neither know how to choose suitable men themselves, nor sufficiently understand the reputation, good or bad, of men: what cause is there at last why the blame for all the things badly done in the Republic should not attach to them? And why should it be held against them that France is now spoken of ill and with disgrace, because of a shortage of learned and wise men, when through them it is not permitted that many such men should be here? What if some of them even know perfectly well the learned and good, and those unlike them, but keep them far from the helm, lest either their deeds be brought by them to their hands, or they may perhaps wish them at last to be admitted to the prow? For this opinion has spread through all orders, that the more prudent men are therefore suspect to them, because they do not wish the shining torch to be brought nearer to the management of affairs. Certainly we have seen men of this sort not admitted into the fellowship, although the public voice cried out for it most loudly, though in confusion. Either then they must admit this: that they are a white mark on a white stone, who do not know how to distinguish the inwardly blind from the ignorant; or that they do indeed know men of better character, but have resolved to approve themselves not so much to the stage and the people, or even to truth, as to serve their own power and interests, and hitherto to have mocked and imposed upon the prince’s old age or weak health. But whichever of the two they admit, the shamelessness will be equal. For those who are unable to play their parts well enough, why do they, confound it, strive to hold the first place in front? especially since we see so many excellent actors sitting idle and neglected among the benches, and the dignitaries, the ornaments of the stage, removed far away? If one were now to seek their sagacity, or whether that matters to affairs G 3

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET rerum magnopere arbitraremur, quàm facilè esset docere Franciam non modò oculis & auribus nostro caruisse te= pore, sed (quod instar est monstri) ne olfactus quidem sen= sorium habuisse? Quam enim tandem clade odorari antè potuimus aduentantem, quàm ab ea oppressi? quid antè prouidere, quàm in oculos incurrit? Quem rumorem belli prius auscultatu captare, quàm omnia classicis personare uisa sunt? Hunc statum rerum in Gallia uidimus, quo statu res gestas si quis olim memoriæ mandare statuerit, eorum quidem queis lotis manibus stylum capessere duceré que licebit, luculentum sanè argumetum scribendi copiosumq[ue] habebit, & ex eo posteritas intelliget quàm magnificè sese nonnulli in rerum administratione gesserint. Quis enim amans patriæ, quum paulo acriorem animu ad hæc scribenda applicauerit, non hoc præcipuè docere conten dat, & persuadere, quòd Francorum natio inuidia prius rerum in Italia prosperrimè gestarum, deinde etiam odio & contemptu laborauit ob immutatum rerum statu euen tu propè interneciuo: non id uitium gentis fuisse, quæ tot seculis documentum strenuitatis suæ dedit, comis & inno xiæ, ut quidem sunt iura belli, sed temporis fatalis, sed am bitionis paucorum, præcipitis atq[ue] inertis, quàm uniuer= sæ gentis ignominia expiari oportuit, ut exemplum secu= lis in posteru proderetur: sed quidlibet potius, quàm uni= uersæ gentis uel scelus uel erratum? Hæ (ut arbitror) sunt causæ quamobrem Francia latius atque augustius impe= rium non habet, ne mirum sit reputantibus, cum amplum ei & magnificum latè imperitandi instrumentum semper fuerit, rerum tamen gestarum rationem & gloriam haud= quaquam pro portione constare. Quare si moribus iam nostris qui rerum summam tenent, tenebuntq[ue] in posteru[m]; in disqui

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G. BVD. OF THE AXLE AND of things we should think it greatly noteworthy how easy it would be to show that France in our time lacked not only sight and hearing, but also, as it were a monstrous thing, even the sense of smell? For by what disaster could we have smelled an enemy approaching before we were crushed by him? What could we have foreseen before it came into our eyes? What rumor of war could we have caught by listening earlier, before everything seemed to resound with trumpets? We saw this state of affairs in France, and if anyone should someday decide to commit these events to memory, he who with washed hands may take up the stylus will surely have a splendid occasion for writing and abundant matter; and from it posterity will understand how magnificently certain men conducted themselves in the administration of affairs. For what lover of his country, when he has applied a somewhat keener mind to writing these things, would not especially strive to prove and persuade that the French nation first suffered from envy at the very prosperous successes in Italy, and then also from hatred and contempt, because of the altered state of affairs, with an outcome almost ruinous; that this was not the fault of a people who for so many centuries gave proof of their valor, courteous and innocent, as the laws of war indeed are, but rather of a fatal time and the ambition of a few, hasty and idle men, a stain that ought to have been wiped away by the whole nation, so that it might be handed down as an example to future ages: but anything rather than either a crime or an error of the whole nation? These, I believe, are the reasons why France does not have a wider and greater empire; nor should it be surprising to those who reflect that, although she has always had ample and magnificent means for ruling widely, still the reckoning and glory of her deeds by no means correspond to that measure. Therefore, if now the character of those who hold the supreme power in our affairs, and will hold it in the future, in the inquiry...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 471 in disquisitionem conuentuum aliquando principe præ side uocarentur, nonnulli sæpe qui nasutos sese uideri uo= lunt, haud dubiè (quod aiunt) apprimè simi, atque ea par= te de formes ab omnibus cernerentur. Proinde qui illorum sunt adhuc superstites, ij maximopere laborare debent, ut præteriti temporis damna sarcientes, publici etiam dede= coris discutiant suggillata, ut quidem discuti possunt. Sic enim fiet ut uulgatæ opinionis et per omnes ordines per= uagatæ sententia inducêda, à qua uix prouocare quisqua[m] potest, publicæ etiam ipsi famæ tympana sonitu hilariore ac festiuiore pulsent. Ad hoc autem ideo alacriore animo, ac spe meliore comparare se possunt, quòd rebus gestis genialis huius anni ansam ipsis deus retinendi guber= nacula dedit, etiam cum laude non uulgari. qua occasione utinam & probè & solerter ipsi tantisper dum licet & uacat utantur, ut nobis aliquando argumetum palinodiæ detur. Multa alia restabant eôdem pertinentia: sed me medios hæc actus intercinere memini. Et hactenus Hercu= les & Liber pater, ut est in prouerbio: ulterius etiam for= tasse libertati Franciæ aqua fluere non uideretur. Proinde uelut animo iam recreato & instaurato regesta indigni= tate, ipse reuertar ad uiam institutam, quæ adhuc ma= gna restat. Romanarum Persicarumq[ue] opum commentatione[m] ex= cipiet Iudæorum mentio, quorum Reges David & Solo= mon immanes diuitias possedisse legutur: quas eo magis le uiter excutie[n]das esse duxi, ne præuærationis arguerer, quàm quòd explicandi de ijs aliquid & statuendi fiduciâ conceperim. Iuuabat & alioquin in eas res inquirere, quæ (ut uulgi est opinio) sola sacrorum scriptorum auto= ritate subnixæ esse creduntur. Iamprimùm igitur prioris G 4 Paralip. C[on]uentus Gal liæ sunt quos uulgò tres sta- tus uocant. Significat con iugium regiu[m]. De Iudæorum opulentia.

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PART IV. OF HIS BOOK IV. 471 inquiry into assemblies, when at times they would be summoned by the prince to preside, several who like to appear sharp-witted were often, without doubt (as they say), most like them, and in that respect were seen by all as forms. Therefore those of them who are still surviving ought to labor all the more, so that by repairing the losses of past time they may also wipe away the stains of public disgrace, as far as these can indeed be wiped away. For thus it will come about that the opinion made common and spread through all ranks, from which scarcely anyone can dissent, will also cause the drums of public fame itself to sound with a more cheerful and festive note. For this reason too they can prepare themselves with a more eager spirit and better hope, because by the events accomplished God has given them occasion to keep hold of the reins of government in this cheerful year, even with no small praise. I wish that on this occasion they would make use of it both well and skillfully, as long as it is permitted and there is leisure, so that at some time an argument for a recantation may be given to us. Many other things remained pertaining to the same subject; but I remember that I interrupted these in the middle of the proceedings. And so far Hercules and Father Liber, as the proverb goes: perhaps no further water would seem to flow to the liberty of France. Therefore, as my mind is now refreshed and restored by having put away the indignity, I myself will return to the course I have begun, which still remains large. After the discussion of the riches of the Romans and Persians will come mention of the Jews, whose kings David and Solomon are said to have possessed enormous wealth: and I have thought that these should be examined more lightly, both lest I be accused of acting in bad faith, and because I have conceived confidence in explaining something about them and in determining it. It was also pleasing, on the other hand, to inquire into those matters which, as is the common opinion, are believed to rest solely on the authority of sacred writers. First, then, of the former G 4 Paralip. The assemblies of Gaul are what are commonly called the three estates. It signifies a royal marriage. On the wealth of the Jews.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Paralip. cap. secundo & uicesimo Dauid ita loquens ad Solomonem inducitur: Confortare, & uiriliter age: ne ti= meas, neq; paueas: ecce ego in paupertatula mea præpara ui impensas domus domini, auri talenta centum nullia, & argenti mille millia talentum. Et secundi Regum v 1 1 1. Et percussit Dauid Adadezer Regem Soba, quando pro= fectus est ut dominaretur super flumen Euphratem. Venit quoq; Syria Damasci ut præsidium ferret Adadezer. Et percussit Dauid de Syria x x 1 1. millia Syrorum. facta est Syria Dauid seruiens sub tributo, & tulit Dauid arma aurea quæ habebant serui Adadezer, & detulit ea in Hie= rusalem. Libro autem tertio Regum cap. x. Non erat ar= gentum, nec alicuius pretij putabatur in diebus Solomo= nis, quia classis Regis per mare cum classe Hiram semel per tres annos ibat in Tharseis, deferens inde aurum & argentum. Et paulo inferius, Fecitq; ut tanta esset abunda[m] tia auri & argenti in Hierusalem, quanta & lapidu[m]. Hac hyperbole immensa auri argentiq; uis fuisse significatur in thesauris Solomonis. Vidimus supra summas Persarum opes centum & octoginta millia talentum fuisse post Da= rium uictum, quibus oportet septem millia addere quæ Darius Ecbatanis fugiens secum in tumultu rapuit, ut au= tor est Arrianus, & ijs rursus coniectura addere sumptum eius belli. Historia autem Regum dicit Dauid habuisse ar genti mille millia talentum, id est decies centena millia, & auri centum millia, quæ minima computatione mille millia talentum argenti ualent. Ita fit, ut decies maiores fuerint Dauid opes quàm Darij. Existimo autem & Per= sicum talentum & Hebraicum idem cu[m] Babylonio fuisse talento: qua ratione, summa, sexta parte augetur. Qua= re fidem res illa habitura non uidetur homunum quidem sensu

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET In the second book of Chronicles, David is brought in speaking thus to Solomon: “Be strong, and act manfully: do not fear, nor be afraid; behold, in my poverty I have prepared the expenses for the house of the Lord, a hundred thousand talents of gold, and a thousand thousand talents of silver.” And in the second book of Kings, chapter 8. “And David struck Hadadezer king of Zobah, when he had gone forth to extend his rule over the river Euphrates. Syria also of Damascus came to aid Hadadezer. And David struck of Syria twenty-two thousand Syrians.” Syria became subject to David, paying tribute, and David took the golden shields which the servants of Hadadezer had, and brought them to Jerusalem. But in the third book of Kings, chapter 10, silver was not regarded as of any value in the days of Solomon, because the king’s fleet, together with Hiram’s fleet, went by sea once in three years to Tarshish, bringing from there gold and silver. And a little below: “And he made that there was as great an abundance of gold and silver in Jerusalem as of stones.” By this hyperbole it is signified that an immense quantity of gold and silver was in the treasures of Solomon. We have seen above that the vast wealth of the Persians amounted to one hundred and eighty thousand talents after Darius had been defeated, to which must be added seven thousand that Darius, fleeing from Ecbatana, snatched away with him in the confusion, as Arrian is the authority, and to these again must be conjecturally added the expense of that war. But the history of the Kings says that David had a thousand thousand talents of silver, that is, ten times a hundred thousand, and a hundred thousand of gold, which, by the smallest computation, are worth a thousand thousand talents of silver. So it turns out that David’s wealth was ten times greater than that of Darius. I believe also that the Persian talent and the Hebrew talent were the same as the Babylonian talent; on that basis, the total is increased by one sixth. Wherefore, that matter does not seem likely to win credence even from men of sense.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 473 sensu, etiam si autoritati sacrosanctæ id creditur. Quanquam etiam magis illud hyperbolicum uidetur quod Ctesias de Sardanapalo scripsit, qui ducentis circiter annis Solomonis ætate[m] secutus, morte sua regnum Assyriorum finiuit. Ait enim cum regem ab Arbace Medo obsessum, fractis iam aduersa pugna uiribus, et victoriæ spe abscissa, pyram in regia struxisse altitudine pedum quadringe[m] torum, in qua cubilia centum et quinquaginta posuit aurea, totidemq[ue] ex auro mensas. In medio autem pyræ con tabulationem extruxit pedum quoquouersus centenum: in quo lecticas consternandas cum curauisset, superiorem contabulationis partem trabali materia contextit, & latera crebris ualidisq[ue] tignis cinxit, ita ut exitus non pateret. Quo facto ipse & uxor & pallacæ uarijs in lecticis iacuerunt in eo ædificio conclusi. In quod etiam ipsum auri centies centena millia, argenti uerò decies tan tundem congessit, id est, millies centena millia talentum, quod ipse myriade[m] myriadum appellat, id est, decies millena in sese multiplicata, ut antea dictum est: cum præteream summâ liberis, quos ad Nini Regem belli initio miserat, auri talenta numero tria millia dedisset. Super his operibus cum instrumento regio multiplici, ac copiosa uarietate distincto, quu[m] ipse ita cum uxore & pellicibus eius recubuisset, pyram illi ædificio circumdatam accendi per eunuchos, id est amicoru[m] iuratissimos iussit. Eos enim solos conscios consilioru[m] extremorum fecerat. Quo facto ipse cu[m] illis opibus diebus quindecim co[n]flagrauit, stupentibus alijs præter conscios. Fumus enim in sublime conuolutus, ingentis cuiusda[m] sacrificij opinione[m] faciebat, apud eos quidem qui extra regia[m] erant. ἐπείχασε ἡ ὑπικημα ὑδα κοις μεχάλως τε κοι μπαχειως, ἐπετα ἐν κύκλω πορίεθηκε G 5 πολλὰ

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 473 in sense, even if it is credited to sacred authority. Although even more hyperbolic seems that which Ctesias wrote about Sardanapalus, who, about two hundred years after the age of Solomon, ended the Assyrian kingdom by his death. For he says that, when the king was besieged by Arbaces the Mede, his strength broken in adverse battle and all hope of victory cut off, he built in the royal palace a pyre four hundred feet high, on which he placed one hundred and fifty golden couches, and as many tables of gold. In the middle of the pyre, moreover, he erected a platform one hundred feet in every direction, on which, after having the couches spread, he covered the upper part of the platform with timber, and enclosed the sides with numerous strong beams, so that no exit was possible. When this was done, he himself, his wife, and his concubines lay in various couches shut up in that building. Into it also he piled one hundred times one hundred thousand talents of gold, and of silver ten times as much, that is, one thousand myriads of talents, which he himself calls a myriad of myriads, that is, ten thousand multiplied by itself, as was said before; and I pass over the sum which he had given to the King Ninus, at the beginning of the war, to his children, three thousand talents of gold by number. Over these works, with the royal equipment varied and adorned with abundant splendor, when he himself had thus lain with his wife and his concubines, he ordered the pyre surrounding that building to be set on fire by the eunuchs, that is, by those most sworn friends. For these alone he had made privy to his final plans. When this was done, he with those treasures burned for fifteen days, to the amazement of all except the conspirators. For the smoke, rising into the air, gave the impression of some great sacrifice to those who were outside the palace. ἐπείχασε ἡ ὑπικημα ὑδα κοις μεχάλως τε κοι μπαχειως, ἐπετα ἐν κύκλω πορίεθηκε G 5 πολλὰ

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET πολλὰ ἐυλὰ και παχιὰ, ὑδε μὴ ἐἰν ἐθοδον. ἐνταῦδα περίεθηκε μὴ χρυσία μυριάδας χιλιας, ἀργυρία ἐν μυρίας μυριάδας γαλάντων, και ἀμάτα και ὑφηρας και σολὰς πανθεσπαίς. ἐπίδτα ὑφάξαι ἰκτιλοθέ πινο πυραν. και ἐκαίετο πιντευαίδεια ἐμμήρας, οι ἐν ἰδαύμασον ὑρώντες τον ἀπινον, και ἰδκαν ἀυτην θυσίας ἐπιτελην, ταῦτα ἐν μόνοι ἐθεσταν οι ἐιων ἐχοι. Redeamus ad Dauidem. Iosepus lib. VII. Antiquitatu[m] de eo loquens ita inquit, Reliquit aute[m] Dauid diuitias tantas quantas nemo alius Regu[m] nec Hebræoru[m], nec aliaru[m] gen- tium, πατελιπε ἐν πλῶν ὑδρον ἐκ ἀλλος ἡασπλος ὑντε ἐθραίων ὑντε ἀλλων ἰδιῶν. < David ditissimus regum omnium fuisse uiderur.> Ingentes aute[m] pecunias in sepulchro eius conditas fuisse dicit, & in Regum loculis, qui magna arte coditi ita erant, ut non facilè inueniri possent. Eusebius li bro 1 x. de præparatione Euangelica autor est Eupolemu[m] ita scriptum reliquisse, Dauid regem Syros & Phoenices usq[ue] ad Euphrate[m] domuisse: Idumæos etia[m] & Ammoni- tas, Ituræos, Moabitas, Nabatæos, Nabdæos, Suroneq[ue]; Tyri ac Phoeniciæ Regem, bello subactos tributa Iudæis pendisse: Dauidq[ue]; petēti diuinitus locum fuisse demon- stratum quo loco ædificaturus esset templu[m]. Sed cum san- guine hostiu[m] & multis cædibus per bella uaria impiatus, hoc facere non potuisset, quàm maximum potuit appara- tum fecisse. Itaq[ue] comparasse eum æris, argenti, auri talen- ta non pauca, lapides etiam & ligna cupressi & cedri: nauesq[ue] eum coëgisse Melanis Arabiæ ciuitate, misisseq[ue]; in insulam Vrphen in Rubro mari sitam, metallis auri sca- tentem: unde in Iudæam innumerabilia penè auri pondo delata fuisse. Dauid autem morientem regnum Solomoni filio tradidisse. Qui cum templum ædificaturus esset, deo ita uolente, literas ad Vaphren Aegypti regem scripsisse hoc exeplo: Rex Solomon Vaphri Aegypti Regi amico paterno

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET many good and thick things, and not in a way proper to mention. There he placed not many thousands of gold pieces, and silver, in myriads of talents, and garments and coverings and splendid vestments of all kinds. Then he ordered that the temple be made. And it was burned for many days, those who wondered at the offering, and saw it as a sacrifice, these things were established only among those who were holding to the traditions. Let us return to David. Josephus, book VII of Antiquities, speaking of him says thus: “David left behind such great riches as no other king, neither of the Hebrews nor of any other nations.” He says that immense sums of money were buried in his sepulchre, and in the royal chests, which were concealed with such great skill that they could not easily be found. Eusebius, in book 10 of the Preparation of the Gospel, is the authority for Eupolemus having written that King David subdued the Syrians and Phoenicians as far as the Euphrates; that the Idumeans also, and the Ammonites, Ituraeans, Moabites, Nabataeans, Nabdaeans, and Suron, and the king of Tyre and Phoenicia, having been conquered in war, paid tribute to the Jews; and that David, when he asked, was divinely shown the place where he was to build the temple. But since, defiled by the blood of enemies and by many slaughters in various wars, he was not able to do this, he prepared as great an apparatus as he could. Thus he gathered together no small amount of brass, silver, and gold talents, also stones and cypress and cedar wood; and he compelled ships from the city of Melanis in Arabia, and sent them to the island of Vrphen, situated in the Red Sea and abounding in gold mines; from which almost countless pounds of gold were brought into Judea. But David, dying, handed over the kingdom to his son Solomon. And when he was about to build the temple, God so willing, he wrote letters to Vaphren, king of Egypt, in this example: “King Solomon to Vaphri, king of Egypt, his paternal friend”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 475 paterno salutem. Scito me à deo magno Dauid patris mei regnum accepisse. Cumq[ue] nuhi pater madauerit templum deo condere, coeli & terræ conditori: ut etiam ad te scri= berem, addidit. Peto igitur abs te, ut artifices atq[ue] fabros ad ædificandum templum dei mittere uelis. Vaphren aute[m] inter alia hoc rescripsisse: Ad ædificandum templum dei < Vaphris resp[on]sio.> fabros atq[ue] ministros octoginta millia hominum ad te de= stinaui. Dabis igitur operam, ut rectè atq[ue] ordine uiuant, & rebus necessarijs non careant, temploq[ue] dei còdito in= columnes ad nos redeant. Itidem cum Solomon ad Surone[m] Tyri Regem scripsisset, simile tulit responsum, & eundè numeru[m] operariorum impetrauit. Et præterea architectu[m] Tyrium matre Iudæa natum, uirum in architectura sum= mum. Co[n]gruit hoc cu[m] eo quod dicitur III. Regum cap. v. ubi Rex Tyrius non Suron sed Hiram appellatur. Iose= pus libro octauo Antiquitatum epistolam Regis Hiram (quem Iromum à Tyrijs uocitatum esse dicit) & episto= < Iromus Rex Tyri.> lam Solomonis ad eum, ad suam ætate[m] asseruatas esse affir mat, non modò apud Iudæos, sed etiam apud Tyrios. Li= bro autem primo contra Apionem grammaticum, Sunt, inquit, apud Tyrios annorum multorum acta, quæ publi ca cura diligenter asseruantur, in quibus inter cætera hoc quoq[ue] perscriptum est, quòd Hierosolymis templum à So lomone exædificatum est annis centum & quadraginta prius quàm Tyrij Carthaginem coloniam ædificarunt. Apparatus etiam construendi templi in ea acta relatus est. Iromus enim Tyriorum Rex amicus erat Regis no= stri Solomonis, ἀνεργάρη ἐπένοις ἐπὴν ναῦν ἀγατα= σκολὴ ἐπὴ παρὰ ἐμὴν. ἐιρωμος χαρὸς ὑπὸ τῶν τυφῶν ἔασπλῶς φί= λος ἐν τῷ ἔασπλῶς ἐμὴν σολομωντῶν. Pergit Eupolemus, & rursum ita inquit, Totum autem aurum quod in tem= plo

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. OF THE IVth BOOK. 475 to my father’s greeting. Know that I have received the kingdom from the great god David, my father. And since my father had commanded me to build a temple to God, the creator of heaven and earth, he added that I should also write to you. I therefore ask you to be willing to send artisans and craftsmen for the building of the temple of God. Vaphren, however, replied among other things as follows: <Response of Vaphris.> For the building of the temple of God I have sent to you eighty thousand men, craftsmen and laborers. You will therefore take care that they live properly and in good order, and that they lack nothing necessary; and when the temple of God has been completed, let them return to us unharmed. Likewise, when Solomon wrote to Suron, king of Tyre, he received a similar reply, and obtained the same number of workmen. And in addition, a Tyrian architect, born of a Jewish mother, a man of the highest skill in architecture. This agrees with what is said in 3 Kings, chapter 5, where the king of Tyre is called not Suron but Hiram. Josephus, in the eighth book of the Antiquities, states that the letter of King Hiram—whom he says was called Iromus by the Tyrians—and Solomon’s letter to him were preserved up to his own time, not only among the Jews but also among the Tyrians. But in the first book against the grammarian Apion he says: “There are among the Tyrians records of many years, which are carefully preserved under public supervision, in which, among other things, this is also written: that the temple at Jerusalem was built by Solomon one hundred and forty years before the Tyrians founded Carthage as a colony. The preparations for building the temple are also recorded in those records. For Iromus, king of the Tyrians, was a friend of our king Solomon.” ἀνεργάρη ἐπένοις ἐπὴν ναῦν ἀγατασκολὴ ἐπὴ παρὰ ἐμὴν. ἐιρωμος χαρὸς ὑπὸ τῶν τυφῶν ἔασπλῶς φίλος ἐν τῷ ἔασπλῶς ἐμὴν σολομωντῶν. Eupolemus continues, and again says thus: “But all the gold that was in the temple”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET plo, columnis & uasis templi fuit consumptum, quadra- gies sexies centena nullia fuisse: argenti uerò ad clauos & alia instrum[en]ta, nulle ducenta trigintaduo talenta: æris uerò in columnis, fernicibus, ac cæteris, talenta decem & octo millia: remusisseq[ue] omnes in regiones suas Phoenices simul & Aegyptios. decem auri talenta singulis data. Ta lentum autem dico, inquit, quod siclum appellant. Et Ae- gyptiorum quidem Regi oleum et mel magna quantitate musisse: Suroni aute[m] columnam auream quæ Tyri in tem- plo Iouis conspicitur. Hæc interpretatio potest rem face- re credibilem. Sed quod dicitur quadragies sexies centena millia, non adiecto sicloru[m] uel talentum, nescio an librario rum sit uitium. Græcum enim exemplar non uidi. Siclus (inquit Hieronymus Ezechielis III.) stater est, hoc est, drachmæ quatuor. Exod. x x x. cap. ita legitur, Siclus ui- ginti obolos habet, media pars sicii offeretur domino. Quod declarans Iosepus lib. III. Antiquitatum, Siclus, in quit, Hebræoru[m] nomusma quatuor drachmas Atticas ha- bet. Hac ratione si singulis operarijs, qui centu[m] & sexa- ginta nullia erant, deni sicii dati sunt, hoc est, quadragenæ drachmæ, fiu[n]t quater & sexagies c[on]etena millia drachma- rum. Ex quibus quatuor & sexaginta millia pondo fiunt, eo numero per centenarium diuiso. Fiunt hæc nulle sexa- gintasex talenta, & quadraginta auri pondo, quæ æstima- tione nostra (in singulas enim libras centenos & duode- nos aureos solatos & semissem numeramus) bis & septua gies centena nullia solatoru[m] ualent: cu[m] fuerit illud aurum nullo alio metallo concretu[m]. Quæ summa si in opificu[m] mer cedem impensa est præter sumptus cibarioru[m], quò euasu- ram æstimationem operis cum instrumento sacrificiali & ornamentis templi putamus? Nempe ad infinitum uisum iri ne

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASHET ... and the columns and vessels of the temple were consumed, amounting to four hundred and sixty-six thousand; and of silver, for the nails and other instruments, two hundred and thirty-two talents; and of bronze, in the columns, the roofs, and the rest, eighteen thousand talents; and that the Phoenicians and Egyptians were all sent back into their own regions. Ten talents of gold were given to each. “By talent,” he says, “I mean what they call a shekel.” And to the king of the Egyptians, indeed, he sent large quantities of oil and honey; to Suron, however, a golden column, which is seen at Tyre in the temple of Jupiter. This interpretation can make the matter believable. But what is said, four hundred and sixty-six thousand, without adding shekels or talents, I do not know whether it is a scribal error. For I have not seen the Greek exemplar. A shekel, says Jerome on Ezekiel III, is a stater, that is, four drachmas. Exodus xxx. is read thus: “A shekel has twenty obols; half a shekel shall be offered to the Lord.” Josephus explains this in book III of the Antiquities: “A shekel,” he says, “the coin of the Hebrews, has four Attic drachmas.” On this basis, if ten shekels were given to each laborer, who were one hundred and sixty thousand in number, that is, forty drachmas, there result four hundred and sixty thousand drachmas. From these, sixty-four thousand pounds are made, if that number is divided by a hundred. This makes sixty-six talents and forty pounds of gold, which by our estimate—since we reckon one hundred and twelve and a half gold pieces to each pound—amount to two hundred and seventy-six thousand pieces of gold; and this gold had been formed from no other metal. If so great a sum was spent on the wages of the workmen, apart from the cost of provisions, how far do we think the estimate of the work itself, together with the sacrificial equipment and the ornaments of the temple, will go? Surely it will seem to go on to infinity, so to speak.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 477 iri necesse est, si quis apud Iosepum uasa templi legerit. Quòd si ita ponamus sumnum superiorem, ut quadragies sexies centena millia sicloru[m] fuerint in templo co[n]sumpta, hæc summa iam paulò minus quadruplicato cresce[n]t. Se= decies enim c[er]etena nullia sicloru[m] operarijs data sunt, quæ sexagintaquatuor millia pondo efficiu[n]t. Quæ si ternario multiplicetur, fiunt duodequinquagies centena millia si= clorum, quæ in ornatu[m] & supellectile[m] cedunt: cu[m] Eupole mus scripserit sex & quadraginta nullia siclorum auri in templi instrumentu[m] ornametumq[ue] absumpta fuisse, quibus nos ducetamillia addidimus, ut summa quadruplicato cre secret. Quòd si uniuersam summam exactè collegeris, bis & sexagies centena millia siclorum in duobus ijs capiti= bus inuenies: quæ ducenties quadragies octies centena mul lia drachmaru[m] ualent. Hæc si c[er]etenario partiamur, ducen ta quadragintaocto millia pondo auri in summa efficiun= tur. Quæ, ut in singula pondo aureos c[er]etenos statuamus, ducenties quadragiesocties centena millia aureorum ua= lent. Sed quoniâ aurum fuit obryzum, ut diximus, si in sin gula p[ro]do rursus duodenos aureos & semissem addamus, fient in summa ducenties septuagiesnouies centena sola= toru[m] millia. Quibus addere oportet nulle ac ducentoru[m] ta= lentum argenti æstimatione[m]. Fortasse expeditior erit cal= culus hoc modo: Ducenta quadragintaocto millia pondo auri, quatuor millia centu[m] & trigintatria talenta efficiu[n]t, & uiginti auri pondo, quæ duodecies totidem argenti ta lenta ualent, id est, undequinquaginta nullia & sexcenta talenta. Hæc ducenties nonagies septies centenis & LX. millibus aureorum coronatorum ualent. Et hæc summa superiori conueniet, si ad solatorum millia reducatur. Addit Eupolemus nulle aurea scuta à Solomone suisse fa= cta. In

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 477 it is necessary to go, if anyone should read in Josephus the vessels of the temple. But if we set the upper sum in this way, so that forty-six hundred thousand shekels were consumed in the temple, this sum will now grow to a little less than four times as much. For thirty-six hundred thousand shekels were given to the workmen, which makes sixty-four thousand pounds. If this is multiplied by three, there result fifty-eight hundred thousand shekels, which go to the ornaments and furnishings; whereas Eupolemus wrote that forty-six thousand shekels of gold were expended on the temple’s implements and adornment, to which we have added twenty thousand, so that the total may grow fourfold. If you collect the entire sum exactly, you will find two hundred and sixty hundred thousand shekels in these two categories; these are worth two hundred and forty-eight hundred thousand drachmas. If these are divided by thirty-six, there result two hundred and forty-eight thousand pounds of gold in the total. Which, if we reckon thirty-six gold coins to each pound, are worth two hundred and forty-eight hundred thousand gold pieces. But since the gold was refined, as we said, if to each pound we again add twelve and a half gold pieces, there will be in all two hundred and seventy-nine hundred thousand golden staters. To these must be added the valuation of two hundred talents of silver. Perhaps the easier calculation will be in this way: two hundred and forty-eight thousand pounds of gold make four thousand one hundred and thirty-three talents, and twenty pounds of gold, which are worth twice as many talents of silver, that is, fifty-nine thousand and six hundred talents. These are worth two hundred and ninety-seven hundred and sixty thousand gold crowns. And this total will agree with the earlier one, if it is reduced to staters. Eupolemus adds that Solomon made no golden shields from gold. In

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Et[a]. In tertio autem Regum cap. decimo ita legitur: Fecit quoque Rex Solomon ducenta scuta de auro purissimo. sexcentos auri siclos dedit in laminam scuti unius, & tre centas peltas ex auro probato, trecetæq[ue] minæ auri unam peltam uestiebât: posuitq[ue] eas Rex in domo saltus Libani. Per hoc intelligimus in ornatum templi scuta aurea non cessisse, & accedere ad quantitate[m] auri ab Eupolemo po- sitam. < Pelta.> Peltam autem scutum esse breue nemo est qui igno- ret, Vergilio dicente, Ducit Amazonidum lunatis agmina peltis. Aut hic locus igitur mendo se legitur, aut Iosepus & Hie- ronymus no[n] rectè sielu interpretati sunt. Deinde trecetæ minæ Atticæ, paulò plus ducentis uigintiquinq[ue] libris no stris zygostaticis ualent. tantum aute[m] pondus uix gygas sinistra manu uersaret. Plinius inter miracula roboris re- sert Fusium Saluium duo pondera centenaria pedibus, to tidem manibus & ducenaria duobus humeris cõtra scalas tulisse. At libra nostra quadrante maior est Romana. Ho- die iustum pondus baiularium centu[m] & sexaginta pondo esse dicunt. Postremò nec scuta nec peltæ solido auro con stabant, sed intus ligno, quod laminæ aureæ conuestiebât. Apud Iosepum lib. VIII. no[n] trecetæ minæ, sed tres legun tur. Editio etiam Græca sic habet, π[er]us μναί χνοιε ἰπύς ἰπι ὑπολογιν. Tres minæ auri inerant singulis scutis. Capite aute[m] modò dicto tertij Regum ita legitur, Egre- diebatur autem quadriga ex Aegypto sexcentis sielus ar- genti, & equuscentum quinquaginta. Atq[ue] in hunc modu[m] cuncti Reges Syriæ equos uenundabant. centenos quin- quagenos siclos in singulos equos preciu[m] statuit, seu sex- cenas drachmas, id est, nummo nostro sexagenos aureos coronatos. quo fit ut quadrigæ, id est, quaterni equi iuga- les, quæ

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Et[a]. But in the third Book of Kings, chapter ten, it is read thus: King Solomon also made two hundred shields of the purest gold. He used six hundred shekels of gold for the plating of one shield, and three hundred peltas of refined gold; and each pelt was covered with three hundred minae of gold; and the king placed them in the House of the Forest of Lebanon. From this we understand that the golden shields did not go to the adornment of the temple, and that the amount of gold assigned by Eupolemus does not agree. <Pelta.> But no one is unaware that a pelta is a small shield, as Virgil says, He leads the battalions of the Amazons with crescent-shaped peltae. Therefore either this passage is read with an error, or Josephus and Jerome did not interpret it correctly. Then three hundred Attic minae amount to a little more than two hundred and twenty-five of our zygostatic pounds. But such a weight scarcely even a giant would handle with his left hand. Pliny, among the marvels of strength, reports that Fusius Salvius carried two hundred-weight burdens with his feet, the same with his hands, and two hundred-weight burdens with both shoulders against the stairs. But our pound is a quarter greater than the Roman. Today they say the proper burden for porters is one hundred and sixty pounds. Lastly, neither the shields nor the peltae were made of solid gold, but within they were of wood, which the golden plates covered. In Josephus, book VIII, not three hundred minae, but three are read. The Greek edition also has it thus, π[er]us μναί χνοιε ἰπύς ἰπι ὑπολογιν. Three minae of gold were in each shield. Now in the same chapter of the third Book of Kings it is read thus: And a chariot came out of Egypt for six hundred shekels of silver, and a horse for one hundred and fifty. And in this way all the kings of Syria sold horses. He fixed the price at one hundred and fifty shekels for each horse, or six hundred drachmas, that is, in our money sixty gold crowns. From this it follows that chariots, that is, the yoke of four horses, which

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les, quatuor & uiginti libris c[on]stiterint, quæ ducentis & quadraginta coronatis æstimari possunt. Ex precio hodierno intelligimus pobabile id precium fuisse, ut negotia tores Solomonis equos in Aegypto & in Syria sexage- nis coronatis emerint. Sæpe enim (ut testatus sum) per att ticipationem loquor, quasi iam tunc aurei nostri fuerint, ut expeditius desungar eo qvod institui. Græca lectio n[on] conuenit, in qua legitur, ἀρμα στὸς ἀρμην ἀγρυρία, καὶ πι= ων στι πεντύνωνα ἀγρυρία. Currus centum argenti, & equus quinquaginta argenti. qui modus loquedi antiquus fuisse uidetur. Liuius lib.1. Ita pedestri exercitu ornato, di stributo q[ui] , equitu[m] ex primoribus ciuitatis duodecim scripsit centurias, ad equos emendos dena nullia æris ex pu= blico data, & quibus equos alerent uiduæ attributæ, quæ bina nullia æris in annos singulos penderet. Hoc dictu[m] ita accipio, ac si centenos illic coronatos dixisset, & hic ui= cenos. Existimo autem unumquenq[ue]; equitem equos habuisse. Dixit enim Liuius ad equos emendos dena nullia, quibus uerbis significat unumquenq[ue]; equitem equos habuisse n[on] equu[m] tantummodo. Ita precium equi quinquaginta aurei coronati fueru[n]t prisco illo seculo, & sumptus an nuus decem aureis æstimatus. Syriam autem equis abudasse ex Strabone intelligimus lib. decimosexto. Tradit enim Pellam urbem Syriæ fuisse à successoribus Alexandri appellatam de nomine Pellæ, quæ patria fuit Alexandri. postea autem Apamia dicta est. Iuxta eam locum esse campestrè quem Orontes fluuius cum lacu quodam Cherronesum efficit. Ibi locum fuisse recensendo exercitui, & Hippotrophium < Hippotrophium memorabile.> pulcherrimum, hoc est, locum equitio alendo destinatum. In eo fuisse equas regias numero supra x x x. nullia, ad= missarios autem equos trecetos, ibidem & equisones fuisse, seu

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…which, in short, may have amounted to twenty-four pounds, which can be estimated at two hundred and forty crowns. From the price today we understand that this was probably the price, so that the dealers of Solomon bought horses in Egypt and in Syria for sixty crowns each. For often, as I have testified, I speak by anticipation, as though our gold coins had already existed then, so that I may more quickly finish what I have undertaken. The Greek reading does not agree, where it reads, ἀρμα στὸς ἀρμην ἀγρυρία, καὶ πιων στι πεντύνωνα ἀγρυρία. A chariot for one hundred silver pieces, and a horse for fifty silver pieces; which manner of speaking seems to have been ancient. Livy, book 1: “So the infantry being equipped and organized, he enrolled twelve centuries of horse from the foremost men of the state; ten asses from the public treasury were given for buying horses, and widows were assigned to feed the horses, each of whom was to pay two asses yearly.” I take this statement as if he had said “one hundred crowns” there, and “twenty” here. But I think that each horseman had horses. For Livy said “ten asses for buying horses,” by which words he indicates that each horseman had horses, not merely a single horse. Thus the price of a horse in that ancient age was fifty golden crowns, and the yearly expense was estimated at ten gold crowns. And that Syria abounded in horses we learn from Strabo, book sixteen. For he relates that the city of Pella in Syria was named by the successors of Alexander after Pella, which was Alexander’s homeland; afterwards it was called Apamea. Near it, he says, there is a level place which the river Orontes, together with a certain lake, forms into a Chersonese. There it was that provision was made for the army, and there was the Hippotrophium, remarkable and most beautiful, that is, a place intended for the feeding of horses. In it there were royal mares in numbers above thirty thousand; and there were stallions, three hundred in number; there were also horsemen there, or horse-trainers, or …

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET seu domitores equorum, & Ianistas, & bellici ludi magistros, & quicunq[ue] ad arma tyrones instituunt, stipendia merentes. quod mihi memorable uisum est. ἐν ταῦθα δὲ (inquit Strabo) μὴ ἔλευημὸν ἔσφαπωλην, μὴ ἡποτροφιον, θύλδα μὴ ἡποι ἔασπικὴ πλεῖς τῶν πισμηριων ὑχῖα ἐπιτων. τὴνταῦθα ἐν τευπολοδάμναι τεῦ ὑπολομάχαι, τεῦ ὑσοι παθοβαί ἐμιδοθτῶντο. < Talentum unu[m] tâtu[m] apud Hebræos.> Enimuero taleti significationem non unam fuisse apud Hebræos puto, quo modo & apud alias gêtes nônullas. Pollux lib. ix. Siculum talentu[m] duplex fuisse tra didit, uetus, & nouum: uetus quatuor & uiginti nummos significasse, nouum duodecim. apud Suidam non nummos uigintiquatuor ualuisse dicitur, sed mnas, quod corruptu[m] esse puto ex Polluce qui ait, Νῦνα) ἐν τεῦ μιος πιὰ ἀμιωβολια. < Auri & argenti no[n] αqualia fuerunt taleta.> Valet autem nummus sesquiobolum. Licet apud Pollucem ὑμόλια pro ἀμιωβολια legatur. Quod sic coniectura assequor: nummus sestertius quartam partem drachmæ ualebat, drachma autem sex obolos. quare tria hemiobolia, id est, sesquiobolum nummus sestertius ualuit. Talētum igitur apud Siculos uetus quidem senas drachmas ualuit, no uum autem ternas. Propterea Pollux, ὑμῦντι σπειχον τύλαγτον ἐλάχισον ἐγνε. Siculu[m], inquit, talentum minimu[m] quid ualebat. Eôdem pertinet quod idem alibi eode[m] lib. dicit, ἰδύνατο ἐν τῷ ἀχνοία ὑπολαυθον τῶς ἀχνοῦς αἰσινοῦς. ἐν τῷ ἀργυρία, ἐγκύνθα μνᾶς αἰσιικὰς. Valebat aute[m] auri talentum tres aureos Atticos, argenti uerò sexaginta minas Atticas. Homerus Iliad. lib. xxi. describens agona funebre quê Achilles ad tumulu[m] Patrocli fecit, talentu[m] pro summa non magna posuit. Primum enim præmium curuli certamini proposuit foemina[m] captiuà cum tripode, secundum, equam prægnantem mula: tertio autem loco uincenti, lebetem: quarto, duo auri talenta: ultimo, phialam æream

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET or those who train horses, and teachers of fencing, and masters of the military game, and whoever instructs recruits in arms, earning wages. This struck me as noteworthy. “ἐν ταῦθα δὲ,” says Strabo, “μὴ ἔλευημὸν ἔσφαπωλην, μὴ ἡποτροφιον, θύλδα μὴ ἡποι ἔασπικὴ πλεῖς τῶν πισμηριων ὑχῖα ἐπιτων. τὴνταῦθα ἐν τευπολοδάμναι τεῦ ὑπολομάχαι, τεῦ ὑσοι παθοβαί ἐμιδοθτῶντο.” <One talent among the Hebrews.> Moreover, I think that the meaning of talent was not the same among the Hebrews, just as among certain other nations as well. Pollux, book ix, says that the Sicilian talent was twofold, old and new: the old, he says, signified twenty-four coins, the new twelve. In Suidas it is said not to have been worth twenty-four coins, but minae, which I think was corrupted from Pollux, who says, “Νῦνα) ἐν τεῦ μιος πιὰ ἀμιωβολια.” <Gold and silver talents were not equal.> Now a coin is worth one and a half obols. Although in Pollux, ὑμόλια is read for ἀμιωβολια. I infer this as follows: the sestertius coin was worth a quarter of a drachma, and a drachma is six obols; therefore three hemiobols, that is, one and a half obols, was the value of the sestertius. So then the talent among the Sicilians, the old one, was worth six drachmas, but the new one three. Therefore Pollux says, “ὑμῦντι σπειχον τύλαγτον ἐλάχισον ἐγνε.” The Sicilian talent, he says, was of the smallest value. To the same point belongs what he says elsewhere in the same book: “ἰδύνατο ἐν τῷ ἀχνοία ὑπολαυθον τῶς ἀχνοῦς αἰσινοῦς. ἐν τῷ ἀργυρία, ἐγκύνθα μνᾶς αἰσιικὰς.” The gold talent was worth three Attic aurei, and the silver one sixty Attic minae. Homer, in Iliad book xxi, describing the funeral contest which Achilles held at the tomb of Patroclus, placed a talent as a prize, though not a very large one. For first prize in the chariot race he offered a captured woman with a tripod; second, a pregnant mare with foal; but to the victor in third place, a cauldron; fourth, two talents of gold; and last, a bronze bowl.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 481 æream lebetis uicem præbentem: Τὸ ἐγετάρτω θυκε ουο χυσοοίο πάλαυτα. Bina talenta dein quarto pronunciat auri. Ex his præmijs, cum quibus duo auri talenta ex æquat, apparet talentum paruum quippiam fuisse. Eo in loco enarratores talentum antiquu[m] non simile recentiori fuisse tradunt. Aiunt enim uetus talentum secundum Polemarchum autorem quatuor librarum fuisse, secundum Theophrastu[m] quatuordecim, secundum Timæum quatuor & uiginti. Aristotelem autem indefinitum talenti pondus posuisse, cæterùm paruam fuisse summam apud Homerum oportuisse, cum quarto loco assignauerit, & minus equa & lebete fecerit. Sunt qui dicant talentum auri apud Græcos paruum fuisse, autore Diphilo, quod co[m]uenit cum eo quod ex Polluce diximus. Huiusmodi autem talenta intelligi prioris Paralipomenon x x 11. existimo, Auri talenta centum nullia, argenti mille nulla talentorum: æris uerò & ferri non est pondus. uiuncitur enim numerus magnitudine. Daud autem circa finem regni Assyriorum regnauit: cui tempori proximum fuisse Homerum nonnulli tradiderunt, ut au= <Homeri xtas.> tor est Eusebius. Ex quo coniectura capi potest de talento. Homerico & Daudico. huic opinioni autoritatem præbere potest Iosepus libro septimo Antiquitatum, apud quem Daud ita loquens inducitur ad primores tribuum, Fratres, nosse uos uolo, quòd cum templum domini ædificare statuissem, auri argentiq[ue] magnam uim præparaui ad talenta centum millia. Centum millia dixit, non mille millia, ut prioris Paralipomenon capite secundo & uicesimo. nec centum millia talentum auri, sed auri & argenti centum millia talentum. Rursus cum dicitur tertij Regum x. de regina Sabæ, Dedit ergo Regi centum uiginti H talenta

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PARTIB. HIS BOOK IIII. 481 a bronze cauldron serving in place of it: Τὸ ἐγετάρτω θυκε ουο χυσοοίο πάλαυτα. Then he pronounces two talents of gold as the fourth. From these rewards, with which he equates two talents of gold, it is apparent that a talent was something small. In that place the commentators relate that the ancient talent was not the same as the later one. For they say that the old talent, according to Polemarchus, was four pounds; according to Theophrastus, fourteen; according to Timaeus, twenty-four. Aristotle, however, is said to have set down no definite weight for the talent; but in Homer it must have been a small sum, since he assigned it to the fourth place, and made it less than a cauldron and a cauldron-lid. There are those who say that the talent of gold among the Greeks was small, according to Diphilus, which agrees with what we have said from Pollux. Such talents, I think, are to be understood in the earlier book of Paralipomenon x x 11. One hundred gold talents, one thousand silver talents: there is no weight for bronze and iron. For the number is determined by size. But David reigned near the end of the Assyrian kingdom: to which time some have handed down that Homer was close, as Eusebius is the author. From this an inference may be drawn about the Homeric and Davidic talent. Authority for this opinion may be supported by Josephus in book seven of the Antiquities, where David is represented as speaking thus to the leaders of the tribes: “Brothers, I want you to know that, since I had decided to build the temple of the Lord, I prepared a great supply of gold and silver, amounting to one hundred thousand talents.” He said one hundred thousand, not a million, as in the first book of Paralipomenon, chapter twenty-two. Nor does it mean one hundred thousand talents of gold, but one hundred thousand talents of gold and silver. Again, when it is said in Third Kings x. concerning the queen of Sheba, “She gave therefore to the king one hundred and twenty H talents”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET talenta auri, & aromata multa nimis, & gemmas precio= sas. Et rursus, Erat autem pondus auri quod offerebatur Solomoni per annos singulos, sexcentorum sexagintasex talentorum auri, excepto eo quod offerebant uiri qui su= per uectigalia erant, & negociatores, uniuersiq[ue] scutæ uendentes, & omnes Reges Arabiæ, ducesq[ue] terræ. Et ca pite superiore, Misitq[ue]; Hiram in classe illa seruos suos ui= ros nauticos & nares maris cum seruis Solomonis, qui cum uenissent in Ophir, sumptum inde aurum quadrin= gentorum uiginti talentorum detulerunt ad Regem Solo monem. In omnibus his locis ego talentum magnum intel= ligo, quomodo etiam cum de ære & ferro loquitur histo= ria. Primi autem Paralipomenon uicesimonono ita indu= citur Dauid pro concione loquens inter primores tri= buum, De peculio meo & aurum & argentum do in tem plum dei mei, exceptis ijs quæ præparaui in ædem san= ctam, tria millia talenta auri de auro Ophir, & septem mil lia talentorum argenti probatissimi ad deaurandos parie tes templi: & ubicunque opus est aurum, de auro: & ubi= cunque opus est argentum, de argento. Et inferius, Polli= citi sunt itaq[ue] principes familiarum & proceres tribuum Israhel, Tribuni quoq[ue] & Centuriones, dederuntq[ue] in o= pera domus Domini auri talenta quinq[ue] millia, & solidos decem millia, argenti talenta decem nullia, & æris talenta decem & octo nullia, ferri quoq[ue] centum millia talentoru[m]. De hoc loquens Iosepus ita inquit, Sed & tunc oblatio= nis primitias faciens, alia tria millia talentum auri purissi= mise præbiturum esse pronunciauit ad adytum & cur= rum dei faciendum. Cumq[ue] tacuisset Dauid, à principibus & sacerdotibus atque leuitis certatim offerentibus collata sunt auri quidem talenta quinque millia, & stateres de= cem,

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. FROM THE TALENT OF GOLD AND very many spices and precious gems. And again: Now the weight of the gold that was brought to Solomon each year was six hundred and sixty-six talents of gold, besides that which the men who were over the tribute brought, and the merchants, and all the kings of Arabia, and the governors of the land. And at the upper heading: And Hiram sent in that fleet his servants, skilled mariners, with the servants of Solomon, who, when they had come to Ophir, brought from there gold amounting to four hun- dred and twenty talents to King Solo- mon. In all these places I understand a great talent, just as also when the history speaks of brass and iron. But in the First Book of Paralipomenon, chapter twenty-nine, David is thus intro- duced, speaking before the assembly among the leaders of the tribes: “Out of my own property I give gold and silver for the temple of my God, besides those things which I have prepared for the holy house: three thousand talents of gold from the gold of Ophir, and seven thou- sand talents of the finest silver for overlaying the walls of the temple; and wherever gold is needed, gold; and where- ever silver is needed, silver.” And below: Then the princes of the families and the chiefs of the tribes of Israel promised; the tribunes also and centurions gave for the work of the house of the Lord gold, five thousand talents, and ten thousand gold pieces, silver, ten thousand talents, and brass, eighteen thousand talents, and iron, one hundred thousand talents. Speaking of this, Josephus says thus: “But at that time also, making the first-fruits of the offering, he declared that he would provide another three thousand talents of the purest gold for the making of the sanctuary and the chariot of God.” And when David had been silent, the princes and priests and Levites, vying with one another in their offerings, there were collected of gold indeed five thousand talents, and ten staters,

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 483 cem, argenti uerò talenta decem millia, ferri talenta millia multa. Hic etiam magna talenta intelligo. Sed adnotandum quòd quos historia sacra solidos, Iosepus stateres dixit. < Solidus. Stater.> Stater apud Græcos aureum nummum significat, quo no= mine & Persæ & Macedones utebantur:unde Philippei stateres & Darici & Alexandrei dicti. Stater etiam pon dus est drachmarum quatuor, ut antè diximus, quod He= bræi siclum dicebant. stateres igitur hic pro aureis num= mis, id est siclis intelligo. Sed de statere & solido inferius loquemur, si memoria non exciderit. Summa disputationis nostræ hæc est, æstimationem opulentiæ Hebraicæ fie= ri non posse ob talenti uærietatem, cum nec ipse Iosepus extricare hanc ambiguitatem potuerit. < Talenti significatio.> Nunc enim pro pondere, nunc pro numero, nunc pro nummo ponitur: ut apud Eupolemum in loco supradicto:quanquam & Græ ci eadem penè de uærietate significatum talenti tradide= runt. Quantum tamen coniectura haud æriolatrice con= sequi possumus, quod Eupolemus dixit quadragies sexties, centena millia in templum & eius instrumentum absum= pta fuisse, de siclis, id est stateribus intelligendum. Cuius summæ æstimatio à nobis posita est exactè, ut arbitror, nisi error calculi inciderit. Itidemq[ue] censendum dixerim de talentis illis Sardanapali, ut fidem historiæ obiter ar= rogemus. In qua hoc mihi animaduertendum summopere uisum est, ad eorum quæ diximus confirmationem, quod Ctesias ita scripsit, ut diceret, ιτταυδα περίθεντω μὲν χεν= είς μεγάστες χιλίας, Illic circundedit auri myriadas mille: non adiecto talentûm, ut in argento fecit, itidem scilicet ut Eupolemus in loco superius citato. Quæ duo exempla indicant antiquum loquendi morem, qua= lis est etiam hodie apud nos, cum dicimus, mille nul= liæ H 2

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 483 cym, but of silver ten thousand talents, of iron many thousands. Here too I understand “great talents.” But it should be noted that where Sacred History says “solids,” Josephus said “staters.” < Solidus. Stater.> Among the Greeks, a stater signifies a gold coin, by this name being used both by the Persians and the Macedonians; hence Philippei staters and Darics and Alexandrians are so called. A stater is also the weight of four drachmas, as we said before, which the He- brews called a shekel. Therefore I understand staters here as gold coins, that is, shekels. But we shall speak below about the stater and the solidus, if memory does not fail us. The sum of our discussion is this: that the estimation of Hebrew wealth cannot be made on account of the variation of the talent, since even Josephus could not unravel this ambiguity. < Meaning of talent.> For now it is used sometimes for weight, sometimes for number, sometimes for coin: as in Eupolemus in the place cited above; although the Greeks too have transmitted almost the same variation in the meaning of the talent. Yet as far as we can follow by conjecture, not by idle divination, what Eupolemus said—that 466 hundred thousand were spent on the temple and its furnishing— must be understood of shekels, that is, staters. I have set out the value of this sum exactly, I think, unless an error in calculation has crept in. Likewise it should be judged, I would say, concerning those talents of Sardanapalus, so that we may in passing grant credibility to the history. In this account, what seemed to me especially to be noted, in confirmation of what we have said, is that Ctesias wrote thus, saying, ιτταυδα περίθεντω μὲν χεν= είς μεγάστες χιλίας, “There he surrounded a million myriads of gold”: without adding “talents,” as he did in the case of silver, just as Eupolemus did in the passage cited above. These two examples show an ancient manner of speaking, such as is also still used among us, when we say, “a thousand nothings” H 2

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Mille millia auri. Vt enim hac locutione mille millia aureum intel- ligimus, sic illi mille millia scelorum auri significabant, ui- delicet quòd sici pondere apud eos nummus aureus per- cuteretur, ut apud Athenienses & Macedones stateris, id est quaternarum drachmarum. Quo factum est ut sta- ter pro aureo acciperetur, ut etiam apud Persas. Huius opinionis argumentum ducitur ex uerbis quæ sequuntur, Argenti, inquit, ad clauos & alia instrumenta mille du- centa trigintaduo talenta, æris uero decem & octo nullia. sic singulis opificibus dena talenta data, id est deni sici, ut ipse inquit. Talentum ergo nummarium Hebræorum, te- tradrachnum erat: Atheniæsium uerò duodenarium erat, id est ternorum stateru[m]. Sic apud nos interdum libra num maria est uiginti solidorum. Sic in uoluminibus iuris non ubiq[ue]; auri argentiq[ue] libra eodem modo exaudienda. Circa Iustiniani Augusti tempora libram auri staterem aureum fuisse existimo, non magni ponderis, in l. Quoniam iudi- ces, sub titulo de appellationibus. Si quis (inquit idem Au- gustus) magistratus appellationem suscipere recusauerit, triginta pondo auri cogatur largitionibus nostris inferre, triginta alia eius officio itidem soluturo. Et sub titulo de fundis patrimonialibus, libro undecimo eiusdem Codicis, Theodosij lex ita inquit, Huius legis temeratores, quin- quaginta librarum auri poena coërcentes: tam uidelicet petitorem, quàm officium quod petitionem concedit ad- mitti. Officium eius magistratus plù tæcij uocat, hoc est apparitores, scribas, & quoscunque ministros publicos. Stater. Hic stater autem nunc pondo, nunc libra dicitur, ut in le- ge Ordinem, sub titulo de consulibus, libro duodecimo: & in lege Omnes, de metatis, centum librarum auri mul- cta. At libro primo de modo multarum ita legitur, Illu- stres

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE AS AND A thousand thousand of gold. For just as by this expression we understand a thousand thousand of gold, so they signified a thousand thousand of gold coin; namely, because with them the gold coin was struck according to such a weight, as among the Athenians and Macedonians the stater, that is, of four drachmas. Whence it came about that the stater was taken for a gold piece, as also among the Persians. An argument for this opinion is drawn from the words that follow: “Of silver, he says, for nails and other instruments, one thousand two hundred and thirty-two talents, but of bronze eighteen millions.” Thus ten talents were given to each workman, that is, ten staters, as he himself says. Therefore the monetary talent of the Hebrews was a tetradrachm; but among the Athenians it was a twelve-drachma piece, that is, of three staters. So among us too, at times a monetary pound is twenty solidi. Thus in the volumes of law, the pound of gold and silver is not everywhere to be understood in the same way. Around the time of the Emperor Justinian I think that a pound of gold was a gold stater, not of great weight, in the law “Quoniam iudices,” under the title On Appeals. “If anyone,” says the same Augustus, “should refuse to accept an appeal, let him be compelled to pay thirty pounds of gold to our largesses, and thirty others shall likewise be paid by his office.” And under the title On Patrimonial Estates, in the eleventh book of the same Code, the law of Theodosius says thus: “Those who violate this law are restrained by the penalty of fifty pounds of gold,” namely both the petitioner and the office which admits the petition to be granted. The office of that magistrate he calls plù tæcij that is, attendants, scribes, and all public servants. Stater. But this stater is now called sometimes a pound, sometimes a libra, as in the law “Ordinem,” under the title On Consuls, book twelve; and in the law “Omnes,” On Weights, a fine of one hundred pounds of gold. But in the first book On the Measure of Fines it is read thus: “The illustrious...”

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 485 fires uiros præfectos prætorio, cum peccatu grauissimum erit, usq[ue] ad quinquaginta librarum auri mulctam perue= nire sinimus. At eodem sub titulo Arcadius & Honorius ita sanciunt, Eos qui ordinario iure prouincias moderan= tur, ultra duarum unciarum auri mulctam condemnare non patimur: Pro consularem uerò potestatem, si mul= ctandi necessitas imminebit, senarum unciarum auri sum= ma cohibebit. Hic dubites fortasse utro modo libras auri quinquaginta intelligere debeamus. Simuliter libra argenti uel nomisma fuit, uel paucarum drachmarum æstima= tio, in l. Ab executione, quorum appell. non recipiuntur. Sciant autem, inquit, prouocatores, si eos perperam in= tentionem cognitoris suspendisse claruerit, quinquaginta librarum argenti animaduersione mulctandos. Et it idem in l. sequenti, rursus in lege unica, de grege dominico, li= bro decimo, libra auri pro duodecim uncijs accipitur, & in capite Præuaricationis, sub titul. de præuaricatoribus, in Pandectis. Ponderale uerò & librale Hebræoru[m] talen= tum, Babylonium fuisse puto, uel potius Aegyptium, qua lia erant auri talenta quæ ex Ophir insula afferebaniur, quam Vrphen Eupolemus Græcus autor appellat. Thar= < Tharfeis insula.> seis sunt apud Græcos qui Indicam gentem fuisse putent. Alij Carthaginem sic appellatam ab Esaia putant: quod de urbe ipsa à Didone ædificata intelligi non potest: cum Iosepus dicat post Solomonem centum & quadraginta annis conditam esse à Tyrijs Carthaginem. Saba autem < Regina Saba.> regio fuit Aethiopiæ. Regina autem quæ ad Solomonem uenit, & Aegypto & Aethiopiæ imperauit, ut Iosepus tradidit. Sabæi populi sunt Arabiæ felicis. Sunt & op= pidani Sabæi, à Sabis oppido magno dicti, ut autores sunt Strabo, & Stephanus de urbibus. Est præterea Saba por= H 3 ius

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 485 for prefects of the praetorium, when the offense is very grave, we allow punishment to extend up to a fine of fifty pounds of gold. But under the same title Arcadius and Honorius thus enact: We do not allow those who govern the provinces by ordinary right to be condemned to a fine of more than two ounces of gold: the power of the proconsul, however, if the need to impose a fine should arise, shall be limited to a sum of six ounces of gold. Here you may perhaps doubt in which way we ought to understand fifty pounds of gold. Likewise a pound of silver was either a coin, or the valuation of a few drachmas, in the law Ab executione, quorum appell. non recipiuntur. Moreover, let the appellants know, it says, that if it be clear that they have wrongly suspended the claim of the judge of inquiry, they are to be fined by a penalty of fifty pounds of silver. And so it is in the following law, and again in the single law De grege dominico, book ten, a pound of gold is taken as twelve ounces, and in the heading Praevaricationis, under the title De praevaricatoribus, in the Pandects. But I think the Hebrew talent, both by weight and by pound, was Babylonian, or rather Egyptian, such as were the talents of gold which were brought from the island of Ophir, which the Greek author Eupolemus calls Vrphen. Thar- <Island of Tharseis.> seis among the Greeks are those who think it was an Indian people. Others think that Carthage was so called by Isaiah; but this cannot be understood of the city itself, founded by Dido, since Josephus says that Carthage was founded by the Tyrians one hundred and forty years after Solomon. Saba, however, <Queen of Saba.> was a region of Ethiopia. And the queen who came to Solomon ruled over both Egypt and Ethiopia, as Josephus has handed down. The Sabaeans are a people of Arabia Felix. There are also the town-dwelling Sabaeans, so called from the large town of Sabis, as Strabo and Stephanus of Cities state. Moreover, Saba is a porti

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tus in Aethiopia. Strabo libro decimosexto, [uncia] [n]ota [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET this in Aethiopia. Strabo, book sixteen, [uncia] [n]ota [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [con]sulta. 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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. 1111. 487 tidem propè annorum spatio, ut colligimus ex Chronicis Eusebij. Lactantius tamen libro primo, Belum qui ab As= syrijs colebatur, trecentis annis bellum Troianum præces sisse contendit, & ei æqualem fuisse Saturnum. Cui con= gruit illud quod libro quinto dicit, Post Saturni tempora cultum simulachrorum institutum, ideoq[ue]; tunc iustitiam ueram fuisse, cum Deus uerus & unus coleretur. Porrò re= gnum Assyriorum antiquissimum omnium regnorum fu= isse constat: cuius quadringentesimo & secundo anno Be= lucho Rege octauo regnante Moses populum dominicum eduxit ex Aegypto. Autor Eusebius libro decimo de præ= paratione Euangelica. Libro autem nono, Alexandrum Polyhistora cognomine, id est multiscium dictum, in li= bro quem de Iudaica historia conscripsit, autorem esse af firmat, temporibus Ioachim Regis Hieremiam uaticinio functum esse, & propter cultum Baal Iudæis cladem præ= dixisse, & quòd ad Tigrin & Euphratem ab Assyrijs ca pti, opera essent facturi: Quod cum Nabuchodonosor Rex Babyloniorum audiuisset, Stibare Medorum Rege in auxilium accersito, centum & octoginta peditum, e= quitum centum & uiginti millia, & decem millia curruu[m] duxisse in Iudæam. Samaritanas primùm omnes urbes, Ga lilæam Scythopolim & Galatidem euertisse, deinde Hie= rosolyma, Ioachimq[ue]; Iudæorum regem uiuum cepisse, au= rumq[ue], argentum & æs, cæteraq[ue]; omnia quæ in templo e= rant ornamenta, area excepta & tabulis, Babylonem ab= stulisse. Postea cum Nabuchodonosor mænia Babyloniæ ædificare coepisset, morbo correptus diem obijt: cui filius successit qui propter morum nequitiam à sororis suæ uiro insidijs exceptus, altero anno regni sui sublatus est. Cui rursus e[ss]e filius successisset, nono mese ijsde[m] insidijs petitus H 4 Nabo

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART II. HIS BOOK. 1111. 487 of nearly the same span of years, as we gather from the Chronicles of Eusebius. Lactantius, however, in the first book, maintains that Belus, who was worshiped by the Assyrians, preceded the Trojan war by three hundred years, and that Saturn was his equal in age. This agrees with what he says in the fifth book: After the time of Saturn, the worship of images was instituted; and therefore true justice then existed, when the true and one God was worshiped. Moreover, it is established that the kingdom of the Assyrians was the oldest of all kingdoms: in the four hundred and second year of which, when Beluchus was reigning as the eighth king, Moses led the Lord’s people out of Egypt. The author Eusebius, in the tenth book of the Preparation for the Gospel. But in the ninth book, he states that Alexander surnamed Polyhistor, that is, “the very learned,” was the author of the book which he wrote on Jewish history, and that in the days of King Joachim Jeremiah exercised the office of prophet, and, because of the worship of Baal, foretold calamity to the Jews, and that they, being taken by the Assyrians to the Tigris and Euphrates, were to be compelled to labor. When King Nebuchodonosor of the Babylonians heard this, he summoned Stibare, king of the Medes, to his aid, and led into Judea one hundred and eighty thousand foot soldiers, one hundred and twenty thousand horsemen, and ten thousand chariots. First the Samaritans overthrew all the cities, Galilee, Scythopolis, and Galatides; then Jerusalem, and King Joachim of the Jews was taken alive, and gold, silver, bronze, and all the other ornaments which were in the temple, except the ark and the tablets, were carried off to Babylon. Afterwards, when Nebuchodonosor had begun to build the walls of Babylon, stricken by disease he died. His son succeeded him, but because of the wickedness of his character, being ensnared by the plots of his sister’s husband, he was removed in the second year of his reign. To him, in turn, if a son had succeeded, in the ninth month he was attacked by the same plots, Nabo

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Nabonidam successorem habuit, qui Babyloniæ muros secundum annem latere ac bitumine extruxit: quem Cy= rus aliquanto post Babylone capta cepit. Alpheum au= tem de Assyrijs & Nabuchodonosore hoc modo scripsis se dicit, Nabuchodonosorem Hercule robustiorem fuisse, uniuersamq[ue] Libyam Asiamq[ue] usq[ue] ad Armenios subegisse. Quem Chaldæi dicunt cum in regnum redijsset, furore diuinitus captum magna uoce exclamasse, O Babylonij, futuram uobis calamitatem prænuncio, quam nec Belus ipse nec uis ulla deorum auertet. Veniet Perses semiasinus, id est, mulus, qui uobis affèret seruitutem. quibus dictis repentè è medio excessit. Hæc est summa historiæ Alexandræ de Nabuchodonosore, quam Eusebius pluribus uerbis refert. Quarti Regum x x i i i i. legimus Nabuchodonosorem Babyloniorum Regem direptis Hierosolymis Regem ipsum loachim & famuliam regiam cum thesauris & apparatu instrumentoq[ue] templi aureo à Solomone comparato & fabrefacto, secum in Babylonem abstulisse. Aslipulatur & Iosepus in libro decimo Antiquitatu. Videamus nunc de Cyro, & audiamus præconium Talthybij summi Regis, id est Esaiæ uatis, quo nullum potest esse maius testimonium: Hæc dicit Dominus christo meo Cyro, cuius apprehendi dexteram, ut subijciam ante faciem eius gentes, & dorsa Regum uertam, & aperiam coram eo Ianuas, & portæ non claudentur. Ego ante te ibo, & gloriosos terræ humiliabo: & dabo tibi thesauros absco[n] ditos, & arcana secretoru[m], ut scias quia ego Dominus accinxi te, & no[n] cognouisti me, & reliqua. Hoc Esaias cap. x lv. Quòd autè de Babylone intellexerit, cap. x lvii. planum facit: Sed tace, & intra in tenebras filia Chaldæorum, quia non uocaberis ultrà filia regnorum. Iratus sum super

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Nabonidus had as his successor one who built the walls of Babylonia of brick and bitumen; Cyrus captured him some time later after Babylon had been taken. But Alpheus says that he wrote the following about the Assyrians and Nebuchadnezzar: that Nebuchadnezzar was stronger than Hercules, and that he subdued all Libya and Asia as far as the Armenians. The Chaldeans say that when he had returned to the kingdom, being seized by a divinely sent madness, he cried out in a loud voice: “O Babylonians, I foretell the calamity that will come upon you, which neither Belus himself nor any power of the gods will avert. A Persian, half-ass, that is, a mule, will come and bring you slavery.” Having said these things, he suddenly departed from the midst. This is the summary of Alexander’s history concerning Nebuchadnezzar, which Eusebius reports in fuller words. In the Fourth Book of Kings x x i i i i., we read that Nebuchadnezzar, king of the Babylonians, after the plundering of Jerusalem, took away with him to Babylon the king Jehoiakim himself and the royal servants, together with the treasures and the equipment of the temple, gold made and fashioned by Solomon. Josephus also agrees in the tenth book of the Antiquities. Let us now look at Cyrus, and hear the proclamation of Talthybius, the supreme king, that is, of the prophet Isaiah, than which no greater testimony can exist: “Thus says the Lord to my anointed Cyrus, whose right hand I have grasped, to subdue nations before his face, and I will turn the backs of kings, and I will open doors before him, and the gates shall not be shut. I will go before you, and I will humble the glorious ones of the earth; and I will give you hidden treasures, and secret things concealed, that you may know that I am the Lord who girded you, though you did not know me,” and the rest. This is from Isaiah, chapter x l v. But that he understood it of Babylon, he makes clear in chapter x l v i i.: “Be silent, and enter into darkness, daughter of the Chaldeans, for you shall no longer be called the daughter of kingdoms.” I was angry against

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. super populum meum, contaminaui hæreditatè meam, & dedi eos in manu tua. Non posuisti eis nusericordias: dixisti, In sempiternu[m] ero domina. & reliqua ad eundem sensum effata à fatidico illo uiro & entheo, id est spiritu diuino perfuso. Herodotus libro primo expeditiones Cyri scribes, Nitoerin reginam aggerè circa Euphrate duxisse dicit, & crepidinem superstruxisse, timentè ne aliquando urbs à Medis caperetur, quos imperio Asiæ imminere intelligebat. Cyrus autè (inquit) contra filium eius nomine Labyrinthu[m] expeditione suscepit, qui matri in regnu[m] Assyriorum successerat, ὑδι ἔυ ἀνηρ & ἀπιταυτus ἔγιωμανος ἀνη παῦστα ἐρατολητο, ἐχοντια τε τὴ πατρὸς τὴ ἰαυτὴν τὴ δωσμαε λαε ἐυνίτη, καὶ πλῶ ἀιωριων ὅρχηρ. Hunc autem Cyrum Herodotus Regem magnum appellat, à quo Reges Persarum Megalos basileas, id est Reges magnos appellari se uolue runt, ut murum non sit magnu[m] eum Regem esse factu[m], cuius dominus dextera[m] recturum se prædixerat. Verùm & Assyriæ & Mediæ regna in Persas esse victoria Cyri trasslata, nemo ignorare potest qui Herodotum aut Iustini bre uiarium legerit. Hæc testimoniu[m] perhibent dicto Pliniano lib. XXXIII. Equide[m] (inquit) muror populum Romanum uictis gentibus in tributo semper argentum imperasse, no[n] aurum, sicut Carthagini cum Annibale uictæ. Nec potest uideri penuria mundi id euenisse. nam Midas & Croesus infinitum possederant. Iam Cyrus deuicta Asia pondo XXXIII. nullia inuenerat, præter uasa aurea, aurumq[ue] factum, & in eo folia, ac platanum, uitemq[ue]. Qua uictoria argenti quingenta nullia talentorum reportauit, & craterem Semuranudis, cuius pondus x v. talenta colligebat. Talentum autem Aegyptium pondo octoginta capere Varro tradit. Iam regnauerat in Colchis Galauces & Esu H s

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. OF HIS BOOK IIII. against my people, I have polluted my heritage, and have given them into your hand. You did not show them mercy: you said, “I shall be mistress forever.” And the rest to the same sense was spoken by that prophetic man, inspired, that is, filled with divine spirit. Herodotus, in the first book of the campaigns of Cyrus, writes that Queen Nitocris built an embankment around the Euphrates and raised a rampart, fearing lest at some time the city should be taken by the Medes, whom she understood to be threatening the power of Asia. Cyrus, however (says he), undertook a campaign against her son named Labyrinthus, who had succeeded his mother in the kingdom of the Assyrians, ὑδι ἔυ ἀνηρ & ἀπιταυτus ἔγιωμανος ἀνη παῦστα ἐρατολητο, ἐχοντια τε τὴ πατρὸς τὴ ἰαυτὴν τὴ δωσμαε λαε ἐυνίτη, καὶ πλῶ ἀιωριων ὅρχηρ. But Herodotus calls this Cyrus the Great King, from whom the kings of the Persians wished to be called Megaloi basileis, that is, great kings, so that it may not seem a great matter that he was made king, whose master had foretold that he would rule with his right hand. Yet that both the kingdoms of Assyria and Media were transferred to the Persians by the victory of Cyrus, no one can be ignorant who has read Herodotus or the epitome of Justin. These testimonies bear out the statement of Pliny, book XXXIII: “I myself” (he says), “when the Roman people had always imposed silver as tribute on conquered nations, not gold, as on Carthage conquered with Hannibal. Nor can it seem that this happened because of scarcity in the world; for Midas and Croesus had possessed infinite wealth. Already Cyrus, after conquering Asia, found thirty-three million in weight, apart from golden vessels and wrought gold, and in it leaves, a plane tree, and a vine. By that victory he carried off five hundred thousand talents of silver, and the crater of Semiramis, whose weight amounted to fifteen talents. But Varro reports that an Egyptian talent holds eighty pounds. Already in Colchis had reigned Galauces and Esu H s

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET & Esubopes, qui terram uirginem nactus, plurimum ar= genti auriq[ue]; eruisse dicitur in Suauorum gente, & alio= quin uelleribus aureis inclyto regno, sed & illius aureæ cameræ & argenteæ trabes narrantur, & columnæ atq[ue] parastaticæ, uicto Sesostri Rege tam superbo, ut prodatur annis quibusq[ue]; sorte Reges singulos è subiectis iungere ad currum solitus, sicq[ue] triumphare. His uerbis apparet Cy= rum maiores multo opes reliquisse, quàm quæ legantur inuentæ ab Alexandro. Nec mirum, cum & Lydiorum opes & Iudæorum habuerit, quas Chaldæi è templo ab= stulerant. Quod de Nabuchodonosore diximus, ex Alexa[n]d dro Polyhistore confirmat Iosepus lib. primo c[æ]tra Apio nem, his uerbis, peri t[er]tio n[on] [con]sum[m]or[um] φιλορατος ἐν τῶς ιερών, μεμημέν & τήν ουλιορχίας, και μεραδέννι ἐν τήι τετάρτη τῶν ἰδικῶν. οἰ ἐυς ἀποφάινδει πειρᾶται καὶ προδημένον κασπία καὶ καταρχεῖα ἡαρ[ι]κὴν αυτόν φιοι και λιβύντι πῶν ουλλιῶν και ἰβηριαν. His igitur astipulatur Philostratus in historijs, quo in loco Tyri obsidionis meminit, & Megasthenes in quarto uolumine Indicar[u]r rerum, ubi ostendere contendit prædictum Babyloniu[m] Regem & fortitudine Hercule & magnitudine præstitisse: quippe qui Libyæ bonam parté subegerit, & Iberiam. Reliqua autem omnia penè eadem ijsdemq[ue]; nominibus relata, quæ apud Alexandrum. Strabo Nabocodrosor[us]. libro decimoquinto circa principium Nabocodrosorum uocat eum Regem. Huic dicto (inquit) Megasthenes c[æ]n= sentit, dicens antiquis Indorum historijs fidem nullam ha bendam. Nec enim ab Indis unquam emissam expeditione[m] nec in Indiam quenquam aliunde cum exercitu penetras= se uictorem, præter Herculem, Liberu[m] patrem, & nuper Macedonas. Nam Sesostrim Aegyptium & Thearchone[m] Aethiopem

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Esubopes, who, having found virgin soil, is said to have extracted a great quantity of silver and gold in the nation of the Suavi, and in a kingdom otherwise famous for golden fleeces; but also of that golden chamber and silver beams are told, and columns and pilasters, after Sesostris the king, so proud that it is reported that in whatever years by lot he was accustomed to yoke single kings from among the subject peoples to his chariot, and thus to triumph. By these words it appears that Cyrus left much greater wealth than that which is said to have been found by Alexander. Nor is it surprising, since he had both the wealth of the Lydians and that of the Jews, which the Chaldeans had taken from the temple. What we said about Nebuchodonosor is confirmed by Alexander Polyhistor, and by Josephus in book one Against Apion, in these words, much of which is in Greek and corrupt in the manuscript. His statement is supported by Philostratus in the Histories, where he mentions the siege of Tyre, and by Megasthenes in the fourth book of the Indian Matters, where he tries to show that the said Babylonian king excelled both in courage and in size like Hercules: for he had subdued a good part of Libya and Iberia. All the rest is related almost exactly the same, with the same names, as in Alexander. Strabo, in book fifteen, near the beginning, calls him Nabocodrosorus. To this statement, says Megasthenes, he agrees, saying that no credence should be given to the ancient histories of the Indians. For never had any expedition been sent out by the Indians, nor had anyone from elsewhere penetrated into India with an army as conqueror, except Hercules, Father Liber, and recently the Macedonians. For Sesostris the Egyptian and Thearchon the Ethiopian

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 491 Aethiopem usque in Europam pregressos ait. Nabocodrosorum autem qui à Chaldæis supra Herculem commedatur, usq[ue] ad columnas exercitum admouisse. Nabocodros < Opes David & Solomonis, & eorum imperium.> Sic ἀν παρὰ ἀλλάδοις σίδηξι μύσοντα ἐραλλίνις μαλλον, παίως σηλῶν ἐλάσμα. Tantas igitur opes David & Solomon cumulasse dicuntur, quantas alius nullus Regum. Legimus aute[m] cap. VIII. & X. secundi libri Regum, David Syros omnes subegisse usq[ue] ad fluuium Euphrate[m], & arma aurea spoliaq[ue] opima eis ablata, Hierosolyma co[m]portasse, tributaq[ue] Syris iniunxisse. Magnitudini autem Iudaici imperij consentanea est rei militaris constitutio in duodecim phalangas uel cohortes mestrucas distributa, quæ singulæ cohortes uicenaquaterna millia militum habebant: quaru[m] descriptio legitur libro altero Paralipo. cap. XXVII. < Syria terraru[m] maxima.> Quanta autem fuerit Syria, Plinius his uerbis docet libro quinto de Arabia loques, luxt à Syria littus occupat, quondam terrarum maxima, & pluribus distincta nominibus. nanq[ue] Palæstina uocatur quâ contingit Arabas, & Iudæa, & Coele, dein Phoenice: et quâ recedit intus, Damascena: ac magis etiamnum meridiana, Babylonia: & eadem Mesopotamia inter Euphratem & Tigriu[m] quaq[ue] transit Taurum, Sophene: citra uerò etiam Comagene: & ultra Armeniam Adiabene, Assyria ante dicta: & ubi Cilicium attingit, Antiochia. Qui subtilius diuidunt, circum Euphrate Syria[m] Phoenicen uolut: et esse oram maritimam Syriæ, cuius pars sit Idumæa et Iudæa: deinde Phoenice[m]: deinde Syria[m]: id quod præiacet, mare totum Phoeniciu[m] appellatur. Ipsa gens Phoenicum in gloria magna literarum inuentionis & siderum, naualiumq[ue] ac bellicaru[m] artium. Sic in ex explaribus legitur, luculeto uno errore, cuius à uetusto lib. admonitus sum. Quî enim fieri potest,

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 491 He says that they advanced even as far as Europe, and that Nabocodrosorum, who is said by the Chaldeans to have been beyond Hercules, led his army as far as the pillars. Nabocodros <The wealth of David and Solomon, and their dominion.> So ἀν παρὰ ἀλλάδοις σίδηξι μύσοντα ἐραλλίνις μαλλον, παίως σηλῶν ἐλάσμα. Therefore it is said that David and Solomon amassed such great riches as no other kings ever did. We read however in chapter VIII and X of the second book of Kings that David subdued all the Syrians as far as the river Euphrates, and carried off the golden arms and rich spoils from them to Jerusalem, and imposed tribute on the Syrians. Corresponding to the greatness of the Jewish empire is the military organization, distributed into twelve phalanges or cohorts mestrucae, each cohort having twenty-four thousand soldiers; the description of these is read in the second book of Paralipomenon, chapter XXVII. But how great Syria was, Pliny teaches in these words in the fifth book, speaking of Arabia: the coastline occupied by the Syrtes from Syria, once the greatest of lands, and distinguished by many names. For where it borders on the Arabs it is called Palestine, and Judaea, and Coele, then Phoenice; and where it extends inland, Damascena; and farther south, Babylonia; and the same region, Mesopotamia, between Euphrates and Tigris; and where it crosses Taurus, Sophene; on this side, also Commagene; and beyond Armenia, Adiabene; Assyria, as said before; and where it touches Cilicia, Antiochia. Those who divide it more subtly make Syria Phoenice to be around the Euphrates; and the maritime coast of Syria, of which Idumaea and Judaea are parts; then Phoenice; then Syria; and what lies before it, the whole sea is called Phoenician. The Phoenician people itself is held in great renown for the invention of letters and the stars, and also of naval and military arts. Thus in the printed copies there is read, with a single clear error, of which I was warned by the old book. For how can it be possible,

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET potest, ut circa Euphrate Syria Phoenice uocitetur? Sic < Plinij locus.> igitur hunc locum lego, Qui subtilius diuidunt, circu[m]fundi Syria Phoenicem uolunt, uel circunfundi Syriam Phoenice uolunt. hoc sensu, ut Phoenicia undiq; circu[m]scribatur Syria. esse enim primùm oram maritimam Syriæ ab Arabia, cuius pars sit 1 dumæa & 1 uæa: deinde Phoenicen: deinde rursus Syriâ, quà scilicet uergit ad Antiochiam: introrsus autem Syria Damasci claudi Phoenicen. Strabo lib. xvi. Syrorum, inquit, nomen tendere uidetur à Babylonia usque ad Issicum sinum, & ab hoc olim usque ad Euxinu[m]. Et paulo inferius, Qui de Syroru[m] imperio scribunt, cum Medos à Persis cuersos dicunt, Syros autem à Medis, nullos alios Syros intelligunt, quàm qui Babyloné < Solum terræ Iudææ.> ac Ninum regni caput effecerunt. De bonitate autem soli terræ Iudææ Iosepus lib. primo cõtra Apione[m] ita inquit, Hecatæus uir Abderites philosophus simul, & circa uitæ actiones industrius, Alexandri Magni æqualis, cum quo etiam floruit, & postea cum Ptolemaeo Iagi conuersatus est: hic librum de Iudæis accuratè cõscripsit. cuius summâ colligens Iosepus, Hic idem (inquit) magnitudine regionis quam incolimus, & pulchritudine prodidit. Si quidem ad tricies centena nullia arurarum optimi & feracissimi soli incolunt illi, inquit. his enim finibus Iudæa patet. ὑδιἀντως ὑπος ὑπος ἀντως μὴν ὑπο χώρας ἐν οἰκοποιημένη, ἀντω τὸ καλλον ἀστον πιακοσίας χαρμηιάς ἀραρῶν ἀχρον ὑπὸ δρίσμης καὶ παμφορωτάτης χώρας νίμονται φυσι. ἀντω ἰασθάια πούτη πλῦθος ιστηρ. < Arura.> Arura mensura est apud Græcos quinquaginta pedes capiens, ut inquit Suidas, id est octo ulnas & triente, uel passus decem, ita ut ulnà pro senis pedibus, & passu pro quinis accipiamus. De urbe aute[m] ipsa ita inquit, Sunt aute[m] Iudæoru[m] castella multa, et uici per regione[m] sparsi:

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET can it be that around the Euphrates Syria is called Phoenice? Thus < a passage of Pliny.> I therefore read this passage as follows: those who distinguish more carefully want Syria Phoenice to be surrounded, or Syria to be surrounded by Phoenice, in this sense, that Phoenicia is enclosed on every side by Syria. For first there is the seacoast of Syria from Arabia, of which Idumea and Iudæa are a part; then Phoenice; then again Syria, namely where it extends toward Antioch; but inland, Syria of Damascus shuts in Phoenice. Strabo, book xvi: “The name of the Syrians,” he says, “seems to extend from Babylonia to the Issic Gulf, and from there formerly as far as the Euxine.” And a little below: “Those who write about the empire of the Syrians, when they say that the Medes were overthrown by the Persians, and the Syrians by the Medes, understand by Syrians no others than those who made Babylon < The soil of the land of Judea.> and Nineveh the capital of the kingdom.” But concerning the goodness of the soil of the land of Judea, Josephus in the first book against Apion says as follows: Hecatæus, a philosopher from Abdera and at the same time active in the affairs of life, a contemporary of Alexander the Great, with whom he also flourished, and afterward associated with Ptolemy son of Lagus, wrote a book about the Jews with precision. Josephus, gathering the sum of it, says: “This same man declared both the size of the region we inhabit and its beauty. For they inhabit, he says, up to thirty myriad arourai of the best and most fertile soil.” For these are the boundaries within which Judea lies. [Greek text corrupt/uncertain.] < Arura.> Arura is a measure among the Greeks containing fifty feet, as Suidas says, that is, eight cubits and a third, or ten paces; so that we take a cubit for six feet, and a pace for five. Concerning the city itself he says thus: “There are also many fortresses of the Jews, and villages scattered throughout the region.”

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 493 sparsi: una aute[m] urbs munita, ambitu ferme quinquaginta stadiorum, quam incolunt hominu[m] circiter centum & ui= ginti millia, Hierosolyma uocat. < Hierosolyma.> ἐγάτ ἰδράιων τὰ μὲν ὑπολι= λὰ ὑχυρῶματα ἀγὰτὰ πῶν ὑχυρὰν ἀγῶμα, μια δὲ πόλις ὑχυρὰ πεντώντα μᾶλισα ἀγαίων πῶν περίμετρον, ὑπον οἰνωστὴν αυτημὸν πων περίδωντα μυειάδες, μελυσι δὲ αυτημὸν ἰδροσολυμα. Ver= ba sunt non Iosepi, sed Hecataei, ut nescias an idem Iose= pus senserit. Strabo lib. decimosexto Mosen refert ex Ae= gypto multitudine secum hominum numerosam eduxisse, cum eis persuasisset Aegyptios sacerdotes nô rectè de di= uinitate sentire, & colendu[m] esse Deum unum sub nulla effi gie, & reliqua eôdem pertinêtia. Deinde ita insert, ποιαντα λητων ἐπισκη σηνωμονας ἀναφας ἐν ὑλίνας, και ἀπήχαν ἐπι τὸν τῶν τῶν ὑπα νῦν ἔσι ἐν τοῖς ἰδροσολύμοις πτισμα. πατριχε δὲ γαθίων ἐν ἐπίθονον ἀχωριον, ὑδὲ ὑπις ὃ ἐπικα= σκημινως μαχισαυλ. ἐγα δὲ περῶδες, ἐννοσφον, πῶν δὲ κύπων χώραν ἐχων λυπαν και ἀννοσφον, πῶν δὲ ἐν χεῖνητα ἀκ= σίων και ἐπίθοντον. Hæc autem (inquit) cum diceret, ho= mines bona mente non sanè paucos facilè in suam senten= tiam adduxit, ut se in cum locum sequerêtur, ubi nunc co= dita sunt Hierosolyma. Quippe locum facilè obtinuit, quem inuidere ei nemo iure deberet, nec cuius gratia cer= tamen magnopere excitari posset: utpote qui petrosus sit, & aquis scatens, cum omnis in circuitu regio ieiuna sit, & siticulosa: intus ad sexaginta ferme stadia lapidosa. Et rursus inferius, Primus pro sacerdote Regem se fecit Ale= xander: cuius filios Hyrcanum & Aristobulum Pompeius sustulit, atq[ue] eorum munitiones subuertit, ipsaq[ue] in primis Hierosolyma ui capta sunt. Ea munitio petrosa erat, ac be ne septa, interius aquis abundans, exterius prorsus arida, fossam habebat in saxo excisam sexagenum pedu[m] altitu= dine, la

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 493 scattered: one fortified city, with a circuit of nearly fifty stadia, which is inhabited by about one hundred and twenty thousand people, he calls Hierosolyma. <Hierosolyma.> ἐγάτ ἰδράιων τὰ μὲν ὑπολι= λὰ ὑχυρῶματα ἀγὰτὰ πῶν ὑχυρὰν ἀγῶμα, μια δὲ πόλις ὑχυρὰ πεντώντα μᾶλισα ἀγαίων πῶν περίμετρον, ὑπον οἰνωστὴν αυτημὸν πων περίδωντα μυειάδες, μελυσι δὲ αυτημὸν ἰδροσολυμα. The words are not of Josephus, but of Hecataeus, so that you do not know whether Josephus thought the same. Strabo, in book sixteen, says that Moses led out of Egypt a very numerous crowd of people with him, after he had persuaded them that the Egyptian priests did not rightly think of divinity, and that one God is to be worshipped under no image, and the rest pertaining to the same matter. Then he inserts this: ποιαντα λητων ἐπισκη σηνωμονας ἀναφας ἐν ὑλίνας, και ἀπήχαν ἐπι τὸν τῶν τῶν ὑπα νῦν ἔσι ἐν τοῖς ἰδροσολύμοις πτισμα. πατριχε δὲ γαθίων ἐν ἐπίθονον ἀχωριον, ὑδὲ ὑπις ὃ ἐπικα= σκημινως μαχισαυλ. ἐγα δὲ περῶδες, ἐννοσφον, πῶν δὲ κύπων χώραν ἐχων λυπαν και ἀννοσφον, πῶν δὲ ἐν χεῖνητα ἀκ= σίων και ἐπίθοντον. When he said these things, he easily drew no small number of men of good mind over to his own opinion, that they should follow him to the place where Hierosolyma are now built. For he easily obtained the place, which no one ought justly to envy him, nor for whose sake a great contest could be stirred up: as being rocky and abounding in waters, while the whole region round about is barren and thirsty; within, for nearly sixty stadia, stony. And again lower down, Alexander first made himself king instead of priest: Pompey took away his sons Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, and overthrew their fortifications, and Hierosolyma themselves were first captured by force. That fortification was rocky and well enclosed, abundant with water inside, utterly dry outside, and it had a ditch cut in the rock sixty feet in height, la

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET dine, latitudine ducenûm & quinquagenûm. Poëcius ur bem cepit obseruato ieiunij die, cu[m] Iudæi omni opere feriati essent. Cōpleta enim fossa scalas muris admouit, . Iudæi & eoru[m] opes Græcis et Latinis incogniti fuerunt. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ~~.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET dine, in width of two hundred and fifty. Poëcius the city was taken, the day of fasting having been observed, when the Jews were abstaining from all work. For when the trench had been completed, he applied ladders to the walls. The Jews and their riches were unknown to the Greeks and Latins.

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 495 Herodotus & alij antiquissimi scriptores. μὸν ἐν συμά περὶν λόγο πιù περατειαν προσφέρεντες. Multa uerò Herodotus, & alij quidam nugaru[m] plena scripseru[n]t, ueluti cantus illecebras & modulamenta, uel condimen- tum quoddam historiæ monstrificam fabulationem adhi- bentes. Et libro secundo, Sed nec Persaru[m] (inquit) res ge- stæ, nec Medorum, nec Syrorum propter fabularum stu- dium multum fidei sunt assecutæ. cum enim earum rerum scriptores uideret magnopere. poëtas probari qui aperiè fabulas co[n]scriberent, arbitrati sunt sua quoq[ue] scripta sua- uiora fore, si historiæ forma ea dicerent, quæ nec uidissent ipsi, nec audiuissent ab ijs quidem qui scirent: quo fit ut facilius Homero & Hesiodo de heroicis rebus credatur, quàm Ctesiæ & Herodoto & Hellanico, & cæteris eius generis scriptoribus, quoniâ res huiuscemodi libēter au- diuntur. Iosepus Herodotum non consulto mendacio, sed <Manethon historicus.> ignorantia falsa scripsisse uidetur existimasse. Manethon (inquit) historicus genere Aegyptius fuit, sed qui Græ- cam eruditione[m] assecutus sit, ut facile est iudicare, utpote qui Aegyptiacam historiam Græca uoce scripserit ex sa- cerdotum annalibus interpretatus, ut ipse inquit. Hic He- rodotum in multis conuincit de rebus Aegyptiacis per ignorantiâ mentitum. Ἷγιζαρι ἡαρ ἐιλιδιον, ἐς φησην αυτος, μεταφράσως. ποις πολλὰ ἐν ὑροδοξον ἐλιγχι ἐν των αιγνητιακῶν ὑπειγνοιας ἐφοδομινον. Assignari etiam alia causa potest cur res gestæ Hebræoru[m] nobis ab historia non innotuerint, quam ex eodem Iosepo sumemus, qui ijs respo[n]dens qui Iudæorum historiæ autori tatem eò præcipuè eleuabant, quòd testimonia Græcorum nulla extarent: Nos (inquit) neq[ue] regionem maritimâ ha- < Iudæi commerciorum ignari. atq[ue] ideo ignoti.> bitamus, nec negociationibus libētes utimur, nec omnino earu[m] causa, aliaru[m] gentium co[m]mercijs assuescimus: sed sunt urbes

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 495 Herodotus and other very ancient writers. ... bringing forward a rather lengthy discourse concerning a single subject. But Herodotus, and certain others, wrote many things full of trifles, using, as it were, the enticements of song and melody, or some seasoning, and adding to history a monstrous kind of fable. And in the second book: “Nor did the deeds of the Persians,” he says, “or of the Medes, or of the Syrians, gain much credit because of their fondness for fables. For when he saw that the writers of those matters greatly admired poets who openly composed fables, they thought that their own writings also would be more pleasing if, in the form of history, they told things which they themselves had neither seen nor even heard from those who knew them. Hence it comes about that Homer and Hesiod are more readily believed concerning heroic matters than Ctesias, Herodotus, Hellanicus, and other writers of the same sort, because matters of this kind are gladly listened to.” Josephus seems to have thought that Herodotus wrote falsehoods, not deliberately, but through ignorance. <The historian Manetho.> Manetho (he says) was an Egyptian by birth, but one who had acquired Greek learning, as is easy to judge, since he wrote the history of Egypt in the Greek tongue, having translated it from the priestly annals, as he himself says. He refutes Herodotus in many points concerning Egyptian matters, showing him to have lied through ignorance. Another cause can also be assigned why the deeds of the Hebrews have not become known to us through history, and this we shall take from Josephus himself, who, replying to those who chiefly diminished the authority of Jewish history because no Greek testimonies were extant, says: “We do not inhabit a maritime region, nor do we willingly engage in trade, nor do we accustom ourselves at all, because of it, to the commerce of other peoples; but there are cities...” <The Jews, ignorant of commerce, and therefore unknown.>

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET urbes nostræ longè à mari reductæ: regionem autem bonam incolentes, eius cultu acquiescimus. ἐμῶς ποῦνω ὑμτὸς χώραν δικῶμιν παράλιον, ὑμτὲ ἀμωρείας χαρομεν, ὑδὲ τῶς πρὸς άλλος συμποῦνια πιμηθίας. ὑλλι ἐσιν μὲν ἐμῶν αἰ πολες μακρὰν ἀπὸ δαλαίων ἀπωκισμών. χώραν δὲ ἀγαθῶν νεμομηδοι, τὰυτῶν ἐκδοξωμεν. Phoenices autem & Aegyptios propterea cognitos à Græcis ait, quòd ab Aegyptijs multa exportarentur ad alias gentes. Phoenicum autem ij qui maritimam oram accolunt, quæstui studêtes, negociationes exercebant. à quo uitæ genere cum Iudæi abhorrerèt, peculiaribus institutis, ac cultu diuinitatis gaudentes, factum est ut serò fama eorum ad Græcos peruenerit. προσονομης ποῦνω ποῖς ἐμημενοις καὶ ἔν ποῦτι ἐν ἐντὸς παραστῶς χρόνοις τὸν ὑδιομὲν πρὸς τὰς ἐλληνικὰς ἐμιν ἐπιμηθιαν, ἀνδερὸν ἀιγνητιοις μὲν, τὰ παρὰν ἀυτῶν ἐμαρμηνα, ποῖς δὲ πιτω παράλιον ἔν φοινικης ἀγαθικησιν ἐν περὶ τὰς ἀγαθικιας απεθικὴν ὑμικὴν ἀν φιλεχρηματεῖν. Hoc idem (inquit) & ijs contigit qui in Europa habitat. de Romanis enim, qui in tantam potétiam iam inde olim crescere sensim coeperût, nec Herodotus nec Thucydides quoquo modo meminerunt, nec omnino alius eorum æqualis scriptor, sed serò eorum nomen in Græcia auditum. Galloru[m] autem & Hispanorum res usqueadeo ignotæ ijs fuerût qui exactissimi & accuratissimi scriptores fuisse uidentur, ut unus eorum Ephorus Hispanos, qui Iberi ab eo dicûtur, unam esse ciuitatem existimauerit, cum tam latè fines eorum pateant. In uniuersum autem ritus eorum qui nec fuerunt, nec fuis se unquam dicti sunt, scribere tanquam ita illis uterentur, no[n] dubitarût. πρὶ μὲν ἀ γαλατῶν τε μὲν ἐμύρων ὑμτῶς ἐμνόμενον δι ὑδηκῶντες ἀμερίδεια συγγαρεῖς, ὑμὲν ἐσιν ἐφορθεῖν, ὑδε ποῦτιν διεμιαν ἐντὸς ἐληρας, τὰς ποῦνον μὲν & ἐνδρία τὴς κατομύντας, <Galli & Hispani priscis historicis ignotissimi.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET our cities, being drawn back far from the sea: but dwelling in a good region, we are content with its cultivation. For this reason the Phoenicians and Egyptians were known to the Greeks, he says, because many things were exported from Egypt to other peoples. But those Phoenicians who inhabit the seacoast, devoted to gain, carried on trade. Since the Jews abhorred this way of life, rejoicing in their own particular institutions and in the worship of divinity, it came about that their fame reached the Greeks only late. Hoc idem (inquit) & ijs contigit qui in Europa habitat. de Romanis enim, qui in tantam potétiam iam inde olim crescere sensim coeperût, nec Herodotus nec Thucydides quoquo modo meminerunt, nec omnino alius eorum æqualis scriptor, sed serò eorum nomen in Græcia auditum. Galloru[m] autem & Hispanorum res usqueadeo ignotæ ijs fuerût qui exactissimi & accuratissimi scriptores fuisse uidentur, ut unus eorum Ephorus Hispanos, qui Iberi ab eo dicûtur, unam esse ciuitatem existimauerit, cum tam latè fines eorum pateant. In general, he did not hesitate to write about the customs of peoples who either had not existed, or had never been said to exist, as though they had used them in that way. <Galli & Hispani priscis historicis ignotissimi.>

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 497 πικημώτας, και πι μὴ γενόμωα παρ αυθίς ιδια μὴτε λεξεμωα, χαρφην ως εκεινων αυθίς χρωμήνων ετολυμην. Causa uerò, inquit, earum quidem reru[m] ignorantiæ fuit, quòd illi secu[m] ipsi uiueret, comercia aliaru[m] gentiu[m] auersantes: scriptoru[m] uerò medacij, quòd uolebat illi quippiu[m] ultra alios memoriæ mandasse uideri. αυτον δὲ τὸ μὴ μὴ γνώσκαν τ' αληθίς, λιαν ανεπίμησαν: τὸ δὲ χαρφην τευθη, ἔνούλεται δαί όμημπιον πλιον τῶν άλλων ἰσορμην. Illud etiam nô inter postrema assignari causæ potest, quod Eusebius libro decimo de Præparatione inquit, ostendere uolens literas primùm ab Hebræis inuëtas esse, quaru[m] inuentu[m] Phoenicibus gloriæ ducitur: Primus, inquit, qui literas Græcis dedit, Cadmus ex Phoenicia erat. Multi Syros literas primùm co[m]perisse asserunt. Syrij autè etia[m] Hebræi sunt. nà Iudææ in Syria semper à scriptoribus habita est, et Phoeniciam etiam apud priscos appellatam esse co[n]stat, quæ nunc Palæ stine Syriæ dicitur. Ex hoc Eusebij loco coijciendu[m] relinquitur, multa Hebræorum gesta, aliaru[m] gentiu[m] nomine posteritati esse tradita. Super omnia est autè quod Iosepus his uerbis dixit, τῶν δὲ ως ἐμα[n]ς Χλασφημιῶν ἐγχατητὸ μὴν αἰνοπλιον. Εαλομων οἰ εἰκτινος πνὸς χαρίζεσαι, παρατέπων ἐπεχηρησαν πῶν αληθαν, ὑμετερων προκήων ὑμολερομέντες, ὑμετερων πῶν ὑμετερων προκήων ὑμολερομέντες, ὑμετερων ὑμετων ὑμανασωθαν ἐμιων διπολισμοντεν. ὑπίας δὲ πολλὰς ἐλαβεν τὸ μισῶν καὶ φθονῶν, ἐμὴν ἐξαρχης, ὑπο πιτι πῶν χώραν αυτῶν ἐδωασωθαν ἐμιων διπολισμοντεν. Quæ uerò probra et maledicta in nostrates iactata sunt, ijs causam et originè Aegyptij præbuerunt: quoru[m] gratiæ nonulli scriptores inseruire cupientes, ueritate[m] reru[m] gestaru[m] peruertere aggressi sunt, nec maioru[m] nostroru[m] aduentum in Aegyptum, ut re uera fuit, ingenuè I

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 497 πικημώτας, και πι μὴ γενόμωα παρ αυθίς ιδια μὴτε λεξεμωα, χαρφην ως εκεινων αυθίς χρωμήνων ετολυμην. The cause, however, he says, of those matters indeed was ignorance, because they lived among themselves, turning away the intercourse of other nations; but the reason of the writers was that they wished to seem to have recorded something beyond others for memory. αυτον δὲ τὸ μὴ μὴ γνώσκαν τ' αληθίς, λιαν ανεπίμησαν: τὸ δὲ χαρφην τευθη, ἔνούλεται δαί όμημπιον πλιον τῶν άλλων ἰσορμην. This also may not be assigned among the least of the causes, because Eusebius in the tenth book of the Preparation says, wishing to show that letters were first invented by the Hebrews, the invention of which is attributed to the Phoenicians: “The first,” he says, “who gave letters to the Greeks was Cadmus, who was from Phoenicia. Many assert that the Syrians first discovered letters. But the Syrians are also Hebrews; for Judea has always been regarded by writers as in Syria, and it is known that Phoenicia was also called by the ancients, which is now called Palestine of Syria.” From this passage of Eusebius it is left to be inferred that many deeds of the Hebrews were handed down to posterity under the name of other nations. Above all, however, is what Josephus said in these words, τῶν δὲ ως ἐμα[n]ς Χλασφημιῶν ἐγχατητὸ μὴν αἰνοπλιον. Εαλομων οἰ εἰκτινος πνὸς χαρίζεσαι, παρατέπων ἐπεχηρησαν πῶν αληθαν, ὑμετερων προκήων ὑμολερομέντες, ὑμετερων πῶν ὑμετερων προκήων ὑμολερομέντες, ὑμετερων ὑμετων ὑμανασωθαν ἐμιων διπολισμοντεν. ὑπίας δὲ πολλὰς ἐλαβεν τὸ μισῶν καὶ φθονῶν, ἐμὴν ἐξαρχης, ὑπο πιτι πῶν χώραν αυτῶν ἐδωασωθαν ἐμιων διπολισμοντεν. But the reproaches and curses which were cast upon our people were produced by the Egyptians as the cause and origin; and some writers, desiring to serve them, undertook to pervert the truth of the events, and did not ingenuously represent the arrival of our ancestors in Egypt, as in truth it was, I

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET genuè fatentes, nec inde egressum bona fide cõmemorantes. Causas autè multas Aegyptij odij & inuidiæ habue runt, queis in nostra gentem extimulati sunt. I amprimu[m], quòd nostri olim rerum in patria eoru[m] potiti sunt: deinde quòd illinc digressi, in propria patria secunda omnia nacti sunt: postremò rituum dissensio, ingens eis odiu[m] in nos accendit, tantum religione nostra, & recto diuinoru[m] cultu, ab ea qua[m] ipsi uerâ pietate[m] putant, differente, quantum diuina natura brutis animalibus præstat. [Quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] 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Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASSE AND readily confessing it, and not faithfully recounting their departure from there. But the Egyptians had many causes of hatred and envy, by which they were stirred up against our nation. First, because our people once possessed the affairs in their country; then, because after departing from there they found all things favorable in their own homeland; lastly, the disagreement in rites kindled in them a great hatred against us, since our religion and the right worship of divine things differ from what they themselves consider true piety as much as divine nature surpasses brute animals. [Quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB EIVS LIB. IIII. < Libri duo refutatorij de antiquitate Iudæorum.> autoritate[m] c[on]firmauit in duobus illis libris qui περιαρχαμ= όπητον ἀντιρρησκὰ ἀποκιων ἑπιμμανη, inscri= pti sunt, id est De antiquitate Iudæorum refutatorij c[on]tra Apione[m] gràmaticu[m], quos Latinè ita uersos legimus, ut præ stabilius fuerit n[ost]rua[m] fuisse editos. adeò & corrupti sunt librarioru[m] uitio, & interpretis ignoratia. Inter Chaldæos magnu[m] honore[m] habuit Berossus, qui Græco sermone histo riâ c[on]scripsit: cuius loca quæda[m] in eo opere citat sacræ hi storiæ c[on]sentanea. Ex T yrioru[m] aute[m] annalibus citat tesli= monia de centu[m] & uiginti ta[n]lètis auri ab Iromo Solomo= ni datis ad ornatu[m] tèpli, redonatu[m]q[ue]; e[ss]u à Solomone terra Zabulô in Galilæa docet. Amicitiæ aute[m] inter eos causam fuisse c[om]mune sapietiæ studiu[m]. Inuicè enim problemata dis soluêda missitare solitos, in quibus ferè Solomon præuale= bat. Huius rei, inquit, teste[m] Dione[m] citabo autorè in Phæni cum historia probatissimu[m], cuius hæc sunt uerba, Ababylo moriête filius eius Iromus regnauit. Hic partes urbis Orie[m] tales aggere cinxit, & pomæria protulit, ascendensq[ue]; in Libanum materiè incidit ad fanoru[m] extractione[m]. Regem autem Hierosolymorum Solomonem ad e[ss]u[m] aiunt ænigma ta[m] misisse, & ab eo alia repoposcisse, ea lege, ut qui dis= soluere non posset, dissoluenti, mulctæ nomine pecunias penderet. Quam conditionem cum Iromus accepisset, nec resoluere ambages potuisset, mulctam ingentem pe= cuniariam pendisse. Post Tyrium quendam hominem nomine Abdenonum extitisse, qui problemata ambigua solueret, alia que inuicem proponeret: quæ cum Solo= mon non resoluisset, pecunias multas insuper rependisse. ἐπα δὲ αβδύμονον πνα τύριον ἀνδρὰ πὰ προθήντα λύσαι, καὶ κιντην ἀπλλα προθαλην, ἀ μὴ λύσαιντα ἡν σολομῶνα, πολλὰ ἐν ἐυ= ρύμων προθεστισαι χηματα. Id e[st] Iosephus Menandrû[m] Ephe= sium 1 2

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART OF IT, BOOK IV. < Two books of refutations concerning the antiquity of the Jews.> He confirmed his authority in those two books which are entitled, in Greek, περὶ ἀρχαίων ἀντιρρητικὰ ἀποκιών ἐπιμμανη, that is, Refutations concerning the antiquity of the Jews against Apion the grammarian, which we read translated into Latin in such a way that it seems more likely that they were originally published in our language. So greatly are they corrupted by the fault of the copyists and the ignorance of the translator. Among the Chaldeans Berossus held great honor; he wrote history in the Greek tongue, and Josephus cites from that work certain passages consonant with sacred history. From the annals of the Tyrians also he cites testimonies about the one hundred and twenty talents of gold given by Hiram to Solomon for the adornment of the temple, and about the land of Cabul in Galilee which was given back by Solomon. He says that the cause of their friendship was their common study of wisdom. For they were accustomed to send riddles to one another for solution, in which Solomon generally prevailed. Of this matter, he says, I shall cite Dion, a most reliable author in Phoenician history, whose words are these: “After the death of Abibaal, his son Hiram reigned. He surrounded the parts of the eastern city with a mound, expanded the suburbs, and, going up to Lebanon, cut timber for the building of shrines. But the king of Jerusalem, Solomon, they say, sent riddles to him, and in return asked others from him, on the condition that whoever could not solve them should pay money, as a penalty, to the one who solved them. When Hiram accepted this condition and could not unravel the riddles, he paid a huge sum of money. Afterwards there arose a Tyrian man named Abdemon, who could solve obscure riddles and in turn propose others; and when Solomon could not solve these, he in turn paid many sums of money.” That is, Josephus cites Menander of Ephesus.

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sium historicum fuisse dicit, qui ex uernaculis cuiusq[ue] pro uinciæ uel gentis actis, regum singulorum te[m]pore res gestas apud Græcos Barbarosq[ue] memoriæ mandabat. ἡ ἐπιδεισις ποις ἐκασα των ἔκαστιων πράξεις παρὰ ποίς ἐπικησιν και ἔκαθαροις, ἐκ των παρ[α] ἐκπινοις ἐπιχωριων χρηματων ανδάσως πιν ἰσοριαν μαδύν. Is igitur de Iromo Re ge Tyri loquens, qui Iram in libris Regum dicitur, ita inquit, ἐπιποῦν δὲ πνὴν αβδύμονος ποῦς νεώτερον, ὑς ἐπικα πια προβληματα ἀ ἐπίτασε σολομων ἰδοθλημων ἔκαστος. Abdemonus puer. Huius regis tempore extitit Abdemonus puer iunior, qui uincebat omnia problemata à Solomone Hierosolymoru[m] Rege iniuncta. Hoc congruit cum eo quod dicitur in ter= tio Regum de Regina Saba, quæ fama Solomonis excita= ta, uenit Hierosolyma, ut eius sapientia[m] quæstionibus am= bagiosis excuteret, Solomonemq[ue]; nunquam no[n] ex senten tia animi Reginæ satisfecisse. < Plin. uanitas.> Hic ridere subit Plinij secum di uanitatem, qui libro x x x. de autoribus Magicæ artis loquens, Est & alia, inquit, magicæ factio à Mose etiam= num & Lotope ac Iudæis pedens, sed multis millibus an= norum post Zoroastrem, tanto recentior est Cypria. Sic enim in antiquis legitur, nisi quòd musæ & in alijs musæ non Mose scriptum est. Diximus supra Eusebio autore, re gnum Assyriorum uetustissimu[m] omniu[m] regnoru[m] fuisse, & anno eius quadringentesimosecundo Belucho octauo Re= ge Mosen populum Iudaicum ex Aegypto abduxisse. < Zoroastres.> De Zoroastre ita legitur apud Suidam, Zoroastres astrono= mus fuit Nini Regis Assyriæ tempore, ἰωροασπις ἀσφορομος ἐπι ἐλνα ἔκαστιων ἀννείων. < Apion Polybistor.> Eusebius in Bactris regnasse dicit Nini æqualem & Abrahami. Apion autem gramma= ticus genere Aegyptius, qui etiam Polyhistor dictus est à Gellio ob historiæ scribendæ diligetiam, in quarto histo= riarum

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET says that history was a record compiled from the native annals of each province or people, preserving the deeds of individual kings among the Greeks and the Barbarians. ἡ ἐπιδεισις ποις ἐκασα των ἔκαστιων πράξεις παρὰ ποίς ἐπικησιν και ἔκαθαροις, ἐκ των πα[ρ]α ἐκπινοις ἐπιχωριων χρηματων ανδάσως πιν ἰσοριαν μαδύν. He therefore, speaking of Iromo, king of Tyre, who in the Books of Kings is called Iram, says thus: ἐπιποῦν δὲ πνὴν αβδύμονος ποῦς νεώτερον, ὑς ἐπικα πια προβληματα ἀ ἐπίτασε σολομων ἰδοθλημων ἔκαστος. Abdemonus puer. In the time of this king there appeared Abdemonus the younger, a boy who conquered all the questions set by Solomon, king of Jerusalem. This agrees with what is said in the third Book of Kings about the Queen of Sheba, who, stirred by the fame of Solomon, came to Jerusalem to test his wisdom with difficult questions, and Solomon never failed to satisfy the queen’s mind. <Plin. vanitas.> Here one is moved to laugh at Pliny’s vanity, when in book XXX, speaking of the authors of the magical art, he says: “There is also another magical sect,” he says, “derived from Moses, Lotope, and the Jews, but many thousands of years later than Zoroaster; so much later is it in Cyprus.” For thus it is read in the ancient texts, except that in some copies it is written not “Muses” but “Moses.” We said above, on Eusebius’s authority, that the kingdom of the Assyrians was the oldest of all kingdoms, and that in the four-hundred-and-second year of that kingdom, under Belucho, the eighth king, Moses led the people of the Jews out of Egypt. <Zoroastres.> Concerning Zoroaster it is thus read in Suidas: Zoroaster was an astronomer in the time of Ninus, king of Assyria. ἰωροασπις ἀσφορομος ἐπι ἐλνα ἔκαστιων ἀννείων. <Apion Polybistor.> Eusebius says that Ninus reigned in Bactria, and that he was contemporary with Abraham. But Apion the grammarian, by race Egyptian, who was also called Polyhistor by Gellius on account of his diligence in writing history, in the fourth book of the Histories

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 501 riaru libro aduersus Iudæos, Inacho, inquit, regnate apud Argiuos, et Amaside apud Aegyptios, Iudæi duce Mose ab Aegyptijs defecerut. autor Eusebius. Iesepus tame[n] Te= chmosin Regem appellat Pharaonem, no[n] Amasin, ex Ma[n] nethone historiographo Aegyptio qui Græcè scripsit. Porphyrij autem computatione Moses etiam Semiramidis æqualis recipitur. 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Transcription: Translated (English)

PART II. BOOK IV. 501 In his book against the Jews, Eusebius says that, while Inachus reigned among the Argives and Amasis among the Egyptians, the Jews, under the leadership of Moses, withdrew from the Egyptians. Josephus, however, calls the king Techmosis Pharaoh, not Amasis, following Manetho, the Egyptian historiographer who wrote in Greek. According to Porphyry’s calculation, Moses is also placed as contemporary with Semiramis. Justin Martyr in the Paræneticus , in [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s [con]s[ui]s 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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET rasse uidetur, qui Eusebio & Augustino in eo inficiando aduersatur in præfatione Geneseos. Quo'nam modo igitur Moses multis millibus annoru[m] post Zoroastrem fuit, qui tot testimonijs proximus seculo æqualiu[m] Zoroastris fuit? < Prisci Græci & Latini in magna ignorâ tia uersati.> Sed uidelicet illa est ignorantia priscorum, qui mundum æternum esse crediderut: à qua opinione profecta est illa uanitas Genethliacorum, qui quadringenta & septuæ ginta annorum millia monumentis comprehensa continere sese ingenti fiducia mentiebantur, ut autor est Cicero in primo de Diuinatione. Strabo Mosen non magu[m] fuisse dixit, sed oraculis deditum, quales fuisse Amphiaraus & Orpheus & Musæus leguntur. Iustinus historicus, Ioseph in Aegypto magicas artes edoctum, citò insinuatu[m] apud Regem fuisse dicit: cuius autoris epitomè tricesimam sexta[m] qui legerit, & Cornelij Taciti libr[u]m unum & uicesimu[m], facilimè intelliget semina quædam ueritatis per totum orbem disseminata fuisse, sed præimbuta medacijs Aegyptiorum: < Malevolentia quorudam historicoru[m] in Iudæos & Christianos.> quo factum est ut historici Græci & Latini uanissimi interdum à nobis fuisse deprehendantur, qui sacra[m] historiam & incorruptam habemus. In quo profecto eorum uicem dolere deberemus, nisi in plerisq[ue] eorum improbam mentem cerneremus, bladiente semper ipsis in Iudæos maledicentia ob junius dei cultum. Sed inuidia uæcors aduersus Christianum nome[m] Tacito, Suetonio & Plinio Iuniori fuit. < Tranquil. de Christianis.> quanquam cum fuerint illi æquales, maledicta eoru[m] sacrilega ac nefaria etiam inuicem colliduntur. Tranquilus in Nerone, Afflicti supplicijs Christiani, genus hominum superstitionis nouæ ac malesicæ. Tacitus x v. de incendio urbis loquens per Nerone excitato, Ergo abolenndo rumori Nero subdidit reos, et exquisitissimus poenis affecit, quos propter flagitia inuisos uulgus Christianos appellat

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET seems to argue in a confused way, opposing Eusebius and Augustine on this point in the preface to Genesis. How then could Moses have lived many thousands of years after Zoroaster, when, by so many testimonies, he was nearly of the same age as Zoroaster? <The ancient Greeks and Latins were in great ignorance.> But that, plainly, is the ignorance of the ancients, who believed the world to be eternal; and from that opinion arose the vanity of the Genethliacs, who, with great confidence, falsely claimed that they preserved in their monuments four hundred and seventy thousand years, as Cicero says in the first book On Divination. Strabo said that Moses was not much else than devoted to oracles, such as Amphiarus, Orpheus, and Musaeus are read to have been. The historian Justin says that Joseph was taught magical arts in Egypt and was quickly made known at the king’s court; anyone who reads the epitome of that author, chapter thirty-six, and one book of Cornelius Tacitus, book twenty-two, will easily understand that certain seeds of truth were scattered throughout the whole world, but were pre-imbued with the falsehoods of the Egyptians. <The malevolence of certain historians against the Jews and Christians.> By this it came about that Greek and Latin historians are sometimes found by us to be very false, whereas we possess sacred history, and an uncorrupted one. We should certainly pity their condition, were it not that in most of them we perceive a wicked mind, always hurling abusive slander against the Jews because of the worship of the one God. But blind envy was directed against the Christian name in Tacitus, Suetonius, and Pliny the Younger. <Tranquillus on the Christians.> And although they were contemporaries, their impious and sacrilegious slanders also strike one another. Tranquillus, in Nero: “The Christians, afflicted with punishments, a class of men of a new and harmful superstition.” Tacitus, in book 15, speaking of the fire of the city, kindled by Nero: “Therefore, to suppress the rumor, Nero fastened the guilt and inflicted the most exquisite punishments on those whom the common people called Christians, hated for their shameful deeds.”

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 503 appellat. autor nominis eius Christus, qui Tyberio impe= ritante per procuratorem Pontium Pilatum supplicio as= fectus erat. Repressaq[ue] in præsens exitiabilis superstitio, rursus erumpebat, non modò per Iudæam originem eius mali, sed per urbem etiam. Et post aliquot uersus enumera tis cruciatuum generibus, Vnde, quanquam aduersus son= tes, inquit, & nouissima exempla meritos, miseratio orie= batur. Hominem nefarium Tacitum, aduersisq[ue] placitis prouidentiæ genitum, qui æqualium suoru[m] sensui seruiës, non suo iudicio, prodere hoc exemplu[m] nefariæ mentis non ueritas sit. Audiamus Plinium ad Traianum scribentem, cum Asiæ præesset prouinciæ, quum ueluti eologium Chri stianorum mitteret, de poena reoru[m] (ut assolebat) ad prin= cipem referens. Affirmabat autem, inquit, hanc fuisse sum mam uel culpæ suæ, uel erroris, quòd essent soliti stato die ante lucem conuenire, carmenq[ue] Christo quasi deo dicere secum inuicem, seq[ue] sacramento non in scelus aliquod ob= stringere, sed ne surta, ne latrocinia, ne adulteria com= mitterent, ne fidem fallerent, ne depositum appellati ab= negarent: quibus peractis morem sibi discedendi fuisse, rursusq[ue] coëundi ad capiendum cibum, promiscuum ta= men, & innoxium. Quod ipsum facere desijsse post edi= etum meum, quo secundum mandata tua hetærias esse ue= tueram sic enim legi debet, pro sodalitatibus. Quid simile habent hæc obiecta Pliniana cum criminibus Taciti ex= trema exempla suppliciorum meritis? Eodem enim tempo re hæc à Plinio & Tacito prodita sunt. Verùm Plinius ad principem scribès, quod ad res humanas attinet, optimu[m], sed imbutum errore Domitiani, cui sublato statim Neruæ successerat, mentiri aut noluit, aut non ausus est. Tacitus Domitiani beneficio ad dignitates prouectus, ut ipse fa= tetur 1 4

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART I, BOOK IV. 503 he says that the author of that name was Christ, who, under Tiberius as emperor, had suffered the penalty by means of the procurator Pontius Pilate. And though this destructive superstition was for the present checked, it broke out again, not only through Judea, the source of that evil, but through the city also. And after a few verses, having enumerated kinds of tortures, he says, “Whence, though against the guilty, and in the case of men deserving the most extreme examples, compassion arose.” Let the impious Tacitus, born in opposition to the principles of providence and serving the judgment of his equals rather than his own, produce this example of an impious mind—not truth. Let us hear Pliny writing to Trajan, when he was in charge of the province of Asia, as he sent, as it were, an account of the Christians, referring the punishment of the accused to the prince, as was his custom. “He stated,” he says, “that this was the sum of their guilt or error: that they were accustomed to meet on a fixed day before dawn, and to sing among themselves a hymn to Christ as to a god, and to bind themselves by an oath, not for any crime, but so that they would commit no thefts, no robberies, no adulteries, would not break faith, and would not deny a deposit when called upon to return it; after these things, it was their custom to depart and then to come together again to take food, however, in common and harmless.” He says that they had ceased to do this after my edict, by which, according to your instructions, I had forbidden associations; for so it should be read, instead of guilds. What resemblance do these accusations of Pliny have to the charges of Tacitus—those extreme examples of punishments merited? For these things were reported by Pliny and Tacitus at the same time. But Pliny, writing to the prince, in matters relating to human affairs, was excellent, yet imbued with the error of Domitian; and when Domitian had been removed and Nerva immediately succeeded him, he either would not or dared not lie. Tacitus, advanced to honors by Domitian’s favor, as he himself admits, 1 4

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Sceleratissimus scriptor Tacitus. tetur in principio statim libri decimiseptimi, quod nomen ille princeps sceleratissimus sæuitiæ pugione conficere nixus erat irrito proposito, id iste sceleratiore historiæ stylo, toxico medacij oblito, repetere institit, uæcordium omnium scriptorum perditissimus, si rectè uerba eius æstimentur. < Tranquillus.> Nam Tranquillo quum idem esset obsequendi teperi propositum, quàm potuit tamen ipse breuissimè defunctus est, Christianumq[ue] nomen uno uerbo respuit, ne Plin. Iunior. amplecti uideretur. Plinius in fine epistolæ ex animi sui sententia locutus, cum principem consuleret, & mendacio locus non esset, in principio ita uera falsis temperauit, ut acta sua principi seuero & perspicaci approbauerit. < Veritatis uis.> In quo precium est operæ uim ueritatis animaduertere, quæ nonnunquam inuitis erumpit, ita fallens inter mendacia, ut ab audientibus demum agnoscatur, cum interim loquêtes adhuc habere se in potestate eam putent. Supplicium, inquit, minatus, perseverantes duci iussi: neque enim dubitabam, qualecunq[ue] id esset quod faterentur, pertinaciam certè & inflexibilem obstinationem debere puniri. O mi serum te Plini, & improbè principali gratiæ inseruiente[m], qui ueritate oppugnanda diligentiam tuam principi approbare uoluisti. < Traianus.> Hoc acri uir ingenio Traianus intelligens, ne damnare imprudentiæ præsidem uideretur alioquin sibi gratum, & nomini tunc inuiso patrociniu[m] præbere edicto suo non ausus, Conquirendi, inquit, non sunt Christiani: si deferantur & arguantur, puniendi sunt. < Improbum silentium de rebus Christianis apud autores.> Alioquin aute[m] in omnibus scriptoribus mirum silentium uel improbum potius de rebus Christianis agnoscas, ueluti coiuratis, atq[ue] ex compacto scribentibus, ijs etiam tempo ribus, cum res insignes ac memorabiles auspicijs Christi gestæ sunt. Id adeò ex re unica quam in medium afferam, iudicare

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G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND The most wicked writer Tacitus. ... is noted at the very beginning of the seventeenth book, that the name which that most wicked prince had tried in vain to destroy with the dagger of cruelty, this man undertook to revive with an even more wicked pen of history, forgetting the poison of deceit; the most depraved of all writers, if his words are rightly weighed. <Tranquillus.> For Tranquillus, although he had the same intention of compliance, nevertheless got off as briefly as he could, and rejected the Christian name with a single word, lest he should seem to embrace it. Pliny the Younger. Pliny, at the end of the letter, speaking according to the judgment of his own mind, when he was consulting the prince and there was no room for falsehood, in the beginning so tempered truth with falsehood that he approved his own actions to a stern and discerning prince. <The power of truth.> In this it is worth noting the force of truth, which sometimes breaks out even against one’s will, so deceiving amid lies that it is only at last recognized by the hearers, while in the meantime the speakers themselves think they still have it in their power. “I ordered punishment,” he says, “and those who persisted were led away; for I did not doubt that, whatever it was they confessed, obstinacy and inflexible stubbornness certainly ought to be punished.” O miserable Pliny, and wicked man serving the favor of the prince, who wished to approve your diligence to the prince by attacking the truth. <Trajan.> Trajan, a man of keen intellect, understanding this, and not wishing to seem to condemn the head of imprudence, who was otherwise agreeable to him, nor daring by his edict to provide a defense for a name then hateful, said: “Christians are not to be sought out; if they are denounced and proven guilty, they are to be punished.” <A wicked silence about Christian matters among authors.> Otherwise, in all writers, you will recognize an astonishing silence, or rather a wicked one, about Christian matters, as though they had conspired and written by agreement, even in those times when notable and memorable events were accomplished under the auspices of Christ. This can be judged sufficiently from the single example I shall bring forward in the middle of it.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 505 iudicare quicuis poterit. Macrobius lib. 11. Saturn. de iocis Augusti Cæsaris loquens, Cum audisset, inquit, inter pue ros quos in Syria Herodes Rex Iudæoru[m] intra bimatum iussit interfici, filiu[m] quoq[ue] eius occisum, ait, Melius est He rodis porcu[m] esse quàm filiu[m]. Ecquis unqua[m] hoc memoriæ tradidit duntaxat Ethnicoru[m], quod Macrobius in trâsitu tanqua[m] rem notam perstrinxit? Mirari igitur desinamus cur nulla apud Plin. et alios rerum miracula relata, scri= ptorum sacroru[m] temporibus co[m]petant, et cum orthodoxa[m] rerum co[n]scriptione congruant: ac malignitati scribentiu[m], aut metui potius tribuamus opinioni principu[m] et populi bladientiu[m]. Tertul. in Apologetico ad Ro. loqu[es] de mor te Christi, Nam spiritum, inquit, cu[m] uerbo sponte dimisit, præuento carnificis officio. eodem momento dies medium orbem signante sole subducta est. Deliquium utiq[ue] putaue runt qui id quoq[ue] super Christo prædictum no[n] scierunt, et tamen cum mundi casum relatu[m] in archiuis uestris habetis. Et paulò inferius, Ea omnia super Christo Pilatus et ipse iam pro sua conscientia Christianus, Cæsari tunc Tyberio nunciduit. Eusebius in Chronicis de anno decimo= octauo principatus Tyberij loquens, Solis facta defectio, et tenebræ super uniuersam terram. Bithynia terræ mo= tu concussa, et in urbe Nicena ædes plurimæ corrueru[n]t. Quæ omnia ijs congruunt quæ in passione domini acci= derunt. tum ad hoc probandum Phlegonta citat auto= rem exactum Olympiadum adnotatorem, cuius ut histo= rici et Olympiadum scriptoris meminit Suidas, Trallia= numq[ue] fuisse dicit, Adriani libertum, uel Augusti, ut alij putauerunt. Is igitur huius rei locupletissimus esse testis potest in Asia genitus, ubi is terræ motus accidit. De eo motu Plinium locutum esse non dubito, cum inquit libro 1 5 secun

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 505 anyone can judge. Macrobius, in book 11 of the Saturnalia, speaking of the jests of Augustus Caesar, says: When, he says, he had heard that among the boys whom King Herod of the Jews had ordered to be killed in Syria, within two years of age, his son too had been slain, he said, “It is better to be Herod’s pig than his son.” Who has ever handed down this to memory, at least among the heathen, which Macrobius, in passing, merely touched on as a known thing? Let us therefore cease to wonder why no miracles of things are related by Pliny and others to correspond to the times of the sacred writers, and to agree with the orthodox account of events: and let us rather attribute to the malice of writers, or rather to fear, the opinions of princes and of a flattering people. Tertullian, in the Apologeticum, speaking to the Romans of the death of Christ, says: For, he says, when he freely yielded up his spirit together with the word, the executioner’s task having been forestalled, at that very moment the day was withdrawn while the sun was marking the middle of the sphere. Those who did not know that this too had been foretold concerning Christ surely thought it an eclipse; and yet you have the record of the world’s disaster in your archives. And a little below: All these things Pilate himself, now already a Christian in his own conscience, reported to Caesar Tiberius. Eusebius, in the Chronicles, speaking of the eighteenth year of Tiberius’ rule, says: A darkening of the sun took place, and darkness over the whole earth. Bithynia was shaken by an earthquake, and in the city of Nicaea many buildings collapsed. All these things agree with those that happened in the Lord’s passion. To prove this, he cites Phlegon, the exact compiler of the Olympiads, whom Suidas mentions as a historian and writer on the Olympiads, and says that he was from Tralles, the freedman of Hadrian, or of Augustus, as others thought. He therefore can be the most trustworthy witness of this matter, being born in Asia, where that earthquake occurred. I do not doubt that Pliny was speaking of that earthquake when he says, in book 15, secun

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET secundo, Maximus terræ memoria mortalium extitit motus Tyberij Cæsaris principatu, x 1 1. urbibus Asiæ una nocte prostratis. Solis autem deliquium Plinius ignorare non potuit, si in archiuis Romanis perscriptum fuit, ut qui acta Romana diligenter percensuisse intelligatur: sed Plinius id dicere noluit, quod occultum principes esse uo- lebant. Parum enim plausibile dogma Christi apud homines superbos & uoluptarios esse oportuit, quod elatos animos, & corpora sibi indulgentia maximè execratur. Tametsi charitas illa iustitiæ parens, & diuitiarum contemptus & abdicatio, magis ab humanis placitis abhorrebant, utpote quæ ne hodie quidem satis festa fronte excipiantur ab ijs etiam quos sequaces Christi maximè esse conueniebat. Eôdem pertinet quod idem Plinius libro tri tesimo dicit de arte Magica loquens, Hæc, inquit, umbræ rum inferorumq[ue] colloquia promittit, quæ omnia ætate nostra princeps Nero uana falsaq[ue] comperit: quippe non citharæ tragici que cantus libido illi maior fuit, fortunæ rerum humanarum summa gestiente in profundis animi uitijs: primumq[ue] imperare dijs concupiuit, nec quicquam generosius uoluit. Nemo unquam ulli artium ualidius fauit. Hoc dictum Plinij fidem facit ijs quæ à Terulliano, Eusebio & Suida scripta sunt de Simone Mago Samaritano, qui apud Neronem gratia ualuisse dicitur, & cum diuo Petro coràm commissus esse. Satis autem no bis esse debet quòd compertum habemus locupletissimis testimonijs, ueritatem in utroq[ue] religionis nostræ instrumento plenissimè comprehensam, in potestate semper cul torum ueri dei fuisse: manasse tamen ad alios interdum ueritatem, non germanam illam quidem & incorruptam, sed in Aegypti primum officinis adulteratam, Athenis autem Veritas apud Iudæos sedem habuit ante ad uentu[m] domini.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET secondly, the greatest earthquake in the memory of mortals occurred in the reign of Tiberius Caesar, with eleven cities of Asia overthrown in one night. But Pliny could not have been ignorant of the eclipse of the sun, if it was entered in the Roman archives, as one who is understood to have carefully examined the Roman records: but Pliny was unwilling to say this, because the princes wished it to remain hidden. For the doctrine of Christ ought to have seemed rather unpleasing among proud and pleasure-loving men, since it most strongly detests haughty minds and bodies given over to self-indulgence. Although that charity, the parent of justice, and the contempt and renunciation of riches, was more at odds with human customs, insofar as even today they are not received with a sufficiently cheerful face by those also who ought most to be followers of Christ. To this belongs what the same Pliny says in book thir ty, speaking of the art of magic: “This,” he says, “promises conversations with the shades of the underworld,” all of which in our age Prince Nero found to be empty and false; for not the lyre or tragic song was his greater passion, but the supreme fortune of human affairs, while his soul hastened into its deepest vices: and first he desired to rule over the gods, and wanted nothing more noble. No one ever favored any of the arts more strongly. This statement of Pliny gives credibility to what has been written by Tertullian, Eusebius, and Suidas about Simon the Magician, the Samaritan, who is said to have been influential with Nero, and to have been publicly confronted with the divine Peter. But it should be enough for us that we know from the richest testimonies that truth, most fully contained in both instruments of our religion, has always been in the power of the worshipers of the true God: yet truth has sometimes flowed on to others, not that genuine and uncorrupted truth, however, but first adulterated in the workshops of Egypt, and then at Athens Truth had its seat among the Jews before the coming of the Lord.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 507 Philosophi ob ambulatores, sunt Peripatetici. autem postea in porticu, Academia & Lyceo, nunc sedentaria, nunc obambulatrice philosophia uariè interpolatam: nec antè sibi redditam, quam dominus noster in Iudæa, id est, in ueritatis ipsius incunabulis, ad manum etia[m] uisendam hominibus porrexit: deinde & Græcis hominibus & Latinis barbarisq[ue] intelligendam, nussis quoquo gentium interpretibus, dedit. Cæteru[m] admirari subit temporum nostrorum felicitatem, qui mundo iam uergente nati, tamen longissimè prorsum retrorsumq[ue] cernimus (ut Maronianus ille Proteus) quæ sint, quæ fuerint, quæ mox uentura trahantur, cum prisci illi Græci Latiniq[ue] autores sese in eo admirarentur, quasi in historiæ campo expatiantes omnia oculis subijcerent quæ à condito æuo gesta sunt, quos ne admota quidem & proxima uidisse deprehendimus. Sed utinam tam consentis manibus compertam comprehensamq[ue] ueritatem semel retinere possemus, quàm protinus agnitam festiuis oculis hilares exosculamur. Hæc enim ueluti fastidiosa est uel hospita, uel amicæ: cui cum secularium rerum amorem quasi æmulum quendam superinduximus, sensim ipsa à fluxis abhorrens, ex mente nostra quasi ex contubernio facessit, animumq[ue] nostrum suas res habere sibi iubet, clam remisso nuncio, cum interim æternitatis securi alias res agamus. Verum ut ad rem redeamus, nos hoc tenere conuenit quod capite nono libri secundi Paralipomenon dicitur, Solomonem Regem imperitasse ab Euphrate ad Palæstinen & usque ad limites Aegypti, gloriá que & diuitijs circumfluentibus omnes Reges non modo æquales, sed cuiuscunque etiam ætatis haud dubiè superasse. Quod Græcos Latinos que historicos tacuisse non magis mirum est, quàm sophiam cuius, id est, germanam sapientiam apud philosophos ui= ros Solomonis philosophia.

Transcription: Translated (English)

Philosophers who walk about are the Peripatetics. But afterward, in the portico, the Academy, and the Lyceum, philosophy was variously intermingled, now seated, now walking about; and it was not restored to itself before our Lord in Judaea, that is, in the very cradle of truth itself, held it forth to men for them to see with their own eyes. Then he gave it to be understood by Greeks and by Latin and barbarian peoples alike, with no interpreters at all from any nation. Indeed, one is moved to marvel at the felicity of our own times: though born when the world was already declining, we nevertheless look far back and far ahead, as that Maronian Proteus does, seeing what is, what has been, and what is soon to come, whereas those ancient Greek and Latin authors marveled at themselves in this, as though roaming over the field of history and laying before their eyes everything that has been done since the founding age; yet we find that they did not even see what was close at hand. But would that we could once preserve the truth, found and grasped with such consenting hands, as readily as, once recognized, we joyfully kiss it with eager eyes. For truth is either fastidious, or a guest, or a friend; and when we have overlaid it with a love of worldly things as with some rival, it gradually, turning away from what is fleeting, departs from our mind as from a lodging, and bids our spirit manage its own affairs, while its messenger is quietly dismissed, and meanwhile we, secure in eternity, attend to other matters. But to return to the point, we must hold this, as is said in chapter nine of the second book of Paralipomenon, that King Solomon ruled from the Euphrates to Palestine and as far as the borders of Egypt, and that, with glory and riches overflowing, he undoubtedly surpassed all kings, not only his equals, but those of any age whatever. That the Greek and Latin historians were silent on this is no more surprising than that sophiam, that is, true wisdom, among the philosophers—men of Solomon’s philosophy.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ros, id est, sophiæ indagatores inauditam fuisse, cum eam tandiu tantaq[ue] indagine, sed irrita inuestigarint. Id quod in dubium uenire utiq[ue] non potest, cum eius bodie monu= menta in manibus uersemus. Quæ si satis animo compre= hensa haberemus, omnem antiquam philosophiam (quod ad mores attinet, & institutionem animi) nugas meras esse iudicaremus. Hactenus de rebus Hebræorum dictum sit: in quibus talenti & sici appellatio promiscuè posita, impedim[en]to fuit, ne inire rationem crassa saltem æstima= tione tantarum opum possemus: ubi tamen talentum auri propriè accipi probabile est, qualia erant sexcenta & sexagintasex quæ ei quotannis à prouincijs finitimis offe[n]e rebantur, ut decimo capite tertij Regum dicitur, & octa= uo libro Iosepi, & ea talenta quæ Regina Sabarum ob= tulit, & Rex Hiram. Ibi ego talentum (ut minimum) se= ptuagenarium intelligi debere censeo. Qua ratione ut au rum ad argentum undecuplex tantum fuerit, talentum se= ptem millibus & septingentis aureis nostris coronatis ualuit. Ex quo supputari summa quotannis poterit, si quis animi causa id facere, & reditum eius colligere uoluerit. Eorum autem quæ suprà diximus, eundem ipsum Solo= monem postremo loco autorè citabimus. Sic enim inquit capite altero sui Ecclesiastæ, σωπικον μοι καὶ γε αρ= γυριον καὶ γε χυσοῦν, καὶ ποδισιασμινις ἔασπιλῶν καὶ τῶν χωρῶν. Congessi mihi tum argentum, tum aurum & fa= cultates regum ac prouinciarum. Sed ijs quæ de siclo di= ximus, refragari uidetur id quod apud Pliniu[m] legitur lib. XVIII. ubi de pondere tritici loquens, ita inquit, Nunc ex ijs generibus quæ Romam inuehuntur, leuissimum est Gallicum, atq[ue] è Cherroneso aduectum. Quippe nô exce= dunt in modium uicenas libras, si quis granu[m] ipsum pon= deret

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ...ros, that is, seekers after wisdom, was unheard of, since they had investigated it for so long and with so much inquiry, but in vain. This can certainly not be called into doubt, since we now handle his monuments today with our own hands. If we had sufficiently comprehended these, we should judge all ancient philosophy (so far as morals and the training of the mind are concerned) to be sheer trifles. Thus far let something have been said about the affairs of the Hebrews: in which the appellation of talent and shekel was used promiscuously, and this was an obstacle to our being able to work out even a crude estimate of such great wealth: although there, where gold talent ought properly to be understood, it is probable that such were the six hundred and sixty-six which were offered to him yearly by neighboring provinces, as is said in the tenth chapter of the Third Book of Kings, and in the eighth book of Josephus, and those talents which the Queen of Sheba offered, and King Hiram. There I judge that a talent (at the very least) must be understood as seventy. On this basis, since gold was only eleven times the value of silver, a talent was worth seven thousand seven hundred of our gold crowns. From this the total can be calculated annually, if anyone should wish to do so for the sake of the subject and to gather its income. But among the things we have said above, we shall cite Solomon himself as an authority in the last place. For thus he says in the second chapter of his Ecclesiastes, σωπικον μοι καὶ γε αργυριον καὶ γε χυσοῦν, καὶ ποδισιασμινις ἔασπιλῶν καὶ τῶν χωρῶν. “I gathered to myself both silver and gold, and the wealth of kings and provinces.” But what is said about the shekel seems to be contradicted by what is read in Pliny, Book XVIII, where, speaking of the weight of wheat, he says thus: “Now of those kinds that are brought to Rome, the lightest is the Gallic, and that brought from the Chersonese. For they do not exceed twenty pounds to the modius, if one were to weigh the grain itself.”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. IIII. 509 deret. Adijcit Sardium sex libras uel selibras, Alexandrinum & trientes, hoc est, & sici pondus. Triens no[n] quatuor < Triens.> drachmas hic significat, sed quatuor uncias. Sed antiqua exemplaria & pridem impressa no[n] sici, sed Siculi habent, hoc est frumenti ex Sicilia: hoc enim uerbu[m] Hebraicum est, ut autor est Suidas & Iosepus, ut diximus, quo nec Græci nec Latini usi sunt, etiam si apud Plinium errore emendatorum sæpe legatur, ut lib. xvii. in principio, Fuit & arboru[m] cura legibus priscis, cautu[m]q[ue] est xii. tabulis, ut qui iniuria cecidisset alienas, lueret in singulas siculos æris x x v. ubi antiqua omnia habent, Lueret in singulas æris x x v. Et lib. xii. Itaq[ue] optimi thuris libra siccioru[m] xvi. precium habet, secunda xii. In antiquis, optimi thuris libra xvi. precium habet, secuda x v. Quo magis miror Hermolaum Barbarum lib. xviii. cap. vi. hoc uerbum agnouisse, quod nunquam Romani agnouerunt. eo enim in loco antiqua exemplaria mil. sester. habent, no[n] mille siccûm. Præter ea autem quæ diximus, & Aegyptiorum opes. Aegyptiorum opes. opes. opes famigeratas scimus, cum Plinius lib. x x x vi. de pyramidibus Aegypti loquens ita dixerit: Dicantur obiter & pyramides in eade[m] Aegypto, regu[m] pecuniæ ociosæ ac stulta ostetatio. Et lib. v. Aegyptus super cætera[m] antiquitatis gloriâ, x x. millia urbiu[m] ibi Amase regnante habitata præsert. Strabo lib. ultimo, ad Thebas supra Memnoniu[m] Regu[m] Aegypti sepulchra esse tradidit, eaq[ue] se uidisse, cu[m] in comitatu Aelij Galli esset in Thebaide: conditoria autem esse circiter x L. mirifica specie structuræ uisenda, in specubus saxo exciso. Intra autem conditoria obeliscos quosdam esse literis inscriptos, opulentiam Regum qui tunc erant, declarantibus, & eorum ditionem uelut usq[ue] in Scythas & Bactrios & Iudos, & quæ nunc Ionia dicitur

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART I. BOOK IV. 509 ... He adds Sardian six pounds or half-pounds, Alexandrian, and thirds, that is, and a Sicilian weight. Triens here does not mean four drachmas, but four ounces. But the old copies, and those long printed, do not have sici, but Siculi, that is, Sicilian grain; for this is a Hebrew word, as Suidas and Josephus are authorities, as we have said, a word used by neither Greeks nor Latins, although in Pliny it is often read through the error of editors, as in book xvii at the beginning: “And there was care for trees by the ancient laws, and it was provided by the Twelve Tables that whoever by wrongdoing had cut down another’s trees should pay, for each Sicilian, twenty-five asses,” where all the old copies have, “should pay, for each asses twenty-five.” And in book xii: “And so the best frankincense, dry, has the price of sixteen pounds; the second, twelve.” In the old copies: “The best frankincense has the price of sixteen; the second, ten.” So much the more do I wonder that Hermolaus Barbarus in book xviii, chapter vi, acknowledged this word, which the Romans never acknowledged. For in that passage the old copies have mil. sester., not mille siccum. Besides the things we have mentioned, and the wealth of the Egyptians. The wealth of the Egyptians, wealth, wealth, we know to have been famous, since Pliny, in book xxxvi, speaking of the pyramids of Egypt, says thus: “Let the pyramids in that same Egypt also be mentioned in passing, a vain and foolish display of idle royal wealth.” And in book v: “Egypt, above all other lands in its glory of antiquity, had, while Amasis was reigning, twenty thousand cities inhabited there.” Strabo, in the last book, reports that there are tombs of the kings of Egypt above Thebes and Memnon, and that he himself saw them when he was in the retinue of Aelius Gallus in Thebais: the burial places, however, are about fifty in number, remarkable in their kind of construction, to be seen in caves cut out of the rock. Within the burial places there are certain obelisks inscribed with letters, indicating the wealth of the kings who were then ruling, and their dominion extending even as far as the Scythians and Bactrians and Jews, and the region now called Ionia

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET dicitur, imperitantium, ad hæc tributorum magnitudinem, & copiaru[m] militarium ad decies centum millia hominum, in [mercurius] tuis [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [ant

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET it is said, of those who command, because of the magnitude of these taxes, and of military forces amounting to ten times one hundred thousand men, in [mercurius] your [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium] [antimonium]

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Transcription: ATR-1

lo negotio aut incruento certamine cepisset, apud hos iti= dem ut apud illos qui strenuitatis specimen ediderant, cip pos quoq[ue] statuebat, atq[ue] eo amplius muliebria genitalia asculpebat, significare uolés eos ignauos esse. Idem Hero dotus autor, sub Amaside Rege (cuius tempore Mosen ex < Amasis q Pharao dicitur.> Aegypto egressum esse diximus) Aegyptum beatissimam et à flumine Nilo, et à regionis solo fuisse, urbesq[ue] habi= tatas tunc numero uiginti millia fuisse. Huius < Memorabilis constitutio.> est autem memorabilis sanctio, ut singuli quotannis apud Nomarchen, id est cuiusq[ue] præfecturæ præsidem, profite= rentur unde uiuerent: qui autem hoc nô faceret, aut genus uitæ approbare Præsidi non posset, huic poena extremum supplicium esset. Qua lege postea Athenienses tralatitia usi sunt, prorsus inculpabili. Sed uerba ipsa Herodoti po neda sunt ad uerbum. N[ost]ro n[ost]ro αιγνητιοιοι τον Με αμασις ἰσι ἐκαστησιστος, αποδημητικὴ ἐκαστὴν ὑμάρχη πῶντος πνὰ αιγνητιων θερεν βιῶντα. μὴ ἐγιωτικὴ παῦτα, μὴ ἐγιων φαίνοντα οἰκαίω ἐδυνεαὶ θαυάτε, συλων ἐν ὑδλωαῖos λαθῶν ἐξ αιγνητια πῶνον τον νόμον, αδλωαίοιοι θερετο, ἐνκινοι ἐς μὴ χριστον, ἐντὸν αμώμω νόμω. Hic est autem Amasis qui lege hanc tulit, demonstrare unumquenq[ue] apud Præside[m] cuiusq[ue] loci, unde uiuat, quod qui non fecerit, aut demon= strare uitæ suæ rationem iustam non potuerit, hunc morte multandum. Solon autem Atheniensis sumptam hanc legem ex Aegypto, Atheniensibus promulgauit, qua illi semper usi sunt, lege sanè inculpata. Hac lege iurisdic= tionem exercuisse Areopagitas testis est Athenæus li= bro quarto, his uerbis, ὑπὸ ἐν τοις ασώτων, καὶ τοις μὴ ἐκ πολλοιασίας ἐκάλην, πολλαίον ἐκάλην τε οι ἀρεοτομητια καὶ ἐκκλασιον, ἰσοριστον φαυνόδων ἔν οιοι τε ωρείας. Quod

Transcription: Translated (English)

having captured the matter either by bloodless combat, among these too, as among those who had displayed a proof of valor, he placed the same marks, and moreover he shaved off the female genitalia, meaning to signify that they were cowardly. The same author, Herodotus, under King Amasis, in whose time we said Moses departed from Egypt, says that Egypt was most prosperous both because of the Nile River and because of the soil of the region, and that the cities inhabited at that time numbered twenty thousand. There is also a memorable ordinance of his: that each person every year should declare before the Nomarch, that is, the head of each prefecture, by what means he lived; but whoever did not do this, or could not prove his way of life to the governor, for him the punishment was capital. Afterward the Athenians adopted this law by way of transfer, and entirely without fault. But Herodotus’s own words must be quoted verbatim. N[ost]ro n[ost]ro αιγνητιοιοι τον Με αμασις ἰσι εκαστησιστος, αποδημητικὴ εκαστὴν ὑμάρχη πῶντος πνὰ αιγνητιων θερεν βιῶντα. μὴ ἐγιωτικὴ παῦτα, μὴ ἐγιων φαίνοντα οἰκαίω ἐδυνεαὶ θαυάτε, συλων ἐν ὑδλωαῖos λαθῶν ἐξ αιγνητια πῶνον τον νόμον, αδλωαίοιοι θερετο, ἐνκινοι ἐς μὴ χριστον, ἐντὸν αμώμω νόμω. This is the Amasis who enacted this law: that each man should show the magistrate of his own place by what means he lived; and that whoever did not do so, or could not show a just account of his life, should be punished with death. Solon the Athenian, having taken this law from Egypt, promulgated it among the Athenians, who always used it, a law indeed without reproach. That the Areopagites exercised jurisdiction by this law is testified by Athenaeus in book four, in these words: ὑπὸ ἐν τοις ασώτων, καὶ τοις μὴ ἐκ πολλοιασίας ἐκάλην, πολλαίον ἐκάλην τε οι ἀρεοτομητια καὶ ἐκκλασιον, ἰσοριστον φαυνόδων ἔν οιοι τε ωρείας. Quod

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Transcription: ATR-1

Liber IIII. Quòd autem patrimonioru[m] profligatores, eosq[ue] qui nul= lis facultatibus uictitarent, Areopagitæ in iudicium uocarent, pœnisq[ue] & supplicijs afficerent, memoriæ mandarunt Phaenodemus & Philochorus, plures q[ui] alij. Deinde idem autor Athenæus huiusmodi exemplum eius rei sub= didit ad dictum confirmandu[m]. Siquidem Menedemus, in= quit, & Asclepiades erant iuuenes, ambo philosophiæ quidem studiosi, sed egestate præditi. Hos Areopagus pro potestate accitos interrogare institit, quonam pacto fie= ret, ut cum dies ipsi toto philosophis operam darent, ni= hil in censu habetes, bona nihilominus habitudine corporis uiderentur. Ad hæc illi respondentes, cu[m] pistoré quendam accersiri postulassent, & ille accersitus uenisset, eum interrogandu[m] dixerunt: qui cum rogitantibus Areopagitis dixisset unaquaq[ue] nocte illos in pistrinum descendere solitos, ibiq[ue] frumentum molentes, pro nocturnis operis drachmas utrunq[ue] singulas ferre, admiratus Senatus, du= cetas eis drachmas ob uirtute decreuit. sed ipsa uerba sub ijciam, ne comminisci uidear. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. Memorabilis historia. 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Transcription: Translated (English)

Book Four. But that wasteful spenders of patrimony, and those who lived on no means, were summoned by the Areopagites into court and punished with penalties and fines, Phaenodemus and Philochorus have recorded, and many others besides. Then the same author, Athenæus, added an example of this sort to confirm the statement. For Menedemus, he says, and Asclepiades were young men, both indeed devoted to philosophy, but possessed of poverty. The Areopagus, in the exercise of its authority, summoned them and began to inquire how it happened that, though they spent the whole day in devotion to philosophers, having nothing in their estate, they nevertheless seemed to have a sound bodily condition. To this, when they had replied, they asked that a certain baker be brought in, and when he had been brought, they said that he should be questioned; and when he had told the Areopagites that every night they were accustomed to go down into the bakery and there, grinding grain, each of them carried off one drachma for the work of the night, the Senate, amazed, decreed for them two hundred drachmas on account of their virtue. But I shall set down the very words, lest I seem to be inventing them. Memorable story.

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

GVLIELMI BVDAEI PARISI= ENSIS, CONSILIA= RII REG. DE ASSE ET PARTIBVS EIVS, LIBER V. < Angelus Politianus.> ESTAT mensuraru tractatus, cu causam connexam cum antedictis habes, tum uelut appendix huius operis. Mesura autem multiplex ab Aristotele in nono lib. Metaphysices ponitur. Sed nunc mensuras appello, quibus fruges et liquores metimur. Angelus Politianus, uir memoria nostra utraq[ue]; lingua apprime do Aus, in decimo Epistolarum de mensuris ex professo scribens, Incipiendum (inquit) ab amphora consecrata Romanis in Capitolio, ne cui uiolaretur. Capit hæc omnino quantum tessera quoquo uersus in area pedum quatuor. Duplex amphora, modius est, aut si mavis Græcè, medi= mnus: eademq[ue] triplex, efficit sextariu[m]. Sextarij dinudium, cotula uocatur, et hemina. quatuor uerò sextarij chænicæ complent. ita sex congium, qui Latinè chus dicitur (ubi non Latinè chus, sed Græcè Politianum scripsisse puto) Inde forsan, inquit, sextarij nomen, quòd eum sexies con= gius capit. Scribit tamen Pollux contulam chænicis esse tertiam partem, chænicas octo et quadraginta medimno contineri. Hæc Politianus, suppresso autore (ut ferè asso= let) ex uulgatis carminibus illis sumpsit quæ apud Priscia= num in

Transcription: Translated (English)

GVLIELMI BVDAEI PARISI= ENSIS, COUNSELLOR= OR OF THE KING, ON THE ASSE AND OTHER PARTS OF IT, BOOK V. < Angelus Politianus.> There is a treatise on measures, which you have as connected with the foregoing matters, and also as a kind of appendix to this work. Now “measure” is used in many senses by Aristotle in the ninth book of the Metaphysics . But here I call measures those by which we measure fruits and liquids. Angelus Politianus, a man of our memory highly learned in both languages, writing at length in the tenth book of his Epistles on measures, says: “We must begin from the amphora, consecrated by the Romans in the Capitol, lest it be violated by anyone. This contains exactly as much as a die placed in any direction in a space four feet square. Two amphorae make a modius, or if you prefer Greek, a medimnus; and three of the same make a sextarius. Half a sextarius is called a cotula and a hemina. Four sextarii fill the chœnix. Thus six congii, which in Latin is called a chus (where I think Politian wrote not the Latin chus, but the Greek form), perhaps, he says, the sextarius got its name because it contains six congii. Yet Pollux writes that the cotyla is a third part of a chœnix, and that forty-eight chœnices are contained in a medimnus.” Such are the words of Politian, who, suppressing the author (as he is wont to do), took them from those common verses which are found in Priscian in

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET num incerto autore leguntur. Nam non esse Prisciani argumentum est, quòd in antiquis uoluminibus Prisciani no[n] inueniuntur. In his autem carminibus intelligedis quoties quamq[ue] luculentis erroribus Politianus lapsus sit, ex sequentibus apparebit, ut nisi Politiani stylum agnoscere, Politiani epistolam esse omnino negaturus fuerim. Eiusdem flagitij est quòd talentum Atticum maius tribus & octoginta nimis esse dixit, nec ullum pondus Attico taléto maius esse. Carmina autem illa sic ferè leguntur, Pes longo spatio latoq[ue]; notetur in anglo, Angulus ut par sit, quem claudit linea triplex, Quattuor ex quadris medium cingatur inane. Amphora fit cubus, quam ne uiolare liceret, Sacrauere Ioui Tarpeio in monte Quirites. Huius dimidium fert urna, ut & ipsa medimni Amphora, terq[ue] capit modium. sextarius istum Sexdecies haurit, quot soluitur in digitos pes. Dico his uersibus significari Amphoram ex area excitari quoquouersus pedali, quaternis quadris pedalibus inanita te amphoræ cingetibus, ita ut quaterni undiq[ue] anguli tesserales, tribus lineis cocludatur singuli, q[ui]bus ipsis tres dim[en]siones tesseræ significatur, qui cubus Græce dicitur, id est schema sex in situs sessile. Hoc enim uerba illa significant. Angulus ut par sit, quem claudit linea triplex. Tres enim dimensiones notantur, longitudo, latitudo, altitudo. Huius dicti testem interim citabimus Isidoru[m] Hispalensem, in hac re interdum non refellendu[m], licet in multis alijs lapsus sit. Amphora (inquit ille) recipit uini uel aquæ pedem quadratu[m]. Quòd si hunc testem refutare placet, prodeat Festus testis locupletior, qui his uerbis testabitur: Quadratul antiqui uocabant Amphoram, quod uas pedis

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET are read by an unknown author. For that it is not Priscian is shown by the fact that they are not found in Priscian’s ancient volumes. And in these poems it will appear from what follows how often and with what glaring errors Politian has slipped, so that unless I were to recognize Politian’s style, I should altogether have denied that this was Politian’s letter. It is of the same fault that he said the Attic talent was more than eighty-three, and that no weight is greater than the Attic talent. But those poems are read more or less thus: Let the foot be marked out in a long and broad space, So that the angle may be equal, which a triple line encloses, Let the middle void be surrounded by four squares. An amphora becomes a cube, which, lest it should be violated, The Quirites on Tarpeian Mount dedicated to Jupiter. Its half a urn carries, and so does the amphora itself a medimnus, And three times contains a modius. The sextarius draws off Sixteen times that measure, just as the foot is divided into digits. By these verses I say it is meant that the amphora is set up from a square area on every side a foot in length, surrounded by four foot-square squares empty in the space of the amphora, so that on all sides the four corner points, each enclosed by three lines, signify the three dimensions of the cube, which in Greek is called a cube, that is, a figure resting in a six-sided position. For this is what those words mean: So that the angle may be equal, which a triple line encloses. For three dimensions are noted: length, breadth, height. As a witness to this statement we shall meanwhile cite Isidore of Seville, who in this matter is not to be rejected, though in many other things he has erred. “The amphora,” he says, “receives a square foot of wine or water.” But if it pleases you to reject this witness, let Festus come forward, a more authoritative witness, who will testify in these words: “The ancients called the amphora a quadratum, because the vessel [foot]

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 515 pedis quadrati, octo & quadraginta sextarios capit. Poli= tianus duplicem amphorâ modium esse tradidit, & (quod uix intelligere possum) triplicê amphoram sextariu[m] effi= cere. Ego autem amphoram unam ternos modios capere dico, & duodequinquaginta sextarios: nec medimnum & modium eunde esse modum, sed medimnum modios senos capere. Suidas, μισλυνθ μητρον ἰσι ἐμμων, οἰον πυρων ἐυ χρι= θων. μισλυνον ὑμω μοδιων ἐν. Medimnus (inquit) mensura Medimnus. est aridorum, ut tritici uel or dei. medimnu[m] igitur mensura est sex modiûm. Hactenus ille. Sed audiamus teslem unum qui uice sit omniu[m]. Is erit Cicero, qui in Frum[m]etaria ita in= quit ad Verre, Accipis sestertios quindecim pro medimno tanti enim est illo tempore medimnum. retines sestertios duodecim, tanti enim est frumentum Siciliense ex lege æsti matum. Est eiusmodi æstimatio legis, ut cæteris tempori= bus tolerabilis Siculis, te Prætore etiam grata esse debue= rit. Est enim modius lege sestertijs tribus, ut æstimatus fuit ante te Prætore: ut tu in epistolis ad amicos tuos gloria= ris, sestertijs duobus. sed fuerit tribus sestertijs, quonia[m] tu tantum à ciuitatibus in modios singulos exegisti, tu non modò omnes accipere (quod oportebat) noluisti, sed etia[m] dare quod non debebant coëgisti. Idem alibi, Precium au= tem Senatus consulto constitutu[m] decumano in modios sin= gulos sestertij terni. Et iterum, Duobus precijs unum & idem frumentum uendidisti: semel ciuitatibus sestertijs quindecim in medinnum: iterum populo Romano, à quo festert. x x. in medimna pro eodem illo frumento ab= stulist. Et alibi, Hoc reprehendo, quòd cum in Sicilia sestertijs binis tritici modius esset, ut istius epistola ad te declarat, summùm sestertijs trinis, tum iste pro tri= tici modijs singulis ternos ab aratoribus denarios exegit. K 2 His lo

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART IB. HIS BOOK V. 515 A square foot holds forty-eight sextarii. Politianus has handed down that an amphora is double a modius, and, what I can scarcely understand, that triple an amphora makes a sextarius. But I say that one amphora holds three modii, and fifty-four sextarii; nor is the medimnus the same measure as the modius, but the medimnus holds six modii. Suidas: “Medimnus is a measure, as of wheat or barley.” Thus, therefore, the medimnus is a measure of six modii. So much for him. But let us hear one witness who may stand in place of all. That will be Cicero, who in the Frumentaria says to Verres: “You receive fifteen sesterces for a medimnus; for so much is the medimnus worth at that time. You keep twelve sesterces; for so much is the Sicilian grain valued by law. Such is the valuation of the law, that in other times it ought to have been tolerable to the Sicilians, and even pleasing under your praetorship. For by law a modius is three sesterces, as it was valued before you were praetor; as you boast in your letters to your friends, two sesterces. But let it have been three sesterces, since you exacted so much from the communities for each individual modius; you not only refused to accept all the grain (as was proper), but even compelled them to give what they did not owe.” In another place he says: “The price, however, fixed by a decree of the Senate for the tithe was three sesterces for each modius.” And again: “You sold the same grain at two prices: once to the communities for fifteen sesterces per medimnus; and again to the Roman people, from whom you took twenty sesterces per medimnus for that same grain.” And elsewhere: “I object to this, that when in Sicily a modius of wheat was worth two sesterces, as your letter to you shows, at most three sesterces, then that man exacted three denarii from the farmers for each modius of wheat.” K 2 His lo

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET His locis et alijs eiusde orationis liquet medimn[u] quinquies modium capere: quod de Sicula mensura intelligendum. < Medimnum.> nam Romanum medimnum ut Atticum senos modios cepisse, eodem autore eademq[ue]; oratione probabimus postea. < Amphora.> Nunc quod instat de amphora uideamus, quonam modo intelligi possit quod Politianus dixit. Sit igitur area quo quouersus pedum quatuor. si ex ea corpus quadrâ tale et tesserarium facere uelis, necesse est addenda dimensione tertia, id est altitudine, tertiam quoq[ue]; multiplicationem arealis numeri excitari. Quomodo enim bis binæ bis, primam tesseram numeralem faciunt octo angulis co[n]stantem, et ter trina ter secundam, qui numerus est uicenarius septenarius: eodem modo quater quaterna quater, tertiam tesseram faciunt, unitatibus quatuor et sexaginta concretam. Sit igitur planities uel interuallum quadratum, quaternum quo quouersus pedum huic si altitudinem bipedale imponâ, fient quatuor pedes quadrati, qui duos et triginta pedes ualet, hoc est bis quater quaternos. hos pedes si ex quadratis cubicos, id est tesserarios reddere uelim, eum numerum ut duplicem necesse est, hoc modo, quater quatuor quaternos. sic fiunt bis duo et triginta, id est quatuor et sexaginta. Vt enim quadrata forma ex numero quocunq[ue]; fit in sese ducto: sic ex quadrata iterum exurgit cubica. Quaternio enim radix est numeri quem nunc quærimus. Is in sese multiplicatus, sedecim efficit, et iam formam quadratam capit. At is numerus quadratus iterum quater multiplicatus, in tesseram assurgit, et fiunt sexagintaquatuor. Quare aut Politianus existimauit amphoram tot pedes habere in conceptaculi inanitate, aut tesseræ naturam ignorauit. Vtrumlibet autem dixeris, luculenter hallucinatus comperietur. At alterutr[u]uix de eo homine

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON ASSE AND ET From these places and from others in the same speech it is clear that a medimnus contains five modii: which is to be understood of the Sicilian measure. < Medimnum.> For we shall later prove from the same author and the same speech that the Roman medimnum, like the Attic, held six modii. < Amphora.> Now let us see what is next at hand concerning the amphora, and in what way what Politian said can be understood. Let there therefore be a square area measuring four feet in every direction. If from this you wish to make a square body and a cube, it is necessary, by adding a third dimension, that is height, to bring about a third multiplication of the area-number. For just as two times two times two make the first cubic number, consisting of eight angles, and three times three times three the second, which number is twenty-seven: in the same way four times four times four make the third cube, made up of sixty-four units. Let there therefore be a flat surface or square interval, four feet in every direction; if I impose on this a height of two feet, four square feet will result, which amounts to thirty-two feet, that is, two times four fours. If I wish to turn these feet from square into cubic, that is, into cubical, I must double that number, in this way: four times four times four. Thus there result two times thirty-two, that is, sixty-four. For as a square form is produced from any number by multiplying it by itself, so from a square there again arises a cube. For four is the root of the number we are now seeking. Multiplied by itself, it makes sixteen, and already takes on a square form. But that square number, when again multiplied by four, rises into a cube, and sixty-four are made. Therefore either Politian thought that an amphora had so many feet in the emptiness of its container, or he was ignorant of the nature of the cube. Whichever you say, he will be found to have clearly blundered. But either way, scarcely concerning that man

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. homine credere fas est, qui Panepistemona librum condidit, quo omnium rerum artiumq[ue] scientiam profiteri uide tur, summatimq[ue] tradere. Vitruuius de tessera lib. quinto ita inquit, Cubus est corpus ex sex lateribus, æquali latitudine planitierum per quadratum. Is cum est iactus, quâ in partem incubuit, dum est intactus, immotam habet stabilitatem, ut sunt etiam tesseræ quas in alueu[m] ludentes iaciunt. Amphoræ autem capacitatem cum ego nosse cuperem, quadrantal, id est uas cubicum ex tabellis quatuor co[m]pingendum locaui, ita ut intus pedale quo quouersus esset, factumq[ue]; ad rudiculâ exegi, quæ intus quide[m] erecta, æquilibris esset ad summa uasis labra:iacens uerò & porrecta in imo atq[ue] summo, latera bina stringeret. Semipedem accipimus id spatium quod digiti utriusq[ue]; manus suppressis pollicibus occupant. Etenim palmus (ut inquit Vitruuius) à quaternis manuum digitis inuentus est, & à palmo pes factus sedecim digitorum. Nostri pedem duodecim pollicibus partiuntur, quas uncias antiqui uocauerunt, ut autor est Boëthius, id quod ostendit Plinius lib. decimoquinto de Siliquis loquens, quum ita inquit, Digitorum hominis longitudo illis, & interim falcata, pollicari latitudine. Pollicarem dixit pro unciali, ut differentiam adnotare facile sit inter digitale & pollicare. Frontinus, Aquarum (inquit) moduli aut ad digitorum aut ad unciarum mensuram instituti sunt. Digiti in Campania & in plerisque Italiæ locis, unciae in Apulia obseruantur. Est autem digitus (ut conuenit) sextadecima pars pedis, uncia duodecima. Idem alibi, Vnciæ ergo modulus habet diametri digitum unum, & trientem digiti. Hactenus ille. Vulgò pedem metiuntur opifices manibus in pugnos contractis, & porrectis pollicibus, altrinsecusq[ue] obuersis. Nos hu- iusmodi K 3

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART B. HIS BOOK V. one may trust the man who composed the book Panepistema, in which he seems to profess and briefly set forth the knowledge of all things and arts. Vitruvius, in the fifth book, says thus of the die: “A cube is a body with six sides, with the surfaces of equal breadth, forming a square. When it is thrown, on whatever side it falls, so long as it remains untouched it has an immovable stability, as also do the dice which players cast into the gaming-board.” But when I wished to know the capacity of amphorae, I ordered a quadrantal, that is, a cubic vessel to be made of four boards, so that inside it was a foot in every direction, and I caused a rod to be raised within it, which, standing upright inside, should be level with the upper rim of the vessel; but lying and extending from the bottom to the top, it should press against two opposite sides. We take a semiped as that space which the fingers of both hands occupy with the thumbs pressed down. For the palm, as Vitruvius says, was invented from four fingers of the hand, and from the palm the foot was made of sixteen digits. Our people divide the foot into twelve inches, which the ancients called unciae, as Boethius states; this is shown by Pliny in the fifteenth book, where he speaks of siliquae, when he says: “The length of a human finger is among them, and meanwhile curved, with the width of a thumb.” He said “thumb-breadth” for “inch-breadth,” so that the difference between digit and inch-breadth may easily be noted. Frontinus says: “The measures for water are established according to either the measure of fingers or of inches. Fingers are observed in Campania and in most parts of Italy, inches in Apulia. Now a digit, as agreed, is the sixteenth part of a foot, an inch the twelfth.” The same writer elsewhere: “Therefore the inch-measure has a diameter of one finger and one-third of a finger.” So far he. Commonly, craftsmen measure the foot by clenched hands with the thumbs extended and turned toward one another. We ha- this kind K 3

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET iusmodi pedem habuimus, sed ab ijs petitum, qui modum pedis publicè statuere solent. Hoc uas autem tritico cum impleuissem, cum mensuris nostris composui implendo deplendoq[ue] subinde. Hoc faciens, deprehendi uas illud tes= serarium, id est amphoram meam cumulatam, huius urbis quadrantem radio æquatum capere: nec aliam esse inter utranq[ue] mensuram differentiam, quàm quæ esse soleat in= ter mensuram rasam & fastigatam, ut amphora antiqua cum eo auctario quod liberaliores uenditores condonare solent, quadrantem nostrum hostimento admensum, quo modo uenire moris est, omnino æquare possit. Quadrantem appello eius mensuræ quartam partem, quam sexta= < Medimnus.> rium triticarium diximus. Secundum hoc medimnus erit quam minam dicimus. Lingua enim uernacula primu[m] mi= mnum per syncopè, postea minam pro medimno dixit. Ita sextarius ille noster triticarius in bina medimna uel qua= ternas amphoras diuiditur, & inde in duodenos modios, < Bosselli.> quos Bossellos appellamus, uel Bocotios potius. Sed hæc quæ coniectura assequimur, argumentis adiuvanda sunt. Tranquillus in Cæsare, Populo præter frum[m]eti denos mo dios, ac totidem olei libras, trecenos quoque nummos, quos pollicitus olim erat, diuisit. Si Cæsar totidem mo= dios tritici uiritim, quot olei libras diuisit, intelligimus modium non magnam mensuram fuisse, quæ Ciceronis testimonio plerunque binis, rarò ternis sestertijs ualebat. Qua ratione medimnus quinisdenis sestertijs, & sæpe denis tantum ualebat. quod tamen intelligo in uilitate an= nonæ. nam Cicero in Frumentaria duas æstimationes ex Senatusconsulto factas ponit, unam alterarum decima= rum, quas aratores non gratuitas pendere cogebantur po pulo Romano, sed ita, ut in singulos modios ternos se= stertios

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON THE AS AND we had such a foot, but it was asked from those who are accustomed publicly to establish the measure of the foot. Now when I had filled this vessel with wheat, I compared it with our measures, filling and emptying it repeatedly. Doing this, I found that that tessellary vessel, that is, my cumulated amphora, held, when matched to the quadrant of this city by the radius, no other difference between the two measures than is usually found between a level measure and a heaped one, so that the old amphora, together with that allowance which more liberal vendors are accustomed to make, could exactly equal our quadrant measured with the hostimentum, in the customary manner of selling. I call a quadrant one fourth part of that measure which we called the sextarius triticarius. < Medimnus.> According to this, the medimnus will be what we call the mina. For in the vernacular tongue, by syncope, it first said mimum, and afterward mina instead of medimnus. Thus that sextarius of ours for wheat is divided into two medimni, or four amphorae, and thence into twelve modii, < Bosselli.> which we call Bosselli, or rather Bocotii. But these things, which we arrive at by conjecture, must be supported by arguments. Tranquillus, in Caesar, distributed to the people, besides grain, ten modii, and as many pounds of oil, and also three hundred coins, which he had once promised. If Caesar distributed by the head as many modii of wheat as pounds of oil, we understand that the modius was not a large measure, which by Cicero's testimony was commonly worth two sesterces, rarely three. On that account the medimnus was worth fifteen sesterces, and often only ten. But I understand this in a time of cheap grain. For Cicero, in the Frumentarian speech, gives two assessments made by a senatus consultum, one of the tithes, which the farmers were compelled to pay to the Roman people, not free of charge, but in such a way that for each modius three sesterces

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 519 stertios acciperent. alteram æstimationem ponit frum[m]eti quod interdum ciuitatibus imperabatur, ut Romano po= pulo præbere certum numerum frumenti cogerentur, & pro eo in modios denarios singulos acciperent, id est qua= ternos sestertios. Quæ ratione medimnus quinis denarijs æstimabatur, quod fiebat cum annonæ penuria metue= batur, ut opinor. Legitima ergo æstimatio erat trinis se= stertijs in modios Siculos, qui maiores erant Atticis & Romanis, licet idem esset medimnus. < Aestimatio frumenti in Sicia.> Videamus an hoc temporibus nostris congruat. Apud nos comodam tritici primarij annonam esse aiunt, cum medimni bini, id est se= xtarius, quinis & uicenis solidis turonicis ueneunt. ab eo precio ad tricenos iustam æstimationem esse: deorsum au= tem ad uicenos, iam ad uilitatem spectare: quod supra hæc aut infra est, caritatis & uilitatis appellatione cen= seri. Cum hæc literis mandarem, precium diuersis anni partibus à uicenis solidis ad uicenos binos & semusse ple= rumque euariauit, tametsi minime ubere bienni prouentu. Sed ferè ita euenit, cum exportare ad externos non licet, uix iam ut annona agriculturæ impendia ferat, cum pau= cis annis equis aratorijs quibus nostri utuntur, magno= pere precium accesserit. Verùm si medimnus in Siciliæ mediocri fertilitate quinisdenis sestertijs ualebat, planum fit non memorabili nos errore aut in nummi coniectura, aut in mensura falli: quippe quindecim sestertij æstima= tione nostra solidis tredecim & sesquidenariolo ualent. < Sestertij ualor.> Sestertium enim denis denariolis & obolo taxauimus. Quære non mirum est, si Cicero sæpe in Sicilia modium frumenti binis sestertijs esse dixit in magna ubertate. qua ratione duo medimna, decem & septem solidis & se= misso ueneunt. nam apud nos sæpe minoris ualere me= mini. K 4

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 519 they would receive sestertii. He gives another valuation of grain, which was sometimes exacted from cities, when they were compelled to furnish the Roman people with a fixed quantity of grain, and in return received a certain number of denarii for each modius, that is, four sestertii. For this reason the medimnus was valued at five denarii, which happened when a shortage of grain was feared, as I suppose. Therefore the legal valuation was three sestertii for Sicilian modii, which were larger than the Attic and Roman, though the medimnus was the same. < Aestimatio frumenti in Sicia.> Let us see whether this agrees with our own times. Among us they say there is a comfortable supply of first-rate wheat when two medimni, that is, a sextarius, sell for twenty-five Tournois solidi. From that price up to thirty there is a fair valuation; below that, down to twenty, it already begins to look cheap: whatever is above this or below it is reckoned under the names of dearness and cheapness. While I was putting this into writing, the price at different times of the year fluctuated for the most part from twenty solidi to twenty-two and a half, though the harvest was by no means abundant for two years. But that is nearly how it turns out, when it is not permitted to export to foreigners, and the crop is scarcely now enough to cover the expenses of agriculture, since in a few years the price has risen greatly for the draught horses used by our ploughmen. But if a medimnus in Sicily, in moderate fertility, was worth fifteen sestertii, it is clear that we are not mistaken by any notable error either in the reckoning of the coin or in the measure: for fifteen sestertii, by our valuation, are worth thirteen solidi and a semidenarius. < Sestertij ualor.> For we have set the sestertius at ten denarii and an obol. Consider that it is not surprising if Cicero often said that in Sicily a modius of grain was worth two sestertii, in great abundance. By that reckoning, two medimni sell for seventeen solidi and a half; for among us I remember that it has often been worth less. K 4

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mini. Cicero in Frumentaria, Frumentum (inquit) emere in Sicilia debuit Verres ex Senatus consulto, & ex lege Terentia & Cassia frumentaria. Emundi duo genera fue= runt. unum cæterarum decumarum, alterum quod prætereà ciuitatibus æqualiter esset distributum. Illius decumani tantum quantum ex primis decumis fuisset, tritici modia D C C C. millia. Precium autem constitutum decumano, in modios singulos sestertij terni duodetricies, imperato sestertij quaterni: ita ut frumentum imperatum, sestertium duodetricies in annos singulos Verri decernebatur quod aratoribus solueret. In alteras decumas ferme ad nonagies. sic per triennium ad hanc frumenti emptionem Siciliensem propè centies & tricies erogatu est. Decumanum frumentum appellat Cicero alterius decumæ frumentum, quam aratores dare non uectigalem, sed uenæ lem cogebatur. Puto autem no[n] utrobiq[ue]; duodetricies legendum, sed secundo loco duodeuicies: nihil tamen certi haberi potest, quoniam locus ille corruptissimè legitur. Sed nec duodetricies priore loco satis congruit, cum octingenta millia modiùm quater & uicies tantummodo ualuerint æstimatione ternorum sestertiorum. Igitur D C C C. M. Ciceronem scripsisse dicendum est, non D C C C. ut sit uicies septies. Quòd si addatur x x x mil. congruet duodetricies. Ter autem duodetricies ferme nonagies centena millia sestertium ualet. Quibus si ter duodecies addas, ferme centies & tricies sestertium erit: <Decuma frumenti in Sicia.> quod à Cicerone oratoriè auctum est. Sic in alteras decumas quotannis ex Sicilia nongenta millia modiùm Romam exportabantur: qui modij primùm ad mensuram Romanam, deinde ad nostram reduci debent, propterea quòd quini Siculi modij senos Romanos ualebant. Qua ra= tione

Transcription: Translated (English)

Mini. In the Frumentaria, Cicero says: Verres ought to have bought grain in Sicily by decree of the Senate and in accordance with the grain laws of Terentia and Cassia. There were two kinds of purchases to be made: one for the other tithes, the other for what was distributed equally among the communities. Of the former, the decuman grain amounted to exactly as much as had been in the original tithes, namely 800,000 modii of wheat. The price fixed for the decuman grain was three sesterces and two-thirds for each modius, but for the compulsory purchase four sesterces; so that the compulsory grain, at two sesterces and four times twenty-five, was decreed each year to Verres for him to pay the farmers. In the other tithes, nearly 900,000 sesterces. Thus over the three years nearly 1,200,000 sesterces were spent on this Sicilian grain purchase. Cicero calls decuman grain the grain of the other tithe, which the farmers were compelled to provide not as a tax, but as something for sale. But I think that not in both places should duodetricies be read, but in the second place duodeuicies; nevertheless nothing certain can be established, since that passage is read in the most corrupt way. But neither does duodetricies in the first place fit well enough, since 800,000 modii would only be valued, four and twenty times over, at three sesterces each. Therefore it must be said that Cicero wrote D C C C. M., not D C C C., so that it is twenty-seven times a hundred thousand. If thirty thousand be added, duodetricies will fit. And three times duodetricies is nearly 900,000 sesterces. If you add to these three times twelve, the total will be nearly 1,200,000 sesterces: <The tithe of grain in Sicily.> which Cicero has amplified rhetorically. Thus, under the other tithes, 900,000 modii were every year exported from Sicily to Rome: these modii must first be reduced to the Roman measure, and then to ours, because five Sicilian modii were equal to six Roman ones. According to this ratio

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Transcription: ATR-1

tione septingenta & quinquaginta millia Siculorum, nongenta millia Romanorum & Atticorum ualent: quæ ad medimnos Atticos relata, centum & quinquaginta nul lia fiunt. His adde centum & quinquaginta nullia modiûm Siculorum, quæ centum & octoginta nullia Romanorum uulent: fiunt decies centena & octoginta nullia. Hæc e= nim summa sesquiquinta est nongentorum nullium, quæ ad sextarios Parisinos reducta, nonaginta nullia fiunt: & duodenario diuisa, septem millia & quingenta modia Parisina. Sic ex duabus decimis Romani quindecim mil= lia modiûm nostrorum transportabant ex Sicilia, præter id quod ciuitatibus quaternis sestertijs imperabatur. Sed septem millia & quingenti modij nostri ea ratione quam Cicero statuit, id est tribus sestertijs in modium Siculum, ære nostro sexagintaseptem millia & quingentos aureos nostros ualent, quæ Romano more uicies septies sester= tium dicuntur. Quare summa omnino non congruit: pro= pter quod locum Ciceronis corruptum esse dixi. nec mo= dò corruptum esse puto, sed etiam mutilatum, inter uer= bum fuisset, & uerbum tritici. D C C C. enim millia non est alterarum decumarum numerus, sed frumenti impera= ti, ut ex alijs locis orationis colligitur. Numerus autem alterarum decumarum deesse mihi uidetur. Sed & ma= ior summa esse debet in triennio quàm centies & tricies, cum quotannis nonagies in alteras decumas daretur: id quod ex alio loco orationis ostenditur. nam Cicero eius summæ quinquagesimasbinas ad sestertium tredecies ta= xauit: qua ratione trecenties & uiciesquinquies esse o= portuit. Cæterùm non duodetricies imperato frumento Ciceronem statuisse puto, sed bis & tricies, cum quater= nis sestertijs in modiu[m] æstimaretur. summa enim ad num= K 5 num

Transcription: Translated (English)

Seventeen hundred and fifty thousand Sicilian measures are worth nine hundred thousand Roman and Attic measures; reduced to Attic medimni, they make one hundred and fifty thousand. Add to these one hundred and fifty thousand Sicilian modii, which are worth one hundred and eighty thousand Roman; the total is ten times one hundred thousand and eighty thousand. For this sum is one and a half of nine hundred thousand, which, reduced to Parisian sextarii, makes ninety thousand; and divided by twelve, seven thousand five hundred Parisian modii. Thus, from two tenths, the Romans transported fifteen thousand of our modii from Sicily, apart from what was exacted from the cities at four sesterces. But our seven thousand five hundred modii, at the rate established by Cicero, that is, three sesterces per Sicilian modius, are worth in our money sixty-seven thousand and five hundred of our aurei, which in Roman fashion are called twenty-seven times a sesterce. Therefore the whole sum does not agree at all; for which reason I said that Cicero’s passage is corrupt. Nor do I think it is merely corrupt, but also mutilated, between the word “fuisset” and the word “tritici.” For 800,000 is not the number of the second tenths, but of the grain demanded, as can be gathered from other parts of the speech. But the number of the second tenths seems to me to be missing. And the total should also be greater in three years than one hundred and thirty times, since each year ninety times was given in the second tenths; this is shown from another passage of the speech. For Cicero assessed fifty-two hundredths of that sum at thirteen million sesterces; by that reckoning it ought to have been three hundred and twenty-five times. Moreover, I do not think that Cicero set down the grain exacted at twelve times thirty, but at twice and thirty times, since it was valued at four sesterces per modius. For the total, as to number,

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET num quadrat. Sextarius nosler triticarius ferè est quâtum iumentum uiatorium ferre potest. hos in modio duodenos, Parisienses habent. Idem Cicero in eade[m] oratione, Iugera professi sunt aratores imperio atq[ue] instituto tuo: non opinor quenquam esse minus professum, quàm quantum arasset, cum tot cruces, tot iudicia, tot ex cohorte recuperatores proponerentur. In iugere Leontini agri medimnum ferè tritici seritur perpetua atq[ue] æquabili satione. Ager efficit cum octauo bene ut agatur: uerùm ut omnes dij adiuent, cum decimo. quod siquando accidit, tum fit ut tantum decumæ sit, quantum seueris. hoc est, ut quot iugera sunt sata, totidem medimna decumæ debeantur. Hoc cum ita esset, primum illud dico, pluribus medimnûm millibus uenisse decumas agri Leontini, quàm quot millia iugerûm sata erant in agro Leontino. Et rursus, Agri Leontini decumæ anno tertio uenierunt medimnis x x x v 1. millibus, hoc est tritici modijs ducentis sedecim millibus. His uerbis planum fit medimnum senos modios capere, cum prior numerus senario multiplicatus posteriorè efficiat. Idem, Ostendam neminem aratorem minus tribus decumis dedisse: atque hoc in beneficij loco petitum ab Aponio, ut in iugera singula ternis medimnis decidere liceret. Deinde inferius ita subdit, Professio est agri Leontini ad iugera x x x. nullia. Hæc sunt ad tritici medimna nonaginta, id est tritici modia quingenta quadraginta nullia, tres quinquagesimas, id est tritici modiùm x x x 1 1. nullia quadringentos. Ab omnibus enim ternæ præterea quinquagesimæ exhibebantur. Hæc exempla Ciceronis corruptissimè hodie leguntur, sed partim ex locorum collatione, partim calculo emendantur. quæ ideo citanda du= xi, ut probarem medimnum senos modios Romano more capere. Medimnus.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND a square number. Our triticum sextarius is nearly as much as a pack-animal on a journey can carry. Twelve of these make a modius among the Parisians. Cicero likewise, in the same speech, says: The farmers declared the iugera by your command and institution: I do not suppose that anyone declared less than he had ploughed, when so many crosses, so many lawsuits, so many recuperatores from the cohort were being put forward. In one iugerum of the Leontine field nearly a medimnum of wheat is sown by continuous and equal sowing. The field yields, if it is worked well, with an eighth part; but, if all the gods assist, with a tenth. If this sometimes happens, then the tithe is such as the sowing. That is, as many iugera as are sown, so many medimna are owed as tithe. Since this was so, the first point I make is that the tithe of the Leontine field was sold for more thousands of medimna than there were thousands of iugera sown in the Leontine field. And again, the tithe of the Leontine field in the third year was sold for 35 thousand medimna, that is, 216 thousand modii of wheat. From these words it is clear that a medimnum holds six modii, since the earlier number multiplied by six produces the later. Likewise, I will show that no farmer gave less than three tithes; and this was sought from Aponius as a favor, that he might be allowed to deduct three medimna from each iugerum. Then below he adds: The declaration of the Leontine field extends to 30 thousand iugera. These amount to ninety medimna of wheat, that is, 540 thousand modii of wheat, and three-fiftieths, that is, 31 thousand 400 modii of wheat. For in addition, three-fiftieths were rendered by everyone. These examples of Cicero are read very corruptly today, but they are corrected partly from comparison of the places, partly by calculation. I cited them for that reason, in order to prove that a medimnum holds six modii in the Roman manner. Medimnum.

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Transcription: ATR-1

CAPERE. Si enim quingenta quadraginta millia senario par= tiaris, fient sexies nonaginta millia. Cum tot tantisq[ue] au= toritatibus pugnat autoritas Polybij in 1 1. historiarum, his uerbis scribètis de Italiæ fertilitate, frumètiq[ue] uilitate, στο τε γὰρ ποσοῦτω αρθονίαν ὑπὲρχειν συμβαίνε κατὰ τὰς τόπας, ός τ' ἐν τῶς καθ' ἐμαίς καυροίς, ὑπολάκις τετίαρων ἐθολῶν ἐἰν' τῶν πυρῶν τὸν σκονλικὸν μεθλιων, τῶν ἐν κρι= θῶν σκοιν. Si enim Polybij ætate, qui Scipionis Africani præceptor fuit, medinnus frumenti Siculus quaternis ob= olis fuit, id est besse denarij: quo modo sestertijs binis ter= nis que Ciceronis tempore modius fuit, qui aut quinta aut sexta pars medimini erat? Ex quo fit ut censeam μεθλιων à Polybio pro eo dictum quod Latini modium dicunt. Inire autem rationem non possum quonam modo credibile fieri possit, quod idem autor eodem loco pro= didit, testificari uolens Italiæ ubertatem. Admiratur au= tem quòd in Italia hospites mercenarij peregrinos ad= mitterent in diuersoria, nihil prius paciscentes de singu= lis rebus ab ipsis cauponibus præbendis: sed tantum di= uertentes percunctareutur, quanti reciperent hospites. Itaque, inquit, plerunque eos admittunt semisse, ita ut ni= hil ipsi admussi desiderent eorum quæ usui necessaria sunt. ως μὲν ἐν ἐπιθωλι παρίασται τὰς καταλύτας ὑι πανδοχεῖς, ως ἐνανὰ πᾶντ' ἐκδην τὰ πρὸς πλῶ χείαν, ἐμικασαρία. τῶτο δὲ ἐν τίθερεν μὲν ὑθολῶν. ἀπονιως ἐν τῶν ὑποθαίναιον. Hoc dictum Polybij hyperbolicum mihi uisum est, ut qui= dem in exemplaribus peruagatis legitur: nec de eo habeo quod statuere possim. Verùm superioribus exemplis Ci= ceronis autoritatem habemus, agri Leoutini, qui ferti= litate commendabilis erat, iugera singula singulis medi= mnis, id est senis modijs seri: & plerunq[ue] cum octauo, rarò cum

Transcription: Translated (English)

CAPERE. For if you divide five hundred and forty thousand by six, the result will be ninety thousand six times. Against so many and such authorities stands the authority of Polybius in the 11th book of the Histories, where he writes these words about the fertility of Italy and the cheapness of grain: “...for so great abundance of grain is found in those places, as also in mine own times, and four measures of wheat for one measure of barley ...” For if in the time of Polybius, who was the teacher of Scipio Africanus, a Sicilian medimnus of grain was worth four obols, that is, two-thirds of a denarius, how could a modius in Cicero’s time be worth two and three sesterces, when it was either a fifth or a sixth part of a medimnus? From this I conclude that Polybius used the word μεθλιων for what the Latins call a modius. But I cannot work out in what way it can be believed that the same author, in the same place, stated this while intending to testify to the fertility of Italy. He is, however, astonished that in Italy innkeepers would admit travelers into their inns without first making any bargain with them about the various things to be supplied by the innkeepers themselves; but merely asking the newcomers how much they would take in as guests. And so, he says, they usually admit them for a half-obol, so that they themselves lack none of the necessities of life. ὡς μὲν ἐν ἐπιθωλι παρίασται τὰς καταλύτας ὑπ πανδοχεῖς, ὡς ἐνανὰ πάντ' ἐκδην τὰ πρὸς πλῶ χείαν, ἐμικασαρία. τοῦτο δὲ ἐν τίθερεν μὲν ὑθολῶν. ἀπονιως ἐν τῶν ὑποθαίναιον. This statement of Polybius seemed to me hyperbolic, as indeed it is read in the available manuscripts; nor do I have anything to determine the matter. Yet from the earlier examples we have the authority of Cicero, who says that on the fertile land of Leontini each jugerum was sown with one medimnus apiece, that is, six modii, and often with eight, though rarely with...

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET cum decimo foenore satum frumentum redire. Primùm igitur statuamus quanta sit iugeri mensura. Columel. lib. vi. Duo, inquit, actus iugerum efficiunt longitudine pedum ducentorum quadraginta, latitudine pedum centum uiginti. quæ utræq[ue] summæ in sese ductæ, quadratorum pedum faciunt millia uigintiocto & octingentos. Iam autore Columella, & calculo confirmatore, nouimus ducentos & quadraginta pedes (quæ longitudo est iugeri) centies & uicies multiplicatos (qui numerus est latitudinis) octo & uiginti millia quadratorum pedum & octingentos efficere. Hic numerus octingentas, ut ita loquar, hexapedas efficit, quæ mensura nostri mensores & fabri sic utuntur, ut antiqui Romani decempeda. Est enim hexapus siue hexapeda, mensura sex pedum: quæ quadrata, sex & triginta pedes habet. Porrò centum hexapedæ quadratæ, tria millia & sexcentos pedes efficiunt. Quadringentæ hac ratione quatuordecim millia & quadringentos explet, quæ mensura est semijugeri Romani ex Columella. Ita iugerum octingentas hexapodas nostras habebat. Quare quod apud Varronem & ipsum Columellam legitur, actum quadratum undique finiri pedibus centum uiginti, cumq[ue] duplicatum iugerum facere, id de iugero quadrato intelligendum est, non absolutè de iugero, quod parum apud utrunq[ue] declaratum est. sed cum uterque dicat scrupulum denûm esse pedum quadratorum, & in iugero esse scrupula ducenta & octogintaocto, planum fit calculo, de iugero quadrato non intelligi, cum dicitur iugerum pedum esse uigintiocto millium & octingentorum. Si enim in singula scrupula centenos pedes numeres, quot ex denis pedibus quadratis exurgunt, patet uel in digitos deducenti, duceties octogies octies centenos pedes fieri, id est uigin= tiocto

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BY THE ASSE AND to return the grain sown with tenfold interest. First, then, let us determine what the measure of the iugerum is. Columella, book vi: “Two actus,” he says, “make a iugerum, in length 240 feet, in breadth 120 feet.” These two sums, multiplied together, make 28,800 square feet. Now, on the authority of Columella, and confirmed by calculation, we know that 240 feet, which is the length of the iugerum, multiplied by 120, which is the number of the breadth, produce 28,800 square feet. This number makes, so to speak, 800 hexapedes, a measure which our surveyors and craftsmen use as the ancient Romans used the decempeda. For the hexapus or hexapeda is a measure of six feet; when squared, it contains 36 feet. Moreover, 100 square hexapedes make 3,600 feet. Four hundred, by this reckoning, complete 14,400, which, according to Columella, is the measure of a half-iugerum of the Romans. Thus the iugerum had 800 of our hexapedes. Wherefore what is read in Varro and in Columella himself, that the square actus is bounded on every side by 120 feet, and that doubled it makes a iugerum, must be understood of the square iugerum, not absolutely of the iugerum; this was not made clear enough in either of them. But since each says that a scrupulum is ten square feet, and that there are 288 scrupula in a iugerum, it becomes plain from the calculation that the square iugerum is not meant, when it is said that the iugerum is 28,800 feet. For if in each scrupulum you reckon a hundred feet, as arise from ten square feet, it is evident, even if one reduces it to digits, that 2288 hundred feet are made, that is, twenty-eight

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 525 Iu gerum seu Arpennum Parisinum. iocto millia octingentos: at iugerum quadratum altero tanto maius est. In agro Parisino non una est mēsura, propterea iustissimam eligam, & quæ latius in eodem agro patet. Perticam nostrâ uicenumquinum pedum esse aiunt longitudinis hæc quadrata sexcenos uicenosquinos pedes continet, qui numerus centies multiplicatus, sexagintaduo nullia & quingētos pedes quadratos efficit. tot enim tantisq[ue] perticis iugerum nostrum, quod arpennum appel lamus, constare dicitur. huiusmodi autem iugero licet aliquid utantur, alij tamen affirmant grandissimam illam esse mensuram, sed iustam agri nostri perticâ uicenumbinum pedum esse longitudinis, quæ quadrata quadringenos octogenosquaternos pedes habet. Et hæc iam apud plerosq[ue] plena existimatur. Qua ratione centenarium iugerum, quadragintaocto millia quadringentos pedes habet quadratos. Est & minima mensura, qua perticis duodeuicenarijs utitur, quæ pedes trecenos uicenosquaternos habent, & centenæ in iugero, pedes quadratos conficiunt numero trigintaduo millia quadringentos. Sunt etiam qui perticis quidem plenis, sed iugero sexagenario utantur. Quo fit ut illis iugerum trigintaseptem millia quingentos pedes habeat. Nos autem mediam mensuram obseruabimus, quam dicunt germanam nostram esse, quæ duos & uiginti pedes perticæ statuit, & quadragintaocto millia quadringentos pedes habet. Hæc ad iugerum Romanum composita, eandem habet proportionem, quam quadringenti octogintaquatuor ad ducetos octogintaocto, quæ ut maior est multo sesquipla, sic paulo minor est dupla. at uerò eiusmodi arpennum pingui solo alternis propemodum messibus medimnum duodecimum reddit. Huiusmodi serè est fertilitas in eo tractu qui peculiari nomine Frācia appell Francianus a- ger.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 525 Iugerum, or Arpennum Parisinum. The octingentos: but the square iugerum is by another so much greater. In the Parisian territory there is not one measure; therefore I shall choose the very just one, and that which is more widely found in the same territory. They say that the pertica is twenty-five feet in length; this square measure contains six hundred and twenty-five feet, which number, multiplied by a hundred, makes sixty-two thousand and five hundred square feet. For so many such perticae, it is said that our iugerum, which we call an arpent, is made up. Of this kind of iugerum some may indeed make use; others, however, affirm that this is the largest measure, but the just measure of our land is the pertica of twenty-eight feet in length, which has four hundred and eighty-four square feet. And this is now regarded by most as the full measure. According to this reckoning, the hundred-fold iugerum has forty-eight thousand four hundred square feet. There is also a smallest measure, which uses perticae of twelve and eighteen feet, and the hundred of these in an iugerum make square feet to the number of thirty-two thousand four hundred. There are also those who use full perticae, but a sixty-fold iugerum. Thus it comes about that for them an iugerum has thirty-seven thousand five hundred feet. But we shall observe the middle measure, which they say is our proper one, which sets the pertica at twenty-two feet, and has forty-eight thousand four hundred feet. This, when compared to the Roman iugerum, has the same proportion as four hundred and eighty-four to two hundred and eighty-eight, which, while greater by much than one and a half, is nevertheless somewhat less than double. But such an arpent on rich soil yields, in alternate years for the most part, the twelfth modius. Such is the fertility, I say, in that region which by a special name is called Frācia, the French land.

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET < Franciæ sum[m]e. > appellatur, ex eo (ut arbitror) quòd sit sum[m]en (ut dicitur) Franciæ, in quo agro triticum mutilus spicis nascitur, non ut ferè in Italia, aristatis. In eo nos prædium Marlianum habemus. Neq[ue] nunc de summa ubertate aut soli aut tem= poris loquimur, sed de ea quæ plerunq[ue] uisitur. Notum est in eo agro arpenna duodeuicena in annos singulos sin gulis modijs nostris oblocari tritici lectissimi. Quanquam ea ferè locationum formula est, ut colonus eo rectè præ= bendo tritico defungi possit, quod summæ bonitati uno so lido cedat, & interdum eo quod semisse tantum solidi. Mo dium autem nostrum (ut iam dixi) duodenos sextarios con tinet, & sextarius binos medimnos. Hac ratione singula iugera quotannis bessem sextarij nostri, id est octonos mo= dios pensitare inueniuntur, cum tamen in eo tractu nullum agrum restibilem esse sciam. Sic enim fert agricolatio, ut triticarius ager à messe triticea altero anno semestre ali= quod genus frugis capiat, ut ordeum uel auenam, uel quid aliud leuioris foetus: tertio autem anno nouali agitato cesset, < Aruum. Veruactum. > quod & aruum & ueruactum appellatur ab antiquis. Itaque planum sit agrum nostrum bonitate Siculo non ce= dere, quem Cicero cum octauo & cum decimo acceptum reddere semen dixit. quanquam id postea uiderimus. nunc id tantum argumenta nostra adiuet, quibus asserere con= tendimus medimni Romani & minæ nostræ paritatem. Nostri aiunt agricolæ arpennu[m] quale diximus, sesquime= dinuum ferè poscere, ut bene seratur aruum. Columella de satione loquens lib. x 1 1. pinguis agri iugerum, si solu= tus & siccus sit, quaternos tantum modios tritici poscere < Ratio sem[m]etis. > tradidit: si cretosus, aut uliginosus, quinos. Hoc cum à no stratibus anxiè inquirerem, uix constare opiniones depre hendi: id quod ex uarietate soli & mensurarum contingit: quantum

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET < the sum of France. > is so called, for this reason (as I suppose), because it is the sum, as it is said, of France, in which district wheat grows with shortened ears, not as is almost always the case in Italy, with awns. In that district we have the estate of Marlianum. And now we are not speaking of the extraordinary fertility either of the soil or of the season, but of that which is usually observed. It is well known that in that district an arpent of eighteen acres is let each year for a singulis modii of our measure of the very best wheat. Yet the usual form of lease is such that the tenant can duly discharge the rent with wheat, which of superior quality yields one solidus, and sometimes that which yields only half a solidus. But our modius, as I have already said, contains twelve sextarii, and a sextarius two medimni. By this reckoning each iugerum is found annually to yield eight-tenths of our sextarius, that is, eight modii, although I know that in that region there is no land fit for continuous cropping. For agriculture is such that a wheat field, after a wheat harvest, in the following year receives some kind of spring crop, such as barley or oats, or something else of a lighter produce; but in the third year, after the fallow has been stirred, it lies idle, < Aruum. Veruactum. > which the ancients called both aruum and veruactum. So let it be clear that our field does not yield to Sicilian land in goodness, which Cicero said would return seed received with eight and with ten. Although we shall see that later. For now let this much aid our arguments, by which we strive to maintain the equivalence of the Roman medimnus and our mina. Our farmers say that an arpent, such as we have described, requires almost a sesquimedius for the land to be well sown. Columella, speaking of sowing in book x i 1, has stated that an acre of rich land, if loose and dry, requires only four modii of wheat < Ratio sem[m]etis. > : if chalky, or moist, five. When I anxiously inquired about this from our people, I found that opinions scarcely agreed: this results from the variety of soil and of measures: how much

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 527 quantum tamen colligere potui, plena, id est mediocris pinguis agri mēsura, solo denso dodrantem minimum poscit, interdum etiam dextantè, id est decem modios Romanos: soluto & minimè uliginoso solo, nunc septenos, nunc octonos. nunimus modus agri reliquis etiam co[m]petentibus, senos modios, id est medimnu[m] poscit. His conuenit dictum Columellæ lib. 11. Iugerum, inquit, agri pinguis plerunq[ue]; modios tritici quatuor, mediocris quinq[ue]; postulat, adorei modios nouem, si est lætum solum: si mediocre, decem desiderat. nam quanuus de mensura minus autoribus conuenit, hanc tamen uideri commodissimam docuit noster usus. Et paulò inferius, Nobis ne istam quidem quam prædiximus mēsuram semper placet seruari, quòd eam uariat aut loci aut temporis aut cæli co[n]ditio. Proinde quam proportionem iugerum Romanum, id est duodetriginta millia & octingenti pedes, ad Parisinum arpennum habet, id est ad duodequinquaginta & quadringentos, eandè ferè habent quaterni quiniq[ue]; modij ad septenos & nouenos. Leontinum iugerum non admodu[m] disparile nostro minimo fuisse oportet, quod tantundè frumenti posceret, id est medimnu[m] in singula iugera, si tamen Cicero ueritati inseruiuit potius quàm exaggerationi criminis. Arpenni aute[m] uocabulo < Arpennum.> non licenter uti uideor, cum id apud Columellam legatur. Aristoteles in 11. Politicôn autor est Solonem Atheniensem quatuor césus Athenis instituisse: quorum primus fuit eorum qui Pentacosiomedimni dicti sunt, id est quingentis medimnis censi. Secundus eorum fuit qui Zeugitæ dicebantur ab equis, bobus iugalibus. Tertius Hippas ab equis. Quartus Theticus dicitur, qui eorum erat qui The tes, id est opifices erant, hoc est operas suas locantes. Primu[m], secundu[m] & tertiu[m] ad magistratus & honores admitti uoluit:

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART IV. BOOK V. 527 so far as I have been able to gather, a full measure, that is, of moderately rich land, with dense soil, requires at the very least three quarters of a foot, sometimes even a tenth, that is, ten Roman modii; with loose and not at all marshy soil, now seven, now eight. Our measure of land also, with the other requirements, requires six modii, that is, a medimnus. With this agrees the saying of Columella, book 11: "An iugerum," he says, "of rich land usually requires four modii of wheat, five in medium-quality land; of barley, nine modii if the soil is fertile; if average, it demands ten." For although the authors do not agree entirely about the measure, our own practice has shown this nevertheless to be the most convenient. And a little further on: "We do not even always wish that measure, which we have just mentioned, to be kept, because it is varied by the condition either of the place, or the season, or the climate. Therefore, the proportion that a Roman iugerum, that is, 28,800 square feet, bears to the Parisian arpent, that is, to 5,400, is nearly the same as that which four or five modii bear to seven or nine. The Leontine iugerum must not have been greatly different from our smallest measure, since it required just as much grain, that is, a medimnus for each iugerum, if indeed Cicero served truth rather than an exaggeration of the charge. But I seem not to use the word arpent too freely, since it is found in Columella. Aristotle, in book 11 of the Politics, states that Solon the Athenian established four classes at Athens: the first was that of those who were called Pentacosiomedimni, that is, assessed at five hundred medimni. The second consisted of those who were called Zeugitae, from yoked horses and oxen. The third was the Hippeis, from horses. The fourth is called Theticus, which was the class of those who were Thetes, that is, laborers, meaning those who hire out their services. The first, second, and third he wished to be admitted to magistracies and honors;

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET uoluit: eosq[ue] diuitum nobiliumq[ue] appellatione censeri. τὰς δὲ δρχὰς ἐκ τῶν γνωριων κὴ τῶν συπόρων κατεσκόεν πᾶς, ἐκ τῶν πεντακεσπομεσίων και ὑδυτῶν και πίτα τέλας τὴς καλωμένης ἀπόδ[ι]ν. Plutarchus in Solone, Cum magistratus, inquit, omnes locupletibus relinquere uellet, reliquam autem Reipublicæ gubernandæ partem promiscuam facere, ad quam antea plebs adspirare non poterat, ad census ciuium se contulit: & qui in siccis atque humidis censi erât, in primo ordine locauit, & pentacosiomedimnos uocitauit. In secundo autem eos qui equos alere possent, aut trecentis censi forent: & hos hippada soluentes ab equis nuncupauit. Zeugitæ uerò tertij census homines uocati sunt, qui ducentorum medimnûm censum explorêt. Quò hæc melius intelligantur, Pollux libro octauo de hoc loquens ita inquit, πιμματα δὲ ἐγν[.] τέτιδα, πεντακεσπομεσίων, πιπέων, ὑδυτῶν, θητικῶν. οι μὲν ἐκ τὴν πεντακεσπομεσίων μὲτρα ὑγρὰ και ἐγκρὰ συμμεν καλευτοβ, αυτισκον δὲ ἔγν[.] δημιόσιον, παλαιον. οι ἐγ[.] πιν[.] ἰππαστικὰ τελευτοβ, ἐκ μὲν τὴν δυναδα πρέφειν ἐπικα, κεκλησα σκικον, ἐποίν ἐγ[.] μὲτρα πιακόστα, αυτισκον ἐγ[.] ημιταλαιον. οι δὲ δὲ ὑδυτιστον τελευτοβ, ἀπὸ δακεσίων μὲτρων κατελευτον, αυτισκον ἐγ[.] μνῶς δὲκα. οι ἐγ[.] ποθικον, ὑδιμιαν δρχιω μὴνχον, ὑδει αυτισκον ὑδεν. Quorum uerborum huiusmodi est sententia, Quatuor census Athenis fuisse, Petaco siomedimnos, Hippis, Zeugitas, Theticos. Petacosiomedimnos autem, id est quingenimedimnos, ideo appellatos, quòd quingenûm medimnûm numerum uel mensuram siccis & humidis facere possent, hosq[ue] in publicum sumptus facere ad talentum. Hippis autem, id est equites ex eo dictos uideri, quòd equos alere possent: eosq[ue] mensuras trecentas facere, & publicè semitalentum impedere. At uerò qui

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET wanted them to be called wealthy and noble. The authorities are taken from the commodities of the sicca and humida , and from the five-hundred-measure and the two-hundred-measure classes, and from the so-called assessment. Plutarch, in Solon, says: When he wished to leave all magistracies to the wealthy, but to make the remaining part of the government of the commonwealth open to all, to which previously the common people could not aspire, he turned to the census of the citizens; and those who were assessed in dry and wet produce he placed in the first order, and called them pentacosiomedimni . In the second he placed those who could keep horses, or who were assessed at three hundred, and he named these hippada soluentes from horses. The zeugitae were called the men of the third census, who were rated at a property of two hundred medimni. That these things may be understood more clearly, Pollux, speaking of this in the eighth book, says thus: the classes are the pentacosiomedimni , the horsemen, the zeugitae , and the thetes . The pentacosiomedimni , that is, the five-hundred-medimni men, were so called because they could make up a measure or amount of five hundred medimni in dry and wet produce, and they paid into the public treasury up to a talent. The horsemen, that is, the knights, seem to have been so called because they could keep horses; and they made up three hundred measures, and contributed publicly half a talent. But those who were called the thetes...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 529 qui iugationem penderent, à ducentis mensuris conscribi solitos esse, & publicè decem nunas consumere. Postremæ notæ eos esse qui theticum pederent, id est opificiariu[m] uel mercenarium: eosq[ue] nec magistratum gerere, nec publicè quicquam sumptus facere. Licebatq[ue] ex uno ordine ad a= lium transire, ut idem Pollux autor est. Ex hoc autem insti tuto prodierunt (ut arbitror) munera personalia, quoru[m] mentio fit in lege ult. de muneribus & honoribus, in Pan dectis. Seruius etiam Tullius hoc exemplo classes quinque ciuium Romanorum descripsisse uidetur. < Census Roma ni, & classes.> Prima classis in octoginta centurias distributa, ex his qui centum nullium æris aut maiorem censum haberent, quæ summa à nobis mille aureis nostris æstimata est. Octoginta autem centuriæ in quadragenas seniorum ac iunioru[m] diuisæ: ita ut senio= res ad urbis custodiam præstò essent, iuniores ut foris bel= la gererent, quibus arma imperata, galea, clypeus, ocreæ, lorica, tela in hostem, hastaq[ue] & gladius. Secunda classis intra centum usque ad quinq[ue] & septuaginta nullium cen sum instituta. Tertiæ classis quinquaginta nullia cæsus fuit. Quartæ quinque & uiginti nullia. Quinta & ultima un= decim millibus censebatur, id est centum ac decè aureis no stris. Reliqua autem multitudo, cuius esset inferior cæsus, immunis militia facta. Equitum etiam ex primoribus ciui= tatis duodecim centurias scripsit, quibus ad equos emen= dos dena nullia æris ex publico data, & quibus equos alerent uiduæ attributæ, quæ bina nullia æris in annos singulos penderent. Dena nullia æris ego centenos au= reos intelligo ad binos equos emendos, & uicenos ad alendos, id est bina nullia. Hæc omnia (inquit Liuius) in dites à pauperibus inclinata onera. Ex his intelligimus in infantia Vrbis Romæ primarias opes fuisse nulle aureos. L Prop

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 529 those who paid the tribute of the j ugation were accustomed to be enrolled from two hundred measures, and publicly to spend ten nummi. The last class were those who paid the capitation tax, that is, artisans or wage-earners; and these were allowed neither to hold magistracy nor to incur any public expense. And it was permitted to pass from one order to another, as Pollux also states. From this institution, moreover, there arose, as I think, personal services, mention of which is made in the last law de muneribus et honoribus in the Pandects. Servius Tullius also seems to have described the five classes of Roman citizens on this model. <Census Roma ni, & classes.> The first class was distributed into eighty centuries, consisting of those who had a census of one hundred thousand asses or more, a sum which by us has been valued at one thousand of our gold coins. The eighty centuries were divided into forty of seniors and forty of juniors, so that the seniors should be on hand for the defense of the city, the juniors for carrying on wars abroad; and arms were assigned to them: helmet, shield, greaves, cuirass, missiles against the enemy, and spear and sword. The second class was established for those with a census from one hundred thousand up to seventy-five thousand asses. The third class had a census of fifty thousand asses. The fourth, twenty-five thousand. The fifth and last was rated at eleven thousand, that is, one hundred and ten of our gold coins. The remaining multitude, whose census was below this, was exempted from military service. He also enrolled twelve centuries of horsemen from the leading men of the city, for whom ten thousand asses were given from the public treasury to buy horses, and widows were assigned to keep the horses, who should pay two thousand asses each year. By ten thousand asses I understand one hundred gold coins for buying two horses, and twenty for maintaining them, that is, two thousand asses. All these things, says Livy, were burdens shifted from the rich to the poor. From this we understand that in the infancy of the city of Rome the chief wealth was not gold coins. L Prop

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Plinij locus. Propterea Plinius lib. X X X I I I. Non erat, inquit, apud antiquos numerus ultra cētum millia. itaque hic et hodie multiplicatur, ut decies cētena millia, aut sæpius dicantur. Foenus hoc fecit, nummusq[ue] percussus. Quem locum ex ue tusto sic lego. Itaq[ue] est hodie, multiplicat[ur] hæc, ut decies centena millia aut sæpius dicantur. hoc sensu, Vt olim non erat numerus ultra centum millia, sic nec hodie, quia cum ad centum millia peruentum est, per multiplicationem fit progressus, dicendo decies centena millia, aut uicies, aut cē ties, quæ summæ antiquis ignotæ, foenore excreuerunt. Idè, Seruius Rex primus signauit æs. antea rudi usos Ro- mæ Rhemeus tradit. Signatum est nota pecudum, unde et pecunia appellata. Maximus census centum millia assium illo Rege fuit, et ideo hæc prima classis. Vt igitur Romæ prima classis cētenariorum fuit, sic Athenis quingenario- rum, qui quotannis pendere possent medimna uini et olei et frumenti quingena. sic enim ex Polluce intelligendum puto. Quingenta autem medimna in Attica, quæ plurimo importato frumento utebatur, ducentis quinquaginta au- reis æstimare possumus: et quingenta uini medimna, id est mille amphoras totidem penè Francicis, pro quibus quin- gētos aureos ponemus: quibus si addamus totidè olei am- phoras, nescio quid æstimare debeam. Apud Demosthenê πρὸς φορμύνα Chrysippus quidâ negociator ita ad iudices loquitur, ὑπερμήθι προτερον, ἐπενετο ἐκκαί- δικὰς ἔκκιμῶν, ἐπικατρώντες πλῖνα ἐ μυρίας μεθίμωνας πι- ρῶν, Πεμετρησωμὸν ἐμῶν ἡ καθεσμηίας πιμίς, πεύντε ἐκκιμῶν τὸν μεθιμων. Cum autem frumenti auctum esset preciu[m], et ad sedecim drachmas excreuisset, importato frumento ultra decem millia medimnûm, iusto et legitimo precio uobis admensi sumus quinis drachmis in medimnum. Hæc Dem

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G. BVD. OF AS AND ET Pliny’s passage. Therefore Pliny, book XXXIII: “There was not, among the ancients, a number beyond one hundred thousand.” Hence here too and even today it is multiplied, so that “ten hundred thousand,” or more often, is spoken of. Usury caused this, and money was struck. I read this passage from the old text as follows: “And so today this is multiplied, so that ten hundred thousand, or more often, are spoken of.” In this sense, as formerly there was no number beyond one hundred thousand, so neither is there today; because when one has reached one hundred thousand, progress is made by multiplication, by saying ten hundred thousand, or twenty times, or a hundred times, sums unknown to the ancients, which have grown through interest. Likewise, Servius Rex was the first to stamp bronze. Before that, Rhemeus says the Romans used rough bronze. It was stamped with the mark of cattle, whence it was also called pecunia. The greatest census under that king was one hundred thousand asses, and therefore this was the first class. Thus, as at Rome the first class was that of the hundred-thousanders, so at Athens it was that of the five-hundreders, who could each year pay five hundred medimni of wine, oil, and grain. For so, I think, Pollux must be understood. Now five hundred medimni in Attica, which used much imported grain, we may value at two hundred and fifty gold coins; and five hundred medimni of wine, that is, a thousand amphoras, almost the same number in French measure, for which we shall set five hundred gold coins; to which if we add the same number of amphoras of oil, I do not know what I ought to value it at. In Demosthenes, in πρὸς φορμύνα , a certain merchant Chrysippus speaks thus to the judges: ὑπερμήθι προτερον, ἐπενετο ἐκκαί- δικὰς ἔκκιμῶν, ἐπικατρώντες πλῖνα ἐ μυρίας μεθίμωνας πι- ρῶν, Πεμετρησωμὸν ἐμῶν ἡ καθεσμηίας πιμίς, πεύντε ἐκκιμῶν τὸν μεθιμων. But when the price of grain had risen, and had increased to sixteen drachmas, since more than ten thousand medimni of grain had been imported, we measured out to you, at the just and lawful price, five drachmas per medimnus. These Dem

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. Demosthenicæ ratione sextarius Parisinus circiter aureo uno fuisset, hoc est drachmæ decem. Igitur qui Athenis eum prouentum quingentum medimnum habebant, talentum impendere publicè tenebantur, hoc est sexcentos aureos. Verùm intelligimus illam æstimationem census non strictam fuisse, ut Pentacosiomedimni diceretur qui quotanis eam summam corrader possent, sed qui tantum pendere possent, talento esse traxatos. Parum tamen hoc explicatum est ab autoribus. Interpres Aristophanis Pentacosiomedimnos dictos dicit eos qui tot measuras arare possent. Equites autem eos dictos, qui trecentas mensuras ararent, nomen ex eo sortitos, quòd equos alere possent siquando opus esset. qui cum primum sexceti fuissent, postea urbe aucta nulle & ducenti esse coeperunt. his licebat comatos esse, licet ditiores esset quingenarij, id est Pentacosiomedimni. Oportebat ergo ciues eos diuites esse, qui tantum telluris ararent, aliunde etiam ditescetes, ut negociationibus maritimus propter situm urbis, & foeno- re traiecitio. Opificum autem ordinili cebat & iudicare, et concionem habere, ut idem autor inquit, Hactenus illi Rempublicam attingere poterant. Copiosos autem Athenienses fuisse ex Thucydide < Athenienses diuites.> nouimus, qui libro secundo Periclem eorum ducem ita inducit de opibus eorum disserentem, ut dicat confidere eos debere, nec incursu hostium perterresieri. Bello enim gerendo, consilio & ui pecuniæ plurima obtineri: Atheniensibus autem sexcentorum talentorum obuentionem annuam esse, quæ quotannis ferè tributi nomine à socijs eorum pensitarentur, præter alios prouentus. Esse L 2 præter

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In Demosthenes’ reckoning, a Parisian sextarius would have been about one aureus, that is, ten drachmas. Therefore those at Athens who had an income of five hundred medimni were obliged to contribute a talent to the public treasury, that is, six hundred aurei. But we understand that this estimation of property was not strict, so that the term Pentacosiomedimni was applied not to those who could each year gather that sum, but to those who could pay so much, being rated at a talent. Yet this is only poorly explained by the authors. The interpreter of Aristophanes says that the Pentacosiomedimni were so called because they could plough so many measures. The knights, however, were so called because they ploughed three hundred measures, and they took their name from the fact that they could keep horses if ever it were necessary. At first there were six hundred of them, later, as the city grew, there came to be nine hundred and two. These men were allowed to wear their hair long, though richer even than the five-hundred-men, that is, the Pentacosiomedimni. Therefore it was necessary that those citizens be rich who ploughed so much land, and that they be rich from other sources as well, as from maritime trade because of the city’s location, and from lending at interest. But it was also permitted to the craftsmen’s class to judge and to attend the assembly, as the same author says. So far those men could take part in the commonwealth. That the Athenians were wealthy is known from Thucydides, who, in the second book, presents their leader Pericles speaking thus about their resources, as he says they ought to trust them, and not be terrified by the enemy’s attack. For in conducting war, by counsel and by force and by money, most things are achieved; and for the Athenians there was an annual revenue of six hundred talents, which was paid each year by the allies under the name of tribute, besides other revenues. There is L 2 besides

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET præterea signati argenti in arce sex talentorum nullia: fuisse autem aliquando plurimùm nouem nullia septingenta, ex quibus in arcem & publicas alias extractiones erogatum fuisse quod nunc illi summæ desit. Παγωνα τὴν φορα κατὴνιανην ἀπο τὴν ἐν μμαχων τὴν πολλ, ἀνολ ἐν ἀλλης προσοδρ. ὑποδρχόντων ἐν τὴν οἰκοσορολει ἐπιτότε δρυντια ἐπισημα ἐκακιχιλιων παλάντων. Παγρ ἀρρ ἀπερα πιακσίων ἀωοδεοντα μυρια εγενετο. Sex nullia talentûm triciessexies centenis nullibus aureorum nostrorum æstimare solemus. Suidas < Prytanea.> autor est reditus publicos Athenis Prytanea appellari, & eo nomine metallorum uectigalia, & fori, id est rerum uenditarum, & portoriorum intelligi, & quicquid à socijs uel subditis pensitaretur, & quicquid ex manubijs uel rebus publicatis redigeretur. Quorum, inquit, nomunum cumulus bina nullia talentum propemodum conficit. < Demetrij profusio.> Athenæus autem libro duodecimo scribit Duridem in historijs prodidisse, Demetrium Phalereum, cuius multa est mentio apud Ciceronem, Quintilianum, Pliniu[m], & alios, cum Athenis Reipub. administrandæ præesset, mille ac ducenta talenta in potestate habuisse quotannis. Ex quibus cu[m] minimam partem in stipendia militum, & reliquas reipublicæ partes tuendas consumeret, reliqua per ingenitam morum incontinentiam luxuriosè dilapidabat, epulis quotidianis lautis & opiparis quamplurimos co[m]uius accipiens, & ea parte magnificentiæ Macedonicas coenas superans. Alioquin nitore & lautitia uitæ Cyprios & Phoenicas prouocans, cum co[n]nationum pauimenta singulari artificio uermiculata, etiam unguentis perfunderentur, ἰμμύπιθον ἐν ὑφαλησίς χιλιων καὶ διακοσίων κατ' ἐνιαν

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Moreover, of coined silver in the treasury six talents—none: but there had once been as much as nine thousand seven hundred none, of which into the treasury & other public extractions it was spent, so that that amount is now lacking. Παγωνα τὴν φορα κατὴνιανην ἀπο τὴν ἐν μμαχων τὴν πολλ, ἀνολ ἐν ἀλλης προσοδρ. ὑποδρχόντων ἐν τὴν οἰκοσορολει ἐπιτότε δρυντια ἐπισημα ἐκακιχιλιων παλάντων. Παγρ ἀρρ ἀπερα πιακσίων ἀωοδεοντα μυρια εγενετο. We are accustomed to estimate six thousand talents thirty-six times by hundreds of our gold ones. Suidas, , is the authority that the public revenues at Athens were called Prytanea, and that under that name were understood the revenues from the mines, and from the forum, that is, from things sold, and from customs dues, and whatever was exacted from allies or subjects, and whatever was collected from spoils or confiscated property. Of these, he says, the sum of the revenues makes up nearly two thousand talents. But Athenaeus, in book twelve, writes that Duris recorded in his histories that Demetrius Phalereus, of whom mention is made by Cicero, Quintilian, Pliny, and others, when he was in charge of administering the commonwealth at Athens, had twelve hundred talents at his disposal each year. Of this, since he spent the smallest part on soldiers' pay and on maintaining the other parts of the state, he squandered the rest in luxurious extravagance, receiving a great many companions at daily banquets, splendid and sumptuous, and in this respect surpassing Macedonian feasts in magnificence. Otherwise, in brilliance and elegance of life, he rivaled the Cyprians and Phoenicians, since even the pavements of the halls, worked with singular craftsmanship in mosaic, were also perfumed with oils, ἰμμύπιθον ἐν ὑφαλησίς χιλιων καὶ διακοσίων κατ' ἐνιαν

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 533 Atheniensium reditus. ἐνιαστὸν κύρον ἀγνόμων, ἐν ἀπὸ πῶτων ἔραχεια δεπανῶν ἔς τὰς ἐραπώτας, καὶ πῶν τὴν πολεως σποιχησην, τὰ λειπὰ πῶτα διὰ πῶ ἐμφυτὸν ἀφασίαν ἑφαίει. ἡκκ uerba satis signifi= cant publicos reditus Athenarum, mille & ducento= rum talentûm fuisse. Aeschines περὶ παραπερεθ. ἀι ἀπα= λιν ἐντῶν ἡρῶνω τῶντω ἐπικιχίλια παλαιτα συνηνεκτωμέν ἔς πῶ ἀφρῶσωλιν διὰ πῶν ἐρύνω παύτω. πιηρεῖς δὲ ἐκτησάμεθα πλοίμας καὶ ἐντελεῖς ἐκ ἐλάτίας ἐπικεσίας. φορὸν ὑμηρ καὶ ἐνιαστὸν προσήν πλέον ἐπιχίλια παλαιτα. Diximus alibi Athenis Isocratem rhetoricè uiginti talentis orationem unà uendidisse. Plutarchus autem autor est Demosthenem in eadem urbe totidem talentis unius dici reticentiam uendi= disse Harpalo, qui Alexandrum Magnum fugies, Athenas se contulerat. licet historia ab Aulo Gellio in decimo ali= ter referatur. Hoc tamen penè conuenit, quòd Demosthe= nes nocte aureo calice accepto cum uiginti talentis argen ti, in concionem postridie ueniens collo lana & fascijs obligato, cum censere iuberetur, & pro concione dicere quid de Harpali postulatis statuendum esset, nutu ostendit se irraucuisse, nec proloqui posse. Quo tempore ij qui munere Harpali corruptum esse sciebant, ridentes di= cere coeperunt, concionatorem hominem & popularem noctu argyranche corruptum, id est angina argentaria, καὶ ἀγνομένης τὰ ἀχιστὰ τὴν νυκτὸς ὃ ἀρπαλὸν ἐπειμένεν ἀυτῶν πῶν κύλινα μετὰ τῶν εἰκοσι παλάντων. Et paulò post, καὶ μεθημέ= ραν εῦ καὶ καλῶς ἐρίοις κὴ ταυνίας κατὰ τὴν παχύλα κατελιξά= μων, ἔς πῶν ἐκκλησίαν προῦλθε. καὶ κελοβόντων αυτῶν καὶ λεγχον, σκενοβεν ὑς ἀποκεκεμμένης αυτῶν τὴν φωνής. οἰ ἐν ομφυδ[ι]ς χλοβαζοντες, ὃ ἡνὸς ὑπὸ σωμάτ χης ἐφρασον, ἀλλὲ ὑπὸ ἔγνωράτ χης εἰλήθαι νῦκτων τὸν ομαρωνὸν. id est: Interdiu autem De= mosthenes pulchrè & cocinnè lana & fascijs obuoluto L 3 col

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 533 Revenue of the Athenians. ἐνιαστὸν κύρον ἀγνόμων, ἐν ἀπὸ πῶτων ἔραχεια δεπανῶν ἔς τὰς ἐραπώτας, καὶ πῶν τὴν πολεως σποιχησην, τὰ λειπὰ πῶτα διὰ πῶ ἐμφυτὸν ἀφασίαν ἑφαίει. These words sufficiently signify that the public revenues of Athens amounted to a thousand and two hundred talents. Aeschines περὶ παραπερεθ. αἱ ἀπα- λιν ἐντῶν ἡρῶνω τῶντω ἐπικιχίλια παλαιτα συνηνεκτωμέν ἔς πῶ ἀφρῶσωλιν διὰ πῶν ἐρύνω παύτω. πιηρεῖς δὲ ἐκτησάμεθα πλοίμας καὶ ἐντελεῖς ἐκ ἐλάτίας ἐπικεσίας. φορόν ὑμηρ καὶ ἐνιαστὸν προσήν πλέον ἐπιχίλια παλαιτα. We have said elsewhere that at Athens Isocrates sold one oration for twenty talents rhetorically. But Plutarch is the authority that Demosthenes in the same city sold the mere silence of one speech for the same number of talents to Harpalus, who, having fled from Alexander the Great, had come over to Athens; although the story is related differently by Aulus Gellius in the tenth book. Yet this nearly agrees, that Demosthenes, after receiving at night a golden cup together with twenty talents of silver, coming on the next day into the assembly with his neck bound up with wool and bandages, when he was ordered to give his opinion and to speak in public about what should be decided concerning Harpalus' demands, indicated by a gesture that he had lost his voice and could not speak. At that time those who knew that he had been bribed by Harpalus began laughing and saying that the popular orator had been corrupted at night by argyranche, that is, by a silver angina, καὶ ἀγνομένης τὰ ἀχιστὰ τὴν νυκτὸς ὃ ἀρπαλὸν ἐπειμένεν ἀυτῶν πῶν κύλινα μετὰ τῶν εἰκοσι παλάντων. And shortly afterward, καὶ μεθημέ- ραν εῦ καὶ καλῶς ἐρίοις κὴ ταυνίας κατὰ τὴν παχύλα κατελιξά- μων, ἔς πῶν ἐκκλησίαν προῦλθε. καὶ κελοβόντων αυτῶν καὶ λεγχον, σκενοβεν ὑς ἀποκεκεμμένης αυτῶν τὴν φωνής. οἱ ἐν ομφυδ[ι]ς χλοβαζοντες, ὃ ἡνὸς ὑπὸ σωμάτ χης ἐφρασον, ἀλλὲ ὑπὸ ἔγνωράτ χης εἰλήθαι νῦκτων τὸν ομαρωνὸν. that is: But by day Demosthenes, beautifully and neatly wrapped in wool and bandages, L 3 col

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET collo in concionem prodiens, cum quidam eorum qui ade rant, scandere in pulpitum & dicere cum iuberent, nutu significauit quasi obtusa uox sibi esset. Quo facto homines quidam ingeniosi cauillantes, non angina noctu oratorem, sed argentangina correptum esse dixerunt. Idem Thucydides libro tertio autor est Atheniæses Mityleneri obsidètes, cum iam magna ex parte pecunias supradictas consumpsissent in eo bello quod cum Lacedæmonijs eorumq; socijs susceperant, & pecunijs egeret ad obsidionem peragendam, tum primum tributum in ciuitate instituisse, & ducenta talenta ad bellum contulisse, emissis etia[m] nauibus x 1 1. ad pecunias à socijs cogendas, προσ διομων η δι αθλωανοι χημικῶν εἰς πλῶ φολιορκίαν, πι άυτοι ἰσονεγκοντες πῶτε πρῶτον υσφορὰν διαχόσα παλαιτα, ἐξεπεμφαν καὶ δ[ι]ς τὰς ἔυμμαχες δρυνολόγων ναῦς δύδια. Quod uerò diximus de quingenarjs Atheniæsibus qui impendere talentum publicè tenebantur, ita intelligo, non ut quotannis tributi nomine impenderit (tributum enim Athenienses nô pendebant, ut supradictum est ex Thucydide) sed ut cum opus esset: id quod ex oratione Demosthenis intelligi potest quæ ποδὶ συμμορῶν inscribitur, id est de Symmorijs, quasi dicas de decurijs munera obeuntium: id quod intelligi non potest nisi summam & ueluti argumentum orationis eius colligamus. < Oratio Demosthenis de muneribus trierar chia.> Est autem eiusmodi, Cum Rex Per- sarum expeditionem in Græcos & præcipue in Athenienses facturus diceretur, populus Atheniæsis tumultuari coepit, quasiq; ducem quærere, qui Atheniæsium exercitu instructus obuiâ ultro Persis in Lydiam procederet. Quod cum Demosthenes temerarium esse uideret, nec tame[n] apertè damnare & dissuadere auderet, censere coepit prius de apparatu belli cogitandum, & quonammodo suppetere copiæ

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET coming forward to speak in the assembly, when some of those present ordered him to climb up onto the rostrum and speak, he signaled by a gesture, as if his voice were too hoarse for him. Whereupon certain witty fellows made the joke that it was not angina with which the orator had been seized that night, but argentangina. The same Thucydides states in the third book that the Athenians, when the Mytilenaeans were besieged and they had now for the most part spent the aforementioned funds in that war which they had undertaken against the Lacedaemonians and their allies, and money was needed to carry on the siege, then first instituted a tax in the city, and contributed two hundred talents to the war, and also sent out ten or eleven ships to collect money from the allies. προσ διομων η δι αθλωανοι χημικῶν εἰς πλῶ φολιορκίαν, πι άυτοι ἰσονεγκοντες πῶτε πρῶτον υσφορὰν διαχόσα παλαιτα, ἐξεπεμφαν καὶ δ[ι]ς τὰς ἔυμμαχες δρυνολόγων ναῦς δύδια. But what we said about the five-hundred-man divisions of the Athenians who were held publicly liable to contribute a talent, I understand in this way: not that they paid it every year under the name of tribute (for the Athenians did not pay tribute, as has been said above from Thucydides), but when there was need. This can be understood from the speech of Demosthenes which is entitled περὶ συμμορῶν, that is, On Symmories, as if you were to say, on the companies of those performing public services; and this cannot be understood unless we gather the whole point and, as it were, the argument of that speech. <Oration of Demosthenes On the duties of trierarchs.> It is of this kind: when it was said that the king of the Persians was about to make an expedition against the Greeks, and especially against the Athenians, the Athenian people began to be in uproar, as though looking for a leader, who, with the Athenian army equipped, should of his own accord advance against the Persians into Lydia. When Demosthenes saw that this was rash, and yet did not dare openly to condemn and oppose it, he began to say that first thought should be given to the preparations for war, and in what manner the forces might be available

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 333 copiæ bellicæ propulsando tanto bello possent. Itaque ex ditioribus urbis centum decurias duodenum hominum de= scribendas censuit, quas Symmorias appellat. Hic ordo Trierarchæ appellantur, id est triremum præfecti, quæ= si nauarchi. Quanquam symmorias tantum uiginti fa= cit sexagenum hominum, quas rursus in quinas partes duodenum hominum distribuit. Sic enim inquit, ex ποί= νω τοῦτω οἰκια δὲν ὑπισκοι συμμορία ἔπιστοι ἐκάσων. τοῦτω ἐτῶν συμ= μοιῶν ἐκάσων σελεῖν κελωλω πέντε μερη κατὰ ἐφίκαια ἀν= δρας, αυτοκαπληρηντας αἰ πρὸς ἀν σωρώτατον τὸς ἀυτοκω= πᾶτων. Ex his nulle & ducentis existimo classes uiginti fa= ciendas eo modo quo nunc factæ sunt, sexagena corpora unamquanque habentem: earumq[ue] singulas diuidendas in quinas decurias censeo duodenum hominum, ita ut ditis= simo cuique egentissimu in decurijs ordinandis coniungan tur. Ita autem constitutis classibus, id est symmorijs, & di= uisis decurijs, trecentas naues triremes faciendas esse cen= set, et rursus eas in uiginti partes tribuit singulas denu[m] quinum nauium: ita ut ex primo, secundo & tertio cente= nario, cuilibet classi hominum quinæ distribuantur trire= mes, & sic unaquæq[ue] classis singulis decurijs ternas rur= sus tribuat. Hac constitutione classium triremum trierar= chorumq[ue] facta, Quoniam uerò, inquit, census eorum sex milliu[m] est talentoru[m], oportet et facultates quoq[ue] certo ordi ne ac formula co[n]stitui, et in singulas decurias sexagena ta lenta tribui, quæ sunt sexagies centena, ut singulæ classes quinquies sexagena talenta sortiâtur. Id quod his uerbis ab eo dicitur, ὑτα πέντε ἐπικλησιοντεία ἔις ἐκάσων τῶν με= χαλων τῶν ἐπιστοι συμμοιῶν ἐπικλησιον. πῶ ἐν συμμοριαν ἐκάσων τῶν μερῶν μιαν ἐπικλησιαν ἀυσοδύνα. HOC au= tem

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 333 the naval forces could be sufficient to withstand so great a war. Therefore he judged that from the wealthier citizens of the city one hundred decuriae of twelve men each should be enrolled, which he calls symmoriae. This class they call trierarchs, that is, commanders of triremes, as if naval commanders. Although he makes the symmoriae only twenty, of sixty men, he again divides them into five parts of twelve men each. For thus he says, in Greek: ... From these, I think, twenty classes are to be made in the manner now established, each containing sixty bodies of men; and I judge that each of these should be divided into five decuriae of twelve men, so that the wealthiest and the poorest may be joined together in arranging the decuriae. But with the classes thus constituted, that is, the symmoriae, and the decuriae divided, he thinks that three hundred trireme ships should be made, and again that these should be divided into twenty parts of fifteen ships each, so that from the first, second, and third hundred, five triremes should be assigned to each class of men, and thus each class in turn should contribute three ships to each decuria. This constitution of the classes of triremes and trierarchs having been made, since, he says, their census is six thousand talents, their property also ought to be arranged in a fixed order and formula, and sixty talents assigned to each decuria, which makes six hundred times one hundred, so that each class may receive five times sixty talents. This is what he says in these words: ... HOC autem

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tem ideo statuit, ut si leuius bellu[m] instet, centu[m] nauibus tantum res geratur, et sexagenis in singulas decurias taletis impensa suppeditetur, et duodeni trierarchi sint. sin grauiore bello ducentis nauibus opus sit, tricena in singulas decurias taleta impesam co[n]ferat, et sena sint corpora trierarchiæ munus obeutia. q[ui] si grauissimo bello premantur, singulæ decuriæ ad uicena taleta et quaterna corpora contrahatur. ὑπως ἔὰν μὴ ὑμὴν ἐκατόν δὲν πιήρεων, πῶς μὴ διαπίνω ἐκηκνητα παλαιντα σωτελῶν, πιήρεξαι δὲ ὑπι δωδεκα. ἐὰν ἐν διδασκοσίων, πιάκντα μὴ ἔν παλαιντα τὰς πῶς διαπίνω σωτελῶντα, ἐν ἐν σωματα πιηρεχεντα. Hoc facto armamenta nauium æstimanda primùm censet, quæ qualiaq[ue] nauibus commoda aut necessaria sint, eadem ratione in classes ac decurias tribuenda, omniaq[ue] sortitò expediri, ut cum rei gerendæ tempus uenerit, quam quisq[ue] nauem sortitus sit, eam instructam in tempore rectè præstet. Verùm Demosthenes uniuersam huius constitutionis (quam ipse syntaxin uocat) rationem, in tres summarias partes diuidit. In trierarchos enim et eorum facultates, et in triremes primam partem statuit. Secundam in facultates omniu[m] diuitum et pauperum ciuitatem habitantium, à quibus sumptus suppeditari oportet. Tertiam partem delegat classario muliti, et loco, id est armametario et nauali. Prima pars explicata est, tertiam hoc modo prosequitur: Decè tribus erant Athenis, unicuiq[ue] igitur tribui tricenas naues assignat. decies enim tricenæ fiunt in summa trecetæ. Has rursus tricenas trifaria diuidit, id est in terdenas. Tribus enim apud Athenienses in treis partes diuidu[n]tur, quæ Trityes ab ipsis appellantur, quasi tertiæ tribuu[m] partes. nos quia uerbum. Latinum no[n] habemus, trientes nuc dicemus. Vnicuique igitur trienti denas naues implendas tribuit, cum belli

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET he therefore lays it down, that if a lighter war should arise, the business be conducted with a hundred ships only, and that the expense be furnished at sixty talents for each decury, and that there be twelve trierarchs. But if a heavier war requires two hundred ships, let thirty talents be contributed to each decury, and let there be six bodies discharging the duty of trierarchy. If they are pressed by the heaviest war, let the individual decuries be reduced to twenty talents and four bodies. [Greek text corrupted/uncertain]. After this has been done, he thinks that the equipment of the ships must first be assessed, whatever things are suitable or necessary for the ships, and that these must be distributed in the same way among the classes and decuries, and all must be determined by lot, so that when the time for action comes, whichever ship each man has obtained by lot, he may duly provide it in time, fully equipped. But Demosthenes divides the whole scheme of this constitution, which he himself calls a syntax, into three summary parts. For in the trierarchs and their means, and in the triremes, he places the first part. The second, in the means of the whole citizen body, both rich and poor, dwelling in the city, from whom the expense ought to be supplied. The third part he assigns to the naval multitude and to the place, that is, to the shipyard and the navy. The first part has been explained; he proceeds with the third in this way: there were ten tribes at Athens; accordingly he assigns thirty ships to each tribe. For ten times thirty makes in all three hundred. These thirty he again divides into three parts, that is, into tens. For the tribes among the Athenians are divided into three parts, which are called by them trityes, as though the third parts of the tribes. Since we do not have a Latin word, we shall now call them trients. To each trient he assigns ten ships to be equipped, when the war

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. belli gerendi tempus fuerit. Tum unicuiq[ue] tribui tricenas stationes nauium construendas assignat in Piræo portu Atheniensi, ut singulæ stationes singulas triremes capiât. & distributionem parem in trientes, ut suprà facit, sorti= toq[ue] etia omnia uult transigi, ut decem tribus decem loca sortiâtur tricenus stationibus faciendis, et trierarchi sortitò in loca & stationes distribuâtur. Hæc munera, Tele et Li < Tele.> turgiæ & Isphoræ à Græcis appellantur: quæ uerba nullo discrimine ab oratore usurpantur in oratione quæ πρὸς λεπτικῶν, quasi apud Leptinem uel cum Leptine, non contra Leptinem, inscribitur. Ab his munoribus præstationibus immunes erant trierarchi classici ciues, hoc est primæ classis munifices. Sic enim inquit ille in proximè dicta oratione, ὑι μὴ ποῦνω πλεσπῶτατοι πιηρομ ἀγντες ἀεὶ, τῶν χορητιῶν ατελεῖς ὑπομ ἀγαστ. ὑι ἐλάτω τῶν ἰκανῶν κεκτημένοι, πῶς αιαγκαίαν ατελαν ἐκοντες, ἐξω τὸ τέλες ὑσὶ τοῦτα. Atqui ditissimu cum semper in munere trierarchiæ occupati sint, à theatricalibus præstationibus immunes sunt. Quorum autem facultates infra césus sunt, ij quum necessariam immunitatem habeant, ne hoc quidem munus obibūt. Mu nera autem publica uno nomine Liturgiæ dicūtur: quoru[m] < Liturgiæ. Choregia.> genera sunt Choregia, id est præstatio suppeditando choro, inuenta Liberalium ludoru[m] tempore, & Panathenæorum. < Hestiasis. Gymnasiarchia. Isphora.> Hestiasis, id est conuiuatio, seu epulum tributim exhiberi solitum. Gymnasiarchia oleum palæstræ suppedita bat priuato sumptu. Isphora dicebatur collatio ad stipendia mulitum. Restat pars secunda apparatus, id est collatio uniuersæ ciuitatis ad stipendia mulitum. Hanc partem Demosthenes perstrinxit oratorie. Videbat enim gratiosam esse orationem ad populum non posse, quæ populi facultates exhauriret. Cum ergo uideret immani collatione, L 5 opus

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART II. BOOK V. when the time for waging war had arrived. Then he assigns to each tribe the building of thirty ships’ stations in the Athenian harbor of Piraeus, so that each station may hold one trireme. And he also makes the distribution by thirds, as above, by lot, and wants everything to be carried out by lot, so that the ten tribes may each obtain ten places for the making of thirty stations, and the trierarchs may be distributed by lot into the places and stations. These duties, Tele and Li< Tele.> turgia and Isphora are called by the Greeks: these words are used by the orator without distinction in the speech which is entitled πρὸς λεπτικῶν, as if “to Leptines” or “with Leptines,” not “against Leptines.” From these duties and payments trierarchs were exempt who were civic citizens, that is, men of the first class and benefactors. For thus he says in the immediately preceding speech: ὑι μὴ ποῦνω πλεσπῶτατοι πιηρομ ἀγντες ἀεὶ, τῶν χορητιῶν ατελεῖς ὑπομ ἀγαστ. ὑι ἐλάτω τῶν ἰκανῶν κεκτημένοι, πῶς αιαγκαίαν ατελαν ἐκοντες, ἐξω τὸ τέλες ὑσὶ τοῦτα. Yet although the richest men are always occupied with the office of trierarchy, they are exempt from theatrical contributions. But those whose means are below the census, since they have the necessary exemption, do not undertake even this duty. Public duties, however, are called by one name, Liturgiæ: their kinds are Choregia, that is, the provision of a chorus, introduced at the time of the Liberal Games and the Panathenaea. < Hestiasis. Gymnasiarchia. Isphora.> Hestiasis, that is, a banquet, or a feast customarily provided by tribes. Gymnasiarchia supplied oil for the palestra at private expense. Isphora was called a contribution for military pay. What remains is the second part of equipment, that is, the contribution of the whole city toward military pay. Demosthenes touched on this part rhetorically. For he saw that a speech to the people could not be attractive if it drained the people’s resources. Since, therefore, he saw that by a huge contribution, L 5 work

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET opus esse, maiore que facultatum parte, quàm ut tunc populus nondum aduentu hostis perterritus, ferre posset, si à se statueretur, nec minorem dicere uellet, id est ea quæ populo tolerabilis esse tunc potuisset, tandem seipsum oratoriè interrogans, & uicissim respondens, ita inquit, πις ὑπο ὑπο ομορον τοῦτο εγω φράσω. ὑφαίτε πῶν πότε αἰνηματι χαρόμοιον τοῦτο εγω φράσω. ὑφαίτε πῶν πόλιν ὑποδες αἰνηματι χαρόμοιον τοῦτο εγω φράσω. ὑφαίτε πῶν πόλιν ὑποδες αἰνηματι χαρόμοιον πασαν ταυτηνί; ἐν ταυτη χηματα ἐγιν ὑλίγη δεω πρὸς απίστας πις άλλας ἐπιν ἔπιδες ταυτα δὲ οἰ κεντημένοι ποιντον ἐχαστι ἐν νῦν, ὃς τὸ ἐπιπάντες δὲ ἐνταωθοὶ λεγοντες φοβοιεν, ὃς ἐγδεασπολίς, ὃς παρεσίν, ὃς ἐν χοιόντε ταυτὴ ἀλλως ἐχαρνουμετα μετὰ τῶν λεγοντων ἐσσοι ἀριθμοθέτοις χημαμοδιεν, ὃς μονον ὃς ἐν ἐσενετικιεν, αλλ ὃς δὲ ἐν δειχαεν, ὃς δὲ ἐν δμολεγυσαιεν κεντηδαί. ἐν μεντοι τῶν νῦν διὰτῶν λόγων φοβοδα, ἐγω πατρόμων αἰδοιντο, ὃς οἰς ούτως ἐπίθιος ἐγιν, ὃς πις ἐν χιησοντον διδηκνουμεν πρῶτοι χεινευται. Quodnam igitur est hoc uectigalsid quod nunc quidem n[ost]ro est, tunc autem futurum est. Equidem simile quid ænigmati dicere hic non dubite. Ecquid hanc ciuitatem omnem ô uiri Athenienses cernitis? In hac ego ipsa paru[m] abest quin dicam tantum pecuniarum esse, quantum in alijs omnibus ciuitatibus. At qui eas possident, huiusmodi mentem habent, ut si oratores omnes terrere eos uolentes, Regem uenturu[m] dicant, atque etiam iam aduentantem, quodq[ue] hæc aliter habere se nequeant, ad hæc si cum ipsis orationem habent tibus futurum ita prædicant totidem fatidici, ne sic quidem pecunias ostensuros esse putem, aut professuros eas, nedum ad collationem daturos. Quòd si ea quæ nunc uerbôtenus terrifica iactantur, reapse geri senserint, nullus utique usqueadeo stultus est, quin & prolixè dare, & in primis conferre uelit. Ecquem enim esse credimus, qui bonasua

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET the matter to be, and by a greater part of his resources than would then be possible for the people, not yet terrified by the arrival of the enemy, to bear if it were decided by themselves, nor would he wish to say a smaller amount, that is, what could then be tolerable for the people; at last, questioning himself in an oratorical manner and answering in turn, he says thus, πις ὑπο ὑπο ομορον τοῦτο εγω φράσω. ὑφαίτε πῶν πότε αἰνηματι χαρόμοιον τοῦτο εγω φράσω. ὑφαίτε πῶν πόλιν ὑποδες αἰνηματι χαρόμοιον τοῦτο εγω φράσω. ὑφαίτε πῶν πόλιν ὑποδες αἰνηματι χαρόμοιον πασαν ταυτηνί; ἐν ταυτη χηματα ἐγιν ὑλίγη δεω πρὸς απίστας πις άλλας ἐπιν ἔπιδες ταυτα δὲ οἰ κεντημένοι ποιντον ἐχαστι ἐν νῦν, ὃς τὸ ἐπιπάντες δὲ ἐνταωθοὶ λεγοντες φοβοιεν, ὃς ἐγδεασπολίς, ὃς παρεσίν, ὃς ἐν χοιόντε ταυτὴ ἀλλως ἐχαρνουμετα μετὰ τῶν λεγοντων ἐσσοι ἀριθμοθέτοις χημαμοδιεν, ὃς μονον ὃς ἐν ἐσενετικιεν, αλλ ὃς δὲ ἐν δειχαεν, ὃς δὲ ἐν δμολεγυσαιεν κεντηδαί. ἐν μεντοι τῶν νῦν διὰτῶν λόγων φοβοδα, ἐγω πατρόμων αἰδοιντο, ὃς οἰς ούτως ἐπίθιος ἐγιν, ὃς πις ἐν χιησοντον διδηκνουμεν πρῶτοι χεινευται. What then is this revenue, which is now ours, but will then be future? I certainly do not hesitate to say something like an enigma here. Do you see this whole city, O men of Athens? In this very city I would say there is scarcely less money than in all the other cities put together. But those who possess it have such a disposition that, if all the orators try to frighten them by saying that the King is coming, and that he is even now approaching, and that things cannot be otherwise, and if, in speaking with them, they predict all this as future, as many soothsayers would, I do not think they would show their money, or admit that they have it, much less contribute it. But if they should realize that those things which are now merely threatened in words are in fact being carried out, then surely no one is so foolish as not to want both to give generously and especially to contribute. For who do we think would be such a fool as to keep his own good fortune?

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na sua cuncta perdere tandem malit, quàm fortunaru[m] suarum partem pro capite ac reliquis suis fortunis in medium afferre? Deinde sensim progrediens, quasiq[ue] obrepens tenaci auaritiæ, Neque enim nunc, inquit, inquirendum modum collationis puto, qui melius in re præsenti statuetur. Quippe si intre n[ost]uc rationem eius uelimus, et ex præsenti sensu animorum constituere, in risum res abibit. Sed ineamus sanè. Sit aliquis qui dicat centesimam se collaturum, nempe sex aginta talenta is dixerit. Age quinquagesimam quippiam dicet: hic duplum dictæ summæ dixerit. & quid hoc est ad nulle & ducentos camelos qui uchere pecunias Regi ab istis dictitantur? Sed uideamus porrò. Vultis igitur ut duodecimam conferamus, quingenta scilicet talenta? at neque id ferre possitis: neque si statim deponatis, idonea sit pecunia quæ tanto bello satis esse possit. φερε γαρ, πως ἐκσεσωςίων Πς ἐσφερδν ἰρει νῦς ἐνκαν ἐξηχωντα παλαγτα ἰρει ἀλλὰ παντηχωςίων Πς ἐργ[.] ἡπιλην; ἐνκαν ἐκκατον ἐν ἐκκεσον ἐντι τί τῶτ ἐν πρὸς ολακοσίας ἐν ἧλιας ἀμύλας ἀς ἐαστιλλὰ ἐν ἐκτισον ἐντι τῶτ ἐν πρὸς ολακοσίας ἐν ἧλιας ἀμύλας ἀς ἐαστιλλὰ ἐν ἐκτισον ἐντι τῶτ ἐν πρὸς ολακοσίας ἐν ἧλιας ἀμύλας ἀς ἐαστιλλὰ ἐν ἐκκαταδοιτε, ἀξιατῶν ὑπειμι ἐν ἧχηματα. Hæc est ferè summa eius orationis quantum ad id quod quærimus pertinet: cuius sensus non facile cuilibet explicabilis, memorabilis tamen mihi uisus est, propter collationis rationem singulari inuento expedita. Ex his aute[m] apparet totius ciuitatis censum sex nullibus talentum æstimatum à Demosthene. Sexaginta enim talenta, centesima pars est sex nullium: & quingenta, duodecima. Quare quod suprà diximus de talentis sex nullibus in classes & centurias diuisis, non de censu tantum nulle de ducentorum trierarchorum intelligendum Demosthenes his uerbis signifi

Transcription: Translated (English)

Would he rather, in order to avoid losing everything, at last surrender all, than bring into common stock a part of his fortunes for the sake of his own person and his remaining property? Then, advancing little by little, as it were creeping on by stealth with a tenacious avarice, “For,” he says, “I do not now think the manner of the contribution should be inquired into; that will be better determined on the present occasion. Indeed, if we were to reason it out in this way, and decide from the present temper of men’s minds, the matter would become a laughing-stock. But let us proceed, at any rate. Suppose someone says that he will contribute a hundredth part: he will have said, namely, sixty talents. Come now, if he says a fiftieth part, it comes to something: he will have named double that sum. And what is this to the 200 camels by which, as they say, money is carried to the king by those men? But let us look further. Do you then want us to contribute a twelfth part, that is, five hundred talents? But even that you could not bear; nor, if you paid it at once, would there be money sufficient for so great a war.” [Greek passage as in the source] This is, roughly, the substance of his speech so far as it concerns the point we are seeking; a meaning not easily explained to everyone, yet to me it seemed memorable, because he proposed an especially ingenious method of contribution. From this it appears that Demosthenes estimated the census of the whole city at six thousand talents. For sixty talents is the hundredth part of six thousand, and five hundred the twelfth. Therefore what we said above about six thousand talents divided into classes and hundreds is to be understood not only of the census of the six hundred, but of the two hundred trierarchs; Demosthenes indicates this by these words

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET significare uidetur, de diuisione supradicta loquens, ἐπιδαφὴν ἐπιδαφὴν πιμμαία ἐπιδαφὴν ἐκκαίχιλιων παλάντων, ἐν ὑμῖν και τὰ χρήματα ἐπιδαφὴν μερη. Cum uerò hæc ita constituta fuerint, autor ero uobis ut censum regionis qui sex nullium est talentûm, diuidentes, centum partes faciatis sexagenûm talentûm, ut uobis quoq[ue] pecuniæ certa formula co[n]stitutæ sint. Regionem agrum Atticum significans, qui in césu Atheniensium erat. In enarrationibus tamen Demosthenis, quæ incerto autore circunscruntur, ita legimus, πω ἐν διαντων πων ἀνδρον πινδρον χωντεπμηδαὶ φιοι παλάντων ἐκκαίχιλιων. Bona autem nulle & ducentorum trierarchorum censæ esse dicit taletis sex millibus. Hac ratione singuli quinis taletis cési erat, id est ternis millibus aureoru[m] nostroru[m], quæ nullies ac duceties multiplicata, tricies sexies cætera nullia aureoru[m] coronatoru[m] fiuit. Harpocration aute[m] in lexico decem oratoru[m], ἐχἀπαν φιοι, ἐπιπλήθος δήρητος ἐις τὰς συμμορίας αθύναστην, αλλὰ μόνοι δὲ πλούστοι, και ἔσφερδν τὴν πολει δωάμων. Non omnis, inquit, multitudo Athenis in symmorias distribuebatur, sed diuites solùm, & qui conferre ciuitati pecunias poterant. Quare Demosthenes (inquit ille) cum nulle & ducetos dixit in oratione de Symmorijs habita, ditissimos significauit. Symmoritæ autem dicebantur, qui eiusdem classis erant: ut tribules, qui eiusdem tribus. Huiusmodi aute[m] diuisio populi facta fuit post tempora Solonis, sublata illa formula triplicis census, quingenariorum, equitum, & iugariorum. Suidas, Trierarchia, inquit, munus est sumptuosum. oportebat enim naues habere paratas, & omni parte ad bellum instructas, eorum sumptu qui hoc munus gerebant. Idem au- tem

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASSE ET seems to signify, speaking of the division mentioned above, ἐπιδαφὴν ἐπιδαφὴν πιμμαία ἐπιδαφὴν ἐκκαίχιλιων παλάντων, ἐν ὑμῖν και τὰ χρήματα ἐπιδαφὴν μερη. But when these things had been thus established, I will advise you to divide the tax of the region, which is of six nullia of talents, into one hundred parts of sixty talents, so that for you also a certain formula of money may be established. By the region he means the Attic land, which was in the assessment of the Athenians. In the commentaries however of Demosthenes, which are circulated under an uncertain author, we read thus, πω ἐν διαντων πων ἀνδρον πινδρον χωντεπμηδαὶ φιοι παλάντων ἐκκαίχιλιων. But he says that the property of the nullies and of the two hundred trierarchs was assessed at six thousand talents. By this reckoning each had an assessment of five talents, that is, three thousand of our gold coins, which, multiplied by the nullies and the two hundreds, made thirty-six times the rest nullia of golden crowned coins. Harpocration, however, in the lexicon of the ten orators, ἐχἀπαν φιοι, ἐπιπλήθος δήρητος ἐις τὰς συμμορίας αθύναστην, αλλὰ μόνοι δὲ πλούστοι, και ἔσφερδν τὴν πολει δωάμων. “Not every,” he says, “multitude in Athens was distributed into symmories, but only the rich, and those who could contribute money to the city. Therefore Demosthenes,” he says, “when he said nullies and two hundreds in the speech On Symmories, meant the very rich.” Those were called symmoritæ who belonged to the same class, just as tribules are those of the same tribe. This kind of division of the people was made after the time of Solon, the formula of the triple census having been abolished, of the five-hundred-rated, the horsemen, and the yokesmen. Suidas says, “Trierarchia is a costly office. For ships had to be kept ready, and equipped in every part for war, at the expense of those who held this office.” The same however

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. tem Demosthenes cum ante tempus actionum Philippi= carum uideret populum Atheniensem omni ordine solu= tum, theatris tantum & spectaculis intentum, pecunias publicas partiri, nec pacis nec belli tempora institutæ que dignoscentem, orationem habuit quæ ποδὶ σωταίως di= citur, id est de ordinatione ac constitutione ciuitatis: cu= ius orationis scopus is fuit, ut populus Atheniensis in certos ordines redigeretur, id est in mulites qui hoplitæ, id est armati uel grauis armaturæ dicebantur, & in equi= tes, & in alios qui extra hos ordines erant. Ex ijs autem quæ ab autoribus tradita in manibus uersantur, uix (ut arbitror) plena cognitio haberi potest supradictorum: quale est quod de pentacosiomedimnis diximus, & de trierarchis, & sex talentorum millibus: nisi illum cen= sum ad annum prouentum referamus: ut diuites eos fuisse intelligamus, qui quinum talentum reditu censi, mu= nera trierarchiæ obire cogebantur: quod conuenire ui= detur cum eo quod de quingenarijs & trecenarijs di= ctum est. Cum id accuratè inquirerem, incidi in dictum eiusdem Demosthenus in prima contra Aphobum ora= tione, in qua orator circumuentum se esse à tribus tuto= ribus dicens, & bona sua fraude eorum suppressæ & in= teruersa, quæ illi pauca à patre relictæ esse dicebant, ipse uerò ad quatuordecim talenta fuisse contenderat, post nar rationem statim ita inquit, ἐν ὑποποιοι μὴν αυτοὶ μαρτωρει μοι γερμαστην. εἰς γαρ πῶν συμμοριαν ὑπὲρ ἐμὴ συμπαθητοκατὰς πις πεν= τε καὶ ἐπιστι μὴς πεντανσίας ἀραχμᾶς ὑσφερην, ὅδην ποδ πισθεῖν ὑ λόγων, καὶ ὑι ποι μεριστὰ πεκτημένοι πιμηματὰ ἐσφερον. Quòd uerò tantæ essent facultates à patremo relictæ, maximi mihi testes ijde[m] ipsi facti sunt, siquidem in classibus ordinandis ipsi pro me professi sunt, ut in uice=

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. Then Demosthenes, when before the time of the Philippic actions he saw the Athenian people dissolved in every order, intent only on theatres and spectacles, distributing the public money, and discerning neither the times of peace nor of war as they had been established, delivered an oration which is called ποδὶ σωταίως, that is, concerning the ordering and constitution of the city; the scope of which speech was that the Athenian people should be reduced into certain classes, namely into the multitude who were called hoplites, that is, armed men or men of heavy armour, and into the horsemen, and into others who were outside these classes. But from those things which have been handed down by authors and are in common use, a full understanding of the aforesaid matters can scarcely be had, as I think; such as what we have said about the pentacosiomedimni, and about the trierarchs, and the six thousand talents: unless we refer that census to annual income, so that we may understand those to have been rich who, being assessed at an income of five talents, were compelled to perform the duties of the trierarchy; which seems to agree with what has been said about the quingenarii and trecenarii. When I was investigating this more accurately, I came upon a statement of the same Demosthenes in the first speech Against Aphobus, in which the orator, saying that he had been overreached by his three guardians, and that his property had been concealed and misapplied by their fraud—property which they said had been left to him by his father in small amount, while he himself maintained that it amounted to fourteen talents—immediately after the narration says thus: ἐν ὑποποιοι μὴν αυτοὶ μαρτωρει μοι γερμαστην. εἰς γαρ πῶν συμμοριαν ὑπὲρ ἐμὴ συμπαθητοκατὰς πις πεντε καὶ ἐπιστι μὴς πεντανσίας ἀραχμᾶς ὑσφερην, ὅδην ποδ πισθεῖν ὑ λόγων, καὶ ὑι ποι μεριστὰ πεκτημένοι πιμηματὰ ἐσφερον. But that so great possessions had been left by his father, the same men themselves became the greatest witnesses for me; for in the ordering of the classes they themselves declared on my behalf, so that in vice-

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nas quinas minas, quingenas ipsi drachmas conferrent, quantum scilicet constrebat Timotheus Cononis, & ij qui maximos tunc census possidebant. His uerbis orator huiusmodi facere enthymema uidetur, Cum nomine meo tutores ipsi mei in classes diuitum relati sint, & tantum conferre professi sint, quantum qui plurimum, planum fit me quoque diuitem ab eis æstimatum. Deinde recitatis te= stimoniijs, ita subdit, πινω ποῦω καί εκ τοῦτω ἔσι πιπτοθ τ[ame]ς υσίας. πεντεκαίδεκα ταλάντων γὰρ, πια παρατα πι= μμα, ταυτω ηξινω μεθερητω πια μεθοραν. Manifesta est igi= tur per ea quæ audistis, relictarum mihi fortunarum co= pia, siquidem quindecim talentorum censum tria talen= ta, collationem pro me profitendam censuerunt. Ex duo= bus his locis collatis intelligendum relinquitur, quod De= mosthenes de sex millibus talentum dixit, de nulle ac du= centis dixisse: & quod illi quinis talentis censi in capita dicuntur, ex æquatis tenuiorum cum copiosiorum fortu= nis, ita intelligendum, ut quinta tantum parte bonorum censi essent, ut Demosthenes facultates suas quindecimæ talentum suisse ex eo argumentatur, quòd tutorum pro= fessione pupillari nomine facta, tribus talentis census sit: quaratione & ditissimi cuiusque substantia censebatur, ea lege, ut hactenus co[n]ferre teneretur, si ratio ita posceret belli administrandi. Hoc est enim quod dixit in uicenas= quinas minas, quingenas drachmas conferre. hoc est quin= tum quenque denarium, ut more nostro loquar. Viginti= quinque enim minæ, duo nullia & quingentas drachmas ualent. sic sit ut sex nullia talentum ad triginta nullia cre= scant: ne temerarium sit quod Demosthenes dixit de pe= cuniarum copia quæ Athenis erant, & intelligimus int= munem plebem esse inopem. Hoc confirmari & certius consti

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON THE ASSE AND their quinquennial mines, they were to contribute five hundred drachmas apiece, that is, the sum fixed for Timotheus son of Conon, and for those who then possessed the greatest fortunes. By these words the orator seems to form an enthymeme of this kind: Since my guardians themselves have enrolled me, under my name, among the classes of the rich, and have declared that I must contribute as much as those who possess the most, it is clear that I too was judged rich by them. Then, after citing the testimonies, he adds: πινω ποῦω καί εκ τοῦτω ἔσι πιπτοθ τ[ame]ς υσίας. πεντεκαίδεκα ταλάντων γὰρ, πια παρατα πι= μμα, ταυτω ηξινω μεθερητω πια μεθοραν. It is therefore manifest from what you have heard that, although the resources left to me were ample, the guardians, since they declared on my behalf a census of fifteen talents, thought that three talents should be contributed. From these two passages compared together, it remains to be understood that Demosthenes, when he spoke of six thousand talents, meant six hundred and two hundred; and that those said to be assessed at five talents apiece are to be understood, from the equalizing of the fortunes of the poorer with those of the more prosperous, as being assessed at only one-fifth of their property. Thus Demosthenes argues that his own resources amounted to fifteen talents, because, under the declaration made by the guardians in the name of the ward, he was assessed at three talents; by this method also the substance of each of the richest was assessed, under the law, so far as he was bound to contribute if the business of war so required. For this is what he means by “to contribute five and twenty minae, five hundred drachmas”: that is, one-fifth of a thousand, to speak in our manner. For twenty-five minae are equal to two thousand five hundred drachmas. Thus six thousand talents become thirty thousand; so it is not rash what Demosthenes said about the abundance of money that was in Athens, and we understand that the common people, though protected, are poor. This may be confirmed more certainly

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. constitui ex oratione eius pro Ctesiphonte potest, in qua serem trierarchicam lege lata præclarè constituisse gloriatur: cuius legis hæc uerba sunt, tòs πιηράχνς αιρετιδας ἐὰν [μὴ] πλησων [ν]οῦσια αποτεπιμμένη [ν]οῦνια αυα λευσμον, ἐως πιῶν πλοιων και ὑπητηκὴ [ν]οῦνια ἐσω. κατὰ πλιω αυτλιω [μὴ] αναλητιαν ἐσω και σι ἐλάτων [ν]οῦνια ἐσί τῶν δεκαταλάντων, ἀς σωτέλαν σωαρμενοις ἀς τὰ δεκα παντα. Trierarchos eligi in singulas triremes pro modo census, qui scilicet denis talentis censi essent. Quòd si pluris in censu factitando æstimatæ eorum essent facultates, pro portione quoq[ue] collationis, & muneris obeundi necessitatem esse, usque ad nauigia terna in singulos, & eorum remigium: eadem etiam ratione obseruanda in ijs quorum census munor esset classico, id est denûm talentûm, ita ut plures in idem munus contributi legitimum & classicum censum æquarent, & singulas triremes expedirent. Ea autem lege promulgata factum esse Demosthenes gloriatur, ut qui prius senideni trierarchiæ munus obibant, ij singuli binas trierarchias obirent: quod mirum est. και συντελευτικὴ πιηράχνς, δὲ μιὰς ἔκτὸν και δεκατὸν ὑποπροφον σωτελιν. Et ea lege ita subleuatos inopes esse ait, ut diuites ad iustum collationis modu[m] adacti sint. quod ipse ἐγινομον appellat: idq[ue] reipsa & euentu patuisse, utpote cum imperatis triremibus nemo eorum qui ad munera redacti erat, aut munus detrectarit oblato supplice libello magistratibus, aut in uincula ductus sit: aut nauis ulla instrume[n]t to defecta in portu relicta sit. Ante hanc trierarchiæ constitutionem sæpe uariata est ratio eius muneris: ut autor est interpres Demosthenis in orationem κατὰ μεθία his uerbis, πολλάι πορί τὰς πιηράχιας ἐγινομενο μετα= Colæl

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. OF HIM, BOOK V. This can be established from his speech For Ctesiphon, in which he boasts that he very excellently instituted the trierarchic system by law; the words of that law are these: “the trierarchs shall be chosen for the individual triremes according to the property qualification, that is, those who are assessed at ten talents. But if, by repeated assessment, their means were reckoned to be greater, then in proportion also the contribution and obligation of office should be greater, up to three ships for each man, and their crew; the same rule is also to be observed in the case of those whose property qualification is for the fleet-tax, that is, ten talents, so that several, when contributing to the same duty, should make up the legal and fleet-tax assessment, and furnish individual triremes.” Now Demosthenes boasts that, when this law was promulgated, it came about that those who previously performed the trierarchic duty for half the amount each now performed two trierarchies each: which is remarkable. And so, for trierarchic service as a whole, a contribution of one-sixth and a tenth was made. And by this law, he says, the poor were so relieved that the rich were brought down to the proper measure of contribution, which he himself calls an assessment; and this was plainly shown in fact and by experience, since when triremes had been requisitioned, none of those who had been assigned to the duties either shirked the duty by filing a supplicatory petition with the magistrates, or were led off to prison; nor was any ship left in the harbor lacking equipment. Before this constitution of the trierarchy, the system of that office was often changed: as the interpreter of Demosthenes on the speech Against Midias states in these words, “many changes in the trierarchies occurred...” Colael

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Colai δια νερεθο το ουαλώματο, και οτε μην συνδο μεν, οτε [n]o[n] συντρες, και οτε [n]o[n] εκκιδεκα πιήραν χοι, οτε [n]o[n] χίλιοι, μ[en]i [n]o[n] μην [n]o[n] πολις πλω κατασκοσμιων μ[en]i τὰς ναυτας παρει χερ, και μόνον ματι λων ναυν άπινραρ χερν. οτε [n]o[n] συμπαντα σκικθεν οι πιήραν χοι παρει χον. Multæ aute circa trierarchias mutationes extite runt, propter magnitudine[m] sumptus eius muneris: et nunc bini trierarchi, nunc terni in singulas naues fierent: in= terdum senideni: fuit etiam cum mille essent trierarchi: & rursus fuit tempus cum ciuitas publicè trierarchis nautas & armamenta præbebat, & trierarchi nauem tantu[m] præ= bebant: fuit etiam aliàs cum & nauem & armamenta & nautas trierarchi præberent. Demosthenes uerò nouissi= mè binas etiam naues uni trierarcho attribuit, [n]o[n] γαν δη= μοδεννς υσερον ωνοιν πιήρων ένα πιήραρχον ἐδοίναι. Hoc ide[m] ex ipso Demosthene confirmari potest in ea oratione, κατὸ μην κατ' εκείνας τὰς χρόνας άπινραρ χερν συδων ἐκ παθλων εξελων, οτε συν δυο [n]o[n] μην [n]o[n] οι πιήραν χοι. μ[en]i τὰ ουαλώματα πιήντας εκ των οἰκων [n]o[n]ικων, μ[en]i πὰς ναùs ἐπιληρευμη άυτοι. id est, Atque ego quidem, inquit, illo tempore trierarchus esse coepi sta= tim atque è pueris excessi, tumq[ue] bini eramus trierarchi. omnem sumptum ex priuatis familijs suppeditabamus, ita ut & nauium apparatum supplementumq[ue]; ipsi præbere= mus. Et paulo inferius, θνικαῦτα [n]o[n] το πράγματο ἐπιφαί [n]o[n] τε πρῶτον μην δακοσίνις πεποιηκατε συντελφς μελς. πιτο [n]o[n] μιστρατον [n]o[n]ιων τάλωτον, ταλάντα μιδων τὰς πιήραρχιας. Tum demum autem Midias trierarchiam attigit, cum pri mùm mille ac ducentos collatores constituistis. à quibus isti talentum exigentes, talento trierarchias obeundas lo= cant. ἔτα τὰ πιηρώματα [n]o[n] πολις παρεχει, και σκολιν διδων. Tum supplemēta & armamēta respublica præbet. Verba sunt oratoris eleuare cõtendētis munus trierarchiæ, quod Mid

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASE AND Then through the change in the distribution, and when not jointly, when not [n]o[n] together, and when not one of a thousand, [m]eni [n]o[n] not many, much more splendidly, [m]eni the sailors were supplied with only the equipment for one ship. when [n]o[n] all together the things for the ship were provided. There were many changes, however, concerning trierarchies, because of the greatness of the expense of that service: and now two trierarchs, now three, were assigned to single ships: sometimes even six; there was also a time when there were a thousand trierarchs: and again there was a time when the city publicly supplied the trierarchs with sailors and rigging, and the trierarchs supplied only the ship: there was also another time when the trierarchs supplied both the ship and the rigging and the sailors. Demosthenes, however, very lately assigned even two ships to one trierarch, [n]o[n] γαν δη= μοδεννς υσερον ωνοιν πιήρων ένα πιήραρχον ἐδοίναι. This same thing can be confirmed from Demosthenes himself in that speech, κατὸ μην κατ' εκείνας τὰς χρόνας άπινραρ χερν συδων ἐκ παθλων εξελων, when with two [n]o[n] μην [n]o[n] of the trierarchs. [m]eni the fittings were supplied from the public funds [n]o[n]ικων, [m]eni the ships were furnished by themselves. that is, And I myself, he says, began to be trierarch at that time, as soon as I passed out of boyhood, and then we were two trierarchs. We provided all the expense from private families, so that we ourselves also supplied the equipment and reinforcement of the ships. And a little further on, θνικαῦτα [n]o[n] το πράγματο ἐπιφαί [n]o[n] τε πρῶτον μην δακοσίνις πεποιηκατε συντελφς μελς. πιτο [n]o[n] μιστρατον [n]o[n]ιων τάλωτον, ταλάντα μιδων τὰς πιήραρχιας. Then at last Midias undertook the trierarchy, when you had first established a thousand and two hundred contributors. From these men, demanding a talent, they hire trierarchies to be performed for a talent. ἔτα τὰ πιηρώματα [n]o[n] πολις παρεχει, και σκολιν διδων. Then the state provides the complements and the equipment. These are the words of the orator striving to lighten the burden of the trierarchy, which Mid

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 545. Midias & diuites nonnulli graue esse sibi iactabant tan= quam uniuersi muneris redemptoribus præbitoribusq[ue], eo se nomine populo Atheniēsi imputa[n]tes. Ex quibus uerbis intelligimus, illos nulle ac ducetos talenta singula pensita= re solitos, id quod suprà dictu[m] est. < Locus Demosthenis explicatus.> Hic obiter unum locum apponam eiusdem autoris quem à paucissimus nostræ me= moriæ satis intellectum esse puto. In eius enim oratio= nis epilogo iudicum misericordiam captans ita inquit, , eis , , , , . Nuncq[ue] cum res meas recuperare co[n]tenderem, in maximum discrimen adductus sum: ut pote qui centum nunis co[n]tinuò multandus sim, si (quod abomi nor) iste ab intentione mea absolutus euadat. < Loc[us] animaduertendus.> Quibus uer bis hoc significat orator, actionem tutelæ quæ infamiâ tu tori ob dolu[m], id est , damnato irrogabat, ut apud Romanos, sic apud Athenienses non temere aduersus tu= tores intendi solitam. Maior enim factus, id est , hac actione agens nisi reum perageret, & secundu[m] se iu= dicium obtineret, sexta parte census sui multabatur, quæ in reu[m] absolutum cedebat. Demosthenes centu[m] munas epo= beliæ nomine sibi taxauit, si in eo iudicio aduersos calcu= los ferret. Ex quo intelligimus sex centis eum nunis c[ess]um fuisse, hoc est decem talentis. In ea aute[m] oratione Aphobus tutor ei obiecit quòd decem talenta in censu haberet, cum ipse spoliatum se à tutoribus & ad inopiam redactum co[n] quereretur. < Epobelia.> Epobelia uerbum est satis frequ[enti]es apud ora= tores. ex hoc dictum, quòd in quamlibet drachma[m] caluniæ reus obolo multaretur, cum seni essent oboli in drachma. Sed Suidas intellexit sextam partem æstimationis litis. Har= pocration sextam partem c[ess]us intellexisse uidetur: id quod M Demosth

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. HIS LIB. V. 545. Some wealthy men boasted that it was a serious burden for them to be appointed contractors and providers for the entire public service, thereby laying this claim against the Athenian people. From these words we understand that they used to be assessed not for ten, but for single talents, as was stated above. <The passage of Demosthenes explained.> Here, by the way, I shall set down one passage of the same author, which I think has been sufficiently little understood by most of our time. For at the close of one of his speeches, while seeking the judges’ pity, he says: ... “And now, while I am striving to recover my property, I have been brought into the greatest danger: namely, I, who must be fined immediately one hundred minae, if (which I abhor) that man should be acquitted of the case against me.” <A passage to be noted.> By these words the orator means this: that the action for guardianship, which, because of fraud, inflicted infamy on a guardian convicted of wrongdoing, was not lightly brought against guardians, just as among the Romans. For in the case of a man who had come of age, that is, if the plaintiff in such an action did not carry the case through and obtain a judgment in his favor, he was fined one-sixth of his property, and this fell to the defendant if acquitted. Demosthenes set for himself a penalty of one hundred minae under the name of epobelia, if he lost the votes in that trial. From this we understand that he had a property value of six hundred minae, that is, ten talents. In that speech Aphobus, his guardian, objected to him that he had property valued at ten talents, whereas he himself complained that he had been stripped by his guardians and reduced to poverty. <Epobelia.> Epobelia is a term used fairly often by the orators. It is said to be so called because, for every drachma, the defendant in a slander case was fined one obol, since there are six obols in a drachma. But Suidas understood it as the sixth part of the value of the suit. Harpocration seems to have understood it as the sixth part of the property; which is what M. Demosth...

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Demosthenis locus significare mihi primore sensu uisus est: sed cum tertiam orationem in eundem legerem, intellexi Aphobum unum ex tutoribus decem talentis damnatum tutelæ iudicio, quanti scilicet orator litem illam in intentione libellari æstimarat. Sic enim inquit, ὑπι ἀποκούσαυτες ὅς ὑμις ἐφικε, τωτὰ καὶ τοῖς τοῦτο φίλεις καὶ ἐπιστημητὴν περί ὑποῦν ἐγνωθῶν, καὶ ἔκαταλάτων ἐπιμησαν. Iudices autem ad quos ipse ab arbitris prouocarat, cum hæc audissent, eade[m] ipsi quoq[ue] cum arbitro atq[ue] eius amicis ut compromissarijs censuerunt: ei[us]; litem decem talentis æstimauerunt. < Locus Demosthenis emaculatus.> Hæc uerba Demosthenis circa finem eius orationis quæ πρὸς ἀφολον ἑαθοδυαρτων ἐνscribitur, leguntur corruptissimè in libris quidem impressis: sed ea nos sic emendanda affirmamus. Quoniam igitur litem talentis decem, id est nunis sexcentis æstimarat: ἐν ὑπι ἀγνηματ ὑποῦν, id est in libello intētæ actionis, ideo centum se minis, id est mille aureis nostris periclitari cum infamæ nota dixit, quæ sexta pars est æstimationis litis. Cæterùm Plutarchus diuitem patrem Demosthenis fuisse dicit, εν in copia bonorum septem annos natum filium Demosthenem reliquisse. ἀπολογεῖς δὲ ὑπο τὴν πατρὸς ἐπισαίτης ἐν συνορία, μικρὸν ἡαραπελιπερὴν ἐν συμπατα πιμνσις ἐπτής ἔν ὑσίας περιεκαίδενα ταλάντων, ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων ἐπικύβη. Relictus autem à patre Demosthenes septennis in abundanti patrimonio (ut quod omnibus supputatis paulo minus quindecim talentis æstimaretur) à tutoribus per iniuria[m] fortunis euersus est, cum parte[m] bonorum eius in re suam uerterent, parte[m] per incuria[m] perderent, ita ut ne præceptoribus quidem eius mercede[m] docendi soluerent. Quindecim talenta, nouem nullia aureorum nostroru[m] ualent. Ita quæ summa Romæ post spoliatu[m] orbè à Romanis, Aesopi, patinam

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET A passage of Demosthenes seemed to me at first sight to mean this: but when I read the third speech on the same subject, I understood that Aphobus, one of the guardians, was condemned for ten talents in the action concerning the guardianship, that is, for the amount at which the orator had assessed that suit in his statement of claim. For thus he says, ὑπι ἀποκούσαυτες ὅς ὑμις ἐφικε, τωτὰ καὶ τοῖς τοῦτο φίλεις καὶ ἐπιστημητὴν περί ὑποῦν ἐγνωθῶν, καὶ ἔκαταλάτων ἐπιμησαν. But the judges to whom he himself had appealed from the arbiters, when they heard this, likewise with the arbitrator and his friends as compromisors decided; they assessed the case at ten talents. < Passage of Demosthenes corrected.> These words of Demosthenes, near the end of that speech which is inscribed πρὸς ἀφολον ἑαθοδυαρτων, are read most corruptly in the printed books; but we maintain that they should be emended thus. Since, therefore, he had assessed the suit at ten talents, that is, at six hundred minae, in the libellus of the intended action, he said that he was therefore exposed to a penalty of one hundred minas, that is, one thousand of our gold pieces, together with infamy, which is one sixth part of the valuation of the suit. Moreover, Plutarch says that Demosthenes had a wealthy father, and that, with an abundance of goods, he left Demosthenes his son at the age of seven years. ἀπολογεῖς δὲ ὑπο τὴν πατρὸς ἐπισαίτης ἐν συνορία, μικρὸν ἡαραπελιπερὴν ἐν συμπατα πιμνσις ἐπτής ἔν ὑσίας περιεκαίδενα ταλάντων, ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων ἐπικύβη. Demosthenes, left by his father at the age of seven, with a plentiful estate (as, after all accounts were made up, it was valued at a little less than fifteen talents), was stripped of his fortune by his guardians through injustice, since they turned part of his property to their own use and lost part through negligence, so that they did not even pay his teachers their fee for instruction. Fifteen talents amount to nine thousand of our gold pieces. Thus the sum at Rome after the plundering of the world by the Romans, of Aesop, the dish

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 347 putinam æquare no[n] potuisset, Athenis diuitiarum nomine cesebatur. Idem Demosthenes circa finem orationis eius, Kai toto πῶς ν ἔνορι ι ἐπεροι μὴν ὑποκινθι ταλανπῶν καὶ Σταλάνποι καταλεφθέντες, ἐκ τὴν μιδωθῶν απλασποι καὶ πιπλασποι χερινασμην, ὑπεικινεῖν λετερεῦν, ὃ ἔμος πιπραρχευν εἰδισμήνος καὶ μεγάλας ὑσφορὰς ὑσφιξεῦν, μὴν ἐνικρασημην αποκατηστηται δης τὸν τοῦτων αναχυντίας. Atqui non acerbū mihi esse non potest, quòd cum reliquoru[m] ciuium domus talentares & ditalentares tutoribus oblocantibus duplo triploq[ue] copiosiores factæ sunt, ita ut dignæ tande[m] uiderentur quæ muneribus publicis obeundis adscribere[n]tur: mea aute[m] domus, quæ olim trierarchiæ muneri assueuerat, & collationibus p[er]sitandis, nunc ne tantulâ quidem collatione ferre poterit istoru[m] impudentia. Occum, id est domu[m], oratores Græci pro uniuersis facultatibus & censu < cix. ß.> accipere solent, què loquendi more lingua Francoru[m] refert. Verùm ex his uerbis intelligimus & trierarchiam & collationem ijsdem capitibus incubuisse, ac ignomuniosum fuisse munera ista dispendiosa non obire. Sunt & alia ad eandem rem pertinentia, quæ ex hac & altera in eundem tutorem oratione colligere potuissem: ut quædam esse bona quæ in censum non uenirent, quæ Atele, id est immunia à < Atele. ατελη.> Græcis appellatur: sed hæc sufficere uisa sunt, & nonihil etia[m] ijs qui Demosthenè sunt lecturi, profutura. Quod autem de locatione domuu[m] Demosthenes dixit, de domibus instructis intelligendu[m] est, ut diximus: ut de officinis eum ser ius opificibus. Nunc à medimno ad inferiora descendamus: & id quod quærimus, certissimo quoque uestigio legendo prosequamur. Sextarius (ut inter omnes couenit) cotulas < Sextarius. Cotulæ. Heminæ.> binas capit, quæ Latinè Heminæ dicuntur. Quanqua[m] hac uoce Italica etiam antiqui Græci usi sunt, ut Athenæus M 2 lib.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 347 if it had been unable to match it, at Athens it was called by the name of wealth. Demosthenes himself, near the end of that speech, [Kai toto πῶς ν ἔνορι ι ἐπεροι μὴν ὑποκινθι ταλανπῶν καὶ Σταλάνποι καταλεφθέντες, ἐκ τὴν μιδωθῶν απλασποι καὶ πιπλασποι χερινασμην, ὑπεικινεῖν λετερεῦν, ὃ ἔμος πιπραρχευν εἰδισμήνος καὶ μεγάλας ὑσφορὰς ὑσφιξεῦν, μὴν ἐνικρασημην αποκατηστηται δης τὸν τοῦτων αναχυντίας.] But I cannot help feeling bitter about it, because when the houses of the other citizens, let out to guardians, have become twofold and threefold more plentiful, so that at last they seemed worthy to be entered among public services to be performed, my house, which had once been accustomed to the duty of trierarchy and to bearing contributions, cannot now endure even so much as a tiny contribution on account of the insolence of those men. Oikos, that is, house, the Greek orators are accustomed to take for all possessions and property <cix. ß.>, which in the manner of speaking corresponds to the language of the French. But from these words we understand that both trierarchy and contribution rested on the same heads, and that it was disgraceful not to discharge those burdensome offices. There are also other things relating to the same matter, which I might have gathered from this and the other speech against the same guardian: namely, that there are certain goods which are not reckoned in the census, which are called Atele, that is, exempt from <Atele. ατελη.> by the Greeks: but these things seemed sufficient, and would also be of some use to those who are to read Demosthenes. Now what Demosthenes said about the renting of houses is to be understood of furnished houses, as we have said; just as in the case of workshops, he spoke more specifically of artisans. Now let us descend from the medimnus to the lower measures, and pursue by reading the very sure track of what we are seeking. The sextarius, as everyone agrees, contains two cotylæ <Sextarius. Cotulæ. Heminæ.>, which in Latin are called Heminæ. Although the ancient Greeks also used this Italian term, as Athenaeus M 2 lib.

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET lib. X V I I. t[er]tio d[icitu]r πετύλιο παλιναδή παίνιμιναν. Sextarius inde dictus, quòd sexta pars sit congij. A sextario enim ut à principio ordiri oportet. huius enim mensuram si tenue rimus, omnia prona deinceps erunt. Cato. cap. LVII. Vi= num familiæ, ubi uindemia facta erit, loram bibat menses tres: mense IIIII. heminas singulas. In mense congios ter= nos. mense V. VI. VII. VIII. in dies sextarios singulos: in mense c[on]gios quinos, nono, decimo, undecimo in dies he= minas ternas, in mense unam amphoram. Cato mese quar= to heminas singulas in dies singulos epotas congios ter= nos facere dicit, id est sextarios denos octonos, & sexta= rios singulis diebus epotos sequentibus m[anu]sibus quatuor, in mense quinos dicit esse congios, hoc est tricenos sexta= rios. & rursus alijs mensibus in dies heminas ternas, in m[anu] ses singulas amphoras esse docet, id est quadragenos octo= nos sextarios, uel nonagenas senas heminas: qua ratione tamen quaternæ ue senæ heminæ deesse uidentur, si tricenos dies in mensem statuamus. Sed aliter Cato ratione col <Amphora.> ligere tam comodè non potuit, nisi amphoram pro nona= genis heminis diceret, etiam si amphora eo amplius sex he minas capit, cum aliud uerbum mensuræ non haberet. & alioquin habuisse uidetur ratione intertrimenti liquoris, id est eius quantitatis quæ deperit & intercidit cum uinu[m] uel lora heminatim bibitur. Simule est quòd heminas singu lis diebus potas, in menses congios ternos facere dicit. hæc enim ratione mensis sex & triginta dies habet: qui si ex a [con]tè taxare uoluisset, duos c[on]gios & semissem dixisset. Sed noluit tam angustè ratione præscribere. satis tamen appa= ret ex eo loco in congio duodecim esse hemunas, quæ sex sextarios continent. Sed & illud iam tenemus, quod maxi= mè ad rem pertinet, sextarium sextamdecimâ partem esse modij

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET lib. X V I I. t[er]tio d[icitu]r πετύλιο παλιναδή παίνιμιναν. Sextarius is so called because it is the sixth part of a congius. For from the sextarius, as from the beginning, one ought to begin. For if we measure this thing narrowly, everything afterwards will be inclined downward. Cato, cap. LVII. Wine for the household, when the vintage has been made, let it drink lora for three months: in month IIII, a single hemina each day. In a month, three congii. In months V, VI, VII, VIII, a single sextarius each day: in a month five congii; in the ninth, tenth, and eleventh, three heminae each day, and in one month one amphora. Cato says that in the fourth month, by drinking a single hemina each day, it makes three congii, that is, ten and eight sextarii; and that the sextarii drunk each day in the following four months, in a month amount to five congii, that is, thirty sextarii. And again in other months, by three heminae a day, he teaches that in one month there are one amphora, that is, forty-eight sextarii, or ninety-six heminae: by which reckoning, however, four or six heminae seem to be missing, if we set thirty days to a month. But Cato could not otherwise with a calculating method collect so neatly, unless he were to call the amphora ninety- six heminae, even though the amphora holds six heminae more than that, since he had no other word for the measure. And besides, he seems to have had regard to the loss of liquid, that is, to that quantity which is lost and wasted when wine or lora is drunk by the hemina. At the same time, if he says that by drinking a single hemina each day it makes in a month three congii, this reckoning is sound, for a month has thirty-six days; and if he had wished to calculate from the exact total, he would have said two congii and a half. But he did not wish to prescribe the method so narrowly. Yet it is sufficiently apparent from that passage that a congius contains twelve heminae, which make six sextarii. And this too we now hold, which is most important to the matter: that the sextarius is the sixteenth part of the modius

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Transcription: ATR-1

modij, quæ tertia pars est amphoræ. quippe cu[m] in amphora Cato sex & nonaginta heminas ponat, & sextarius citra controuersiam binas heminas capiat, si amphora ter modium capit (ut prædictum est ex carmunibus supradietis) modius sextarios sedecim co[n]tinebit, id est duas & tri= ginta hemunas, quæ tertia pars est amphoræ. Sed de modio citanda sunt ex[em]pla. Cato, Vbi semente paraueris; gladem parari legi[us]; conuenit, & in aqua conijci. Inde semodios singulis bubus dare oportet, si laborab[us]t. Columel. de bubus aratorijs loqu[es]s lib. VII. Bubus pro temporibus anni pabula dispensantur. Ianuario mense fresi & aqua macerati erui quaternos sextarios mixtos paleis dare co[n]uenit, uel lupini macerati modios, uel cicerculæ maceratæ semodios. Idem si grano abstinemus, & regionis copia permit tat, cum fronde laurea & ilignea glans adijcitur, quæ nisi ad satietatem detur, scabiem parit. Potest etiam si prouentus uilitatem facit, semodius fabæ fresæ præberi Nouembri mense ac Decembri. per sementem quantum appetit bos, tantum præbendum est: plerunq[ue] tamen sufficiunt singulis modij glandis, & paleæ ad satietatem datæ, uel lupini macerati modij, uel erui aqua co[n]spersi sextarij septeni permixti paleis, uel cicerculæ simuliter maceratæ sextarij duodeni, uel singuli modij uinaceoru[m]. His exemplis co[n]ijcere possumus modium Romanum non disparè fuisse ei mensuræ quam Bocotium nostrates uocant, cu[m] sit diurnus cibus bouis aratoris modius aut semodius pro uarietate pabuli. Apud nos equis uiatorijs per diuersoria cibus status est in dies cistellæ ternæ auenæ, ut in Italia ordei. Sic enim semper tuit stabulariorum formula. Sed strigosis equis, cum longis itineribus fathiscunt, auctarium noctu dari so let, id est quarta cistella. Hæ quaternæ mensuræ Bocotium nostrum M 3

Transcription: Translated (English)

Modius, which is the third part of an amphora. For since Cato puts sixty-six heminae in an amphora, and a sextarius, without controversy, holds two heminae, if an amphora contains three modii (as has been said from the verses above), a modius will contain sixteen sextarii, that is, thirty-two heminae, which is the third part of an amphora. But examples must be cited concerning the modius. Cato: When you have prepared the seed; let the blade be prepared; it is ordered, and it is to be put into water. Then one ought to give a semodius to each ox, if they are laboring. Columella, speaking of plow-oxen, book VII: Fodder is allotted to oxen according to the seasons of the year. In the month of January it is fitting to give four sextarii of vetch, crushed and soaked in water, mixed with chaff; or a modius of soaked lupins; or a semodius of soaked chicklings. Likewise, if we abstain from grain, and the abundance of the region allows it, with laurel leaves and holm oak acorns are added, which, unless given to satiety, produce mange. Also, if the crop is cheap, a semodius of crushed beans may be given in the months of November and December. During the sowing season, as much as the ox desires, so much should be supplied; yet usually a modius of acorns, and chaff given to satiety, is enough for each, or a modius of soaked lupins, or seven sextarii of vetch sprinkled with water and mixed with chaff, or twelve sextarii of chicklings likewise soaked, or each a modius of grape-skins. From these examples we can infer that the Roman modius was not unlike that measure which our people call a Bocotium, since the daily food of a plow-ox is a modius or a semodius, according to the variety of the fodder. Among us, for traveling horses at inns, the fixed daily ration is three little baskets of oats, as in Italy of barley. For thus is always the rule of stablemen. But for lean horses, when they are worn out by long journeys, an extra ration is usually given at night, that is, a fourth basket. These four measures are our Bocotium. M 3

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nostrum triticarium implent, qui modus pabuli est omni- bus iam sarcinarijs equis per stabula uiatoria statutus. Di ximus amphoram binas urnas capere, quæ singulæ uice= nos quaternos sextarios continent. Hoc ex eodem autore lib. XIII. comprobabitur his uerbis, Ex hac compositio= ne quantum in sextarios musti quadragenos octonos adij ciendum sit, incertum est: quoniam pro natura uini æsti= mare oportet quid satis sit: caue dumq[ue] ne conditus sapor intelligatur. ego tamen, si humida fuerit uindemua, trientem si sicca, quadrantem medicamunis in binas amphoras mi= scere solitus sum, ita ut quatuor urnarum esset musti mo= dus. Vrna aute[m] quatuor & uiginti sextariorum. Plin. lib. XIIII. de nimio potu uini loquens, Famam apud Græ= cos Alcibiades meruit, apud nos cognomen etiam Nouel lus Tricongius Mediolanensis ad Proconsulatum usq[ue] è Prætura honoribus functus, tribus congiijs (unde & no= men illi fuit) epotis uno impetu, spectante muraculi gratia Tyberio principe in senecta iam seuero, atq[ue] etiam aliàs sæuo: sed ipsa iuuenta ad merum pronior fuerat. In anti= quis tamen non Nouellus Tricongius, sed Nouellus Tor= quatus legitur, & rectè: alioquin frustra Plinius adiecis= cet, unde & nomen illi. Quis enim non intellexisset etiam Plinio tacente? Neq[ue] ipsa iuuenta lego, sed ipsi, id est Ty= berio, ut iuuenta sit rectus casus. Et paulò post, Tricongij rara gloria in omnibus antiquis legitur, Torquato rara gloria. Idem paulo inferius, Tergilla Cicerone Marci filiu[m] Ciceronis filius temuletia inclytus. binos co[n]gios simul haurire solitum ipsi obijcit, Marcoq[ue] Agrippæ à marcido ac temulento scyphum impactum. Plinium autorem habemus dece & octo sextarios uini, id est tres congios, uno haustu epotos à Torquato, & duo= decim à Ciceronis filio. Quare non uideo quonam modo intelligi

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND fill our wheat measures, which is the amount of fodder now assigned to all pack horses in the inns along the road. We have said that an amphora contains two urnae, each of which contains four sextarii. This will be confirmed from the same author, book XIII, by these words: “From this mixture how much is to be added in sextarii of must, forty-eight is uncertain; for according to the nature of the wine one must estimate what is enough; beware, too, lest the taste of the seasoning be perceived. I myself, however, if the vintage has been wet, am accustomed to mix a third part; if dry, a quarter part of medicamunis into two amphorae, so that there would be a measure of must of four urnae.” But an urna is of twenty-four sextarii. Pliny, in book XIV, speaking of excessive drinking of wine, says: “Alcibiades won fame among the Greeks; among us also the surname of Novellus Tricongius of Milan, who, up to the proconsulship, held honors from the praetorship, earned it by drinking three congius at one draught (whence also the name belonged to him), in the presence of the emperor Tiberius, who was already stern in old age, and indeed harsh on other occasions as well; but in his youth he had been more inclined to unmixed wine.” In the ancient texts, however, it is not read as Novellus Tricongius, but as Novellus Torquatus, and rightly so; otherwise Pliny would have added in vain, “whence also the name belonged to him.” For who would not have understood, even if Pliny had kept silent? Nor do I read “in his youth,” but “to him,” that is, to Tiberius, so that “youth” may be in the nominative case. And a little later, where in all the ancient texts one reads “the rare glory of Tricongius,” it is “the rare glory of Torquatus.” Likewise, a little below, Tergilla, in Cicero, the son of Marcus Cicero, says “the son of Cicero, illustrious in drunkenness.” He accuses him of being accustomed to drain two congius together at once, and of Marcus Agrippa’s cup being hurled at a man smelling of wine and stupefied. We have Pliny as authority for eighteen sextarii of wine, that is, three congius, drunk at one draught by Torquatus, and twelve by the son of Cicero. Therefore I do not see in what way it can be understood

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 551 intelligi possit quod apud Politianu[m] legitur, quòd amphora triplex efficit sextariu[m]. Tranquillus in Tyberio, Igno- tissimum Quæsturæ candidatu[m] nobilissimis anteposuit ob epotam in conuiuio propinante se uini amphoram. Tran- quillus uini amphoram, id est octo congios seu duodequin quaginta sextarios uno conuiuio ab homine uno haustos dixit. quòd si amphora ex area constaret quoquouersus quaternum pedum, ut Politianus uoluit, ne de duodecim quidem bibacissimus homunibus id credi posset. Post hæc antiquitatis monum[en]ta cum mensurarum modos deprebe[m] dere magnopere cuperem, ad pondus examinare rem in- stiti. quo facto, cum nec ex carminibus illis, nec ex Plinio responderent, nihil potius tandem inueni, quàm id quod apud Isidorum, non optimum ipsum autorem, ne harum quidem rerum, legitur. usqueadeo (quod Plinius aiebat) nullus liber tam malus est, ut non aliqua ex parte profit. Hemuna, inquit ille, appendit libram unam, quæ gemina- ta sextarium facit. Sextarius enim duarum librarum est. Hoc cu[m] legissem, illico tres libras nummularias, id est ses- quilibram negotiatoriam in lance grandiuscula statui, cu[m] iusmodi sunt lances quibus ad argentum expendendum utuntur. in opposita lance aquam fundere famulum qui mihi adstabat iussi, quoad rem deducerem ad exactum æ- quilibrium, id quod assecutus sum adijciendo uicissim adi- mendoq[ue] aquulam argentea ligula. tum uascula stannea impledo, no[n] usualia illa quidem et ex supellectili sumpta, sed iustæ omnino mensuræ, quibus uendicando uno cau- ponantes uti solent, tande[m] comperi duas libras Romanas, id est duodenarias, quæ tribus octonarijs, id est nummu- larijs respondent, eam omnino esse mesuram quam ternos semusextariolos lingua uernacula huius urbis appellat, qui M 4

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 551 it can be understood from what is read in Politian, that a triple amphora makes a sextarius. Suetonius in Tiberius says that Tiberius preferred the most obscure candidate for Quaestorship to the noblest men because he had drunk a jar of wine offered to him at a banquet. Suetonius said that a jar of wine, that is, eight congii or one hundred and twenty-eight sextarii, was drunk at a single feast by one man. But if an amphora were a vessel measuring four feet on every side, as Politian wished, even twelve most hard-drinking fellows could scarcely be believed to drink it. After this, since I greatly desired to discover the measures of antiquity’s monuments, I set myself to examine the matter by weight. When I did so, since neither those verses nor Pliny agreed, I finally found nothing better than what is read in Isidore, not the best author himself, even in matters of this kind. So much so that, as Pliny said, no book is so bad that it is not good in some part. Hemina, he says, weighs one pound, which doubled makes a sextarius. For a sextarius is of two pounds. When I had read this, I at once placed three pound-weights, that is, a merchant’s one-and-a-half-pound weight, in a rather large scale, such as those scales used for weighing silver. In the opposite scale I ordered a servant standing by me to pour in water, until I brought the matter to exact equilibrium, which I achieved by alternately adding and removing a little water with a silver spoon. Then I filled small pewter vessels, not those ordinary ones taken from household ware, but vessels of the proper measure throughout, such as innkeepers use in claiming their goods, and at last I found that two Roman pounds, that is, twelve-ounce pounds, which correspond to three eight-ounce weights, that is, monetary weights, is exactly the measure which the vernacular of this city calls three semisex­tarii, which M 4

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET qui dodrans est eius mensuræ quàm pintam eadem linguæ uocat. Hoc comperto, cum uasculum illud dodrantale tritico primæ bonitatis implerem, idètidemq[ue] in modium, id est Bæotium transfunderem, non antè æquatum ad summa labra reddidi, quàm sedecies impletum itidem uasculum in modium transfudi. Id cum ad pintam exigerem, duodecies exhausti exacta obseruatione tràsuasando. Hæc ratione cùm cotula geminata sextarium faciat, qui bilibris est, oportet eam librale esse, id est sex & nonaginta drachmas pedere. ita Oxybaphus qui cotulæ quarta pars est, quatuor & uiginti drachmarum erit, hoc est quadrantele. & Cyathus qui sextarij duodecima pars est, sedecim drachmas pendebit, id est sextantem Romanæ libræ. Nostra uerò pinta, duodecima pars est modij: id est amphoræ sexta & tricesima. Illud testandum habeo, quòd quicquid de mensuris liquidorum dixi, uel dicturus sum, id de ijs intelligi uolo, quas regias hac in urbe appellamus, de quibus ius dicere decurionum est Parisiensium: alioquin nulla dari certa doctrina posset, cum multifarij mensuraru[m] sint moduli, & ferè euariantes per regiones urbis, prout cuiusq[ue] regionis solu[m] huius & illius ditionis imperio mero paret. Aridorum autem mensuras triticarias intelligi uolo, quoniam minores sunt ijs quibus auenam admetiutur. Hac ratione usus, comperisse me arbitror (nec temere, ut spero) amphoram esse octauam partem eius uasis quod modium uini dicimus. Modium uini Parisinu[m] tricenos senos sextarios nostros capit. Sextarius autem octonas eas quas pintas dicimus. In aridis aute[m] pro amphora quadrante[m] sextarij habemus, id est ternos bosellos, pro quibus uas trimodium habemus dimidiatum medimnum. Sic fit credibile quod à Tranquillo dicitur epotam uno conuiuio ab uno homine

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE PINT AND which is a dodrans of that measure which the same language calls a pint. Having ascertained this, when I filled that dodrantal vessel with wheat of the first quality, and likewise poured it into the modius, that is, the Bæotian measure, I did not return it to a level with the brim until I had in like manner poured into the modius that vessel filled sixteen times. When I tested this by the pint, it was found, after exact observation, to be emptied twelve times. By this method, since the cotyla doubled makes a sextarius, which is of two pounds, it ought to be of a pound weight, that is, to weigh sixty-six drachmas. Thus the oxybaphus, which is a quarter of the cotyla, will weigh twenty-four drachmas, that is, a quadrant of a Roman pound. And the cyathus, which is a twelfth part of the sextarius, will weigh sixteen drachmas, that is, a sextans of the Roman pound. Our pint, however, is the twelfth part of the modius, that is, the thirty-sixth part of the amphora. I must state that whatever I have said, or shall say, about liquid measures, I wish it to be understood of those which we call royal measures in this city, concerning which jurisdiction belongs to the Parisian aldermen; otherwise no certain doctrine could be given, since the standards of measures are manifold and vary almost everywhere through the districts of the city, according as the soil of each region is subject to the power of this or that lord. For dry measures I wish the wheat measures to be understood, since they are smaller than those by which oats are measured. Using this method, I think I have discovered, and not rashly, I hope, that the amphora is the eighth part of that vessel which we call a modius of wine. A Parisian modius of wine holds thirty-six of our sextarii. Now a sextarius contains eight of those measures which we call pints. In dry goods, however, in place of the amphora we have a quarter of a sextarius, that is, three boselli, for which we have a three-modius vessel half-full, a medimnus. Thus it becomes credible what Tranquillus says, that one man drank in a single banquet

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 553 homine uini amphorâ. Ex hoc æstimare licet tres modios annulorum Carthaginem missorum ab Hannibale post Cannesem cladem, uel unum modium secundum alios an= nales. Ecce autem rursus de integro controuersia ab eode[m] autore, quicun toto penè hoc opere certandu[m] nobis fuit, & disceptatrice tamen plerunque exemplarium uetustate secundu[m] nos (ut spero) iudicatu[m] est, id quod hic sperare no[n] datur. Quippè in omnibus exeplaribus ita legitur apud Pliniu[m] unu[m] nobis ipsum uitiligatore (ut eius ipsius uerbo utar) in hoc opere oppositu[m]. Sic igitur apud Pliniu[m] libro X X I. legitur: Drachma Attica (serè enim Attica obser= uatione medici utuntur) denarij argentei habet pondus, eademque sex obolos pondere efficit, obolus decem cal= chos. Cyathus pèdet per se drachmas decem. Cum acetæ= buli mensura dicitur, significat hemunæ quartam partem, id est drachmas quindecim. Mna, quam nostri minam uo= cant, pendet drachmas Atticas centum. Huius loci auto= ritate cæmen illud emanasse puto apud Priscianum de Cyatho, Bis quinq[ue]; hunc faciunt drachmæ, si appendere tentes: Oxybaphus fiet, si quinq[ue]; addantur ad illas. Primum igitur ad hoc respondere possum, non magis hoc dictum contra me pugnare, quàm contra Plinium ipsum, si ei litem retorquere tabulis (ut dicitur) ab eo obsignatis uelimus. Si enim denarius Atticæ drachmæ pondus habet, quonâ modo iustum fuit ex libris argenti octogenos qua= ternos signari, id quod ipse lib. X X X I I I. dixit? Id etia[m] contrarium est ei dicto quod apud Priscianu[m] legitur, tres denarios Romanos, quatuor drachmarum instar esse. Præ terea quonam modo conuenit id quod lib. X I I. de thure loquens inquit, inueniri guttas thuris quæ tertiam par= M 5 tem

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. OF HIS BOOK V. 553 from a man’s wine amphora. From this it may be estimated that three modii of rings were sent to Carthage by Hannibal after the disaster at Cannae, or one modius according to others’ an- nals. But behold, once again a dispute from the same author, with whom in almost this whole work I have had to contend, and yet, for the most part, by the antiquity of the manuscripts acting as arbiter, the matter has been judged in our favor (as I hope); but that hope is not granted here. For in all the manuscripts it is thus read in Pliny himself, whom we take as our constant critic (to use his own word) set against us in this work. Thus therefore in Pliny, book XXI, it is read: The Attic drachma (for physicians use the Attic standard) has the weight of a silver denarius, and the same makes six obols by weight; an obol is ten cal- chi. A cyathus by itself weighs ten drachmas. When it is said to be the measure of an acetabulum, it signifies the fourth part of a hemina, that is, fifteen drachmas. The mna, which our people call a mina, weighs one hundred Attic drachmas. From the authority of this passage I think that that little verse came forth in Priscian, concerning the cyathus, Twice five drachmas make this, if you try to weigh it; An oxybaphus will result, if five be added to them. First, then, I can reply to this that this statement no more fights against me than against Pliny himself, if we wish, as the saying goes, to turn the suit back on him from the records sealed by him. For if a denarius has the weight of an Attic drachma, by what right was it to mark from a hundred and eighty-four pounds of silver the eighty-fourth part, as he himself said in book XXXIII? This is also contrary to the statement read in Priscian, that three Roman denarii are equal to four drachmas. Moreover, how does what he says in book XII, speaking of incense, agree, namely, that drops of incense are to be found which are a third par- M 5 tem

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tem minæ, id est undequadraginta denariorum pondus æquent: uel ut in antiquis, duodetriginta, & in quibusdam undetriginta? Quid quòd libro X I I I I. de Nectarite loqués, quadraginta denariorum pondus pro quinq[ue] uncijs posuit? ut ex Discoride ad uerbum probabimus. Hæc ut uniuersa colliduntur, sic singillatim alterum alteri adstipulatur. Vt enim illud duodecimi cum dicto tricesimiterij co[m]uenit (siquidem ter duodetriginta, octogintaquatuor fiunt) sic cum uicesimiprimi loco pugnat, ubi denarius & drachma æquantur. Rursus quòd quadraginta denariorum pondus pro quinq[ue] uncijs ponitur, hoc argume[n]tum est quòd Plinius in libra sex & nonaginta denarios esse uoluit, & totidem drachmis æquauit. Quid igitur hic faciam? hærem? suscepto id operi omnino non congruit. Opus enim perfectum rectè præbiturum me approbaturumq[ue] spopondi, uel eorum arbitratu quos iudices elegi. hanc legem locâdo opere memini dictam esse. Periclitere? Vereor ne audaciæ id plenum sit: sed quandò flectere no[n] datur, potius adeundum periculum esse censeo, quàm tot dierum dispèdio coeptum iter abrumpèdum. Tanto igitur piaculo me obstringam, ut Plinij autoritatem uel argume[n]tis ualidissimis superiorem esse aut negem aut dubitem? Quidni id faciam? cum multis in rebus no[n] modò cum iuratissimis autoribus uetustatis pugnatem cum osi[n]derim, sed etiam ipsum secum: quod plerisq[ue] in locis emendatoru[m] culpa co[n]tigit, ex quo fit ut lectio Plinij obseruatissimum quenq[ue] lectorem maximiè nunc torqueat. Qua in re adnotanda Hermolaus Barbarus, cuius nunquam sine laudis præsatione meminisse debeo, paulo religiosior fuisse mihi uidetur, præsertim assumpto castigatoris titulo seuerissimo, debuit certè altera præsertim c[er]esura denuo stylo exa- cuto

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASSE AND the weight of a denarius, that is, the measure of forty-nine denarii, should equal it; or as in the ancient texts, thirty-two, and in some thirty-nine? What of the fact that, in book XIII, when speaking of Nectarite, he set down the weight of forty denarii as five ounces? We shall prove this from Dioscorides word for word. As all these things clash together, so each individually supports the other. For that statement of the twelfth book agrees with the passage on the thirtieth, since three times thirty-two makes eighty-four; and likewise it conflicts with the place in the twenty-first, where the denarius and the drachma are made equal. Again, the fact that the weight of forty denarii is given as five ounces is proof that Pliny wanted there to be ninety-six denarii to the pound, and made the same number equal to drachmas. What then shall I do here? Hesitate? It would be entirely out of keeping with the work I have undertaken. For I promised that the work, once completed, would be rightly presented by me and approved, either by my own judgment or by that of those whom I chose as judges. I remember that this law was stated in letting out the work. Shall I risk it? I fear that would be full of boldness; but since it is not granted to turn back, I judge that it is better to face the danger than, after so many days’ labor, to break off the begun journey. Therefore I shall bind myself to this obligation: shall I deny, or even doubt, that the authority of Pliny is superior even to the strongest arguments? Why should I not do so? since in many matters I have found not only that he conflicts with the most sworn authorities of antiquity, but also with himself: a thing that has happened in many places through the fault of the editors, with the result that the reading of Pliny now vexes every most careful reader. In this matter Hermolaus Barbarus, whom I must never mention without prefacing praise, seems to me to have been somewhat too scrupulous, especially since he assumed the very severe title of corrector; certainly he ought, especially with a second emendation, to have taken up the pen again with a sharpened style.

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cuto uel ad uiuum expungere, ne rebellarent, tot ulcera, quorum multa sanasse se non immeritò gloriatus est. Ego ut ingenio pusillo, tantu[m] nome sustinere nequeam, ut sub= castigatorem Plinij profiteri me nisi uerecundè audeam: sic ea quæ occurrunt uitia, et commentantem morantur, si sanare ingenij ui no[n] possim, commonefaciendis studio= sis ueluti scalpro circunscribam, ne latius error serpat. At qui sic existimo, præuæricationis notâ effugere eum me= dicu[m] non posse, quicquæ restituere sanitati nequit, uelut no[n] animaduersa, silentio transmutit. Quanquam uir ille ma= gnus, ac non modò stylo graui doctrinamq[ue] eximiam re= dolenti commendabilis, sed etiam sentetijs seuerus, in qui= bus mores probi elucescere uidentur (quæ duo pariter in paucis æqualibus memoriæ eius agnosco) in altera editio= ne ita gloriatur, quasi monstra quædam errorum uelut la titantia mancipia reprehenderit, quæ in prioris editionis tumultu oculos eius effugerant, à quibus ipse poenas sum pserit flagitij prioris et fugæ, ut ipsius uerbis utar. In quo mihi profectò longè falsus fuisse acer homo uisus est. neque enim aliter eum dixisse atq[ue] existimasse puto. Quip= pe ut plurima errata emendauerit, plura tamen eum fugis= se aut certe flagitiosiora non dubito, quæ ut acriorem sa= gacioremq[ue] fugitiuarium no[n] maneant (quandoquidem un= decunq[ue] doctissimus fuisse ut ætate illa uidetur) certè ocio= siorem poscunt, huicq[ue] uni rei aliquandiu feriatum. Her= molao autem uenia forcasse dada est, qui Aristoteli et The= mistio uertendus intentus, tumultuarias nimiru[m] castigatio nes Plinij uelut animi causa aggressus est. At ego secundi meriti id esse existimo, errorem uel librariorum, uel emen datorum, uel autoris denique ipsius, si res ita strat, lecto= res admonere, etiam si meliora inuenire nequeas. Existet enim

Transcription: Translated (English)

to cut, or to prick to the quick, lest they rebel: so many wounds, many of which he not undeservedly boasted that he had healed. I, being of too weak an intellect to sustain so great a name, can no more dare, save with modesty, to profess myself a corrector of Pliny: thus I shall mark with a kind of scalpel those faults that come to hand and detain the commentator, so that, if I cannot heal them by the force of genius, I may at least, by pointing them out to students, prevent error from spreading farther. Yet if I think thus, I cannot escape the charge of prevarication against a physician who, whatever he cannot restore to health, passes over in silence as though it had not been noticed. And yet that great man, commendable not only for his grave style and the exquisite learning which breathes through it, but also for his severe judgments, in which probity of character seems to shine forth (two qualities which together I recognize in few of his contemporaries remembered by me), in the second edition boasts so much as if he had detected certain monsters of error lurking, as it were, in hiding, which had escaped his eyes amid the confusion of the first edition, and from which he himself had taken punishment for the earlier fault and flight, to use his own words. In this matter he seemed to me certainly to have been far mistaken, harsh man though he was. For I do not think that he said or believed anything else. Indeed, although he corrected very many errors, I do not doubt that many more escaped him, or at least more egregious ones, which, so that they may not remain with a sharper and more sagacious runaway-catcher (since he was, in any case, a most learned man, as his age seems to show), certainly require a more leisurely hand, and someone who can devote himself for some time to this one task alone. Perhaps, however, pardon was granted to Hermolaus, who, being intent upon translating Aristotle and Themistius, undertook the piecemeal corrections of Pliny, as it were, for diversion of mind. But I consider it of a second order of merit to point out an error, whether of scribes, or of editors, or of the author himself at last, if the matter stands thus, even if you cannot discover better readings. For there will exist

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tem minæ, id est undequadraginta denariorum pondus æquent: uel ut in antiquis, duodetriginta, & in quibusdam undetrigintæ. Quid quòd libro x i i i i. de Nectarite loqués, quadraginta denariorum pondus pro quinq[ue] uncijs posuit? ut ex Discoride ad uerbum probabimus. Hæc ut uniuersa colliduntur, sic singillatim alterum alteri adstipulatur. Vt enim illud duodecimi cum dicto tricesimiter tertij co[m]uenit (siquidem ter duodetriginta, octogintaquatuor fiunt) sic cum uicesimiprimi loco pugnat, ubi denarius & drachma æquantur. Rursus quòd quadraginta denariorum pondus pro quinq[ue] uncijs ponitur, hoc argumé tum est quòd Plinius in libra sex & nonaginta denarios esse uoluit, & totidem drachmis æquauit. Quid igitur hic faciam? hæream? suscepto id operi omnino non congruit. Opus enim perfectum rectè præbiturum me approbaturumq[ue] spopondi, uel eorum arbitratu quos iudices elegi. hanc legem locâdo opere memini dictam esse. Periclitere? Vereor ne audaciæ id plenum sit: sed quandò flectere no[n] datur, potius adeundum periculum esse censeo, quàm tot dierum dispedio coeptum iter abrumpedum. Tanto igitur piaculo me obstringam, ut Plinij autoritatem uel argumé tis ualidissimis superiorem esse aut negem aut dubitem? Quidni id faciam? cum multis in rebus no[n] modò cum iuratissimis autoribus uetustatis pugnâtem cum osi[n]ederim, < Plinius unde secum nonunquam pugnet.> sed etiam ipsum secum: quod plerisq[ue] in locis emendatoru[m] culpa co[n]tigit, ex quo fit ut lectio Plinij obseruatissimum quenq[ue] lectorem maximè nûc torqueat. Qua in re adnotanda <Hermolaus Barbarus.> Hermolaus Barbarus, cuius nunquam sine laudis præfatione meminisse debeo, paulo religiosior fuisse mihi uidetur, præsertim assumpto castigatoris titulo seuerissimo, debuit certè altera præsertim c[er]esura denuo stylo exa= cuto

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET a weight of forty-six denarii, that is, to equal forty-nine denarii, or in ancient texts, thirty-two, and in some thirty-nine. What of the fact that in book xiiii, when speaking of Nectaritis, he set a weight of forty denarii for five ounces? as we shall prove word for word from Dioscorides. These things, as they all clash together, so in detail one supports another. For as that statement in the twelfth book agrees with the said one in the thirty-third (if indeed three times thirty-two make eighty-four), so it conflicts with the passage in the twenty-first, where the denarius and the drachma are made equal. Again, that a weight of forty denarii is set for five ounces, this is a sign that Pliny wished there to be sixty-nine denarii in a libra, and equated them with the same number of drachmas. What then shall I do here? hesitate? It is by no means fitting for the task I have undertaken. For I promised that the work would be completed correctly and that I would approve it, or according to the judgment of those whom I chose as judges. I remember this law being laid down when the work was let out. Shall I take the risk? I fear that would be full of boldness: but since it is not given me to bend, I think it better to go to the danger than, after so many days’ delay, to break off the journey begun. Therefore I shall bind myself by so great a guilt that I should deny or even doubt that Pliny’s authority is superior even to the strongest arguments? What reason is there for me not to do so? since in many matters I have fought not only with the most sworn authorities of antiquity, < Pliny sometimes fights with himself.> but even with Pliny himself: which has happened in many places through the fault of editors, from which it follows that the text of Pliny now greatly torments every especially attentive reader. In this matter it should be noted that <Hermolaus Barbarus.> Hermolaus Barbarus, whom I ought never to mention without a prefatory tribute of praise, seems to me to have been somewhat too scrupulous, especially when, taking upon himself the title of a most severe corrector, he ought certainly, especially in the other caesura, to have brought the pen again to an edge sharpened by steel

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cuto uel ad uiuum expungere, ne rebellarent, tot ulcera, quorum multa sanasse se non immeritò gloriatus est. Ego ut ingenio pusillo, tantu nome sustinere nequeam, ut sub= castigatorem Plinij profiteri me nisi uerecundè audeam: sic ea quæ occurrunt uitia, et commentantem morantur, si sanare ingenij ui no possim, commonefaciendis studio= sis ueluti scalpro circunscribam, ne latius error serpat. Atqui sic existimo, præuaricationis notâ effugere eu me= dicu non posse, quicquæ restituere sanitati nequit, uelut no animaduersa, silentio transmutit. Quanquam uir ille ma= gnus, ac non modò stylo graui doctrinamq; eximiam re= dolenti commendabilis, sed etiam sentetijs seuerus, in qui= bus mores probi elucescere uidentur (quæ duo pariter in paucis æqualibus memoriæ eius agnosco) in altera editio= ne ita gloriatur, quasi monstra quædam errorum uelut la titantia mancipia reprehenderit, quæ in prioris editionis tumultu oculos eius effugerant, à quibus ipse poenas sum pserit flagitij prioris et fugæ, ut ipsius uerbis utar. In quo mihi profectò longè falsus fuisse acer homo uisus est. neque enim aliter eu dixisse atq; existimasse puto. Quip= pe ut plurima errata emendauerit, plura tamen eum fugis= se aut certe flagitiosiora non dubito, quæ ut acriorem sa= gacioremq; fugitiuarium no maneant (quandoquidem un= decunq; doctissimus fuisse ut ætate illa uidetur) certè ocio= siorem poscunt, huicq; uni rei aliquandiu seriatum. Her= molao aute uenia fortasse dada est, qui Aristoteli et The= mistio uertendus intentus, tumultuarias nimiru castigatio nes Plinij uelut animi causa aggressus est. At ego secundi meriti id esse existimo, errorem uel librariorum, uel emen datorum, uel autoris denique ipsius, si res ita ferat, lecto= res admonere, etiam si meliora inuenire nequeas. Existet enim

Transcription: Translated (English)

to cut off even to the living flesh, lest they rebel, so many wounds, of which he not undeservedly boasted that he had healed many. I, being of a puny wit, cannot bear so great a name, that I should dare to profess myself a censor of Pliny except modestly; thus the faults that come to hand, and delay the work while I am commenting, if I cannot heal them by the force of my talent, I shall, as it were with a scalpel, mark out for the benefit of students, lest error spread further. Yet I think that I cannot escape the charge of unfairness, if I pass over in silence whatever cannot be restored to soundness, as though it had not been noticed. Although that great man, commendable not only for a style grave and redolent of extraordinary learning, but also severe in his judgments, in which good morals seem to shine forth—for these two qualities together I recognize in few of his contemporaries—boasts in the second edition as if he had detected certain monsters of error, lurking like hidden slaves, which had escaped his eyes amid the confusion of the first edition, and from which he himself had taken punishment for the fault of the first and for flight, to use his own words. In this matter, indeed, he seemed to me, harsh man though he was, to have been greatly mistaken. For I do not think that he spoke or believed otherwise. For although he may have corrected the greatest number of errors, I do not doubt that many more escaped him, or at least more disgraceful ones, which, so that they may not remain for a keener and more discerning fugitive-hunter—for he was evidently extremely learned in every respect for that age—certainly call for someone more leisurely, and one who can devote some time to this single task. Hermes I think may perhaps have been forgiven, who, being intent on translating Aristotle and Themistius, tackled Pliny’s more haphazard corrections, as it were for amusement of the mind. But I think it is a lesser merit to warn readers about an error, whether of copyists, or of correctors, or finally of the author himself, if the matter should so require, even if you cannot find anything better. For there will exist

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET enim olim, imo propediem, qui ulteriora inuestiget. Quòd si semper in autorum quantumuis receptæ autoritatis uer ba adacti, ne unguem quidem latum ab eorum dictis re= cesserimus, nihil habebit utique posteritas quod inuentis maiorum suorum addat. At qui maiores nostri si post cen tum annos ignaua etiam ipsi antiquitatis ueneratione du cti, nihil nouarum rerum aggredi ausi fuissent, literarum nunc illustratione bona ex parte desideraremus. In queis < Inquirendum etiam in antiquoru[m] scripta. > ego Laurentium Vallensem Herculis Alexicaci nomine dignum censeo, qui nullius unquam hominis offensione, aut scriptoris autoritate deterritus est quo minus ueritate[m] à monstris uindicare niteretur. E quidem etsi leonino me tergore clauaq[ue] munitum esse cum eius notæ cõmentatori bus non sentio, ut cuiusuis ærumnæ Herculem futurum me profiteri confidam, in umbraculis mecum ipse domesti cis, non in campo sub magistris antiquitatis exercitatus: nunc tamen semuermem saltem fiduciam ad ueritatem tuæ= dam asserre nubi uideor, ita que omnes esse animatos, præ sertim Francos cupio, quandoquidem externi quoq[ue] iam cum antiquis literarum gloria certant. Hic igitur ut com= minisci multa possim, sic nihil potius facturus sim fortasse, quàm ut dicam Plinium quæ de ponderibus hic consti= tuere uoluit in sequentibus libris de medicinis dicturus, ea ex commētarijs medicorum transcripsisse, qui Græcè ipsi bona ex parte scripserant. Id quod idem ipse Plinius con testari uidetur cum inquit, Et quoniam in mensuris quo= que ac ponderibus crebrò Græcis nonunibus utēdum, in= terpretationem eorum semel hoc in loco ponemus. Non eadem autem pondera medicinalia & negociatoria fuisse ex eo conijcio, quòd hodie pharmacopolæ alia drachma in componêdis pharmacis utuntur, & alia in rebus quas uëditantes < Laurētij Vall. laus. >

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET for even long ago, indeed very soon, whoever will investigate further matters. For if, always driven by the words of authors of however acknowledged authority, we have not departed even a finger’s breadth from their sayings, posterity will certainly have nothing to add to the discoveries of our ancestors. But if our ancestors, after a hundred years, likewise guided by a sluggish reverence for antiquity, had not dared to undertake anything new, we should now, in large part, still be lacking the light of letters. Among these < Inquiring also into the writings of the ancients. > I consider Laurentius Valla worthy of the name of Hercules Alexicacus, who was never deterred by offense from any man, or by the authority of a writer, from striving to vindicate the truth from monsters. And indeed, although I do not feel myself equipped with a lion’s skin and club like the commentators of his kind, so that I can confidently profess myself a Hercules for any hardship, trained as I am with my own domestic exercises, in my little private corners, not in the field under the masters of antiquity: yet now I seem to myself to have at least some half-armed confidence for defending the truth, and so I desire all to be spirited, especially the French, since outsiders too are now contending with the ancients for the glory of letters. Here, then, though I might be able to invent many things, perhaps I shall do nothing preferable to saying that Pliny, in the things he wished to establish here about weights, in the following books where he is going to speak of medicines, transcribed them from the commentaries of physicians, who had themselves written largely in Greek. This same thing Pliny himself seems to attest when he says, “And since in measures too and weights we must often use Greek terms, we shall once for all set their explanation down here in this place.” I infer, however, that the medicinal and commercial weights were not the same, because today apothecaries use one drachma in compounding medicines, and another in the things which they sell. < Praise of Laurentius Valla. >

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 557 uenditantes appendunt. Medicinales drachmas nouem in uncia esse dicunt: quæ ratione in singulas libras no= stras sedecim drachmarum pondus decedit. Quin & Cel= < Celsi locus.> sus libro v. de simplicium facultatum mixtura loquens, sed & antea, inquit, sciri uolo in uncia pondus septem denariorum esse: unius deinde denarij pondus diuidi à me in sex partes, id est sex uncias, ut idem in uncia denarij ha beam, quod Græci habent in eo quem obolum appellant. Id ad nostra pondera relatum, paulo plus dimidio scrupulo facit. His uerbis Celsi medicinæ autoris, duodecim drachmæ ex libra Romana decedunt, quod ratam propor tionem habet ad decessionem libræ nostræ, qua nostri me= dicamentarij in temperandis medicamentis utuntur. Vt enim libra nostra sesquitertia est ad antiquam libram re= lata, sic sedecim tertia parte duodecim superant. Verùm id immutauit Celsus, quòd denarium in sex suas unciolas diuidere maluit, quàm in sex obolos, seu in sex semiscru= pulos, hoc ideo fortasse, quòd obolum Græcum grauio= rem esse paulo semiscrupulo Romano scribit. quod nisi de medicinali semiscrupulo intelligas, pugnabit cum Pli= niano dicto. Huic rursus opinioni refragatur quod Pli= < Sextarius Ro= manus.> nius cētum drachmas Atticas in mina ponit, quod iustum est pondus minæ. Quare nihil ulterius causari nunc in animum induxi, ut quisque pro captu secum ipse hoc fa= < Pondus fester- tij.> ciat. Satis autem habui hoc dicere, experimento me co= gnouisse, sextarium Romanum dipondiu[m] pèdere, id quod rursus mihi credi nolo nisi argum[m]etis optimis probauero. Iamprimum ipse Plinius lib. XVIII. de tritico loquês, sic inquit, Tritici genera plura, quæ fecere gêtes. Italico nul lum equidem comparauerim candore ac pondere, quo ma ximè decernitur. Et paulum infrà, Nunc ex ijs generi= < bus>

Transcription: Translated (English)

those who sell by weight. They say that medicinal drachms are nine to the ounce: by which ratio there comes to each of our pounds a weight of sixteen drachms. And Celsus too, in book V, speaking of the mixture of simple remedies, says, and also before that: “I wish it to be known that in an ounce there are seven denarii by weight: then I divide the weight of one denarius into six parts, that is, six unciae, so that I may have in one uncia of denarius the same that the Greeks have in that which they call an obolus.” Referred to our weights, this makes a little more than half a scruple. By these words of Celsus, author on medicine, twelve drachms fall short of the Roman pound, which has a proportional relation to the diminution of our pound, which our apothecaries use in compounding medicines. For as our pound is sesquitertian, compared with the ancient pound, so sixteen exceed twelve by one third. But Celsus altered this, because he preferred to divide the denarius into his six little unciae rather than into six obols, or into six half-scruples, perhaps for this reason, because he writes that the Greek obolus is a little heavier than the Roman half-scruple, which, unless you understand it of the medicinal half-scruple, will conflict with Pliny’s statement. To this opinion in turn is opposed the fact that Pliny places a hundred Attic drachms in a mina, which is the proper weight of a mina. Therefore I have now determined not to seek any further pretext, but that each person should do this for himself according to his own understanding. I have thought it enough to say this, having learned from experience that the Roman sextarius weighs two pounds, something which again I do not wish to have believed unless I prove it with the best arguments. First, Pliny himself, in book XVIII, speaking of wheat, says thus: “There are many kinds of wheat, which the nations have produced. I would certainly compare none with the Italian in whiteness and weight, by which it is especially judged.” And a little below: “Now from these kinds...”

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bus quæ Romam inuehuntur, leuissimum est Gallicum, atque è Cherroneso aduectum. quippe non excedunt in modium uicenas libras, si quis granum ipsum ponderet. adijcit Sardium sex libras, Alexandrinum & trientes. hoc & Siculi pondus, Bæoticu[m] totam libra[m] addit, Aphricum & dodrantes. His uerbis Plinius docet quod deterrimum sit triticu[m], id pendere in modios uicenas libras: quod autem longè optimum, ut Aphricum, septem & uiginti li bras & dodrantem. < Podus tritici.> Hoc cum ego probare uellem, tritici sex semisextariolos nostros, id est sesquipintam pro captu bilancis admensus, in altera lance depleui, & ponderibus identidem examinatis ad parem tandem libram perueni. Hoc cum in lectissimo tritico fecissem, pondera[m]q[ue] adnotassem, ad aliud triticum transij. Erat enim mihi puluini duo Franciani tritici suleatim (ut assolet) in horreo dispositi, ut eodem ex agro, sic non eadem segete. cum igitur ex eo simuliter eandem mensuram pensitarè, hoc discriminis adnotaui, ut quod in eis puluinis eximu[m] esset, & exactè excussum uentilatumq[ue], eius mensura iam dicta leuiter agitata, & radiolo stricta, dipondium nostrum & quadrantem penderet, lance etiam pessum eunte. quod autem negligentius uentilatum, & nonnulla ex parte lolio & melanthio mixtum, aut alia seminum inanitate, id duas libras & quadrante[m] siciliquo nunus in æquilibrio teneret. Hæc mensura, id est sex semisextarioli (quos sextarios duos Romanos iudicatu[m] iri, omnibus fortunis meis cauere no[n] dubitarim) si quis diligenter animaduertere uelit, & ueritatem modulis ac ponderibus explorare, seni inquam semisextarioli octauam partem modij efficiunt, quoru[m] pondus triti ceum si octonario multiplicetur, sient in summa duo de uiginti libræ nostræ, lectissimi quidem tritici: deterioris au- tem,

Transcription: Translated (English)

the wheat that is brought into Rome, the lightest is Gallic, and that brought from the Chersonese. For even when the grain itself is weighed, they do not exceed twenty pounds to the modius. He adds Sardian, six pounds, and Alexandrian, and also three-quarters. The Sicilian also has this weight; the Boeotian adds a whole pound; the African, three-quarters. By these words Pliny teaches that the worst kind of wheat is that which weighs twenty pounds to the modius; whereas the very best, such as the African, weighs twenty-seven pounds and three-quarters. <Weight of wheat.> When I wished to test this, I measured out six and a half of our semisextarii of wheat, that is, a sesquipinta according to the capacity of my two-pan balance, and poured it into the other pan; and, repeatedly checking the weights, I finally came to a level pound. When I had done this with the very finest wheat, and had noted the weights, I moved on to another wheat. For I had two heaps of Francian wheat laid out in rows, as is customary, in the granary, from the same field, though not from the same crop. When therefore I weighed out the same measure from it in the same way, I noted this difference: that what was finest in those heaps, thoroughly threshed and winnowed, when this measure, just mentioned, was lightly shaken and pressed down with a rod, weighed our two pounds and a quarter, with the scale-pan even sinking down. But what had been winnowed more carelessly, and in part mixed with darnel and black mustard seed, or with other empty seeds, held in balance only two pounds and a quarter less one sicilicus. This measure, that is six and a half semisextarii (which I would not hesitate, for all my fortunes, to ensure should be judged to be two Roman sextarii), if anyone wishes carefully to observe it and to test the truth by measures and weights, six semisextarii, I say, make one-eighth of a modius, whose weight, if the triticeous grain be multiplied by eight, comes out in all to twenty-two of our pounds, of the very finest wheat; but of inferior wheat,

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tem, id est quisquilijs seminum mixti, duabus uncijs minus, id est siciliqus octo. Porro cu[m] libra nostra (ut sæpe dixi) zygostatica, quæ merces appensiles negociatores adme= tiuntur, quadrante maior sit libra Romana, fit ut duode= uiginti libræ nostræ, quatuor & uiginti Romanas libras æquent. Ita fit ut triticum nostrum in agro qui Franciæ dicitur natum, duabus libris Siculo leuius sit: cuius tamen supremam notam existimo semissem aut quadratem uigin tiquatuor libris addere posse. Hoc genus experime[n]ti cum cuiuis obuium sit & expositum, no[n] est cur alia Plinij au toritate uel uera uel mendosa impugnare ueritate[m] quispiâ[m] citra pertinaciæ reprehæsionem possit. Hic si quis selibras legat, ut quædam habent exemplaria antiqua, ut sit, adij= cit Sardium selibras: hoc etiam amplius id quod agimus confirmabit: cum Plinius dicat grauissimum frumentum libras unam & uiginti & dodrantem pendere, & nos ex perimento didicerimus, quod optimu[m] apud nos sit frume[m] tum, id in modios Romanos quaternas & uicenas libras pendere. Quare nisi Plinius in pondere deceptus est, aut nisi negligentius rem explorauit, uel nostru[m] triticum etia[m] Africæ præstantius est, uel libra Romana maior aliquanto fuit quàm nos eam esse statuerimus. tamen periculum nul= lum est (ut arbitror) ne minorem fecerimus libram, cum mensuras auxisse uideamur, quæ pondere deprehendun= tur. In hanc enim tantùm partem errare potuimus, ut po= te cum Plinius sextarium centum & uiginti drachmarum faciat, quem nos bilibrè fuisse contendimus, id est drachma rum centum & non agintaduarum. qua ratione hemina libralis fuit, quam Plinius sexaginta drachmarum fuisse di cit, id est tertia parte minorem, atque eo amplius. Car= mina autem quæ apud Priscianum legutur, sextarium ui= ginti

Transcription: Translated (English)

in it, that is, mixed with chaff of grain, by two ounces less, that is, eight sicilics. Moreover, since our libra, as I have often said, the zygostatica, by which merchants weigh merchandise bought in bulk, is a quarter larger than the Roman libra, it follows that twelve of our pounds equal twenty-four Roman pounds. So it turns out that our wheat, grown in the field called France, is two pounds lighter than the Sicilian; yet I judge that its highest rating could be increased by half or by a quarter to twenty-four pounds. Since this kind of experiment is common to anyone and open to inspection, there is no reason why anyone, without being charged with stubbornness, should be able to attack the truth of another statement of Pliny, whether true or false, by means of the truth. Here, if anyone should read selibras, as some ancient manuscripts have it, so that it may be, he adds Sardian selibras: this also will further confirm what we are discussing; for Pliny says that the heaviest grain weighs one pound and twenty-one and three quarters, and we from experience have learned that the best grain among us weighs twenty-four Roman modii to the four pounds. Wherefore, unless Pliny was mistaken in the weight, or unless he examined the matter too carelessly, either our wheat is even superior to Africa’s, or else the Roman libra was somewhat larger than we have judged it to be. Yet there is no danger, as I think, that we have made the libra smaller, since we seem to have increased the measures which are determined by weight. For in this one direction only could we have erred, namely that whereas Pliny makes the sextarius of one hundred and twenty drachmas, which we maintain was a bilibre, that is, of one hundred and ninety-two drachmas. By that reckoning the hemina was of a pound, which Pliny says was of sixty drachmas, that is, smaller by a third part, and even more. But the verses which are found in Priscian read: sextarius twenty

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ginti unciaru[m] esse statuunt: quo sit ut uoster, id est is qui à nobis positus est, superquintus sit eius, id est quinta parte superans. De hoc quid statuam, non habeo, nisi Plinium omnino puto selibras, id est dimidiatas libras scripsisse, sed non satis pondus compertum habuisse. Quod rursus ne credas, facit id quod ipse alibi dicit eodem libro, Siligineæ farinæ modius Gallicæ x x i i. libras, Italicæ duabus tribus'ue amplius. < Plin. locus.> Hæc uerba significant Plinium diligen ter hæc inquisiuisse. & præterea duas & tres libras addit Italicæ siligini, non tantum selibras. Itaq[ue] si uerum est Plinium hæc exactè inquisiuisse, & liber eo in loco non corruptus est, necessariò dicemus triticum non Gallicum tantum, sed & Francicum, pòderosius esse illis quæ à Plinio enumerata sunt. Fortasse etiam Plinius libras illas uice nas, centenarias libras intellexit, hoc est minales, quales libras argentarias fuisse ostedimus, hoc est plenas libras. quæ existimatione paulo plus dextante ad supradictum pòdus accedit, hoc est octoginta drachmæ, & aliquid amplius. Hoc quoque si admuserimus, non ideo tolletur scrupulus, quia adhuc nostrum paulo amplius libra una superabit. Vt tamen cum ijs libris sentiam qui selibras habent, facit contextus uerborum sensim ad libram & dodratem perducentium rationem. Et præterea Plinius non sex libras sed senas dixisset, quia uicenas dixerat. quod ualidius argumentum est. In hoc obice aqua hæreat necesse est. Sed si Plinius alteri cuipia[m] uel libero uel seruo ponderis examinationem tædiosam credidit, uel calculo deceptus est, non magnopere muru[m] est, cum Cicero in Catone Laërtem stercorantem agrum apud Homeru[m] faciat, alicuius fide deceptus. Nec enim in primo lib. nec in x v i. nec in ultimo id legitur Odyssæ, in quibus tantu[m] Laërtis memunit Home= rus: Ciceronis erratu[m] in Catone.

Transcription: Translated (English)

They establish that there are fifteen ounces; from this it follows that ours, that is, the one placed by us, is a superquintus, that is, exceeding by a fifth part. What I should decide about this I do not have, except that I think Pliny in general wrote selibras, that is, half-pounds, but did not have the measure sufficiently ascertained. That you should not believe this is shown by what he himself says elsewhere in the same book: “A modius of Gallic siligineous flour weighs xxii pounds; of Italian, two-thirds more.” <Plin. passage.> These words indicate that Pliny investigated these matters diligently. And besides, he adds two and three pounds to Italian siligineous flour, not merely half-pounds. Therefore, if it is true that Pliny investigated these things exactly, and the book is not corrupted in that place, we must necessarily say that wheat, not only Gallic but also French, is heavier than those things enumerated by Pliny. Perhaps Pliny also understood those pounds as vicinal pounds, centenary pounds, that is, minae, such as we have shown silver pounds to have been, that is, full pounds, which by estimate approach the above-mentioned weight by a little more than a tenth part, that is, eighty drachmas and somewhat more. Even if we grant this too, the difficulty will not therefore be removed, because our measure will still exceed the pound by a little more than one pound. Yet in order that I may agree with those who take them as half-pounds, the context of the words, gradually leading the reckoning to a pound and a dodrans, makes this plausible. And besides, Pliny would not have said “six pounds” but “sixes,” because he had said “twenties”; which is a stronger argument. At this obstacle the water must necessarily stand still. But if Pliny entrusted the tedious weighing either to someone else, free or slave, or was deceived in calculation, there is no great wonder, since Cicero in the Cato makes Laertes dung the field in Homer, having been deceived by someone’s testimony. For neither in the first book, nor in the sixteenth, nor in the last is that read in the Odyssey, in which Homer mentions Laertes only: Cicero’s error in the Cato.

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rurs: nisi in obseruatione aliquid me latuit. Verùm ne uanitatis arguar temere à primo quoque hoc probare uolente, monitos hoc ad pondus examinaturos uelim, in expendendo tritico multum id referre, quo'nam modo mensura impleatur. Si enim non modò leuiter agitetur implendo, sed diu quatiatur, aut manu prematur antequam radio exæquetur, pondus non leui momento cresce. Interesse etiam arbitrantur, triticum recens tritum sit & uentilatum, an diu in horreo asseruatum, cuiusmodi (ut dixi) nostrum erat in puluinis sulcatis digestum. Illud enim recès ab arista, & pulchrius esse aiunt, & grauius: hoc ut tempore exuctum, sic leuius esse. certè apud nos uendibilius est ex eadem segete quod eodem mense batuitur, & in forum aduebitur, uidelicet quod plus farinæ & panificij reddat. Verùm qui hoc quod diximus, tritico expendendo fecerit, tum demum aquæ pondus exploret. futurum enim recipio, ut quæ mensura tritici duas libras nostras & quadrantem pependerit, id est sex & triginta uncias, eadem treis libras nostras, id est quatuor Romanas pòdere aquæ efficiat, ut sit inter triticeum aqveumq[ue] pondus proportio sesquitertia: quæ ratione bibilibrem fuisse sextarium anti quum necesse est: id quod Isidorius ex quopiam autore antiquo scripsit: etiam si Plinius heminâ sex aginta drachma rum esse dicit: quod perinde ualet, atque si sextariu[m] libræ unius & quadrantis esse dixisset. Hoc idem in hordeo expertus, comperi sextarium pendere quindecim uncias, & tres drachmas. qua ratione quaterni sextarij quinas libras Romanas & sescuncem efficiu[n]t, & modius uicenas libras & selibram, quod non conuenit cum dicto Plinij, qui de frumentis loqués, Leuissimum, inquit, ex his hordeu rarò excedit x v. libras. quare nostrum dissimile esse Italico N dicendum

Transcription: Translated (English)

I suspect I have overlooked something in my observation. But lest I be rashly accused of vanity by the first person who wants to test this, I would advise those who are warned to examine it by weight to note that, in weighing wheat, it makes a great difference in what way the measure is filled. For if it is not only lightly shaken while being filled, but is shaken for a long time, or pressed down by hand before it is leveled off with the rod, the weight increases by no slight amount. They also consider it significant whether the wheat is freshly ground and winnowed, or has long been stored in the granary, such as ours was, as I said, kept in furrowed bins. For the former, they say, is farther from the ear, and both finer-looking and heavier; the latter, as it has been stripped by time, is lighter. Certainly among us that is more saleable from the same crop which is threshed in the same month and brought to market, namely because it yields more flour and baking value. But whoever, as we have said, has done this with wheat to be weighed, should then examine the weight of water. For I conclude that a measure of wheat which has weighed two of our pounds and a quarter, that is, thirty-six ounces, will in the same measure yield three of our pounds in water weight, that is, four Roman pounds, so that the proportion between wheat weight and water weight is one and a half to one; and by this reckoning the sextarius must of necessity have been a bibilibris, as Isidore wrote from some ancient author, even though Pliny says that a hemina is sixty drachmas: which is as much as if he had said that a sextarius is one pound and a quarter. Having tested the same thing in barley, I found that a sextarius weighs fifteen ounces and three drachmas. By this reckoning, four sextarii make five Roman pounds and a half-ounce, and a modius twenty Roman pounds and a half-pound, which does not agree with Pliny’s statement, where, speaking of grains, he says: “The lightest of these, barley, rarely exceeds fifteen pounds.” Therefore our measure must be said to differ from the Italian one.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET dicendum est. Quanquam Columella lib. 1 1. de hordeo lo quens ita dicit, Alterum quoq[ue] genus hordei est, quod illi distichum, Galaticum nonnulli uocant, ponderis & candoris eximij, adeò ut tritico mixtum, egregia cibaria familiæ præbeat. Seritur circa Martium mensem. Distichum hordeum uocat, & Galaticum, hoc est Gallicum, quod cul mum habet binis uersibus aristatum, cuiusmodi est nostru[m]. Hoc Columella reliquo ponderosius esse dicit. Quare con turbari nos Pliniano hoc uerbo no[n] oportet, quasi ijs quæ diximus ex eodem ipso Plinio, refragante. Extat in actis Decurionum huius urbis, medimnum lectissimi tritici appensum iussu Decurionum fuisse, inuentumq[ue] esse pondus centum & sedecim librarum. quæ ratio efficit in modium undeuicenas libras nostras & trientes. Proxima nota in modios undeuicenas libras & sextantes non excessit. Sed propterea ego minus pondus inueni, quòd modium Roma num secutus sum, non Parisinum. At inter amphoram Romanam & nostrum quadrantem tantum interesse testatus sum, quantum inter mensura[m] rasam & cumulatam. Quòd autem libræ Romanæ modum deprehensum habeamus, ex ijs quæ de re nummaria diximus, satis intelligitur. Potest tamen id & alijs adminiculis probationum confirmari. Columella lib. v 1 1. de cibarijs aratorum boum loquens, Martio & Aprili debet ad foeni pondus adijci, quia terra proscinditur. sat erit autem pondo quadragena singulis dari. Quadraginta pondo Romana, nostra sunt triginta. Foeni autem fasces apud nos, si iusti sint ponderis, duode[n]nas libras pendent, & interdum ternasdenas. At huiusce-modi binos in dies cum auenæ cistellis tribus equi singuli sarcinarij aut iugales poscunt, qui quidem sint mediocri magnitudine. Hi duas et triginta libras Romanas pendet. Trecenas

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET it must be said. Although Columella, in book 11, speaking of barley, says thus: “There is also another kind of barley, which some call distichum, others Galaticum, of exceptional weight and whiteness, so that, mixed with wheat, it provides excellent food for the household. It is sown around the month of March.” He calls it distichum barley, and Galaticum, that is, Gallic, because it has a stalk bearing two rows of ears, such as our own. Columella says that this is heavier than the rest. Therefore we should not be troubled by this Plinian word, as if it were contrary to what we have said from Pliny himself. It is recorded in the acts of the Decurions of this city that a medimnus of the finest wheat was weighed by order of the Decurions, and that its weight was found to be 116 pounds. This calculation gives, for a modius, 19 of our pounds and 3 ounces. The next note did not exceed 19 pounds and 6 ounces per modius. But for that reason I found a lesser weight, because I followed the Roman modius, not the Parisian. Yet I have stated that the difference between the Roman amphora and our quart is just as great as that between a level measure and one heaped up. But that we have determined the measure of the Roman pound is sufficiently understood from what we have said about coinage. However, this can also be confirmed by other supporting proofs. Columella, in book 11, speaking of the food of ploughing oxen, says that in March and April an addition should be made to the weight of hay, because the ground is being broken up. It will be enough to give 40 pounds to each. Forty Roman pounds are 30 of ours. And bundles of hay here, if of proper weight, weigh 12 pounds, and sometimes 13. But horses of this sort, whether pack-horses or yoked animals, each require two such bundles per day, along with three baskets of oats, provided they are of medium size. These weigh 32 Roman pounds. Thirty-two

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 563 Trecenas autem libras bubus singulis sufficere Ianuario & Februario Columella affirmat: Martio autem & Aprili quum labor intenditur, quadragenas, aut quum grani est pe nuria. Ita hac parte libræ Romanæ ad nostrâ relatæ ana= logia congruit. Sextarius igitur Romanus eam mensuram < Sextarius Romanus.> capit, ut diximus, quam ternos sextariolos lingua nostra appellat. Sed absurda eadem lingua appellatione utitur cum sextarium uocat sextam ac tricesimâ partem modij no= < Semisextario-lus.> striuinarij, qui octies amphoram capit, præsertim cum se= misextarium appellemus paruulam mensuram, & omniu[m] quæ ueneant minimam, id est secundâ & tricesimam sex= tarij nostri, quam ego sextariolum uoco. Id tamen uocabu lum, id est semisextarium, in usum linguæ nostræ uernaculæ ex eo uenisse puto, quòd Græci cotulam, id est heminam, hemixestum appellant, ut autor est enarrator Aristo < Hemixestos.> phanis, & Suidas. ad quam uocem Græcâ alludere uidebi= tur hic uernaculus sermo, non ad dinidium sextarium, si= quis attentè considerarit. Verumenimuero sextarius Ro= manus in duo decim cyathos distribuitur. Ad cuius rei ple= niorem intelligentiam præfari illud habeo, quòd penè o= < Mos sympo-liacus antiquorum.> mnibus notum est, antiquos cum hilariori co[m]uiuio sese ad potus solutiores inuitabant, tot cyathos haustibus singulis ebibere solitos, quot erant literæ nominum amicaru[m]: à quo more illud epigramma Martialis emanauit in 1. libro, Næuia sex cyathis, septem Iustiua bibatur, Quinque Lycas, Lyde quattuor, Ida tribus. Omnis ab infuso numeretur amica falerno. Inde autem inuenta sunt uocabula triens, quadrans, quin= cunx, septunx, & reliqua, quæ non magis pocula quàm mensuras significant: id quod apertè ex eodem poëta libro octauo Epigrammatu[m] nobis datur intelligendum, N 2 Det

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART IB. BOOK V. 563 But Columella affirms that three Roman pounds are sufficient for each ox in January and February; but in March and April, when the labor is increased, forty pounds, or when there is a shortage of grain. Thus in this respect the Roman pound corresponds by analogy with ours. Therefore the Roman sextarius, as we have said, contains that measure < Sextarius Romanus.> which our tongue calls three sextarioli. But the same language uses an absurd appellation when it calls a sextarius the thirty-sixth part of the modius of our country, < Semisextario-lus.> which contains eight amphorae, especially since we call the semisextarius a very small measure, and the smallest of all things sold, namely the thirty-second of our sextarius, which I call a sextariolus. Yet I think that this word, that is, semisextarius, came into use in our vernacular language from the fact that the Greeks call cotyla, that is, hemina, hemixestum, as the interpreter of Aristophanes and Suidas testify. < Hemixestos.> Our vernacular speech seems to allude to that word, not to half a sextarius, if one considers carefully. But in truth the Roman sextarius is divided into twelve cyathi. For a fuller understanding of this matter, I must state beforehand that it is well < Mos sympo-liacus antiquorum.> known to almost everyone that the ancients, when they invited themselves to more cheerful drinking parties for more unrestrained draughts, were accustomed to drink at each cup as many cyathi as there were letters in the names of their mistresses; from which custom Martial’s epigram in book 1 arose: Naevia, let six cyathi be drunk; let seven be drunk for Justina, five for Lycas, four for Lyde, three for Ida. Let every amica be measured by the poured Falernian. And from this there were found the terms triens, quadrans, quin cunx, septunx, and the rest, which signify not so much cups as measures: this is plainly made clear to us from the same poet’s book eight of the Epigrams, N 2 Det

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Det numerum cyathis, Instantis littera Ruffi: Autor enim tanti muncris ille mihi. Si Telethusa uenit promissá que gaudia portat, Seruabor dominæ Ruffè triente tuo. Si dubia est, septunce trahar: si fallit amantem, Vt iugulem curas, nomen utrunque bibam. Septuncem pro haustu septem cyathorum dixit, tot enim sunt elementa in recto Instantis: & trientem pro phiala & haustu quatuor cyathorum. Et rursus in undecimo quincuncem pro quinque cyathis, & bessem pro octo, Quincunces & sex cyathos bessemq; bibamus, Caius & fiat Iulius & Proculus. Et libro duodecimo, Poto ego sextantes, tu potas Cinna deunces: Et quereris quòd non Cinna bibamus idem. Deunces, undenos cyathos intelligit, ut sextantes binos. Hinc factum est ut nomina illa poculorum apud autores celebrentur, ut libro primo diximus. Nunc autem sic colligo: cum sextarius Romanus in duodecim cyathos diuide= retur: ea uerò eius uasis quam pintam dicimus, sit mēsura, ut qui tantum uini etiam primarij quotidiano prandio bibat, uinosior dici iure non possit: qui autem dodranté eius nō excedat, id est ternos sextariolos, parcus uini fortasse, aut certè sobrius dici mereatur: non potuisse sextariu[m] Ro= manum in tot cyathos commodè diuidi, si minor is ea mensura fuisset, quam dodrantem appellaui. Cum enim trien= tem quadrantemq; poculorum uocabula apud Iuuena= lem & Persium & Celsum legimus, ego legitimam mensuram intelligo, quæ uno haustu biberetur. Reliqua nomina infra supraq; mēsuras magis quàm potoria uasa fuisse puto. Nam & apud Celsum quadrans pro modico potu ponitur

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND He counts the number of cups, the letter of Instantis for Ruffus: for he himself is the author of so great a gift to me. If Telethusa comes and brings the promised joys, I shall be preserved for my mistress, Ruffe, by your third. If she is doubtful, I shall be dragged by a septunce; if she deceives the lover, that I may cut off my cares, I shall drink both names. He said septunce for a draught of seven cups, for so many are the elements in the correct Instantis: and trient for a phial and a draught of four cups. And again in the eleventh quincunce for five cups, and besis for eight, Let us drink quincunxes and six cups and a besis, Gaius, and let there be Julius and Proculus. And in book twelve, I drink sextants, you drink, Cinna, deunces: and you complain that we do not drink the same, Cinna. By deunces he understands eleven cups, as by sextants two. Hence it came about that those names of cups are celebrated among the authors, as we said in the first book. But now I infer thus: since the Roman sextarius was divided into twelve cups, and since that vessel of ours which we call a pint is a measure, so that he who drinks so much wine, even of the best, at a daily meal, can rightly not be called more than wine-loving; but he who does not exceed its dodrant, that is, three sextarii, deserves perhaps to be called sparing of wine, or certainly sober: the Roman sextarius could not have been conveniently divided into so many cups, if it had been a smaller measure than the dodrant I have named. For since we read trient and quadrant, the names of cups, in Juvenal and Persius and Celsus, I understand a legitimate measure, which was drunk in one draught. I think the remaining names above and below the measures were more vessels for drinking than measures themselves. For also in Celsus the quadrant is set down for a small drink

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 565 ponitur, Si quarto, inquit, die cum horrore febris reuerti= tur, uomere oportet: deinde modicum cibu sumere, uiniq[ue] quadrantem. Et libro primo, Post uomitum si stomachus infirmus est, paulum cibi, sed huius idonei, gustandum: & aquæ frigidæ cyathi tres bibendi sunt. Cyathos hic dixe= < Cyathus.> rat quod quadrantem in superiore exemplo dixit. Et ali= bi, At qui tardè concoquunt, & quorum ideo præcordia inflantur, qui ue propter ardore aliquem noctu sitire con suerunt, antequam coquiescant, duos tres ue cyathos per tenuem fistulam bibant. Dioscorides de absinthio, ἡμιανο= ρεξίας ἡμι ἱκτορικὴς θοραπολει ἐφίημα ἀντή ἐκθεικάσω ἐμέραν λαμβανόμων ἐς πληθῶν πιῶν. Decoctum eius, cibi fastidia, & arquatum morbum sanat, si quotidie terni cyathi ebibantur. Ternos cyathos pro mediocri po tu dixit, qui uno haustu sumatur. Et libro tertio Celsus de curatione lentarum febrium loquens, At si diu frigus est, & torpor, & iactatio corporis, non alienu[m] est in ipsa febre dare mulsi tres aut quatuor cyathos, uel cum cibo uinum bene dilutum. Idem de insanientibus loquens, totu[m] sextarium impleuit, Opus est aute[m] cibo infirmo, maximèq[ue] sorbitione: potione aquæ mulæ: cuius ternos cyathos bis hyeme, quater æstate dedisse satis est. His uerbis in singu= los potus ternos cyathos febricitanti constitutos intelligi mus & per dies singulos sextarium. Alibi de cardiacis lo quens, Si uerendum est ne deficiat, tum & intrita ex uino, & hoc ipsum austerum quidem, sed tamen tenue, meracu[m], egelidum; subinde & liberaliter dandum est adiecta po= lenta, si modò is æger parum cibi assumit: idq[ue] uinum esse debet neque nullarum uirium, neque ingentium. rectèq[ue] tota die ac nocte uel tres heminas æger bibet: si uastius corpus est, plus etiam. Tres heminas diurnas Celsus car= diacis N 3

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 565 it is prescribed: If on the fourth day, he says, the fever returns with chills, vomiting should be induced; then a small amount of food should be taken, and a quarter of wine. And in the first book, After vomiting, if the stomach is weak, a little food, but suitable food, should be tasted; and three cyathi of cold water should be drunk. Here he called cyathi what in the previous example he called a quarter. And elsewhere, But those who digest slowly, and whose precordia are therefore swollen, and those who because of some burning thirst are accustomed to drink at night, should, before they go to sleep, drink two or three cyathi through a thin tube. Dioscorides on wormwood says that it should be taken in the amount of a plentiful drink once a day. Its decoction cures aversion to food and jaundice, if three cyathi are drunk daily. He used three cyathi as a moderate drink, taken in one draught. And in the third book, Celsus, speaking of the treatment of lingering fevers, says: But if there is prolonged chill, and numbness, and tossing of the body, it is not inappropriate in the fever itself to give three or four cyathi of mulsum, or, with food, wine well diluted. The same writer, speaking of the insane, filled a whole sextarius. There is need, however, of light food, and especially of a gruel: drink of diluted water and honey; it is enough to have given three cyathi of this twice in winter, four times in summer. By these words we understand that three cyathi are prescribed for the febrile patient at each drink, and in all per day a sextarius. Elsewhere, speaking of patients with heart disease, If there is reason to fear that he may fail, then also bread soaked in wine, and this itself indeed austere, but still thin, unmixed, and lukewarm; and then it should be given freely, with polenta added, if only the patient is taking too little food: and the wine ought to be neither of no strength nor of excessive strength. And rightly the patient may drink throughout the whole day and night even three heminae; if the body is larger, even more. Three daily heminae Celsus for patients with heart disease N 3

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diacis statuit, nisi uastioris sint corporis, & uini meraci. De quibus Plinius loquens libro x x i i i. Cardiacorum, inquit, morbo unicam spem in uino esse certum est. Dæri utique non nisi in cibo debet, nec à semno, nec præcedete alio potu, id est non nisi sitienti, nec nisi in desperatione Iuuenalis. summa. Hoc Iuuenalis significat cum inquit, Cardiaco nunquam cyathum missurus amuco. Tres heminæ sesquisextarium explent. Ex quo apparet iustam propemodum potus mensura homini cardiaco statutam esse. Nam cum homini sano iusta mensura sit sextarius in singulos epulatus, cardiaco nouenos cyathos statuit, uel senos, id est binos quadrates, si ter epulantes cardiacos intelligamus. Et de coeliacis, Obseruadum, inquit, nequis aut cibus aut humor uniuersus detur, sed paulatim. Ergo per interualla temporis sat est cyathos binos ternos ue sumere, & cibum proportione huius. Et inferius, Potui uerò aqua pluuialis decocta, sed quæ per binos ternos ue cyathos bibatur. Cyathis aute[m] antiquos potus sui mensuram metiri solitos etiam inter epulas, ex eo coijcio, quòd serui quidam ad cyathos stare uel esse dicebantur, Ad cyathum. ut serui ad limina, & ad pedes. Traquillus in Cæsare, Sed stare. C. Memmius etiam ad cyathum & uinum Nicomedi stetisse obiecit. Iuuenalis Sat yra decimatertia, Nec puer Iliacus, formosa nec Herculis uxor Ad cyathos. Hoc Græci xvætis d[icitu]r dicu[n]t, quo uerbo Plautus in Menæhusus est, N[ost]o scis quis ego sim? qui tibi sæpissime cyathisso, apud nos quando potas. Cyathi Græcè nomina. Cyathus à Græcis ob id etiam αντλητης, & αγνητης, & αγνασκος, & αγιταινα dicitur, & à quibusdam δινοχομ: quæ omnia uocabula ab hauriendo uel fundendo uino dicta sunt. Stare igitur à cyathis à Latinis dicti

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it is established for cardiac ailments, unless they are of a more robust body, and of pure wine. Of these Pliny, speaking in book xxiii. of cardiac patients, says: “In this disease the only hope is certainly in wine.” It should be given only in food, never in sleep, nor before any other drink, that is, only to one who is thirsty, and only in desperation of Juvenal. the sum. This is what Juvenal means when he says, “To the cardiac patient I shall never send a cupful, unless I am crazy.” Three heminae fill a sesquisextarium. From this it appears that a nearly proper measure of drink has been set for a cardiac patient. For whereas for a healthy man the proper measure is a sextarius at each meal, for the cardiac patient he sets nine cyathi, or six, that is, two quadrantes, if we understand cardiac patients as dining three times. And concerning celiac patients, it should be observed, he says, that neither food nor liquid should be given all at once, but gradually. Therefore, at intervals of time, it is enough to take two or three cyathi, and food in proportion to this. And below, “For drink, indeed, boiled rainwater, but such as may be drunk by two or three cyathi.” From the fact that the ancients were accustomed to measure their own drink by cyathi even at feasts, I infer this, because certain servants were said to stand by the cyathi, Ad cyathum, as servants at the thresholds and at the feet. Tranquillus in Caesar, but stand. C. Memmius also accused Caesar of having stood by the cyathus and wine of Nicomedes. Juvenal, Satires, thirteenth, Neither the Trojan boy, nor the wife of handsome Hercules by the cyathi. This the Greeks call xvætis d[icitu]r dicu[n]t, a word which Plautus uses in the Menæchmi, N[ost]o do you know who I am? I, who so very often cyathisso for you, among us when you drink. Greek names for cyathi. The cyathus is also called by the Greeks αντλητης, and αγνητης, and αγνασκος, and αγιταινα, and by some δινοχομ: all of which names are derived from drawing up or pouring out wine. Therefore those standing by the cyathi were said by the Latins to be

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. dicti sunt, quo's Græci dionoχo[n]s appellant. Apulcius pocillatores uocauit. Pincerna non ausim affirmare probu[m] esse uocabulum, etiam si Asconius in prætura urbana usus est, si uera sunt eo in loco exemplaria, Pincerna à Græco deducitur, cui conuiuæ dicunt identidem, πινεν κιγνα, pinincirna, id est misce uinum, uel tempera uinum, ut bibam. Honestum id olim munus fuisse docet Athenæus lib. x. qui apud Græcos morem fuisse tradit, ut nobilissimi iuices in conuiuijs sacris publicis id munus obiret: nec minus apud Romanos. ημι παρὰ ὑμαίοις δὲ οι οἰ χερενεσαιοι τῶν παίδων πῶν λητηριαν τῶντω ἐκτελωσιν ἐν τῶς δημοτελεῖν τῶν δυστῶν. < Cyathissat quid sit.> Est autem cyathissare, ut ex eodem Athæneo nouimus, πνάθω δινοχῶν, id est cyatho uinum bibendum admetiri. < Cyathi amicitiæ & amoris.> Quare Athenienses in conuiuijs solutioribus inuicem propinantes, cyathes amicitiæ, & cyathos amoris, & cyathum Demetrij nominatim poscebant, singulis potionibus, ut quaternos anacitiæ, & ternos amoris propinantes, & cyathu[m] præterea Demetrij uel Antigoni, qui duo extenu ab assentatione inoleuerunt, exolescente priscæ Atheniensium libertate & generositate, ut ide[m] autor prodidit libro sexto de adulatoribus loquens. < Cyathus Demetrij, Antigo ni.> Sed tremor inter uina subit, calidumq[ue] trientem Excutit è manibus. Plinius pro mēsura posuit, Syluestrium quidem prunoru[m] baccæ uel è radice cortex in uino austero si decoquantur, ita ut triens ex hemina supersit, aluum et tormina sistunt, id est ut quatuor cyathi ex sex supersint. Tranquillus in Augusto, Vini quoque natura parcissimus erat. non amplius ter bibere cum solitum super coenam in castris apud Mutinam, Cornelius Nepos tradit. Postea quoties largissimè se inuitaret, senos sextantes non excessit: aut si N 4 excess

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PARTIB. BOOK V. those were called whom the Greeks call dionochoi. Apuleius called them pocillatores. I should not dare affirm that pincerna is a good word, even if Asconius used it in the urban praetorship, if the manuscripts there are correct. Pincerna is derived from the Greek, where the diners repeatedly say, πινεν κιγνα, pinincirna, that is, “mix the wine,” or “temper the wine, so that I may drink.” Athenaeus, book X, shows that this was once an honorable office. He reports that among the Greeks it was customary for the noblest young men to perform this office in sacred public banquets: no less among the Romans. ημι παρὰ ὑμαίοις δὲ οι οἰ χερενεσαιοι τῶν παίδων πῶν λητηριαν τῶντω ἐκτελωσιν ἐν τῶς δημοτελεῖν τῶν δυστῶν. <What cyathissare is.> Now cyathissare, as we learn from the same Athenaeus, is πνάθω δινοχῶν, that is, to measure out wine to be drunk by the cyathus. <Cyathi of friendship and love.> Therefore the Athenians, in more relaxed banquets, when drinking to one another, asked for cyathi of friendship and cyathi of love, and for the cyathus of Demetrius by name, with individual drinkings, as they drank four cyathi of friendship and three of love, and in addition the cyathus of Demetrius or Antigonus, these two having grown into disuse from flattery as the old Athenian liberty and nobility declined, as the same author records in book six, speaking about flatterers. <The cyathus of Demetrius, Antigonus.> But trembling comes between the wines and snatches the warm triens from the hands. Pliny used it for a measure. Indeed, the berries of wild plums, or bark from the root, if boiled in sour wine, so that one third remains out of a hemina, stop looseness of the bowels and colic pains, that is, so that four cyathi remain out of six. In Augustus, Suetonius says, “He was also most sparing by nature with wine. He was accustomed to drink no more than three times at dinner in the camp near Mutina,” Cornelius Nepos relates. Later, whenever he invited himself more lavishly, he did not exceed six sextantes: or if N 4 excess

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET excessisset, reijciebat. Senos sextantes pro sextario dixit, sed significare uoluit, senis haustibus sextarium tantum bi Beroaldus. bere eum solitum. Philippus Beroaldus diliges enarrator, ac multæ lectionis, sextantes senos sex pocula intellexit binas uini uncias continentia: sicut & apud Martialem trientes & quincunces deuncesq[ue]. Antonius Sabellicus eo in loco, senos sextantes, inquit, ad mensuram, an ad podus referas, in dubium uenire potest. sed melius ad mensuram, ut sit sextans mensuræ genus, ut quincunx apud Martialem. Beroaldi opinio nec Pliniano dicto nec nostro conuenit, si tamen ita Plinius scriptum reliquit, ut cyathus pendeat per se drachmas decem, & hemina sexaginta. quippe Pliniana ratione sextarius centum & uiginti drachmas trahit: at Beroaldus duodecim unciarum senos sextantes esse dixit, id est sex & nonaginta drachmarum, quos planum fecimus ex Martiale duodenos cyathos significare. Quare insignis hæc fuit hallucinatio, & penè par illi de Calderinus. sestertio. Calderinus uir ingeniosus, & grauis enarrator, nouo genere hallucinatus est apud Iuuenalem Satyræ v 1. illo in loco, -De quo sextarius alter Ducitur ante cibum. Sextarius alter, inquit, id est duo sextantes, uidelicet arbitratius sextarium à sextante dictum, non à sexta congij parte, cum sextarius sexies sextantem capiat, sextans non magis duas uncias, quàm sextam cuiusque rei partem significat. Sed horum uerborum significatio à nullo, quod sciam, rectè ac planè adhuc enarrata est. Romani autem sextarium quasi legitimam ac quotidianam uirilis potus mensuram statuentes, ab eo quasi ab asse incipientes, reliqua uocabula partes eius fecerunt, quomodo & nos pintam

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET when it had exceeded it, he rejected it. He said six sextants for a sextarius, but he meant to indicate that with six draughts he used to drink only a se Beroaldus. xtarius. Philippus Beroaldus, a diligent commentator and a man of wide reading, understood six sextants as six cups containing two ounces of wine each: as also in Martial trientes and quincunces and deunces. Antonius Sabellicus in that place says, “whether you refer the six sextants to measure or to weight may be in doubt.” But it is better, he says, to refer it to measure, so that sextans may be a kind of measure, as quincunx is in Martial. Beroaldus’ opinion agrees neither with Pliny’s statement nor with ours, if indeed Pliny left it written that a cyathus should weigh ten drachmas by itself, and a hemina sixty. For according to Pliny’s reckoning a sextarius contains one hundred and twenty drachmas; but Beroaldus said that six sextants of twelve ounces amounted to ninety-six drachmas, which we have clearly shown in Martial to signify twelve cyathi. Wherefore this was a remarkable blunder, and almost equal to that of Calderinus. sestertius. Calderinus, a clever man and a serious commentator, was struck by a new kind of error in Juvenal, Satire V 1., in that place: -De quo sextarius alter Ducitur ante cibum. “The other sextarius,” he says, “that is, two sextants,” namely by arbitrarily deriving sextarius from sextans, not from the sixth part of a congium, since a sextarius contains six sextants, and a sextans means no more two ounces than the sixth part of any thing whatsoever. But the meaning of these words has not, so far as I know, yet been rightly and clearly explained by anyone. The Romans, however, setting up the sextarius as the lawful and ordinary measure of a man’s drink, beginning from it as it were from the as, made the remaining terms into its parts, just as we also do with the pint

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 569 < Potus nostri ratio.> pintam uirilem mensuram ponentes, semissem eius parcis uini destinamus, dodrantem autem continetibus, quadrantem ægrotis, sesquipintam bibacibus, in quotidiano quidem conuiuio. Augustus igitur uini parcissimus dictus est à Tranquillo, qui super coenam plerunq[ue] ita sibi temperabat, ut ternos sextantes, id est, dimidiatam aliorum mensuram biberet, & cum licentius bibere statuerat, sextarium non excederet, ac ne excedere quidem posset citra reiectionem: quippe uir infirma ualetudine, ac graues & periculosas ualetudines per omnem uitam expertus, ut autor est idem Traquillus. ob id etiam cibi minimi, adeo ut ante initium uel post dimissum conuiuium solus coenitaret, cum pleno conuiuio nihil tangeret, quò certiorem rationem cibi potusq[ue] teneret. Hoc mihi conuenire uidetur cum eo quod diximus, ut qui uini modicè sit appetens, dodrantem nostrum, id est ternos sextariolos quotidiano conuiuio bi bat: qui si etiam quadrantem huic addat, ut plenam mensuram nostram bibat, quam pintam dicimus, ne sic quidem uinosus dici debeat, & tamen hæc mensura sedecim cyathos implet. Hoc cum exactè considerarem, dodrantem iam dictum, quem sextarium Romanu[m] esse dico, in treis trientes diuisi totidem calicibus sumptis, & rursus in quatuor calices quadrantales æquis distributionibus: quo facto eum esse captum mensuræ cognoui, ut qui firmo stomacho sit, & interdicto medicorum non prohibeatur quo minus ducere possit ex ænophoro quantum sitis appetat, is haustum primo coenæ quadrantem siccare debeat, addita etiam aquæ tertia aut quarta parte, si tam[m]e sitim expectauerit. qui autem bibacior paulo fuerit, etiam trientem, de sobrijs loquor, sed de ijs sobrijs, qui iustum haustum diluendis cibis ducere soliti sunt, quales pleriq[ue] sunt nostratium N 5 homi

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PART I. BOOK V. 569 < The measure of our drinking.> Taking the pint as the male standard measure, we assign half of it to the sparing drinker, the three-quarters measure to those who drink normally, the quarter-measure to the sick, and a pint and a half to heavy drinkers, in ordinary daily dining. Augustus, therefore, was called very sparing in wine by Tranquillus, who usually at supper regulated himself so that he drank three sextantes, that is, half the measure of others; and when he had decided to drink more freely, he did not exceed a sextarius, and indeed could not even exceed it without vomiting: for he was a man of weak health, and throughout his life had experienced serious and dangerous illnesses, as the same Tranquillus says. For that reason too he ate very little, so much so that he would dine alone either before the beginning or after the close of the banquet, and at a full banquet he touched nothing, so as to keep a more exact reckoning of food and drink. This seems to me to agree with what we have said: namely, that a man who has a moderate desire for wine should drink our dodrant, that is, three small sextarii, at an ordinary banquet; and if he should add even a quarter to this, so as to drink our full measure, which we call a pint, he ought not even then to be called a wine-bibber, and yet this measure fills sixteen cyathi. When I considered this carefully, I recognized that the dodrant just mentioned, which I say is the Roman sextarius, divided into three trientes and taken in that number of cups, and again into four quarter-cups in equal portions, was indeed a measure suited to consumption. Thus, for one who has a strong stomach and is not forbidden by doctors, he may draw from the wine-jar as much as his thirst demands; if he begins his meal with a quarter-measure, he ought to quench it, adding also a third or fourth part of water, if he has waited so long for his thirst. But a somewhat more hard-drinking man may also take a trient, speaking of sober men, but of those sober men who were accustomed to take a proper draught for diluting their food, such as most of our countrymen are. N 5 homi

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET hominum, quibus quidem uini potus uitio non uertitur, id est, qui inter uinosos no[n] censentur. nullus enim modus te= mulentiæ assuetis & perpotatoribus constitui potest. nec rursus de ijs loquor, qui semper siticulosi p[er]ytissantiu[m] mo= re gustatorum linctu magis quàm potu uillum trasmittere solent. Omnino quadrante[m] stomachi firmæ constitutionis, trientem etiam sitibundi modum cum aquæ rata portio= ne esse dico, idq[ue] intra temperantiam. De uinis loquor nostratibus, id est, agri Francici. Quare ab antiquis in= dita hæc esse nomina ternis quaternis que cyathis affir= mauerim, tametsi Augustus sextantibus utebatur, cui Antonius Musa sextantarios modulos, id est, dimidio < Augustus Cæsar quætum biberit.> minores legitimis indixerat. quare quantum sobrij ho= mines bibere soliti sunt quotidiano potu, tantum Augu= stus bibebat cum largissimè sese inuitauerat. Quòd si uerum esset id quod apud Plinium legitur de hemina & acetabulo, id est, sesquicyatho, sextarius centum & ui= ginti drachmarum esset, id est, minor tertia amplius par= te, quàm noster dodrans, nec pintæ dimidium caperet. Hoc enim pondere probare unicuiq[ue] nostrum licet. quod quàm sit absurdu[m], nemo non intelligit, ut tantula mensura in duodenos cyathos diuideretur, & in solutis perpotatio nibus, & conuiuioru[m] hilaritate, cu[m] sine lege ac sine modo bibitur, quadrantes trientes q[ui]s, & (cu[m] plurimum) septun= ces pro numero elementorum nominum biberent, quantu[m] scilicet quisq[ue] bodie sobriorum uno impetu familiari coe= na bibit. septunces enim ea ratione sextariolum nostrum non excederent, qui modulus est (propè dixerim) potio= nis medicamentariæ. Antiquos autem parciore uino usos < Bicongius Cicero M. filius. Tricongius Torquatus.> esse, non eorum est dicere, qui bicongium Ciceronem M. filium, Tricongium Torquatum apud Plinium, & apud Tran

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G. BVD. ON THE ASSE AND of men, in whom, indeed, the drinking of wine is not regarded as a fault, that is, those who are not counted among heavy drinkers. For no limit can be set for those accustomed to drunkenness and for hard drinkers. Nor, again, am I speaking of those who are always thirsty and, in the manner of perytissantiu[m] tasters, are accustomed to pass their palate more by licking than by drinking. In general, I say that a quarter of a stomach is the measure for a sound constitution, and even a third part for the thirsty, together with the proper share of water, and that this is within temperance. I am speaking of our native wines, that is, of the French region. Therefore I would affirm that these names were imposed by the ancients for three or four cyathi , although Augustus used sextants, for whom Antonius Musa had prescribed sextantary measures, that is, measures smaller by half than the lawful ones. < How much Caesar Augustus drank.> Therefore, as much as sober men are accustomed to drink in their daily drinking, Augustus drank when he had most lavishly invited himself. But if what is read in Pliny about the hemina and the acetabulum , that is, the sesquicyathus , were true, then the sextarius would be 120 drachms, that is, more than a third smaller than our dodrans , and would not even contain half a pint. For by this weight each of us may test it. How absurd this is, everyone understands, since such a tiny measure would be divided into twelve cyathi , and in loosened drinking bouts, and in the cheerfulness of banquets, when one drinks without law and without limit, quarters, thirds, and, at most, sevenths would be drunk according to the number of the elemental names, as much, namely, as each of us today drinks in a single familiar dinner among the soberer sort. For by that reckoning the seventh parts would not exceed our little sextarius , which measure is, I may almost say, a medicinal dose. But that the ancients used wine more sparingly is not for those to say who, in Pliny, find the bicongius of Cicero's son Marcus and the tricongius of Torquatus, and in Tran...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 371 < Germanorum militum bibacitas.> Tranquillum potorem amphorarium legerint: quibus hodie si pares in Gallia inuenirentur, monstri instar haberetur, apud quos Germanorum militum bibacitas hoc biennio inter miracula celebrata est. quotidianis enim co[n]uiuijs singuli quaternos quartarios absumere dicebantur, qua ratione nouem conuiuiæ binas amphoras exorbebât. Hanc bibendi palmam æquare nostrorum hominum profligatissimi uini potores numero triginta non possent, duntaxat ut alternis diebus id facerent quod illi singulis factitabant. Quid quòd ipsa carmina quæ apud Priscianum leguntur, & secum, & cum Plinio pugnant? Cum enim de cyatho dicant, Bis quinq[ue]; hunc faciunt drachmæ, si appendere tentes, Oxybaphus fiet, si quinq[ue]; addantur ad istas: alio loco ita legitur, Nam libræ, ut memorant, bessem sextarius addet, Seu puros pendas latices, seu dona Lyæi. Addunt semissem libræ labentis oliui: Selibramq[ue] ferunt mellis superesse bilibri. Hæc tamen assensu facili sunt creditæ nobis: Nanq[ue] nec errantes undis labentibus amnes, Nec mersi puteis latices, aut fonte perenni Manantes, par pondus habent. - Quonam igitur tandem modo conuenit ut hemina quæ dimidiatum sextarium efficit, sexagenas drachmas pendeat, & sextarius librâ & bessem, hoc est centu[m] & sexaginta? Si enim de centu[m] & nonagintaduabus drachmis, seu duabus libris Romanis trientè, id est, duas & triginta abstuleris, reliquæ erunt centum & sexaginta. Nos cum hoc probaremus, aqua puteali utebamur, nec scrupulose differentiam aquarum exquisiuiimus, nec in alio liquore rem experium

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PART IV. BOOK V. 371 < The drinking habits of the German soldiers.> One would choose for them the mildest drinker of amphorae; if such men were found today in Gaul, it would be regarded as a wonder, whereas among them the drinking habits of the German soldiers have been celebrated as one of the marvels during these past two years. For at their daily banquets each man was said to consume four quartarii, by which reckoning nine banquet guests would swallow down two amphorae. Even the most debauched wine-drinkers among our men, numbering thirty, could not equal this feat of drinking, and that only if they did on alternate days what those men did every day. What of the fact that the verses themselves found in Priscian are at odds both with themselves and with Pliny? For when they speak of the cyathus, “Twice five make drachmas; if you try to weigh it, this is what they make; It will become an oxybaphus if five are added to these:” elsewhere the reading is: “For, as they say, a sextarius adds a bessis to a libra, Whether you weigh pure water or the gifts of Lyæus. They add half a libra of flowing oil; And they say that half a libra remains from a two-libra weight of honey.” Yet these things have been readily credited to us by common assent: For neither do rivers, wandering with flowing waters, Nor liquids sunk in wells, nor springs with perennial Flowing, have equal weight. How then can it possibly be agreed that a hemina, which makes half a sextarius, should weigh sixty drachmas, and a sextarius a libra and a bessis, that is, one hundred and sixty? For if from one hundred and ninety-two drachmas, or two Roman librae less one third, that is, thirty-two, you subtract, there will remain one hundred and sixty. When we were proving this, we used well water, and we did not painstakingly inquire into the difference between waters, nor did we test the matter in any other liquid

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET experiundam duximus, cu[m] iam tenere ueritate uideremur. Ex Græcis aute[m] autoribus uix rem constituere possumus. <Cotula.> Pollux lib. IIII. cotulâ tertia[m] partem chœnicis esse tradit, & medimnum chœnicas octo & quadraginta capere, & sextarium octo chœnicas. χούλι μὲ πιτον τ[ame]ν χοινικος. ὑ [μὴ] μεθιμων, χοινικος δικτῶ μὲ τετραράχοντα, ὑ [μὴ] εκτελως δικτῶ. hoc dictu[m] discrepat cu[m] uersibus illis in quibus ita legitur, At cotylas, quas, si placeat, dixisse licebit Heminas, recipit geminas sextarius unus: <Chœnix.> Qui quater assumptus fit Graio nomine chœnix. Adde duas, chus fit uulgò qui est congius idem. Pollux henuam tertiam partè chœnicis facit, hæc carmina octaua[m]. Chus (inquit Suidas) mēsura est Attica capi[n]es cotulas octo. Festus hemunâ quasi hemis, id est, dimidium sextarij dictam esse autumat. Rursus Suidas. μὲ διμονομοδιων ἐξ, ως εἰν[ι] μὲπον ξεσων οβ' ντοι λιτρῶν ἐν, id est medimnum modioru[m] senum est, ut sit mensura xestas duos & septuaginta capi[n]es, id est, libras centu[m] & octo. quo dicto significatur xestem sesquilibra[m] pendere, id est, centum & XII. drachmas & semudrachma[m]. libra enim Attica septua[m] genas quinas drachmas pendet. Sic modius qui sexta pars est medimni, decè & octo libraru[m] erit. ita sextarius qui sextadecima pars est eius, erit quatuor et octoginta drachma rum & semissis, quod cu[m] Plinij dicto non couenit. quòd si litram, id est, librâ Attica[m] pro mina intelligamus, ut Hermolaus uoluit, & Plinius interdu[m] fecit, sextarius centu[m] ac duodecim drachmarum & semis erit. quod nihilo magis conuenit. Quòd aute[m] Plinius libram pro mina acceperit, patet ex Dioscoride, ubi de Oxymelle loquitur libro v. λαβῶν δξυσ χητύλας πέντε, κεί αλος θαλασία μνᾶν μιαν, μὲ λιτομνᾶς δεχα, υστετ & χητύλας. 1. μήτας ἔγνον, ἀχίς ὑν[ε]κάχις

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND we have thought it worth trying, since we seemed already to see the truth clearly. From the Greek authors, however, we can scarcely establish the matter. <Cotula.> Pollux, book IV, says that a cotula is a third part of a chœnix, and that a medimnus holds forty-eight chœnices, and a sextarius eight chœnices. χούλι μὲ πιτον τ[ame]ν χοινικος. ὑ [μὴ] μεθιμων, χοινικος δικτῶ μὲ τετραράχοντα, ὑ [μὴ] εκτελως δικτῶ. This statement differs from those verses in which it is read thus, But cotulae, which, if you wish, it is permitted to call heminae, One sextarius contains two geminae: <Chœnix.> What is taken four times becomes, by the Greek name, a chœnix. Add two more, and what in common speech is a congius is also a chus. Pollux makes the hemina a third part of the chœnix; these verses [make it] an eighth. Chus (says Suidas) is an Attic measure containing eight cotylae. Festus thinks that the hemina was so called as though from hemis, that is, half a sextarius. Again Suidas. μὲ διμονομοδιων ἐξ, ως εἰν[ι] μὲπον ξεσων οβ' ντοι λιτρῶν ἐν, that is, a medimnus of six modii is such that the measure xestes holds two hundred and seventy-two, that is, one hundred and eight pounds. By this statement it is signified that the xestes weighs a sesquilibra, that is, one hundred and twelve drachmas and a semidrachma. For the Attic libra weighs seventy-five drachmas. Thus a modius, which is the sixth part of a medimnus, will be eighteen pounds. So the sextarius, which is the sixteenth part of it, will be forty-eight drachmas and a half, which does not agree with Pliny’s statement. But if we understand the litra, that is, the Attic libra, as the mina, as Hermolaus wished, and Pliny sometimes did, the sextarius will be of one hundred and twelve drachmas and a half. But this agrees no more. That Pliny, however, took the libra for the mina is clear from Dioscorides, where he speaks of oxymel in book V: λαβῶν δξυσ χητύλας πέντε, κεί αλος θαλασία μνᾶν μιαν, μὲ λιτομνᾶς δεχα, υστετ & χητύλας. 1. μήτας ἔγνον, ἀχίς ὑν[ε]κάχις

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 173 κάνις ὑμαβράση, καὶ ἐυχας ἀγατηρισον. Hoc Plinius ad uer= bum lib. XIIIII. sic uertit, Oxymel uocarunt mellis decem libris, aceti ueterishemunis quinq; salis marini libra, aquæ pluuiæ sextarijs quinq; suffrue factis decies, mox elutriæ tis. Quod ille minam, Plinius libram dixit: quod ille heminas decem, Plinius sextarios quinq; Rursus Plinius de eo genere uini factitij loqués, quod cenchrites dicitur, quòd ex milij semine fiat, libram & quadrantè pro mina transtulit. cum enim de adynamo factitiorum primo dixisset, ita subdidit, Proximum fit è nulij semine maturo cum ipsa stipula (libram & quadrantem in congios duos musti macerant) & post septimum mensem transfuso. Dioscorides, δὲ ἐν λαμβάνην πῶν ποιν ανερματ & πλήρη, περδρον συν ποίς κλάσδις, καὶ μνᾶν μίαν ἔαλλην ἔν ἐινα. β. ἐὰν ἐν ἐπιὰ μὴνας, καὶ οὕτω μεταγιζαν. Accipere autem oportet herbam senùne plenam maturo cum ramulis, & eius unam minam in uini congios binos mittere, & sic septem mensibus relinquere, ita à septimo mense diffundere. Sed corruptè apud Dioscoridem Cestrites & Cestros pro Cenchrites & Cenchros in libris impressis legitur. sic enim legi debet, ποδί κεχρήτω, quum Plinius milium dicat. uerius est tamen Plinium errore exemplaris deceptum, Cenchritem pro Cestrite intellexisse. Est autem Cestrum Latinè betonica herba dicta, ut in Dioscoridis libro quarto apparet in principio, qui psychotrophum alio nomine uocat utrobique, quasi herbam frigidis locis gaudentem, quæ hodie sic agnoscitur, ex qua fit uinum betonicatum. Hoc aute[m] Plini[us] dictum uel ex Dioscoride, ut multa alia, uersum est, uel ex alio autore, qui ijsdem uerbis cum Dioscoride scripsit. Hoc enim non satis constitui potest, utrum Plinius Dioscoride legerit, quem ut identidem ijsdem Dioscoridis locus. An Plini[us] Dioscoridem legerit.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 173 Can it be steeped, and give thanks. This Pliny translates word for word in book XIII as follows: oxymel they called honey, ten pounds; old vinegar, five heminae; sea salt, one pound; rain water, five sextarii; after it has been well mixed ten times, and then strained. What that author calls a mina, Pliny calls a pound; what he calls ten heminae, Pliny calls five sextarii. Again, when Pliny speaks of that kind of artificial wine which is called cenchrites, because it is made from millet seed, he translated mina by “a pound and a quarter.” For when he had first spoken of the first kind of artificial drink, he added: “The next is made from the seed of nūllī when ripe, with the stalk itself” (one pound and a quarter are steeped in two congii of must) “and after the seventh month it is drawn off.” Dioscorides: δὲ ἐν λαμβάνην πῶν ποιν ανερματ & πλήρη, περδρον συν ποίς κλάσδις, καὶ μνᾶν μίαν ἔαλλην ἔν ἐινα. β. ἐὰν ἐν ἐπιὰ μὴνας, καὶ οὕτω μεταγιζαν. But the herb should be taken full and ripe with its branches, and one mina of it should be put into two congii of wine, and so left for seven months, and thus drawn off after the seventh month. But in the printed books of Dioscorides, Cestrites and Cestros are wrongly read for Cenchrites and Cenchros. For it ought to be read thus: ποδί κεχρήτω, since Pliny speaks of millet. Yet it is more likely that Pliny, deceived by a copyist’s error, understood Cenchritem instead of Cestrite. Now Cestrum is the Latin name given to the herb betonica, as appears in the beginning of book four of Dioscorides, who in both places calls it by the other name psychotrophum, as though it were an herb delighting in cold places; today it is recognized in this form, and from it is made betonicated wine. This statement of Pliny was either taken from Dioscorides, as many other things were, or from some other author who wrote the same words as Dioscorides. For this cannot be determined with certainty, whether Pliny read Dioscorides, whom he repeatedly cites in the same words. Dioscorides’ passage. Whether Pliny read Dioscorides.

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ijsdem uerbis sequitur, sic nusquam nominatim citat, ita ut nonnunquam à Dioscoride accepta dissimulandi furti gratia transformare uideatur, ut in hoc loco: interdum alium secutus uideatur, sed uel à quo Dioscorides tràscri pserit, uel ille à Dioscoride. < Sestius Niger.> Plinius Latinum homine Sestium Nigrum medicinæ diligentissimum appellat, de Castoreo loquens libro tricesimo secundo: qui Niger Græcè scripsit, cum Plinij uerba cum Dioscoride collata, ex ipsius Dioscoridis libro traducta esse uideantur. Nam Dioscorides Nigrum in hoc secutus non uidetur, cum eum inter Asclepiadas recensens improbet: et is tamen à Plinio etiam citatur ubi Salamandræ meminit libro uicesimonono, his uerbis, Sestius Venerem accendi cibo earum, si decoctis interancis et pedibus et capite in melle seruentur, tradit: negatq[ue] extingui ignem ab ijs. Dioscorides < Salamandra.> libro secundo, , , . Et inferius, , , . Hæc uerba ita cum Plinij uerbis congruunt, ut ab eodem autore uterque sumpsisse uideatur, quo modo et à Crateua uterque sumpsisse aliqua non dissimulat. Alibi Plinius de Opobalsamo loquens, Alexandro Magno res ibi gerente, toto die æstiuo unam concham impleri iustum erat. Omni uerò fæcunditate è maiore horto congios senos, è minore singulos, et cu[m] duplo repèdebatur argento: uel potius cu[m] et duplo, ut in emendatioribus. Hoc Dioscorides non ad tempus Alexandri refert, sed ad suu[m], his uerbis, , , . Fluit tenui gutta et pauca, ita ut unoquoque arno non amplius

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET by these same words it follows, so that he nowhere cites by name, in such a way that at times he seems to alter what he has taken from Dioscorides, in order to conceal the theft, as in this passage: at times he seems to have followed another, but either the one from whom Dioscorides transcribed, or he from Dioscorides. <Sestius Niger.> Pliny calls the Latin man Sestius Niger most diligent in medicine, speaking of castoreum in the thirty-second book: and since Niger wrote in Greek, when Pliny’s words are compared with Dioscorides, they seem to have been transferred from the book of Dioscorides himself. For Dioscorides does not seem to have followed Niger here, since he censures him among the Asclepiads; and yet he is also cited by Pliny where he mentions the salamander in book twenty-nine, in these words: Sestius says that Venus is kindled by eating them, if the chopped-up parts, feet and head, are preserved in honey after boiling, and that the fire is not extinguished by them. Dioscorides <Salamandra.> in the second book, , , . And below, , , . These words agree so closely with the words of Pliny that both seem to have taken them from the same author, just as in this way he does not conceal that each borrowed some things from Crateuas. Elsewhere Pliny, speaking of opobalsamum, with Alexander the Great conducting affairs there, says that throughout the whole summer day one concha was properly filled. But in all fertility, from the larger garden six congii were produced, from the smaller a single one, and the return was doubled in silver; or rather with double, as in the more correct copies. This Dioscorides does not refer to the time of Alexander, but to his own time, in these words, , , . It flows in a thin and scanty drop, so that in each year no more than

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. amplius quàm seni aut septeni congij colligantur. cum uenditur ibi, duplici argenti pondere repèditur. Cum Plinius idem cum Dioscoride dicat, apparet tamé cum alium autorem secutum: sed ex eo restituendus Plinius hoc modo, Omni uerò fæcunditate è maiore horto congios senos singulis annis. Quonam modo enim ex singulis conchis congij seni fierent? Et præterea absurdum esset Plinium de singulis diebus id dixisse, cum duplo argento rependeretur. Quòd si nihil addere uolumus, existimo sic legendum, Anni uerò fæcunditate, hoc est totius anni etiam fertilis foetu. Verum hæc de Plinio & Dioscoride obiter dicta sunt. Credo tamen Plinium Latinos etiam autores aliquos obseruasse, & ob id miscellaneas interdum descriptiones tradidisse, quæ nec planè cum Dioscoride conueniant. Hoc igitur in loco Plinius libram Atticam & quadrantem pro centum drachmis, id est, pro mina dixisse uidetur, siue hoc innouare ei uisum sit, siue ex Græco alio acceperit, qui litram scripsisset, id est libram, et drachmas uigintiquinque, qui est quadrans non libræ, sed minæ. Nam alioquin Plinius parum religiose Græca hæc uertisse uidetur, aut certè parum constanter, si quis diligenter animaduertat. Theodorus Gaza uir doctissimus utraq[ue] lingua, chum siue choa, sextariu[m] transtulit, et hemichoum semisextariu[m], diuum Hieronymu[m] in hoc imitatus, qui Eze chielis quarto, choeis Atticos duos, Italicos duos sextarios essedixit. Interpres Aristophanis in Equitibus, ἧς μύτον ἀτικὸν ἀγων ἐστύλας. [etc]. Chus, inquit, mensura est Attica Chus. capiens heminas octo. quod cum uersibus illis non congruit, qui choa duodenas cotulas capere tradunt: ut idem sit congius & chus, quod Plinius itidem in superiori exemplo uoluit. Athenæus libro decimo de temulentia loquens

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. HIS LIB. V. more than six or seven congi are collected. when it is sold there, it is repaid with double weight of silver. Since Pliny says the same as Dioscorides, it appears nevertheless that he followed some other author: but from him Pliny should be restored in this way: “Indeed, with the fertility of the greater garden, six congii each year.” For how could six congii be made from single shells? And besides, it would be absurd for Pliny to have said this of individual days, since it was repaid with double silver. But if we wish to add nothing, I think it should be read thus: “Indeed, with the fertility of the year,” that is, with the produce of the whole year, even of a fruitful year. But these remarks about Pliny and Dioscorides have been made in passing. Yet I believe that Pliny also observed some Latin authors, and for that reason sometimes handed down miscellaneous descriptions which do not quite agree even with Dioscorides. So in this place Pliny seems to have spoken of the Attic libra and a quarter for one hundred drachmas, that is, for a mina, whether this seemed good to him to introduce, or whether he took it from another Greek source, who had written litra, that is, libra, and twenty-five drachmas, which is a quarter not of a libra, but of a mina. For otherwise Pliny seems to have translated these Greek terms rather carelessly, or certainly rather inconsistently, if one examines closely. Theodore Gaza, a most learned man in both languages, translated chus or choa as sextarius, and hemichous as semisextarius, imitating St Jerome in this, who in Ezekiel 4 said that two Attic choes were two Italian sextarii. The interpreter of Aristophanes in the Knights: ἧς μύτον ἀτικὸν ἀγων ἐστίλας. [etc]. Chus, he says, is an Attic measure. Chus contains eight heminae. But this does not agree with those verses, which say that a choa holds twelve cotylae: so that chus and congius are the same thing, as Pliny likewise in the previous example intended. Athenaeus, in the tenth book, speaking of drunkenness

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quens, inter maximè uinosos homines Alexandrum enu= < Alexa[n]der Ma gnus uinosus, Proteas etc. > merat. autorem autem citat Ephippium in libro de Ale= xandri, etc Ephæstionis funere. Erat, inquit ille, inter Ma cedones Proteas bibendi certamine clarus. hunc in conui= uio Alexander poculo bicongio prouocauit (bicongium nunc appello quem ille dichum Græcè dixit) Quum igitur Alexander bibisset, Proteas Rege multum laudato, qui egregiè tantum calicem exorbuerat, etc ipse quoq[ue] ea fide atq[ue] integritate bibit, ut ab omnibus plausu excipere tur. ἀλεξάνδρος τὴν αἰτυσις στὴν ὑποπιεν δίχαιν, κεὶ πιὸν προῦπινε λευτὴ πεωτεὰς, κεὶ ὑς λαβῶν, κεὶ πολλὰ ἀμυτοσις ἐν ἐκπλέα, ἐπιεν, ως ὑπὸ πῶντων κροταλιδλῶν. Mox Proteas codè poculo cu[m] Regem prouocasset, bibissetq[ue]: Alexander generose conatus iteru[m] calicè eundè ducere, cu[m] parte[m] iam traxisset, resupinata in lecti puluinar ceruice, poculu[m] ma= nibus emisit. quo ex certamine in ualetudine[m] incidit, à qua ta[n]dè iugulatus est, ut Ephippiustradidit, q[ui] ab alijs histori cis in hoc dissensit. e[ss]e enim ueneno sublatu[m] dicu[n]t. Fabularê autè eâ historiâ esse ex eo coijcere licet, q[ui] subsididit id re= gi co[n]tigisse ob Thebas oppugnatas, uidelicet infenso Libe ri patris numine, qui Thebis natus esse dicitur, μὲν τὴν το σήλος απίθανε, τὴν οἰνυσον φησὶ μλησκυτος αυτῶ, οἰοπιτῶ πατρί= δια αυτῶ τὰς θήβας ἔπολιόρκησε. Idem Athenæus alibi codè <Milonis uora citas.> libro, μίλων ὑπο τροτωνιάτης ὑς φησιν ὑπο ἰδρατολίθης θεὸς δωρος ὑπο ἐν ποίς περι αγῶνων, ἐδιε μυλῶς κρεων εἰκοσι, κεὶ ποσκύτας ἀρ= των, ὑπατε τρῶς χοας ἐπιεν. Milo Crotoniata, ut autor est Theod. Hicropol. in libris de certaminibus Græciæ, minas χχ. carniu[m], etc totide[m] panis esitabat: etc tres congios uini bibebat. Cōgius, id est chus, in hoc et superiore exêplo idè <nô> fuisse uidetur, cu[m] Milo una coena tres co[n]gios absume= ret, et Alexa[n]der uno haustu duos biberet. Oportet enim eâ mensuram

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quant, among the most wine-loving of men, Alexander was reckoned. < Alexander the Great, wine-bibber, Proteas, etc. > The author cited is Ephippius in the book on the funeral of Hephaestion. “There was,” says he, “among the Macedonians one Proteas, celebrated in drinking contests. Alexander challenged him at a banquet with a two-congii cup (I now call a bicongium what he in Greek called a dichum). So when Alexander had drunk, Proteas, after highly praising the king, who had so excellently swallowed down such a large cup, likewise drank himself with such faith and self-restraint that he was received with applause by all.” ἀλέξανδρος τὴν αἴτησιν στὴν ὑποπιὲν δίχαιν, καὶ πιὼν προῦπινε λευτὴ πεωτεὰς, καὶ ὑς λαβῶν, καὶ πολλὰ ἀμυτοσις ἐν ἐκπλέα, ἐπιεν, ὡς ὑπὸ πάντων κροταλισθῶν. Soon after, when Proteas in turn had challenged the king with the same cup and had drunk, Alexander, generously attempting again to draw down the same cup, when he had already taken part of it, reclined back against the cushion of the couch and let the cup fall from his hands. From this contest he fell into illness, from which he was finally slain, as Ephippius has handed down, though he differs from other historians on this point. For they say that he was taken off by poison. That the story itself is a fable may be inferred from the fact that, according to the source, this happened to the king because of the attack on Thebes, namely under the offended power of Father Liber, who is said to have been born at Thebes. μὲν τὴν τοσήλος ἀπίθανε, τὴν οἰνυσον φησὶ μλησκυτός αὐτῶ, οἰοπιτῶ πατρίδια αὐτῶ τὰς θήβας ἔπολιορκησε. The same Athenaeus elsewhere gives <Milo's voracity.> in the book, μίλων ὑπο τροτωνιάτης ὑς φησιν ὑπο ἰδρατολίθης θεὸς δωρος ὑπο ἐν ποῖς περὶ ἀγώνων, ἐδίε μυλῶς κρεων εἰκοσι, καὶ ποσκύτας ἄρτων, ὑπάτε τρῶς χόας ἐπιεν. Milo of Croton, as Theodorus Hieropolitanus relates in his books on the contests of Greece, ate twenty minas of meat, etc., likewise bread, and drank three congii of wine. A congium, that is, a chous, seems in this and the preceding example to have been the same, since Milo at one supper consumed three congii, and Alexander drank two in a single draught. For the measure must indeed be…

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 577 mensuram liquidi congruere cum pondere aridi pulmen- tarij & panificij. Varietatem igitur eam efficit autorum diuersitas, qui mensuras quisque patriæ suæ secuti sunt, aut eorum certè de quibus locuti sunt. Xestes aute[m] quid sit apud Græcos, non facilè dixerim. Dioscorides de Christo lacte loquens, ἐυτοι ἐγ[ι]νοῦν ἀν ἐγαλα ἐν τὴν ἐντοιοι, ἀνόγω ἐν τυχὴν ἀνοταῖν ἐν ἑυελον ἐν ἑυτρας, ἐν ἥεσω ἐγνοῦσαι πλήρη ὑποδες τυχὴν ἀνδιευω. Hoc Plinius lib. X X=Pliniij locus. VIII. sic transtulit, Quum seruet, ne circunfundatur, præstat cyathus argenteus cum frigida aqua demissus, ita, ne quid infundatur. Cyathu[m] Plinius pro Xeste dixit. Alibi fere sextarium uertere solet, ut lib. XIII. Fit absinthites in X L. sextarijs musti absinthij Pontici libra decocta ad tertias partes, uel scopis absinthij in uinum additis. Vbi refragantibus omnibus exemplaribus, ex Dioscoride sic lego, Fit absinthites X L VIII. sextarijs musti absinthij Pontici libra decoctis ad tertias partes. ὑπο μὴν ὑαρ τοῖς. μ. μ[ι]γ. Π. ἐπισκ υν τῶν Ἱταλικῶν κοραμίων, μήθαυτον αξινθία ὑπον= πικὴ λίτραν μιαν, ἐν τασι μὲχι τὸ τρίτον ἀπολαφημ. Quidam autem, inquit, duodequinquaginta sextarijs Italicaru[m] am= phorarum miscentes libram unam absinthij Pontici, deco quunt quoad tertia pars residua sit. Et de Nectarite, ὑπο ὑγινοι μηδικῶ, οι ἐν σμηνον, ὑπο ἐν σμηνον, ὑπο ἐν σμηνον. ἐπισκησης ἐγχρῶν. τ. ἐν σμηνον ἀς ὑδονιον κάθον ἀς χοις. 5. ἐπισκηνας. Plinius totidem penè uerbis, Inuenitur & Nectarites ex herba quam alij heleniu[m], alij medicâ, alij symphyton, alij idæon & orestion, alij nectareum uocant, radice ponderis X L. denarioru[m] in sextarios sex musti addita. Hoc tantu[m] refert. quòd ille quinq[ue] uncias dixit, Plinius aute[m] quadraginta de narios, ea ratione, qua centu[m] denarij nunam efficiunt, ut O sæpe

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 577 The measure of a liquid ought to correspond to the weight of a dry substance, such as grains and breadstuffs. This variety is therefore caused by the diversity of authors, who each followed the measures of their own country, or at least of those about which they were speaking. As for what a xestes is among the Greeks, I cannot easily say. Dioscorides, speaking of Christ's milk, [Greek text]. This Pliny translated in Book X, chapter VIII, thus: “When it is to be preserved, so that it is not poured out, an argenteus cyathus, lowered with cold water, is preferable, so that nothing be poured in.” Pliny used cyathus for xestes. Elsewhere he usually renders it by sextarium, as in Book XIII: “Absinthites is made in forty sextarii of Pontic must, with one pound of absinthium boiled down to one third, or by adding sprigs of absinthium to wine.” But since all the manuscripts are against this, I read from Dioscorides: “Absinthites is made in forty-eight sextarii of Pontic must, with one pound of absinthium boiled down to one third.” [Greek text]. Some, however, says he, mixing one pound of Pontic absinthium with forty-eight sextarii of Italian amphorae, boil it down until one third remains. And concerning Nectarites, [Greek text]. Pliny almost in the same words: “Nectarites is also found, from the herb which some call helenium, others medica, others symphyton, others idaeon and orestion, others nectareum, with a root weighing forty denarii added to six sextarii of must.” This differs only in that he said five ounces, whereas Pliny said forty denarii, in the way that one hundred denarii make a pound, as often...

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET sæpe diximus. Sed illud aduertendum, quòd chum pro se= xtario Plinius intellexit, quum alibi (ut diximus) pro con gio acceperit, de nuliato uino loquens, quo modo & ubi de myrtite loquitur. nam quum Dioscorides dicat, ἐν λα= δοντα τῶν μελαίνων μυρινῶν τῶς ακρέμονας, βαλλῶν ἔς τῶς πεῖς τῶν άλωνας χρῶς: Plinius, Græci, inquit, myrtitem hoc modo faciunt: ramis teneris cum suis folijs in albo musto decoctis tuis, libram in tribus musti congijs deferuere fa= ciunt. Congios nunc transtulit choas, quum prius sexta= rios uertisset. Rursus Dioscorides de Rhodite, ὑφῶν ἐν= ρῶν κεκαμένων μυαν μιαν ἐν Συνος ἔς θῶνιον, καίδες ἔς άλων= νας ἔστως. Π. μετὰ ἐν πεῖς μυνας Πυλίον μετάγγιε. id est, rosæ aridæ contusa folia ad minam unam in linteolum alligata demittito in musti sextarios octonos, & post tres menses percolatos in aliud uas transferto. Plinius autem sic, Ro= sæ folijs tuis, in linteoloq; in mustum collatis cum pon= dusculo ut sidat, X L. pondere denariorum in sextarios ui cenos musti, nec ante tres mēses uase aperto. Hunc locum immutauit Plinius, ut nec Dioscoridem, nec eundem cum Dioscoride autorem secutus primore sensu uideatur. Dio= scorides præcipit in octonos sextarios musti minam una[m] rosæ tusæ conijci, Plinius in sextarios uicenos quinq; un= cias. Quare fieri potuit, ut Plinius uel librarij, uel à manu scrui uitio notam minæ pro nota unciæ intellexerit, & xe stas pro cotulis acceperit. sic fit ut quum singulas uncias rosæ tusæ octonis heminis uini sufficere existimarit, qua= draginta denariorum pondus, id est quinq; uncias quadra genis heminis statuerit, quum ad uerbum referre Diosco= ridis locum nollet, aut eius quem Dioscorides secutus est. Idem, E' napis fit X. denariorum pondere in sextarios bi= nos musti addito. Dioscorides, ἐνία ὑπίας δύο κοῦλας, κα= δοθ

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET we have often said. But this must be noted: that when Pliny understood chum for a sextarius, whereas elsewhere (as we said) he took it for a congius, speaking of diluted wine, in the same way and place he speaks of myrtite. For when Dioscorides says, ἐν λαδοντα τῶν μελαίνων μυρινῶν τῶς ακρέμονας, βαλλῶν ἔς τῶς πεῖς τῶν άλωνας χρῶς: Pliny says, the Greeks make myrtite in this way: with tender branches and their leaves boiled in white must, they cause a pound to boil down in three congi of must. He has now translated congius as choes, whereas before he had rendered it sextarii. Again, Dioscorides on rhodite: ὑφῶν ἐνρῶν κεκαμένων μυαν μιαν ἐν Συνος ἔς θῶνιον, καίδες ἔς άλωννας ἔστως. Π. μετὰ ἐν πεῖς μυνας Πυλίον μετάγγιε. That is, when the dried rose-leaves have been pounded, tie one mina in a linen cloth and put it into eight sextarii of must, and after three months, when it has been strained, transfer it into another vessel. But Pliny says it thus: with the rose leaves tied in a little linen cloth and put into the must, with a small weight placed on top so that it may sink, forty denarii' weight to sixteen sextarii of must, and not to open the vessel before three months. Pliny altered this passage so that he seems to have followed neither Dioscorides nor, in the primary sense, the same author as Dioscorides. Dioscorides prescribes that one mina of pounded rose be thrown into eight sextarii of must; Pliny, into twenty-five sextarii, one ounce. Therefore it may have happened that Pliny, or the copyists, or by an error of the hand of the scribe, understood the mark for a mina as the sign for an ounce, and took xestas for cotylae. Thus it comes about that, whereas he judged that one ounce of pounded rose would suffice for eight heminae of wine, he assigned forty denarii' weight, that is five ounces, to forty heminae, since he did not wish to reproduce the passage of Dioscorides word for word, or that of the author whom Dioscorides followed. Likewise, he says, “E' napis fit X. denariorum pondere in sextarios binos musti addito.” Dioscorides, ἐνία ὑπίας δύο κοῦλας, καδοθ

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 579 δοξος κατρας Μανχας τεαδρας, id est, napi uncias duas contusas in quatuor musti cotylas demuttito. Secundum hoc non decem denariorum, sed sedecim legendu[m] est apud Plinium. In antiquis exemplaribus numerus ille corruptus est, ut in quibusdam desit, in nonnullis duum, non decem le gatur. Verum Plinius libens facit ut octo denarios pro un cia dicat. Quod autem Plinius modulos & numeros ex Dioscoride mutet interdum, seruata tamen proportione, exemplum est in mentione hyssopitæ. Simuliter, inquit, fit hyssopites è cilicio hyssopo uncijs tribus in duos congios musti coniectis, aut tuis in uinum. Dioscorides, ὑασωπιτης ὑ ἐκ τὴν κιλικία ἐναύτη καλλισός ἰδ. ἐγ[ι]ν ἐν ἔνδεσμαμίο τὴν Μανχα= να λιτραν μιαν ἐναύτη κενεμμένων τῶν φύλλων προσθεστων. Hyssopites, inquit, qui ex hyssopo cilicio fit, optimus est. addere oportet amphoræ musti libram unam hyssopi fo= liorum contusorum. Hoc Plinius mutatis (ut dixinus) mo dulis uerbisq[ue] retulit. Idem est enim in amphoram, id est in octo & quadraginta sextarios libra[m] unâ hyssopi conij= cere, & in duodenos sextarios, hoc est binos congios, qua drantem, id est uncias treis. Hic obiter adnotandum, cer= mium Græcum idem esse quod amphoram: quod & eode[m] autore planum fit in mentione absinthiati uini, quam su= prà posuimus. Dioscorides de Eleliphacite, ὑπιὰς. Π. ἐλε= λισφάκα ἐς Μανχανα μικροφια ὑ ἐσι κεδάμιον, κάθοβ[us]. id est, sal= uiatum ita co[n]ficitur, si uncias octonas saluiæ in musti am= phoram, quod ceramium dicitur, demiseris. Idem Plinius de aromatite. Fit apud alios nardi & malobathri selibris in musti congios duos additis. Dioscorides, ὃ ὑχειονια= κις νάραλα κει κεληπιν[η]ς κει μαλαθάιμα σκοβάσεται ούτως. ἔκάσα ἐμιμανον λαθῶν ἀς δὲ χαν Μανχανα κάθοβ[us]. Dichu[m], id est choas duos, Plin. haud dubiè co[n]gios binos tràstulit. Dioscorides, O 2 ἰ δὲ

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 579 two ounces of crushed turnips, into four cotylae of must. According to this, one should read not ten denarii, but sixteen in Pliny. In the ancient manuscripts that number is corrupted: in some it is omitted, in others two, not ten, is read. Yet Pliny gladly makes it so that he says eight denarii for an ounce. And that Pliny sometimes changes the measures and numbers from Dioscorides, while preserving the proportion, is shown by the mention of hyssopites. Likewise, he says, hyssopites is made from a cilice with three ounces of hyssop thrown into two congii of must, or into wine. Dioscorides: hyssopites ... Hyssopites, he says, which is made from hyssop in a cilice, is best. One ought to add one pound of crushed hyssop leaves to an amphora of must. Pliny related this with the measures and words changed, as I have said. For the same thing is to throw one pound of hyssop into an amphora, that is, forty-eight sextarii, and into twelve sextarii, that is, two congii, a quarter, that is, three ounces. Here it should be noted in passing that the Greek cermium is the same as amphora: this is made clear by the same author in the mention of absinthiatum wine, which we placed above. Dioscorides on eleliphacites: ... that is, salviatum is made in this way, if you have put eight ounces of sage into an amphora of must, which is called a ceramium . Likewise Pliny on aromatites: it is made, among others, by adding a half-pound of nard and malobathrum to two congii of must. Dioscorides: ... Dichus , that is, two choae, Pliny has surely rendered as two congii. Dioscorides, O 2 ...

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET δὴ δινάνειν Σκοσοβαζετούτω. λάθων ἡαργίας ἀμπέλα ἐκενθένοντος ἐνηρον, μυὰς δυο ἀς μετητικῶ Μοικηνα πρὸς ἐμβρας. λ. ἐπασπιλισμὸς ἀπόθε. Hoc Plinius sic uertit. Fit è labrusca, hoc est uite syluestri, quod uocatur αεναθιν[um] flores eius libris duabus in musti cado macerati post x x x. dies mutantur. quod Dioscorides metretam dixit, Plinius cadum transtulit: quod & ipsum Græcum est, sed utroque nostri utuntur. < Metreta & cadus.> Metreta enim Cato & Columella utuntur. est autem congiorum decem, ut autor est Dioscorides lib. v. his uerbis, ἐπι ἔνδιμητης χοστοδικα. Decem aute[m] congij sexaginta sextarios ualet, id est amphoram & quadrante. Pollux tamen in decimo de uocabulis ait Cratinum comicum metretam amphora[m] appellasse. Idem etia[m] Philochoru[m] tradit in libro quem de lingua Attica co[m]posuit, scripsisse, cadum & amphoram apud antiquos idem fuisse, ideoq[ue] hemiamphorium, id est semiamphoram, etiam hemicadu[m] dictum: uerùm Epicharmum, cadum & amphoram ut distin cta posuisse. In carminibus quæ apud Priscianu[m] leguntur, cadus & amphora Attica pro eode[m] ponuntur his uerbis, Attica præterea dicenda est amphora nobis Scu cadus: hanc facies, nostræ si adieceris urnam. Quibus uerbis significatur Atticam amphoram & cadu[m] sextarioru[m] duorum & septuaginta fuisse, id est duodecim congiorum: quo fit ut Attica amphora hemiolia Romanæ fuerit amphoræ. Ego Dioscoridis opinioni accedere malim. De Græcis igitur quibusda[m] uocabulis nihil fixum statuere possumus, quandoquidem Græcis de eare conueniat, quæ pro locorum urbiumq[ue] uarietate, ac temporum fortasse, identidem euariarunt. nam & in hac urbe (ut diximus) tot mensuraru[m] ratio à uicoru[m] aut certè regionu[m] magistris repos

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET δή δινάνειν Σκοσοβαζετούτω. λάθων ἡαργίας ἀμπέλα ἐκενθένοντος ἐνηρον, μυὰς δυο ἀς μετητικῶ Μοικηνα πρὸς ἐμβρας. l. expulsion, removal. Hoc Plinius thus translates. It is made from labrusca, that is, from wild vine, which is called αεναθιν[um]; its flowers are soaked for two hundred pounds in a jar of must; after xxx days they change. What Dioscorides called a metretă, Pliny rendered as cadus: and that too is Greek, but our writers use both. <Metreta & cadus.> For Cato and Columella use metreta. It is however ten congii, as Dioscorides states in book v, in these words, ἐπι ἔνδιμητης χοστοδικα. Ten congii are worth sixty sextarii, that is, an amphora and a quarter. Pollux, however, in the tenth book on vocabulary says that Cratinus the comic poet called the metreta an amphora. The same author also says that Philochorus, in the book which he composed On the Attic Language, wrote that cadus and amphora among the ancients were the same thing, and therefore hemiamphorium, that is, half an amphora, was also called hemicadus; but that Epicharmus distinguished cadus and amphora as different. In the verses read in Priscian, cadus and Attic amphora are used for the same thing in these words: Attica moreover must be called amphora for us, or cadus: you shall make this one, if you add our urn. By these words it is indicated that the Attic amphora and cadus were of two and seventy sextarii, that is, twelve congii: from which it follows that the Attic amphora was a half again as large as the Roman amphora. I would prefer to follow the opinion of Dioscorides. Therefore, concerning certain Greek terms, we can establish nothing definite, since the Greeks disagree among themselves about this matter, which varied from time to time, perhaps according to the differences of places and cities. For even in this city (as we have said) the system of so many measures, by the magistrates of the districts or certainly of the regions, is repo

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Transcription: ATR-1

reposcenda est, quam nemo unus tenet. Sed nec librâ Græ cam Plinius à Latina distinxisse manifestè uidetur, quod meminerim me adnotasse. Hoc tamen tenebinus, amphorâ & ceramiu[m] eandem esse mensurâ, ut metretam & cadum, quod uerbum apud Pliniu[m] & alios nostros sæpe legitur. Si quis tamen animaduertat orationem Demosthenis quæ πρὸς πλῶ λαχρίτο πιραχαριω inscribitur, mirabitur precium uini importati in Pontu[m] ex urbe quadam Thraciæ, talentum argenti statui, etia[m] cum naulo & apparatu necessario, & tot ceramia icosoro naui importata esse, id est, επισταχύπω, licet Athenæus in quinto αυτί ἐπισούρας usus sit, de Hieronica naue loquens, τὰ ὑπιχίλια ταυτα κοράμια ἐχαδεις τὸν πονθον επισούρω. Quibus uerbis conijcere licet ceramu[m] Atticum Demosthenis tempore minus fuisse amphora Romana. nisi potius intelligamus ceramia Thracia, non Attica ex urbe Meda in Pontu[m] importata. In qua < Ceramium> oratione stamnum & ceramu[m] pro eode[m] ponit. Medimu[m] < Thracicu[m] idem quod stamnu[m].> etiam tenebinus sex modios capere, id est duodequinquaginta < Chœnix.> choenicas, seu duodequinquagies binos sextarios. Porrò sextariu[m] medimni, id est modiu[m], octo choenicas efficere, < πιτευς.> id est sedecim sextarios. nam hemimedimnus quatuor & uiginti choenicum est, cuius bes triteus à Græcis dissyl < πιτευς.> labo nonune nuncupatur, id est tertiarius, sedecim choenicas < ιμιεξτιον.> continens, & duos & triginta sextarios. Triens aute[m] hacteus itidem dissyllabo nomine dicitur, octo scilicet choenicas < ιμιεξτιον.> capiens, sic ab eis dictus, quòd medimni sit sextarius. Quatuor choenices hemihectum dicitur, id est semisextarius < ιμιεξτιον.> medimni, quod & hemihecteu[m] dicitur, ut apud Aristophane in Nubibus, πορίδα νῦν ἰμοι ἀμὴ τεπάμετρον ἰστρο < ιμιεξτιον.> πιμιεκτιον, id est, fac nunc mecum sponsione[m] ni tetrametrû[m] < ιμιεξτιον.> sit semisextarius. semisextarium tetrametrû[m] appellat, id est < ιμιεξτιον.> O 3 quatuor

Transcription: Translated (English)

repossessed, which no single person holds. But Pliny also does not seem to have clearly distinguished the Greek book from the Latin one, as I remember noting. This, however, we shall hold: that an amphora and a ceramium are the same measure, as are a metretas and a cadus, a word that is often read in Pliny and our other writers. If, however, someone considers Demosthenes’ speech which is inscribed “πρὸς πλῶ λαχρίτο πιραχαριω,” he will wonder that the price of imported wine into Pontus from a certain city of Thrace was set at a talent of silver, even including freight and necessary equipment, and that so many ceramia were imported by ship, that is, “ἐπισταχύπω,” although Athenaeus in the fifth book used “ἐπισούρας,” when speaking of the ship of Hieron, “τὰ ὑπιχίλια ταυτα κοράμια ἐχαδεις τὸν πονθον επισούρω.” From which words it is possible to infer that the Attic ceramium in the time of Demosthenes was smaller than the Roman amphora, unless we should rather understand the ceramia as Thracian, not Attic, imported from the city of Meda into Pontus. In that speech he uses stannum and ceramium for the same thing. “Medimnum,” the Thracian, is the same as stannum. We shall also hold that it contains six modii, that is, fifty-eight choenices, or fifty-eight pairs of sextarii. Moreover, a sextarius makes one-eighth of a medimnus, that is, a modius, eight choenices, πιτευς , that is, sixteen sextarii. For a hemimedimnus is twenty-four choenices, of which the bes is called by the Greeks, in a disyllabic form, πιτευς , that is, tertiarius, containing sixteen choenices, and thirty-two sextarii. A triens too is likewise called by a disyllabic name, taking eight choenices, and is so called by them because the medimnus is a sextarius. Four choenices is called hemihectum, that is, half a sextarius ιμιεξτιον of a medimnus, which is also called hemihectum, as in Aristophanes in the Clouds: “πορίδα νῦν ἰμοι ἀμὴ τεπάμετρον ἰστρο ιμιεξτιον πιμιεκτιον,” that is, “now make a wager with me that it is not a tetrameter ιμιεξτιον ,” that is, a half-sextarius. He calls a half-sextarius a tetrameter, that is, ιμιεξτιον O 3 four

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quatuor mensuras continentè, quatuor chœnicas scilicet. Est aute comica allusio ad carmen tetrametru[m]. Nam quod Socrates de pedibus dixerat poëticis, id Strepsiades poëticæ ignarus ad chœnicas retulit, quasi alia metra mensurasq[ue]; non nosset, quàm uascularia ex cuius poëtæ enarratore & ex Polluce illam medimni diuisionem collegimus. Quanqua[m] hoc confirmat Harpocration in Lexico oratorio in uerbo quies . qui etia[m] medimnum chœnicas duo de quinquaginta capere dixit: & modium, qui appella tur, octo chœnicas. Quòd si medimnus sex modios Italicos capit, ut locupletissimis testibus co[m]probatu[m] est: quu[m] sextarius medimni sint octo chœnicas, chœnicè binos sextarios, & quaternas cotulas capere necesse est. modius enim sedecim fextarios capit. Nec co[m]sentaneu[m] est id quod à Pol luce dictu[m] est, cotula[m] tertiâ parte chœnicis esse, quasi scilicet chœnix sesquisextarius Italicus fuerit. Quo minus pro bada est Theodori Gazæ uiri medici opinio, qui sextaru[m] quodam in loco uertit. Nihil autem certius inueni quàm quod apud Hesychiu[m] legitur, qui Anastasij Imperatoris tempore scripsit, cum res Romanæ iam Græcis hominibus planè innotuissent. Cyathus, inquit ille, capit liquoris uncias duas, Sextarius bili bris. Sextarius bili bris. Cyathus, inquit ille, capit liquoris uncias duas, Sextu[m] [mercur]ij nuac[um] [mercur]ij [mercur]ij piis [mercur]ij pias [mercur]io. Si cyathus uncias duas capit, et sextarius igitur uncias capit quatuor & uiginti, id est centum nonaginta duas drachmas: & sic ad momentu[m] extremu[m] co[m]uenit nobiscu[m] Hesychius: nec cyathus decè drachmas, sed sedecim capere comprobatur: qui numerus duodenario multiplicatus, duas libras co[n]ficit. Hesychiu[m] aute[m] de Romano cyatho locutu[m] ex eo patet, quòd uncias duas Romano uocabulo dixit. Quære consectâ (ut arbitror) probatione habemus. Co[m]perto enim cyathi modulo, reliqua dubia esse nequeu[n]t. Herodotus in Polymnia, id est

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND containing four measures, namely four choenices. But there is a comic allusion to a tetrameter poem. For what Socrates had said about poetic feet, Strepsiades, ignorant of poetry, referred to choenices, as though feet and measures were something else; he did not know, as we gathered that division of the medimnus from the commentator on that poet and from Pollux. Although Harpocration confirms this in his lexicon of rhetoric under the word quies . He also said that a medimnus contains fifty-two choenices: and a modius, as it is called, eight choenices. But if a medimnus contains six Italian modii, as has been proved by the most reliable authorities: since one sixth of a medimnus is eight choenices, it is necessary that one choenix contain two sextarii, and four cotylae. For a modius contains sixteen sextarii. Nor is what was said by Pollux consistent, namely that the cotyla is a third part of a choenix, as if, that is, the choenix had been one and a half Italian sextarii. For which reason the opinion of Theodore Gaza, a physician, who in some place translates it as sextarii, is hardly to be accepted. But I found nothing more certain than what is read in Hesychius, who wrote in the time of Emperor Anastasius, when Roman affairs were already quite well known among Greek men. A cyathus, he says, holds two ounces of liquid, Sextarius bilibris. Sextarius bilibris. A cyathus, he says, holds two ounces of liquid, Sextu[m] [mercur]ij nuac[um] [mercur]ij [mercur]ij piis [mercur]ij pias [mercur]io. If a cyathus holds two ounces, then a sextarius therefore holds twenty-four ounces, that is, one hundred and ninety-two drachmas: and thus Hesychius agrees with us to the very last detail; nor is it proven that the cyathus holds ten drachmas, but sixteen: which number, multiplied by twelve, makes two pounds. But it is clear from this that Hesychius spoke of the Roman cyathus, because he said “two ounces” using the Roman term. Seek out the conclusion, and we have, as I judge, the proof. For once the measure of the cyathus has been established, the remaining points cannot be doubtful. Herodotus in Polymnia, that is

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 583 id est lib. v 1 1. de copijs Xerxis loquens Græciâ inuaden tis, outw πεντηκοίας τε μεικάσις ν[ost]ι ἀνεστι ν[ost]ι δυτῶ, κεί χιλιάσας πρὸς, κεί ἐκαποντιάσις δυο, ν[ost]ι δεκάσις δυο αυδρῶν ν[ost]ιαν ἐυργης δὲ δαρτις μεχι σπιάδον κεί θερμοπυλεων. Ita bis, inquit, & quinquagies c[æ]tena & octogintatria millia, & ducentos uiginti homines Xerxes ad Thermopylas usq; duxit. Et paulò post, ὑδε ὑδεν μοι θωνια παρίσατη προδένα τὰ ἐκεθαι τῶν ωσταμων ενιων, αλλὰ μαλλον ἐκως τὰ στὰν αυτεχρησε θωνια μοι μεικάσι ποικούτησι. ἐνρισκω ά συμβαλλεώ μεν, ει χοινια πυρῶν ἐκασος τ[ame]ν ἐμβανε ν[ost]ι μαθήν πλεον, ἐνδεχα μεικά δια μεθιμων τελεομένας ἐπ[ι] ἐμβανη ἐκάση, ν[ost]ι πρὸς πινκεσίας τε αλλα μεθιμων ν[ost]ι τεαδράνουντα. id est, Itaq; mirum mihi non uidetur quorunda[m] amnium fluenta defecisse tot hominum millia: sed quonam modo frumentu[m] suppeticrit tot hominum millibus, id uerò mirum uideri potest. Si quidè ut chæ nicem frumenti quisq; in singulos dies acciperet, ac nihil amplius, subducta ratione inuenio c[æ]tena dena millia medimnu[m] quotidie absumi potuisse, & treceta præterea qua draginta medimna. Hoc loco uertendo Laurentius Vallen sis uir de literis meritissimus, errore lapsus est tanto ingenio indigno. Sic enim uertit, Quo minus nunor proditum esse fluenta quæda[m] non suppeditasse: magis nùror unde tot myriadibus cibaria suppetierint. Nam subducta ratione sic co[m]perio, si singuli quotidie singulas frumeti chænicas, id est semodia non amplius accepissent, absumpta fuisse singulis diebus centu[m] millia medimnoru[m], & trecetos ac quadraginta medimnos: qui singuli co[m]stant è senis modijs. Sic legitur in libris impressis: sed c[æ]t[u]m & dec[em]e nullia Lauretiu[m] scripsisse no[n] dubito. Mitto igitur quòd illa uerba, proditu[m] esse flueta no[n] suppeditauisse, male uersa sunt: quia Herodotus id affirmare uidetur, annium flueta prodidisse, hoc est O 4 destituisse

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 583 that is, book V, chapter 1.1. Speaking of the forces of Xerxes, when he invaded Greece, outw [Greek text], that is, fifty myriads, and eighty-three thousand, and two hundred and twenty men Xerxes led as far as Thermopylae. And a little later, [Greek text]. That is, So it does not seem strange to me that the streams of certain rivers ran dry because of so many thousands of men: but how grain could have sufficed for so many thousands of men, that indeed may seem surprising. For if each man received a chenix of grain per day, and nothing more, I find by calculation that ten thousand medimni a day could have been consumed, and in addition three hundred and forty medimni. In this passage, Laurentius Valla, a most distinguished man in letters, erred in translating, and with a mistake unworthy of such great talent. For thus he translates: I therefore wonder the less that certain streams are said not to have supplied enough: I wonder the more how provisions sufficed for so many myriads. For by calculation I thus discover that, if each man had received daily only one chenix of grain, that is, no more than a semodius, there would have been consumed each day one hundred thousand medimni, and three hundred and forty medimni, each of which consists of six modii. Thus it is read in the printed books; but I do not doubt that Laurentius wrote c[æ]tum & dec[em]e nullia. I pass over, then, the fact that those words, “it is said that the streams did not supply,” are badly translated, because Herodotus seems to affirm that the streams of the rivers failed, that is, were exhausted

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET destituisse exercitu tantu. Hoc igitur ut mittamus tanqua[m] ab interprete aliud agete uersum, ne hoc quide[m] dixit He- rodotus, quid choenix, quid medimnus caperet. At Laure[m] tius utrunq[ue] ex persona sua interpretatus, in altero longè falsus est. Videamus igitur quonam modo rationem inie- rit, ut hæc uerba ad Herodotum adderet. In undecim my- riadibus, ut locutus est Herodotus, id est in centum ac de- cem millibus & trecentis medimnis, mille ac centum heca- tontadas, id est centenarios millium esse planum est. hanc summam sexies ducere debemus, ut ex medimnis ad modios ueniamus: quo fit ut iam sex millia sexceti, decem & octo centenarij millium fiant. tum eam summam rursus duplica bimus, ut ex modijs semodij fiant, id est choenices, ut Lau- rentius uoluit. sic fiet summa centenariorum, tredecim mil- lia ducenti ac trigintasex. Hanc centenariorum summam si ita partiamur, ut ex cetenarijs millenarij fiant, quas chi- liadas Herodotus appellat, fient omnino mille trecenti ui- gintitres millenarij, & sex centenarij, id est tredecies cen- tena ac uigintitia millia sexcenti, homines totide[m] & choe nices. Restant quadraginta medimni in ducentos & qua- draginta modios diuidendi, & hi rursus in quadringentos octoginta semodios & choenicas, qui numerus iam dictæ summæ accedit, ut sint tredecies centena uigintiquatuor millia & octoginta. qui numerus longè abest à quinquau- gies bis centenus millibus, & reliquis numeris excurrenti- bus. Quare planum fit Laurentium Vallensem, nusquam non ferè acrem hominem & uigilantem, tamen oscitanter hunc locum traduxisse, penè nihil ut pensi habuerit, tum lectoribus Herodoti, qui Græcum non obseruant exem- plar, insigniter imposuisse. sed autorem eum cum Hero- doto habemus, medimnum non Latinè modium, sed sex modia

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND to have deprived the army of so great a number. Therefore, although we may pass this over as though it were a different statement made by an interpreter, Herodotus did not even say this: what a choenix, what a medimnus contained. But Laurentius, interpreting both according to his own judgment, was greatly mistaken in the second. Let us therefore see in what way he introduced a reason for adding these words to Herodotus. In eleven myriads, as Herodotus spoke, that is, in one hundred and ten thousand and three hundred medimni, there are clearly one thousand one hundred hecatontades, that is, hundreds of thousands. We must multiply this sum by six, so as to arrive from medimni at modii: the result is that six thousand six hundred and eighteen hundreds of thousands are made. Then we shall double that sum again, so that from modii there may be semimodii, that is, choenices, as Laurentius wished. Thus the sum of the hundreds of thousands will come to thirteen thousand two hundred and thirty-six. If we divide this sum of hundreds of thousands in such a way that from the hundreds of thousands there are thousands, which Herodotus calls chiliades, there will altogether be one thousand three hundred and twenty-three thousands, and six hundreds, that is, thirteen hundred and twenty-four thousand six hundred men, and the same number of choenices. There remain forty medimni to be divided into two hundred and forty modii, and these again into four hundred and eighty semimodii and choenices, which number approaches the sum just mentioned, so that it becomes thirteen hundred and twenty-four thousand and eighty. This number is far removed from five hundred thousand twice over, and from the remaining numbers running on. Therefore it is clear that Laurentius Vallensis, a man almost everywhere keen and vigilant, nevertheless translated this passage carelessly, so that he scarcely paid it any attention, and then notably deceived the readers of Herodotus, who do not observe the Greek exemplar. But with the author and Herodotus we have it that a medimnus is not, in Latin, a modius, but six modii.

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 585 modia significare, quod Politianus ignorasse uidetur, & ante eum nonnulli librorum Græcoru[m] interpretes. Quare apud Plutarchum Latinè uersum in Lucullo quod legi= < Plutarchi locus.> tur, Lucullum penuria commeatum pressum, quum in Mithridatem infestis copijs contenderet, triginta secum millia Galatarum duxisse, qui totidem modiatritici portarent: medimna legendum est, ut singuli senos modios gestauerint, homines præualentes corpore. Sic enim apud Plutarchum legitur, &c περαγας ἔπιδη πισμηρίν, ἔκάσαν ἐπι τῶν ὑμων ἀμιζονθε στις μεθληνον. Nam apud nos geruli frumentarij uulgò duodenos modios ex portu in hor= rea portant. quare Galatæ homines præualidi senos one= re uiatorio modios gestare potuerût, qui minores erat no stris, ut suprà docuimus, quanto mensura rasa à cumu= lata distat. & præterea medimni illi fortasse minores erat Atticis. Vt igitur mentem Herodoti assequamur de choe= nice, age fàc modium non binas tantum choenicas, ut Lau= rentius uoluit, sed octonas cepisse, id quod suprà dixi= mus. hoc posito, summa sex millium sexcentorum decem & octo centenariorum, non duplicatò tantum, sed octu= plicatò cresce, fientq[ue] duo & quinquaginta millia non= genti quatuor & quadraginta cētenarij, qui bis & quin= quagies centena nonagintaquatuor millia quadringentos faciunt. Par est enim dicere, bis & quinquagies centena nonaginta millia, & bis & quinquagies millies centena, milliesq[ue] nonaginta sic in superiore numero tredecim mil= lia ducenti centenarij efficiunt centies tredecim millia & centies ducenta, hoc est tredecies cētena & uiginti millia. ergo si bis & quinquagies nonagintaquatuor millibus & quadringentis choenicibus, quadraginta medimnos, id est ducentos & quadraginta modios addideris, & pro his O 5 octies

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 585 to signify modia, which Politian seems to have been ignorant of, and before him certain interpreters of the Greek books. Wherefore in Plutarch, in the Latin version of Lucullus, what is read, “Lucullus, pressed by a shortage of provisions, when he was advancing against Mithridates with hostile forces, took with him thirty thousand Galatians, who were to carry the same number of measures of wheat,” must be read as medimna, so that each man carried six modii, men of robust build. For thus it is read in Plutarch, and so on: περαγας ἔπιδη πισμηρίν, ἔκάσαν ἐπι τῶν ὑμων ἀμιζονθε στις μεθληνον. For among us the grain carriers commonly transport twelve modii from the port to the granaries; therefore the Galatians, very strong men, could have carried six modii each as a load for a journey, though smaller than ours, as we have shown above, just as the measured quantity differs from the heaped-up one. And moreover those medimna were perhaps smaller than the Attic ones. Thus, in order that we may follow Herodotus’s meaning concerning the choenices, let us suppose that a modius contained not merely two choenices, as Laurentius wished, but eight, as we said above. On this assumption, the sum of six thousand six hundred and eighteen centenaries, not only doubled but multiplied by eight, will become fifty-two thousand nine hundred and forty-four centenaries, which make two hundred and fifty-two thousand nine hundred and forty-four times one hundred, that is, four hundred and ninety-four thousand four hundred. For it is the same as to say two hundred and fifty times ninety-four thousand and four hundred, and two hundred and fifty times one thousand by one hundred, and so on; in the higher number thirteen thousand two hundred centenaries make one hundred and thirteen thousand and two hundred, that is, thirteen hundred and twenty thousand. Therefore if to two hundred and fifty times ninety-four thousand four hundred choenices you add forty medimna, that is, two hundred and forty modii, and for these O 5 eight times

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET octies multiplicatis, mille nōgentas & uiginti chœnicas, fient in summa bis & quinquagies nonaginta sex millia trecenti & uiginti uiri, & totidem chœnices, & com= putatione Græcorum myriades quingentæ & uigintino= uem, & præterea sex millia trecenti ac uiginti uiri. My= rias (ut sæpe dixi) decem millium numerum significat. A= pud Herodotum autem numerus hominum legitur myriades quingentæ uigintiocto, & tria millia ducenti & uiginti. ita fit ut numerus chœnicum superet numerum hominum tredecim millibus & centum, quod errore calculi factum est, siue Herodoti culpa, siue emendatorum fuit. Intelligimus tamen (id quod quærimus) Herodotum censuisse chœnicè non semodium, sed modij octauam partem esse. Esse autem errorem calculi in hoc loco, non magis mirum est, quàm eo loco ubi tributorum Persidis fit mentio, ut suprà adnotatum est. Quòd autem in superiore calculo lapsus non sim, quanquam loco lubrico, facilè sciri potest, si quis numerum medimnûm, id est centum & decem millia trecenta & quadraginta sexies ducêdo, ex medimnis ad modios transeat, sic enim iam fient sexcenta sexagintaduo millia quadraginta: quæ rursus octies ducta, ut ex modijs chœnices faciamus, fiunt in summa, quinquagies bis nonaginta sex millia trecentæ & uiginti: tamet si siue uno, aut altero loco, siue in pluribus lapsus sim in summis supputandis, indulgendam mihi ueniam facilè ab optimo quoq[ue] uiro promitto, modò ne calculi errore ductus, falsò quippiâ cōstituerim: id quod uitasse me omnino existimo. nec tamen (quæ est humana cōditio) temere aliquid affirmauerim, ut omnino regressum mihi ad maiore etiam ueniam negem, quam ne ambitiosis quidè precibus, et penè supplicibus, si res ita tulerit, exposcere grauabor: quippe < Deprecatio ad lectores & iu- dices huius o- peris.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND multiplied eightfold, 19,000 and 20 chœnices, there will be in all, twice and fifty times ninety-six thousand three hundred and twenty men, and as many chœnices, and by the reckoning of the Greeks, five hundred and twenty-nine myriads, and moreover six thousand three hundred and twenty men. A myriad (as I have often said) signifies the number of ten thousand. But in Herodotus the number of men is read as five hundred and twenty-eight myriads, and three thousand two hundred and twenty. Thus it comes about that the number of chœnices exceeds the number of men by thirteen thousand and one hundred, which was done through an error in calculation, whether by Herodotus’ fault, or by that of the editors. Yet we understand (which is what we are seeking) that Herodotus judged the chœnix not to be a semodium, but an eighth part of a modius. But that there should be an error in calculation in this passage is no more surprising than in that passage where mention is made of the tribute of Persia, as noted above. And that I have not slipped in the earlier calculation, although in a slippery place, can easily be known if anyone takes the number of medimni, that is 110,346, and converts it from medimni to modii; for thus there will now be 662,040. These, again multiplied eight times, so as to make chœnices from modii, come to a total of 52 times 96 thousand 320. Yet if in one place or another, or in several places, I have made an error in summing up, I readily promise that pardon should be granted me by every good man, provided that, led by an error of calculation, I have not falsely established something; which I believe I have altogether avoided. Nor, however, shall I rashly assert anything, so as to refuse myself the right of return to still greater pardon, which, if the case should so require, I shall not hesitate to seek, even with entreaties not ambitious but almost supplicatory: for indeed < An entreaty to the readers and judges of this work.>

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Transcription: ATR-1

quippe quum ne eximij quidè scriptores extra aleam suis se hallucinandi quotidie reuincantur. Quo minus ita existi mari uelim, quasi nubi firmius aliud præsidium actionum etiam mearum omnium esse, nedum scriptionum credam, quàm in ara (ut ingenuè fatear) misericordiæ situ[m]. Quòd si Cassiani quidam iudices tam prætracta inuenti fuerint seueritate, ut omnem nubi ueniæ spem abscissam esse pro= nuncient (id enim unum uereor) candidissimum quenque lectorem (ut spero) licebit appellare, ijsq[ue] supremum cal= culu[m] porrigere, qui ex bono et[iam] æquo ius dicunt de multa meritoq[ue] scribentium. Nam iure ad eos prouocandi subla to, quotusquisque experiri audeat uel aduocata facundia fretus atq[ue] subnixus? Atenim in auspicando hoc opere nul lum me iudicem reiecturum esse præsatus sum, duntaxat non nesciu[m] iudicandi: nempe eo staturus omnino, quod do [con]ti censuissent. Vbi nunc igitur illa fiducia operis arbitra tu omnium approbandi? Equidem non ideo hæc dicenda duxi, quòd co[n]scientiam non eandem nunc in fine suscepti operis feram, quam iam inde ferebam à primordio, neque ille animus concidit rei compertæ securitate præsidens, sed altiores spiritus in principio sublati ut attentionem nu= hi facerem, peroraturo me, sensum submittere se debue= runt hominum bencuolentiæ, ut si deducenda re in iudi= cium et[iam] pertractanda aliquid imprudens offenderim (ut est humana natura tenoris inoffensi nescia) id iuri certo ne obsit. Id uerò ita condonari nubi postulo, si iure com= muni atque omnibus usurpato postulo. quod si nubi non negatur, nihil iam lectores moror quo minus de capite et[iam] existimatione mea in consilium statim eatur. Hanc enim sortem (ut spero) deo bene iuuante in urnam coniecimus. Quapropter Mineruam Mercuriumq[ue] huius generis iu= diciorum

Transcription: Translated (English)

Since even outstanding writers are daily exposed to the chance of being caught in hallucinations of their own. I would not wish this to be taken to mean that I believe there is any firmer protection for all my actions, still less for my writings, than, I openly confess, in the shrine of mercy. But if certain Cassian judges have been found with such overstrained severity that they declare every hope of pardon for me to be cut off—for that is the one thing I fear—then the most candid reader may, I hope, be called upon, and may hand down the final reckoning to those who, with both fairness and equity, judge the writings of others with due consideration of merit. For once the right of appeal to them has been taken away, how many would dare to make the trial, even when supported and fortified by eloquence as advocate? Yet in beginning this work I foretold that I would reject no judge, provided only that I did not misunderstand the matter of judging: that is, I would stand entirely by what the learned had decided. Where now, then, is that confidence in the work, whereby all are to be approved as arbiters? Indeed, I have not thought these things should be said because I now carry at the end of the undertaking the same conscience that I carried from the very beginning, nor has that spirit broken down, resting secure in the certainty of the matter; but higher inspirations, raised at the outset so that I might give attention to what I was about to speak, had to yield their place to human goodwill, so that if, in bringing the matter to judgment and also discussing it, I should have erred in anything unawares—as human nature is ignorant of an unoffending course—that should not harm any fixed legal claim. This, indeed, I ask to be pardoned by you, if I ask it according to common law and what is commonly used by all. But if that is not denied to me, I now delay readers no longer, but let there be immediate consultation about my very head and reputation as well. For this lot, as I hope, with God’s help, we have cast into the urn. Wherefore let Minerva and Mercury of this kind of judgments

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET diciorum præsides, potentes q[ui]s, uimq[ue] omnem imaginariam numinum, prisci æui suffragijs atque superstitione literarum studio præsectorum, oro, si fas est, atq[ue] obtestor, si liberalium disciplinaru[m] antistites syncera atq[ue] assidua obseruantia colui, ex quo primùm, licet serò, his sacris initiatus fui, huius ut iudicij euentum mihi bonum, faustum, felicemq[ue] faciant. Cuius uoti compotem ita futurum me censeo atq[ue] exposco, si omnium maximè studiosiorum hoc sacramentum bona fide suscepi, constanterq[ue] seruaui: qua uel unare maximè dijs litari solet ipsis. Neque enim tot stipendijs Mineruæ faciendis æra unquam merentem me, nec quæstus ambitusq[ue] blandimentis à signis Philologiæ quisquam uidit emansitantem: sed nec uxor, nec liberi eiusdem sacramenti fortasse futuri tyrunculi, proca[c]cissima duo studiorum duocamenta, dieculam unquam mihi unam exemere temporis literis destinati, duntaxat quâ tum mihi licuit à munere publico seriari. Vtinamq[ue] diuina benignitate commodior antehac nobis ualutudo rebus cæteris competiuisset. Alacrem certè ac sui iuris animum præstiteram, earumq[ue] rerum curis uacantem, quæ identi dem interpellare literarum studia dictitantur. Quin ne sic quidem etiam missionem unquam ab statiuis ijs castris postulare certum est, quorum nunquam emerita stipendia strenuissimo cuique fuisse censeo: tametsi inter causarios profiteri multis ipse nominibus potuissem, et ad rem quoquo modo immigrare faciendam. cuius siue constantiæ siue pertinaciæ exemplum à nullo adhuc nostratium proditum esse noui. Etenim praua hominum nostrorum opinione, temporumq[ue] iniquitate factum est, ut res ijs literaria decoxisse uideatur, qui post adolescentiam, quum causas ipsi possent actitare, aut circa patrimonium augendum

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET the chiefs of the learned, powerful ones, and all the imaginary force of the deities, fortified by the votes and superstition of former ages, I beseech, if it may be lawful, and I implore, if I have honored with sincere and constant observance the leaders of the liberal disciplines, ever since first, though late, I was initiated into these sacred rites, that they make the outcome of this judgment good, favorable, and happy for me. I consider and request that I shall be made a partaker of this vow, if I have received this sacrament with good faith above all as a very zealous student, and have steadfastly kept it: by which alone sacrifice to the gods themselves is most especially accustomed to be made. For indeed no one has ever seen me, deserving my pay, through so many campaigns for Minerva, or slipping away from the banners of Philology by the blandishments of gain and ambition: but neither wife nor children, those fledgling apprentices of the same sacrament, perhaps to be future tyrants, two most troublesome burdens of study, have ever taken away from me a single little day of the time assigned to letters, except insofar as public duty allowed me to be absent. And would that by divine kindness a more convenient health had previously been granted to us in the rest of our affairs. Certainly I had shown a cheerful and free spirit, and one vacant from those cares which are said again and again to interrupt the study of letters. Indeed, not even then did I ever resolve to demand dismissal from those stationary camps, whose earned service I judge never to have been anything less than for the most valiant of men; although among those pleading excuse I could for many reasons have claimed to be, and to have entered upon the matter in whatever way possible. Of this either constancy or obstinacy I know that no example has yet been handed down by any of our countrymen. For indeed, through the bad opinion of our own people and the unfairness of the times, it has come about that the literary life seems to have ruined those who, after youth, when they could themselves plead causes, or were occupied in increasing their patrimony

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 589 dum quo quo modo satagitare, literaru studijs uacare ma= luerunt: quod genus ociari uulgus etiam prudentum, & cessare appellat: uidelicet cuiusque operæ nauatæ fructum in numerato positum esse credentes, philosophiæ philo= < Philologiz.> logiæq; (qui est amor literatæ sapientiæ) inania ieiunaq; nomina cauillantes, atque ijs demum decora esse dictitan= tes, quos res atque fides per ignauiam umbratilem socor= diamq; defecerint. Nuper tamen instauratæ utriusq; lin= guæ felicitate studia iuuenum nostrorum magnopere exar serunt. pauci enim literarum admiratione ducti, perti= naci studio multorum æmulationem excitauerunt: simul Italorum industria, qui libros in dies alios atque alios ediderunt, literarum bonarum nomen non pridem nostris inauditum, primùm inuisum, deinde neglectum, postre= mo festiuum ac plausibile esse coepit. Nunc etiam eousq; honori habitum, præsertim literarum Græcarum autori= tate (quæ ab initio ipsæ prodigosæ, ac propemodum di= ræ putabantur) ut ij qui maximè refractarij per inscitiam futuri uidebantur, liberos suos ijs literis instituendos iam percupidè tradant, nominatim etiam quasi ex formula cauentes, ut literis bonis probatisq; eruditi reddantur. Hic iam est animorum habitus: tametsi paucis ad frugem bonam euadere contingit, non ingenioru culpa (ut Fran= comastiges uolunt) sed hominum errore, qui paucoru an= norum cultu acquiescentes, literarum & studij fructum in ima uena inquisitionis reconditum esse nesciunt, sicut omnium artificiorum indicaturam expolitio facit. Sed sic quoq; iuuat multos existere, qui uel præcoci fructu studio rum gaudeant, & ad alia uitæ instituta traseuntes, partim honore literatis habeat, partim etia literatoru ipsi uideri numeru augere uelint. Est enim ea ratio animoru culturæ, ut uel

Transcription: Translated (English)

instead of troubling themselves in this way or that, they have preferred to devote themselves to literary studies; a kind of idling which even the more prudent of the common people call loafing and doing nothing: plainly because they believe that the reward of any diligent labor lies in ready money, and, mocking philosophy and philology (which is the love of learned wisdom) as empty and insipid names, they keep saying that these are fit only for those whom affairs and practical life have abandoned through sluggish, cloistered indolence and laziness. Recently, however, thanks to the revival of both languages, the studies of our young men have greatly burst into flame. For a few, drawn on by admiration for learning, have by persistent zeal stirred up the emulation of many; at the same time the industry of the Italians, who have been publishing one book after another day by day, has caused the name of the liberal arts, not long ago unheard among us, first to be hated, then neglected, and finally to become popular and applauded. Now it has even come to such honor, especially through the authority of Greek learning—which at the beginning was thought to be in itself extravagant and almost destructive—that those who seemed most obstinate through ignorance will now eagerly entrust their children to be educated in these studies, expressly and, as it were, by set formula, taking care that they be brought up in sound and approved learning. Such is now the temper of men’s minds. Yet it is granted to only a few to attain to sound fruit, not because of any fault in talent, as the “Francomastiges” maintain, but because of men’s error: they, content with the cultivation of a few years, do not know that the fruit of learning and study lies hidden deep in the very vein of inquiry, just as the polishing of all crafts reveals their finished excellence. But even so it is worthwhile that many should exist who either rejoice in the early fruit of studies and, passing on to other ways of life, partly hold learned men in honor, and partly also wish themselves to seem to increase the number of the learned. For this is the way of cultivating the mind, so that even

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ut uel serotina, uel præmatura, uel inchoata tantum, nunquam frugiperda sit. Qui autem uel quæstuariæ ætatis, uel ambitui iam maturæ & accom[m]odatæ dispendio, disciplinis etiam ciuilibus studere citra compendij spem instituant, rari inueni[n]tur hodie: quando perire id omne tempus putatur multorum opinione, quo nec res plenior sit, nec fastigium hominis crescit gerendis magistratibus. In rebus autem humanis nulla (ut quidem reor) maior est indignitas, quàm quum fortuna undiq[ue] constans, omniumq[ue] rerum aut plurimarum secura, literarum amoenitate[m] floccipendens, inertiam ut blandam amplectitur (quod rarò non euenit) aut quum studium literarum flagrans in claris ingenijs, improbitate fortunæ, res mediocris deficit. Sed ut ad me redeam, et si crimen nondum agnosco, eiurare tamen ueniæ petitionem nolim, si ita forte commodum sit. etenim (ut est humani ingenij male firma natura) uereor necubi lapsus sim imprudens, quum tot loca lubrica pertransierim. Sed & illud subinde recursat, ne piaculare existimetur, aut certe suapte conditione inuidiosum, me hominem nulla autoritate nixum, nullis præceptis magistrorum imbutum, maiestatem sæpe Pliniani nominis attentasse, superioris æui opinione consecrati. Quaquam non meum hoc exemplum, sed tertias iam manus (ut minimum) censorias pertulit, & sic quoq[ue] doctorum sententia longè abest ut ex reis falsi autoribus liber ipse, imposturæq[ue] temerariæ atque animaduertendæ, publicè eximatur. Quotus enim quisq[ue] hodie flagitijs eius adnotandis abstinet (libri dico, nô autoris) ut quisq[ue] commentantiu[m] aliquid potuit com[m]unisci? Nec id mirum uideri debet: omnes enim iamdiu inquirimus ueritate[m], quam per exoletissima utcunq[ue] uestigia confusissimaq[ue] inuestigasse, palmarium semper existimatu[m] est. Hæc

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G. BVD. OF THE ASH AND whether it be late-born, or premature, or merely begun, let it never be fruitless. But those who undertake to study even civic disciplines, at the cost either of an age already ripe for ambition and suited to it, yet with no hope of profit, are rare to be found today: since that whole time is thought wasted by the opinion of many, in which neither wealth is increased, nor a man’s standing raised by holding office. Yet in human affairs there is no greater indignity (as I indeed think) than when fortune, steady everywhere and secure in all or most things, slighting the charm of letters, embraces idleness as if it were pleasing (which not seldom happens), or when zeal for letters, blazing in distinguished minds, fails because of the ill will of fortune in an otherwise modest condition. But to return to myself: even if I do not yet acknowledge the charge, I would nevertheless not refuse to ask for pardon, if by chance it should be convenient to do so. For I fear, as is the weak nature of human genius, lest I have slipped unwittingly, having passed through so many slippery places. But this too keeps recurring to me: lest it be thought sacrilegious, or at least by its very condition odious, that I, a man supported by no authority, imbued with no precepts of masters, should so often have dared to assail the majesty of the Plinian name, consecrated by the opinion of a former age. Although this is not my example, but has already endured the censure of a third hand at least, and thus the judgment of the learned is still far from releasing the book itself from the authorship of falsehood and from rash and punishable imposture, publicly. For how many today refrain from noting its faults—I mean the book, not the author—whoever has been able to contrive something from the commentators? Nor should this seem surprising: for we have all long been in search of truth, which, however one may trace it out through the most worn and confused of tracks, has always been thought the chief achievement. These things

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 591 est. Hac uia maiores nostri lingua utranq[ue] bona ex parte restituêre nobis. Quidni igitur eorum uestigijs insistetes, longissimè etiam abstrusas repetamus reliquias ueritatis? In hac aute[m] indagine maximè nos torserunt fallacia quædam mendosaq[ue] uestigia, quæ primore aspectu certa, in tenebras tandem erraticas ferebant. Ibi deprehensa cura ac uigilantia sæpe hærere coacta est, coeptamq[ue] interdum inquisitionem abrumpere animi destinatione subita. Reuocabat enim me subinde reprehensabatq[ue] absoluendæ rei desperatio, uerebarq[ue] interdum si per consusa perplexaq[ue] uestigia rem indagare pergerem, cuius exitum certum inuenire non esset, ne in ambagiosum quoddam opus insinuarem incautus. Hic si quis à me quærere institerit, quî fieri tande[m] potuit ut idem autor Plinius in diuersis exeplaribus sui prorsus dissimilis factus sit: (hoc enim sæpe affirmauimus) huic ego primùm illud Homericum respondere non dubitem ex libro 1liados undeuicesimo, AMMA TI NEN ζιξαι μι; Θεος σκη Πάντα Τελοντα, Περισολος Θios Θυγάτηρ άτη, ο Πάντας άαται. Sed quid agam, dæmon proles Iouis, omnia uersans Euentu uario, nulli non officit Ate. Quid enim aliud causæ esse dicam, quàm quòd dea quæda[m] potentiaq[ue]; malefica per omnia humana acta bacchatur, <Ata.> Ata nomine, Stygij Iouis filiarum natu maxima, quæ homines infortunio quodam semper afficere gliscit, humanis ipsa rebus exitum nunc dirum, nunc noxium et incommodum inducens. Hanc ego Atam Latinè noxam appellare soleo: Hebræi Satanam appellauerunt. Deinde illud Vergilianum addam ex poëmate Georgico, - Sic omnia fatis In peius ruere, ac retro sublapsa referri: Non

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it is. By this path our ancestors restored to us, in good part, both tongues. Why then should we not, following their traces, recover even the most deeply hidden remnants of truth? In this inquiry especially certain deceptive and misleading traces have wearied us, which at first sight seemed trustworthy but in the end led into wandering darkness. There, careful scrutiny and vigilance were often forced to halt, and sometimes, by a sudden resolution of mind, to break off the enterprise already begun. For from time to time the despair of completing the matter called me back and reproved me; and I feared at times that, if I continued to trace the matter through confused and tangled tracks, whose certain outcome could not be discovered, I might, unwittingly, insert myself into some labyrinthine work. If anyone should persist in asking me here how it could possibly have happened that the same author, Pliny, became in different copies altogether unlike himself—this indeed we have often affirmed—I should not hesitate first to answer him with that Homeric line from the nineteenth book of the Iliad: AMMA TI NEN ζιξαι μι; Θεος σκη Πάντα Τελοντα, Περισολος Θios Θυγάτηρ άτη, ο Πάντας άαται. But what am I to say? A spirit, child of Jupiter, turning all things about in varying fortune, Ate harms everyone without exception. For what else shall I say is the cause, except that some goddess and evil power runs riot through all human actions, namely Ate? Ate by name, the eldest of the daughters of Stygian Jupiter, who ever desires to afflict men with some misfortune, herself bringing upon human affairs now a dreadful, now a harmful and inconvenient ending. This Ate I am accustomed to call, in Latin, noxa: the Hebrews called her Satan. Next I shall add that Virgilian passage from the Georgics: - Thus all things by fate Sink ever more and more into worse condition, and, slipping backward, are carried back: Not

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Non aliter quàm qui aduerso uix flumine lembum Remigijs subigit, si brachia forte remisit. & reliqua. Nam & Plinius ipse si nunc reuiuiscat, & ab eo quæratur cur multis in locis commodè intelligi nequeat: sic forsan respondeat ex eodem poëta, Ero S[un]t un cùllos c[uius] ui, AMàx hòbis n[on] n[on] n[on] ipso poëus c[om]p[ro]v[er]rús. Haud ego causa fui, Stygius sed Iuppiter, atq[ue] Eumenis in tenebris grassans, ac Parca maligna. id est, Nolite committere ut id mihi uitio uertatis, cuius ego insontem planè me ostendere possem, & cuius culpa debet in Iouem illum Stygium, ac Parcas ipsas reijci, Erinnynq[ue] illam, diram tenebrarum incolam: quæ maleuola numina, rebus humanis insensa, maleficam noxam interturbandis & corrumpendis operibus actisq[ue]; mortalium omni hora summittunt. Profectò admirari sæpe subit tam latè serpsisse errorum contagia, ut omnia exemplaria quibusdam in locis itidem deprauata fuerint. Sed sic natura c[om]paratum esse scimus, ut situ squaloreq[ue]; omnia obducantur, quæ diu condita in lucem non profruntur, ut terras incultas senticeta occupent, segetesq[ue]; neglectæ lolijs & carduis præsocentur. Hac ratione antiqua uolumina seculis imperitis uitiata sunt, exemplaribus alijs alijsq[ue]; transcribèdis. Sed iam à digressu in uiam redeundu[m]. Ex loco igitur Herodoti supradicto argumentum habemus ualidissimum, choenicem frumenti eam esse mensuram, quam unus homo <Choenix.> quotidie absumere possit. Est enim choenix (ut ait Suidas) cibarium diurnu[m], [n]o[n] [Ch]r[ist]us [Ch]r[ist]iv[us] [n]o[n] n[on] [Ch]r[ist]us [Ch]r[ist]iv[us] [n]o[n] [Ch]r[ist]us [Ch]r[ist]iv[us] [n]o[n] [Ch]r[ist]us [Ch]r[ist]iv[us] [n]o[n], Super choenicem ne sedeas. cuius est hæc sententia, <Super choenicè ne sedeas.> quum unius dici uictu paraueris, ne eo statim acquiescas: id quod facere solent, qui in diem uiuere dictitantur, in crastinum

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Not otherwise than one who, against the current, with oars forces a skiff, if by chance he has let his arms rest. & the rest. For if even Pliny himself were now to come back to life, and were asked why in many places he cannot conveniently be understood, he would perhaps answer from the same poet: Ero S[un]t un cùllos c[uius] ui, AMàx hòbis n[on] n[on] n[on] ipso poëus c[om]p[ro]v[er]rús. I was not the cause; rather, Stygian Jupiter, and the Eumenis roaming in darkness, and malignant Fate. That is, Do not allow it to be charged against me as a fault, since I could plainly show myself innocent of it, and its blame ought to be thrown upon that Stygian Jupiter, and upon the Fates themselves, and upon that Erinys, the dreadful inhabitant of darkness: those malevolent powers, hostile to human affairs, constantly send forth their evil harm in disturbing and corrupting the works and deeds of mortals. Indeed, one often comes to wonder how the contagion of errors has spread so far, that all the copies in certain places have likewise been corrupted. But we know that it is so by nature, that everything is covered over with dirt and decay which, when long stored away, is not brought to light, just as uncultivated lands are taken over by thickets, and neglected crops are choked by darnel and thistles. In this way ancient volumes have been marred through ignorant centuries, by other and other copies being transcribed. But now we must return from the digression to the point. From the aforesaid passage of Herodotus we have the strongest argument that a choenix of grain is that measure which one man <Choenix.> can consume each day. For a choenix (as Suidas says) is a daily portion of food, [n]o[n] [Ch]r[ist]us [Ch]r[ist]iv[us] [n]o[n] n[on] [Ch]r[ist]us [Ch]r[ist]iv[us] [n]o[n] [Ch]r[ist]us [Ch]r[ist]iv[us] [n]o[n] [Ch]r[ist]us [Ch]r[ist]iv[us] [n]o[n], Do not sit above a choenix. of which this is the saying, <Do not sit above a choenix.> when you have provided for one day’s sustenance, do not at once settle down upon it: which those are wont to do who say they live from day to day, for tomorrow

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. crastinum non prospicientes. Quod scitum etsi memorabile, tamen à sensu humano potius quàm diuinitus emana uit. Nam dominus noster sectatoribus suis contrarium do gma tradidit, sed & omnibus Christianis hoc quodam modo genus uitæ præscripsisse uidetur, quum in oratione inquit, Panem nostrum quotidianum da nobis hodie. Et sic quoque in diem orare nos docuit, ut docet Cyprianus in enarratione eius orationis. Quo sit ut tantu inter quosda[m] homines hiantes auaritia, & inter ueros Christianos con ueniat, quantum inter Aristippum & Diogenem. Hui (inquiet aliquis) huiusmodi ueritatis prisca reputatio, nuc inter prudentes risu excipi solet. Perinde quasi euangelica lege tacito consensu mortalitatis Christiani homines so luti esse possint, nec eo etiam hodie iure genus humanum teneatur, quod moribus in desuetudinem abiit. Homerus Odysseæ decimonono circa principium chœnica pro cibo uel pane potius accepit: apud quem Telemachus Vlyssis filius ad Eurycliam nutricem ita inquit, Ou ἀστρον αυτομα ὑσκην ἰμης κα Χοινινος ἀπινταί, κοι Τηλόθεν ὑπιληθέως. Nam quencunq[ue] mea dignabor chœnice, prorsus Haud cessare sinam, quanquam procul aduena fertur. Hunc hominem quanquam ex longinqua regione hospitem, domi tamen inertem sedere non patiar, & pan[n]e meu[m] co[m]pressis manibus esitare. Athenæus libro tertio autor est Clearchum quendam uerborum aucupem ex ijs quos ipse Onomatotheras uocat, quasi uerborum innouatores, no= minumque aucupio gaudentes, chœnicem hemerotrophi= dem appellare solitum, quod uocabulum diurnum al= mentum significat. Proinde si chœnicem pro duobus sex= tarijs intelligamus, ut certè intelligere debemus, is erit P modus

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. HIS BOOK V. not looking ahead to tomorrow. This, though a notable and memorable precept, nevertheless seems to have flowed more from human feeling than from divine inspiration. For our Lord handed down to his followers a doctrine to the contrary; yet to all Christians he seems in some manner to have prescribed this way of life, when in prayer he says, “Give us this day our daily bread.” And so also he taught us to pray for each day, as Cyprian teaches in his exposition of that prayer. Hence it is that the difference between certain men, gaping in greed, and true Christians is as great as that between Aristippus and Diogenes. But someone will say: this ancient understanding of such truth is now received with laughter among the wise. As though by the silent consent of the Gospel law Christian men could be released from mortality, and as though even today the human race were not bound by a law which custom has fallen into disuse. Homer, in the nineteenth book of the Odyssey, around the beginning, took a chœnix as food, or rather as bread; in that place Telemachus, son of Ulysses, says thus to Eurycleia his nurse, Ou ἀστρον αυτομα ὑσκην ἰμης κα Χοινινος ἀπινταί, κοι Τηλόθεν ὑπιληθέως. For whomever I honor with my chœnix, I shall by no means allow him to be idle, though he be said to come from far away as a guest. I shall not allow this man, though a guest from a distant region, to sit idle at home and eat my bread with folded hands. Athenæus, in book three, records that a certain Clearchus, a hunter of words, one of those whom he himself calls Onomatotheras, that is, word innovators and delighting in the hunting of names, was accustomed to call a chœnix a hemerotrophis, a term which signifies a day’s sustenance. Therefore if we understand a chœnix as two sextarii, as certainly we ought to understand it, then it will be the P measure

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET modus diurni cibarij, ut miles quisq[ue] Darianus octonis diebus frumenti modium unum accipere debuerit, id est sesquimense medimnum. Hæc mensura (ut arbitror) Go= <Gomor.> mor ab Hebræis dicitur. Statuta enim à domino hæc men= sura erat colligendæ uiritim mānæ in singulos dies, ut scri ptum est Exodi x v 1.cap. Rabanus tamen tres choenicas cepisse dicit. Sed ijs quæ diximus de choenice, consentaneu[m] esse uidetur id quod à Marco Catone dicitur, quod in uul gatis exemplaribus mutilatum est, Familiæ, inquit, ciba= ria: qui opus facient, per hyemè tritici modios quaternos, per æstatem modios quaternos semis: uillico, uillicæ, epi= statæ, opilioni modios ternos: compeditis per hyemem pæ nis pondo quaterna: ubi uineam fodere coeperint, panis pondo quina, usque adeo dum ficos esse coeperint: deinde ad panes quaternos redito. Hactenus ille. Hoc autem intel ligere debemus, minore modo contentos esse posse, qui pul mentaria cum cibarijs habeant: uel qui opus non faciant, ut uillicus epistates, qui operis magis præfecti quàm <Epistates.> operarij sunt. Epistates enim curatorem operis signifi= cat. docet hoc Columella libro duodecimo de officio uilli= cationis loqués. Cæterùm quòd illa uerba Catonis supra= dicta de menstruis cibarijs intelligentur, conijcere possi= mus ex usu antiquorum, quibus mos fuit (ut autor est Do= natus in Phormionem Terentianum) quaternos frumenti modios quolibet mense singulis seruis admetiri, idq[ue] de= <Demensum.> mensum appellatum esse, uel à mense, uel à metiendo: ex quo more (inquit ille) Terétianum illud emanauit, Quod ille unciatim uix de demenso suo suum defraudans ge= nium comparsit miser, id illa uniuersum abripiet, haud existimans quanto labore sit partum. Frugi enim manci= pia minori mensura sese tolerantia, peculium inde auge= bant

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND the daily measure of food: thus each Darian soldier ought to receive one modius of grain in eight days, that is, a sesquimense medimnum. This measure, as I judge, is called Gomor by the Hebrews. For this was the measure appointed by the Lord for gathering manna day by day, as is written in Exodus xv, 1. Rabanus, however, says that he received three choenices. But from what we have said about the choenix, it seems consistent with what is said by Marcus Cato, which has been mutilated in the common copies: “Household provisions, he says: for those who do work, in winter four modii of wheat, in summer four and a half modii; to the steward, the female steward, the overseer, the shepherd, three modii; to the shackled slaves, in winter four pounds of bread; when they begin to dig the vineyard, five pounds of bread, until they begin to bear figs; then return to four loaves.” So far he. But this we must understand, that those who have porridges and provisions with them, or those who do not work, can be content with a smaller measure, such as the steward, the epistates, who are more supervisors of the work than laborers. For epistates signifies the overseer of the work. Columella teaches this in the twelfth book, speaking of the duties of the vine superintendent. Moreover, that the aforesaid words of Cato are to be understood of monthly provisions, we may infer from the practice of the ancients, among whom it was customary, as Donatus says in his commentary on Terence’s Phormio, to allot each slave every month four modii of grain, and this was called demensum, either from mensis, “month,” or from metiri, “to measure”: from which custom, he says, that Terentian line arose, “What he, scarcely withholding from his own demensum by drops, had saved for himself, poor wretch, his own appetite, that whole thing will seize, not considering with what labor it was acquired.” For thrifty slaves, by contenting themselves with a smaller measure, increased their savings from it.

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PARTIB EIVS LIB. V. bant. Id demensum Lucæ duodecimo Sitometrium dici= tur, quod incommodè tritici mensura uersum est ab in= terprete. Hæc ego quum scriberem, pistorem accersiri iussi, ideo mihi notum, quòd pane ab eo utebar, & ipse emercandi frumenti causa interdum ad me uentitabat. Cum hæc igitur ab eo sciscitarer, uix tandem extudi ut fateretur: uerebatur enim, ut sensi, ne quid in panificum nationem imprudens effaretur. Sed quum fidem fecissem nihil me huiuscemodi cogitare quod ille suspicari posset, eò ægrè hominem perduxi, ut diceret ex sextarijs singulis nostris, id est binis medimnis tritici probi, panes primariæ notæ sedecies duodenos minimum factitari. Primario autem pani iam cocto & tepido duodenas uncias lege municipali taxatas esse, id est libræ nostræ dodrantem. Petenti autem quantum in surfures abiret, respon= dit hemimedimnum, id est quadrantem sextarij nostri. Porrò secundarios panes pondo quaternum librarum fieri solere, quantum quini panes primarij penderent, quanquam singuli secundarij pro quaternis tantum primæ notæ cederent uenirent que. Id ideo institutum, quoniam nihil surfurum in eo pane esset, qui è massa conficeretur cribro suereta pollinario, ideoque huius candorem in secundario pane compensari pondere. Cum pondera tunc & panes expediri iussissem, ad libram parem propemodum responderunt. Tametsi uncia sæpe decedit in singulas libras, indulgentia eorum qui legis custodes constituuntur. Est autem primarij nostri panis ea omnino magnitudo, ut qui plurimum panis esitet, non ultra binos etiam recentes in singulos dies absumat, id est singulos in singula conuiuia, etiam destrictis (ut fit) summis crustis. qui autem mediocris in panis esu sit, etiam P 2 dodrante

Transcription: Translated (English)

...this allotment. In Luke 12 it is called a sitometrium, which has been awkwardly rendered by the translator as a measure of wheat. When I was writing this, I ordered the baker to be summoned; I knew him for that reason, because I used bread from him, and he himself used sometimes to come to me to buy grain. When, then, I questioned him about these matters, I could hardly at last get him to confess it. For, as I sensed, he was afraid lest he should inadvertently blurt out something against the baker’s guild. But when I had assured him that I was not thinking anything of the sort that he might suspect, I at length with difficulty brought the man to say that from each of our sextarii—that is, from two medimni of good wheat—they ordinarily make at least sixteen dozen loaves of first-class quality. But for the first-class loaf, once baked and warm, twelve ounces are fixed by municipal law, that is, three-quarters of our pound. When I asked how much went into the bran, he replied: half a medimnus, that is, a quarter of our sextarius. Moreover, the secondary loaves are usually made weighing four pounds apiece, as much as five primary loaves would weigh, although each secondary loaf sells for only as much as four first-class loaves. This, he said, was established for the reason that there was no bran in that bread, which is made from dough sifted through a fine baker’s sieve; and thus the whiteness of this in the secondary loaf is compensated by weight. When I had then ordered the weights and loaves to be brought out, they corresponded almost exactly to the scale. Yet an ounce often falls short in each pound, through the indulgence of those appointed as guardians of the law. Now the size of our primary loaf is such that even a man who eats a great deal of bread does not consume more than two fresh loaves each day, that is, one loaf at each meal, even with the top crusts pared off, as is customary. But a man of moderate bread consumption even ...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET dodrante Romano in singulos conuictus satietur. Hac ra tione fit ut è singulis modijs senideni panes redigantur, qui octonis diebus uiritim sufficiunt, & quarta pars su= persit in fursures secreta. Celsus libro quarto de ijs loqués qui fluore alui laborat, Alia uia est ubi uelis supprimere, cænare, deinde uomere, postero die in lecto conquiesce= re, uespere ungi, deinde panis circa selibram ex uino a= mineo mero sumere, tum assum aliquid, maximeq[ue] auem: postea uinum idem bibere, idq[ue] usq[ue] diem quintum facere. Selibram panis tantum esse dico, quantus est dimidiatus noster primarius. Hac igitur ratione comperimus quaternorum modiùm excretam farinam affatim in mensem sup= petere, ita ut fursures supersint quartam partè implentes. Verùm hoc de ijs intelligendum, qui liberaliora uitæ instituta sequuntur. Est enim alia ratio sellulariorum artificu[m], eorum que qui artes operosas factitant, quiq[ue] ijs opificijs uitam tolerant, quæ multa corporis fatigatione constant. Hos enim uberioribus cibarijs uti ac crassioribus necesse est: præsertim quum cibarij magna parte pulmentarij ui= ce utantur, ac ter ferè aut quater in dies epulentur. his ter nos dodrantes partim secundarij panis, partim postre= mæ notæ statuo. adde etiam besterni panis, id est qui iam consederit, aut etiam ante triduum cocti. Sed & inter eos artificiorum uarietas, & corporum fatigatio refert: plu= sculo enim pane gerulis opus est, & malleo tundentibus, & heleyarijs, & id genus operis, quàm sarcinatori aut su tori, & alijs qui sedentario tantum opificio incumbunt. Artificijs igitur remissioribus, qualia sunt eorum quos Chirobij. Græci appellant, quasi manu uictum quæritan= tes, quos quidam uentrimanos dixerunt, quaterna (ut summum) pondo sufficient panis secundarij, id est qua= terni

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. On the Roman as and three-quarters, to satisfy each individual ration. By this method it works out that from each modius six and a half loaves are produced, which are enough for eight days in succession, and one-quarter remains for secret reserve stores. Celsus, in the fourth book, speaking of those who suffer from diarrhea, says there is another way if you wish to suppress it: eat supper, then vomit; the next day rest in bed; in the evening be anointed; then take about half a pound of bread with pure Aminaean wine; then something roasted, especially poultry; afterward drink the same wine, and do this up to the fifth day. I say that half a pound of bread is as much as our ordinary half-loaf. By this calculation we find that four modii of ground flour are sufficient for a month, so that the bran remains and fills a quarter part. But this must be understood of those who follow more liberal habits of life. For there is another rule for sedentary craftsmen, and for those who practice laborious trades and support their lives by such occupations, which involve much bodily fatigue. These men must use richer and coarser food, especially since food of the sort commonly takes the place of a substantial dish, and they eat nearly three or four times a day. For them I assign three three-quarter-rations, partly of second-grade bread and partly of the lowest sort. Add also bread from the day before, that is, bread already somewhat stale, or even baked three days earlier. But there is also a difference among trades and in bodily fatigue: carriers need more bread, as do men who beat with hammers, and heleyarii, and workers of that kind, than a packer or shoemaker, and others who are occupied only in sedentary labor. For the less strenuous trades, such as those of the people the Greeks call Chirobij, as if they were seeking their living by hand, whom some have called ventrimanous, four pounds at the most will be enough of second-grade bread, that is, four...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 397 < Panis tria genera.> terni dodrantes nostri. Verùm pistores panificium in tria genera ferè diuidunt: in primarium panem, qui candidus dicitur: in secundæ notæ panem, qui ciuilis dicitur. hunc Celsus libro secundo Autopyrum uerbo Græco appellat, cui nihil pollinis tenuissimo incerniculo ademptum est, & in secundo genere firmitudinis alimentariæ ponitur. Nam & Apuleius sordidum panem & cibarium pro eodem po suit libro sexto de descensu Psyches ad inferos loquens. Tertium genus cibarium appellat Celsus, quasi plebeium, quem infirmissimum esse tradit in alimenti ratione. Hunc nostri postremæ notæ assignant. Sic igitur statuo, quem= admodum lautiore uictu utētes, binis libris Romanis candidioris panis satiantur, quòd nec corporis labore exerceantur, & pane accessionis uice utantur: sic artificibus remissioris operæ quaterna pondo suffectura dico panis secundarij. Intensioris autem operæ mercenarijs, quales sunt baiuli, phalangarij, & malleatores, & alij improbo labore lassescentes, quos Cicero quodam in loco fecè urbium appellat ex Xenophonte in Oeconomico, qui eos taxauxius uocat, & ex Aristotele: ijs ut paulo plus quaterna pondo Romana tribuerim, sic crassioris panis, præsertim (ut diximus) quòd pane iurulento pro pulmentario bona ex parte uescantur. Hoc conuenit cum dicto Catoniano, qui compeditis per hyemem panis pondo quaterna taxauit: ubi uineam fodere coeperint, panis pòdo quina, usque adeo dum ficos esse coeperint: deinde ad panes quaternos redit. Pulmentarium enim tenue, id est ficos, unius libræ loco cedere uoluit. Nullus est enim in urbibus etiam infimæ sortis mercenarius, qui non pulmentarium aliquod cum pane adhibeat in uictum. Panis noster cibarius quaternum fit libraru[m] huius dodrantè, id est quaterna P 3 pondo

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 397 < Three kinds of bread.> Our own bread weighs three quarters of a pound. But bakers divide bread into nearly three kinds: into primary bread, which is called white; into bread of the second rank, which is called civil bread. Celsus, in the second book, calls this by the Greek word Autopyrum, from which nothing of the finest flour has been removed by a very fine sieve, and it is placed in the second kind of alimentary strength. For Apuleius too, in the sixth book, speaking of Psyche’s descent to the underworld, uses sordid bread and cibarium for the same thing. Celsus calls the third kind cibarium, as it were plebeian, and says that it is the weakest in nutritive quality. Our people assign this to the lowest grade. So therefore I judge that, just as those who use a more luxurious diet are satisfied with two Roman pounds of whiter bread, because they are not exercised by bodily labor and use bread in place of an addition to the meal, so for artisans of lighter work I say that four pounds of second-grade bread will suffice. But for workers of heavier labor, such as porters, carriers, and hammermen, and others wearied by hard toil—whom Cicero in one place calls a kind of city laborers, taking the term from Xenophon in the Oeconomica, where he calls them taxauxius, and also from Aristotle—I would assign them a little more than four Roman pounds of such coarser bread, especially because, as I have said, they feed for the most part on bread with stew in place of a side dish. This agrees with the saying of Cato, who fixed four pounds of bread for prisoners in chains during the winter; when they begin to dig the vineyard, five pounds of bread, until such time as they begin to eat figs; then he returns to four loaves. For a thin side dish, that is, figs, he wished to count as the equivalent of one pound of bread. For there is no laborer in the cities, even of the lowest rank, who does not take some side dish with bread for his sustenance. Our cibarium bread is made from four pounds of this three-quarter measure, that is, four pounds P 3 pondo

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET pondo Romana, cuiuis sufficere existimo, quòd dodrans quaternos panes librales, id est Catonianos æquat. Nunc si ulterius ratiocinari placeat, comperi percôtando ab illo pistore, ex medimno tritici probi octies duodenos (ut mi= nimum) dodrantales panes confici, ita ut quadrans surfu= rum reliquus sit. Siquidem constat ex senis modijs tritici probi, id est ex medimno, octonos cumulatos, & inter= dum octonos & quadrantem farinæ redire. Si igitur sur= furibus cum polline confusis panes dodrantales fiant, ex medimno denos duodenarios panum & octonos habebimus: ut facilè est colligere si quis in singulos modios, se= nosdenos panes numeret. Fiunt enim pro octo modijs farinæ, octies senideni, id est centum & duodetriginta, id est decies duodecim & octo præterea. Nunc si in dies singulos, ternos panes dodratales numeremus, hebdomada quæ libet paulo minus unum modiu[m] absumet. ita duodetriginta dies, quaternos modios absument, hoc est panes octoginta quatuor: quibus si duas addas hebdomadas, hoc est quatuordecim dies, qui duos & quadraginta panes poscunt, fiunt centum & uigintisex. Restant duo panes ex medimno, ex quo fit ut quaterni modij in undetriginta dies sufficiant. Et hactenus ita loquor, quasi quarta pars tantum in fursures abeat, & octo tantum duodenarij candidi panis ex medimno redeant. Hoc enim à panifice comperi. Nunc si addas id quod ille reticuit, abunde quaterni modij in menses tricenarios sufficient, id quod Cato statuit. Compertum enim habeo ex ijs qui ex iurisdictione hoc inquirere potuerunt, & ex Commentarijs Decurionum, posse ex medimno non modò octies duodenos, sed etiam eo amplius senos octonos'ue redire, quod ille panifex fateri magis grauabatur, quàm inficiari pergebat. Hæc si quis

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND in Roman weight, I consider sufficient for anyone, because a dodrans equals four-pound loaves, that is, Catonian ones. Now if one cares to reason further, I found out by inquiring from that baker, that from one medimnus of good wheat there are made eight times twelve (at the very least) dodrans loaves, so that there remains a quarter of bran. For it is established that from six modii of good wheat, that is, from a medimnus , eight full measures return, and sometimes eight and a quarter of flour. If therefore loaves of dodrans size are made with bran mixed in with the flour, from a medimnus we shall have ten dozen and eight loaves: as is easy to gather if one counts sixteen loaves to each modius . For there are produced, for eight modii of flour, eight times sixteen, that is, one hundred and thirty-two, that is, ten dozen and eight more. Now if in each day we count three loaves of dodrans size, each week will consume a little less than one modius . Thus thirty-two days will consume four modii , that is, eighty-four loaves; if to these you add two weeks, that is fourteen days, which require two and forty loaves, there result one hundred and twenty-six. Two loaves remain from the medimnus , from which it follows that four modii suffice for thirty-nine days. And up to this point I speak as though only a fourth part went into bran, and only eight dozen white loaves came back from the medimnus . For this I learned from the baker. Now if you add what he omitted, four modii will abundantly suffice for months of three hundred days, as Cato lays down. For I have ascertained from those who were able to investigate this from their jurisdiction, and from the Commentaries of the Decurions, that from a medimnus there can return not only eight times twelve, but even more than that, six eights, which that baker was more reluctant to admit than to deny. If anyone were to...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 599 quis exactè æstimare uelit, omnino co[n]ueniunt cum Cato= niano dicto, qui uillaticis operis per hyemem quaternos modios statuit, & quaternos semis per æstatem, & com= peditis, id est ergastularijs seruis, qui uincti fodiebant, a= liud'ue opus faciebant, per hyemem panis p[ro]do quatuor. Et ubi iam intenditur labor, hoc est fossuræ tempore, pa= nis pondo quina, usq[ue] dum ficos cderent, quo tempore ad quaterna pondo eos redigit. Terna pondo nostra, quater na Romana uale[n]t, ut sæpe diximus: quaterna nostra, qui= na Romana & quadrantem, qui modus ijs statuitur qui pulmentario non uescerentur, sed panem tantum esitarent. Ex hoc planum fit quem modulum Herodotus & antiqui < Reciproca probatio ponderu[m] & mensuraru[m].> per chænicem intellexerunt, cui sesquipinta nostra haud dubiè respondet. Hæc ideo longius repetenda duxi, quòd mensurarum ponderumq[ue] modus mutua probatione de= preheditur. Age uideamus porrò. Ex ijs quæ diximus, ap= paruit, ex singulis modijs sedecim pondo Romana candi= di panis & semissem fieri, & largè quartam partem in fursures abire. nam multo plus in actis municipalibus in= ueni. Diximus etiam suprà, modium tritici probi uiginti= quatuor libras, & eo aliquid amplius pendere. Quare ne= cesse est, ut quadrans fursuris paulo minus semissem polli= nis pendeat, id est ut tres modij quadrantes farinario cri= bro succreti, sedecim libras: reliquus autem quadrans, id est fursureus, circiter septem libras pendeat. Non idem autem esse pondus panificio & tritico, ex eo con= ijcio, quòd aliquid humoris in pane residet. Id incertum esse & uarium ex Plinio uidetur libro decimooctauo, qui Balearici tritici modios tricena pondo panis reddere tra= dit: sed circa Clusium & Senas fieri lege certa naturæ, ut tertia portio pani ad pondus grani accrescat. Cato= nis P 4

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PART IV. BOOK V. 599 whoever wishes to estimate it exactly, it altogether agrees with the Cato- nian saying, which sets for farm work in winter four modii, and four and a half in summer, and for the chained laborers, that is, the ergastulum slaves, who, bound, dug or performed other work, four pounds of bread a day in winter. And when the labor is already intensified, that is, at the time of digging, five pounds of bread, until they were cutting figs, at which time it reduces them to four pounds. Our three pounds are equal to four Roman pounds, as we have often said: our four pounds, to five Roman pounds and a quarter, which is the allowance set for those who did not eat broth, but consumed bread alone. From this it becomes clear what measure Herodotus and the ancients used in the chœnix, to which our one and a half pounds without doubt correspond. I have thought it necessary to return to this at greater length, because the measure of measures and weights is discovered by mutual comparison. Come now, let us see further. From what we have said, it has appeared that from each modius there is made sixteen Roman pounds of white bread and a half, and that a full quarter goes off into bran. For in municipal records I found much more. We also said above that a modius of good wheat weighs twenty- four pounds, and somewhat more. Therefore it is necessary that the quarter of bran weigh a little less than half a pound of flour, that is, that three quarters of a modius, sifted through a miller’s sieve, weigh sixteen pounds; but the remaining quarter, that is, the bran, should weigh about seven pounds. Nor is the weight of bread and wheat the same, I infer from this, that some moisture remains in the bread. That this is uncertain and variable appears from Pliny in the eighteenth book, where he relates that the modii of Balearic wheat yield thirty pounds of bread: but around Clusium and Siena, by a fixed law of nature, it happens that the third part is added to the bread in weight over the grain. Cato’s P 4

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nis autem uerba significare uidentur ex singulis modijs tricena pondo panis redire. quaternos enim sextarios tri cenis diebus assignat, & paulò pòst quaterna pondo pa= nis in dies statuit: qua ratione fit ut quaterni modij cen= tum & uiginti pondo panis reddant. Ex hoc tamen con= stituere nihil possumus, nisi id quod suprà dictum est. Ve= rum illud attexendum ex eodem Plinio libro supradicto duodeuicesimo, quod ad rem mihi magnopere pertinere uisum est. Similago, inquit, ex tritico fit laudatissima. ex < Pollis. Flos.> Africo iustum est è modijs redire semodios, & pollinis sextarios quinque. Ita enim appellant in tritico, quod flo= rem in siligine. Præterea secundarij sextarios quatuor, fur furúq[ue] tantundè. Panes uerò è modio simulaginis CXXII. è floris modio CXXVI. Pretium huic annona media in modios farinæ X L. asses, similagini castratæ octonis assi= bus amplius, siligini castratæ duplum. Paulo autem supe= rius Plinius dixerat, E' siligine lautissimus panis, pistrina rumq[ue] opera laudatissima. Ex Plinij igitur uerbis hoc col ligo, Africum triticum præstantissimum fuisse: ex cuius < Similago simi laue.> farina primùm similago, quæ & simila dicitur, cribro te= nuissimo à polline cernebatur, ita ut ex polline restante se cundariam ueluti similam elicerent, & crassiorem rursus pollinem à surfuribus laxiore incerniculo succernerent. Simulagini autem pretium asses quadragenos in modios fuisse mediocri annona: qua ratione duo medimni Roma ni, qui sextarium Parisinum faciunt, duodequinqua= ginta denarijs ualuerunt, hoc est duodecies quaternis. Quatuor enim denarij, X L. assibus ualuerunt. At ca= stratæ similagini co amplius octoni asses in modios acce= dunt, & siligini castratæ (quæ fruges erat Italica, hoc est triticum delicatissimum, & candidissimum) eius sum= mæ

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND these words seem to mean that from each modius thirty pounds of bread are obtained. For he assigns four sextarii for thirty days, and shortly afterward fixes four pounds of bread per day: by this method it comes about that four modii yield one hundred and twenty pounds of bread. From this, however, we can establish nothing beyond what has been said above. But this further point should be added from the same Pliny, in the aforesaid eighteenth book, which seemed to me to be very relevant to the matter. Pollis. Flos. He says: “The finest bread is made from wheat. From the African wheat it is proper to yield from the modii half-modii, and five sextarii of pollis. For so they call in wheat what in spelt is called the flower. Moreover, four sextarii of secondary flour, and as much bran. But from one modius of simila 122 loaves; from one modius of flos 126 loaves. The price of this grain in ordinary times is 40 asses per modius of flour; for purified similago, eight asses more; for purified siligo, double.” A little above, however, Pliny had said: “From siligo comes the finest bread, and the most highly praised work of the bakers.” From Pliny’s words, therefore, I infer that African wheat was the best of all: from its flour first came similago, also called simila, which was sifted through the very finest sieve from the pollis, so that from the remaining pollis they might draw out a kind of secondary simila, and then separate the coarser pollis again from the bran with a looser sieve. Similago similaue. As for the price of similago, it was forty asses per modius in times of moderate abundance; by this calculation two Roman medimni, which make a Parisian sextarius, were worth eighteen denarii, that is, twelve times four. For four denarii were worth forty asses. But for purified similago eight asses more per modius are added, and for purified siligo (which was an Italian grain, that is, the most delicate and whitest wheat) the same sum.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. mae duplum, hoc est, asses senideni, in modios singulos. Quod ita intelligo, ut modij floris tenuissimi huiusmodi siliginis senis & quinquagenis assibus uenierint. Quare subducta ratione constat duodecim eius modios, id est, se= xtarium nostru[m], sexcenis suptuagenisbinis assibus medio= cri annona fuisse, id est, sexagenis septenis denarijs, quæ minimo minus à nobis undenis Francicis & dodrantibus, id est, quinisdenis solidis æstimantur. < Locus Plin. explicatus.> Porrò duodecim modij simulaginis ratione à Plinio posita ex quatuor & ui= ginti tritici modijs fiebant, quos sæpe iam diximus duos nostros sextarios æquasse, nisi quatenus rasa mensura à fa stigiata distat: quippe cum dicat Plinius ex modijs semo= dios redire, & pollinem primarium & secudarium resta= re: ex siligine autem Campana (ut ipse inquit) quaternos sextarios redire iustum erat, hoc est modij quadrantem: quo fiebat ut duodeni modij castraturæ ex duodequinqua ginta siliginis modijs incernerentur. Et ita ratione[m] tene= mus, & intelligentiam Pliniani dicti, quod haud scio an hactenus non intellectu[m] transmissum sit à legentibus. Sed quod apud Plin. ibidem legitur, Iustum est è grano Capanæ quam uocant castratam, è medio redire sextarios qua= tuor siliginis: fortasse similaginis legi debet. & itide[m] post duos uersus, Duplum etiam precium siliginis castratæ, ita intelligi potest, ut in modios sex & nonaginta assibus co= stiterit, id est, altero tanto amplius quàm simula, propter rationem suprà dictam. Quòd si rectè apud Plinium in lo co superius citato siliginis legitur, siligine[m] intelligimus si= gnificare no[n] modò granu[m] delicatissimi et primarij tritici, sed etia[m] medullam siliginci grani. Id quod fortasse Celsus his uerbis significat lib. 11. ca. XVII. Ex tritico firmissima siligo, deinde simila, deinde cui nihil ademptum est, quod P 5 autopy

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part of it, the double amount, that is, sixteen asses, per each modius. Which I understand thus: that modii of the very finest flour of this kind of siligo sold for six and fifty asses. Therefore, after calculation it is clear that twelve modii of it, that is, our sextarium, at an ordinary price cost six hundred and seventy-two asses, that is, sixty-seven denarii, which at the lowest, by us, are valued at eleven and a fraction Francs, that is, at fifteen solidi. <The passage of Pliny explained.> Moreover, the twelve modii of simila set down by Pliny were made from twenty-four modii of wheat, which, as we have often said, equal our two sextarii, unless so far as a heaped measure differs from a level one: for Pliny says that from the modii half-modii come back, and the primary and secondary flour remain. But from Campanian siligo, as he himself says, it was proper that four sextarii should come back, that is, a quarter of a modius: by which it came about that twelve modii of castratura were reckoned from eighteen modii of siligo. And thus we keep the reasoning, and the meaning of Pliny’s statement, which I do not know whether up to now has not been conveyed as understood by readers. But what is read in Pliny there, “It is proper that from the grain of Campania, as they call it, castrata, four sextarii of siligo come back,” perhaps should be read similae. And likewise, after two verses, “The price of castrata siligo is also double,” this can be understood as having cost ninety-six asses per modius, that is, by so much more than simila, for the reason stated above. But if, in Pliny, in the place cited above, siligo is read correctly, we understand siligo to mean not only the grain of the finest and first-rate wheat, but also the marrow of the siligo grain. This perhaps Celsus indicates with these words in book 11, chapter XVII: “From wheat comes the strongest siligo, then simila, then that from which nothing has been taken away.” P 5 autopy

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET autopyrum Græci uocant. Infirmior est ex polline, infirmissimus cibarius panis. Sic enim locus ille legitur in libris emè datis, licet in uulgatis mutilatus sit. Iuuenalis Sat. v. Sed tener & niucus, molliq[ue] siligine factus, Seruatur domino. Huiusmodi delicias frumenti hodie non habemus, ex qui= bus Romani antiqui opera pistoria faciebant, quæ aliqui dulciaria, Suetonius mellita appellauit, cu[m] inquit de luxu Neroniano loquens, Indicebat & familiaribus cænas, quoru[m] uni mellita quadragies sestertiu[m] co[n]stiterunt. Quod ut credamus, efficit Lampridius, qui de Heliogabalo lo= quens, Habuit, inquit, dulciarios tales & lactarios, ut quæcunq[ue] coqui de diuersis edulibus exhibuissent, uel stru ctores, uel pomarij illi, modò de dulciarijs, modò de lacta= rijs exhiberet. Celsus de his loquens, Scire, inquit, oportet mel & caseum inter ualetissima esse, quo minus mirum est opus pistorium ualentissimu[m] esse, quod ex frumeto, adipe, melle, caseo constat. Ego cum Romæ essem annos abhinc dece[m], panem quotidie esitabam quo Pontifex Iulius uesce batur. Erant panes paruuli, quos quis facilè inuolare ma= nu posset, si bene memini, sed candidissimi & suauissimi, quales (ut arbitror) Plinius cxx. ex modijs singulis simi læ factitari solitos scribit. Erat tum annona percara Ro= mæ, & per Italiam. Sed cum interrogare quanti ueniret id triticu[m] ex quo tam lautus panis fieret, tanti esse eum pa nem dicebant, ut cum ratione extemporali supputatione & in digitos deducta inirem, eius farinæ sextarius noster amplius ducatis duodecim Romæ esse uideretur: quod an uerum esset non comperi, nec inquisiui. Neq[ue] etiam tum meo uictu Romæ stabam, ut id inquirere succurreret. Simi lago à Græcis dicitur, siligo , pollin au= tem

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET autopyrum the Greeks call it. It is inferior when made from ordinary flour, and the weakest of all is household bread. For that is how that passage is read in the printed books, although in the common editions it is mutilated. Juvenal, Sat. V. “But tender and snowy, made from soft wheat-flour, It is kept for the master.” We do not today have such delicacies of wheat from which the ancient Romans made pastry work, which some called dulcia, and Suetonius called mellita; for when, speaking of Nero’s luxury, he says, “He also gave dinner parties to his intimates, one of which cost forty times a hundred thousand sesterces in mellita.” That we may believe this, Lampridius makes it clear, who, speaking of Heliogabalus, says: “He had such confectioners and dairy-men that whatever the cooks had served from various dishes, or the sculptors, or the fruiterers, he would have served up, now by the confectioners, now by the dairy-men.” Celsus, speaking of these matters, says: “It must be known that honey and cheese are among the strongest things,” which makes it no wonder that pastry work is very nourishing, since it is made of wheat, lard, honey, and cheese. When I was in Rome ten years ago, I used to eat every day the bread that Pope Julius ate. They were small loaves, which one could easily seize in the hand, if I remember correctly, but very white and very delicious, such as (I think) Pliny writes were once commonly made from a single measure of fine flour, 120 in number. Grain was then very expensive at Rome, and throughout Italy. But when I asked what price the wheat was at from which such splendid bread was made, they said the bread was so costly that, if I made a rough calculation and reduced it to figures, it seemed that at Rome one sextarius of that flour cost more than twelve ducats: whether this was true I did not discover, nor did I inquire further. Nor was I then living in Rome on my own means, so that it might have occurred to me to investigate it. By the Greeks it is called simila, siligo, and pollin, but

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 603 tem rupus. < Panes Græcanici.> Primo loco apudeos ponitur semidalites panis, qui fit ex similagine. Secundo chondrites, qui ex alica. Tertio alcurites, & deinde syncomistus, qui triticea farina fit non succreta. Secundu[m] hoc aleurites idem esse uideatur cum autopyro. Sed illud animaduertendum in uerbis Catonis, quòd uillaticis seruis solutis qui opus faciunt, quaternos modios in menses statuit, uinctis autem seruis in dies singulos quaterna pondo: quod ut in eandem quantitatem redit, sic conditione[m] uariam solutorum mancipiorum & ergastulariorum facit. Illi enim peculium parsimonia augere poterant, ut ex Terentio & Donato diximus: hi in poenam dati, expeculiati quoq[ue] erant. Vt aute[m] hanc rationem colligamus, in medimno seni sunt modij, et in modio octonæ choenices, & choenix cibarium diurnu[m]: ita medimno duodequinquaginta homines quotidie satiantur, & Parisino sextario sex & nonaginta: sic fit ut modius Parisinus mille centum & quinquaginta duobus sufficiat. < Canon frumentarius.> Porrò Spartianus autor est, Seuerum Pertinacem Imperatore Romanum oriente reliquisse canonem frumentarium in septennium suffecturu[m]: ita ut septuagena quina millia modium quotidie absumi possent, id est, sena millia duceni quinquageni sextarij nostri. quo fit ut ratione prædicta sex cena millia plebeioru[m] tesseras frumentarias acciperent in diem choenicarias. Hunc enim numerum efficit modiorum iam dictorum numerus octonario multiplicatus, uel numerus sextarioru[m] nonagies sexies ductus. Hactenus de medimno, modio & choenice, & ijs mensuris quarum mentio superius facta est: transeundum ad reliquas. Quadrantal Latinè dicitur schema mathematicum, quod < Quadrantal.> Græcè Cubus dicitur, ut autor est Gellius. Propter quod docti ferè quadrantal amphoram esse opinantur, propter formam

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 603 tem rupus. < Greek breads.> In the first place, among them is set semidalites bread, which is made from fine flour. Second, chondrites, which is made from alica. Third, alcurites, and then syncomistus, which is made from wheat flour, not sifted. According to this, aleurites would seem to be the same as autopyrus. But this must be noted in the words of Cato, that for freed rural slaves who do the work, he assigns four modii for the months, but for bound slaves four pounds for each day: which, although it comes to the same quantity, nevertheless makes a different condition for freedmen and for those in the ergastulum. For the former were able to increase their peculium by thrift, as we said from Terence and Donatus; these, given over to punishment, were also deprived of their peculium. But to gather up this calculation: in a medimnus there are six modii, and in a modius eight choenices, and a choenix is a daily ration of food: thus by a medimnus fifty-eight men are fed each day, and by a Parisian sextarius sixty-six. Thus it comes about that a Parisian modius would suffice for one thousand one hundred and fifty-two. < Grain ration.> Moreover, Spartianus is the authority that Severus Pertinax, Roman Emperor, left in the East a grain ration sufficient for seven years: so that seventy-five thousand modii could be consumed each day, that is, six thousand two hundred and fifty of our sextarii. From this it follows that, by the calculation given above, six thousand of the common people would receive grain tickets for one choenix a day. For this number is produced by the number of the modii just mentioned multiplied by eight, or by the number of sextarii multiplied ninety-six times. So much for the medimnus, modius, and choenix, and those measures mentioned above: we must pass on to the others. Quadrantal is called in Latin a mathematical figure, which <Quadrantal.> is called Cubus in Greek, as Gellius says. For which reason the learned generally think that quadrantal is an amphora, because of the shape

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET formam tesserariam quam habet, & alioquin autoritate Festi subnixi: id tamen non habeo quo modo constituam. Iam primum Cato de uino Græco loquens, Musti. q. x x. in ahenum, aut plumbeum infundito: ignem subdito. ubi ebulliet uinum, ignem subducito. ubi iam uinu[m] refrixerit, in dolium quadragenarium infundito: seorsum autem in uas aquæ dulcis quadrat al unum infundito, salis modium unum, sinito muriâ fieri. ubi muria facta crit, eode[m] in dolio infundito, post dies x x x. dolium oblinito, ad uer in amphoras diffundito. q. x x. dubiu[m] est utrum quadrantalia an quartarios intelligere debeamus, ut paulò post, Aquæ marinæ quartarium unum ex alto sumito, quò aqua dulcis no[n] accedat, sesquilibram salis frangito. In antiquo tamen libro non quartarium, sed. q. legitur. Alibi, Postea sumito bituminis tertiarium, & sulphuris quartarium, conterito in mortario per se utrunq[ue]. Idem alibi, Vbi hau seris de mari, in dolium fundito, nolito implere, quadrantalibus quinq[ue]; minus sit quàm plenum. Idem, Vinum familiæ quo utantur, musti quartarios x. in dolium indito, aceti acris. q. 1 1. còdem infundito, sapæ quadrantalia duo, aquæ dulcis. q. 1. hæc rude miscto ter in die, dies quinq[ue]; continuos. Hoc in loco quadrantalia pro amphoris quis intelliget, cum de uino odorato loquens, quod non familiæ, sed domino concinnabatur, Post dies, inquit, x L. diffundito in amphoras, & addito in singulas amphoras sæpæ sextarium unum. Rursus de uino Coo loquens, In dolium, inquit, quinquagenarium infundito aquæ marinæ quadrantalia decem, tum acina de uuis miscellis decarpi to de scapo in idem dolium, usquedum impleueris: manu comprimito acina, ut combibant aquam marinam: ubi compleueris dolium, operculo operito. Hoc loco quadrant tal amph

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET the tessellated form which it has, and otherwise relying on the authority of Festus: yet I do not have by what means I should determine this. First, Cato, speaking of Greek wine, says: “Must, q. x x. pour into an aeneum or lead vessel; apply fire. When the wine boils, withdraw the fire. When the wine has now cooled, pour it into a forty-quart cask. Separately, however, in a vessel of sweet water, pour one quadrantal, one modius of salt, and let brine be made. When the brine has been made, pour it into the same cask; after thirty days seal the cask, and at springtime decant into amphorae. q. x x.” It is doubtful whether we should understand quadrantalia or quartarii, as a little later: “Take one quartarius of sea water from offshore, so that fresh water does not enter; break up one and a half librae of salt.” In the old book, however, it is not quartarius, but q. that is read. Elsewhere: “Afterward take one tertiarium of bitumen and one quartarius of sulphur, grind each separately in a mortar.” Likewise elsewhere: “When you have drawn from the sea, pour into a cask; do not fill it, to five quadrantals; let it be less than full.” Likewise: “Wine for the household’s use: put ten quartarii of must into a cask; pour in q. 11 of sharp vinegar; add two quadrantalia of sapa, q. 1 of sweet water; mix these crudely three times a day for five continuous days.” At this point who will understand quadrantalia as amphorae, since speaking of perfumed wine, which was prepared not for the household but for the master, “After days,” he says, “x L., decant into amphorae, and add to each amphora one sextarius of sapa.” Again, speaking of Coo wine: “Pour into a fifty-quart cask ten quadrantalia of sea water; then pick the berries from mixed grapes, separate them from the stalk, into the same cask, until you have filled it; with the hand press the berries so that they may drink in the sea water; when you have filled the cask, cover it with a lid.” At this point quadrantal amph...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 605 tal amphoram significare uidetur, si quinquagenarium dolium à quinquaginta amphoris intelligamus. Iucundus < Iucundus Veronensis.> Veronesis professione architectus, sed antiquariorum di= ligetissimus, nuper Catonem imprimendu[m] curauit, in quo cum multa uerba emendauit restituitq[ue]; tum cap. LVII. locum mutilatum ita restituit, Summa uini in singulos ho mines intra annum quadratalia octo. Quæ uerba si rectè emendateq[ue] restituta sunt, fateri nos cogunt quadrantal & amphoram idem olim fuisse. Cum enim octo mensibus Cato uinum familiæ bibendum statuat, id est, à quarto ad duodecimum in eo numero comprehensum, quarto mense ternos congios taxat, & sequentibus usq[ue]; ad nonum qui= nos: nono, decimo, undecimo, & duodecimo, singulis am= phoram indulget, & eo amplius Saturnalium & Compi talium nomine singulos uel binos congios in capita: fit summa sex & quinquaginta, uel septem & quinquaginta c[on]giorum, qui septem amphoras efficiunt. Quare octa= uam amphoram intelligimus benigno additamento à Ca= tone statutam. Rursus Plinius libro decimoquarto, Publius < Locus Plinij.> Licinius Crassus, & Lucius Cæsar Censores anno Vrbis conditæ D C L X X V. edixerunt nequis uinum Græcum Amineumq[ue]; octonis æris singula quadrantalia uenderet. hæc enim edicti uerba sunt, T ata uino Græco gratia erat, ut singulæ potiones in uno conuictu darentur. Sic apud Plinium omnium exemplarium fide legitur: quæ uerba si non mendosa sunt, hoc significant, singula quadrantalia uini Græci, quod in tanta autoritate erat, ut semel in con= uictu uno misceretur, octonis assibus, id est, paulò plus ternis sestertijs nummis uenisse taxatione edictali. At Co lumella libro quarto ita inquit, Vt que trecentis nummis quadragenæ urnæ ueneant, quod minimum precium est annonæ

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that seems to indicate an amphora, if we understand a quinquagenarian cask as consisting of fifty amphorae. Iucundus <Iucundus of Verona.> The Veronese by profession was an architect, but very diligent in antiquarian studies; recently he had Caton printed, in which he corrected and restored many words; and then, in chapter LVII, he restored the mutilated passage thus: The total amount of wine for each person within the year [is] eight quadrantalia. If these words have been correctly corrected and restored, they compel us to admit that the quadrantal and the amphora were once the same. For since Cato determines that wine for the household is to be drunk in eight months, that is, from the fourth to the twelfth inclusive in that number, in the fourth month he assigns three congii, and in the following months up to the ninth, five congii; in the ninth, tenth, eleventh, and twelfth months he grants one amphora to each, and beyond that, under the name of the Saturnalia and Compitalia, one or two congii each per head: the total comes to fifty-six or fifty-seven congii, which make seven amphorae. Therefore we understand the eighth amphora as an additional allowance, granted by Cato’s indulgence. Again, Pliny in book fourteen, Publius <Passage of Pliny.> Licinius Crassus and Lucius Caesar, censors in the year 775 from the founding of the City, decreed that no one should sell Greek and Aminaean wine at eight asses per quadrantal. These are indeed the words of the decree: “So great was the favor for Greek wine that individual servings were given at a single banquet.” Thus in Pliny’s text, according to the testimony of all the manuscripts, these words are read; and if they are not corrupt, they mean that single quadrantals of Greek wine, which was held in such high esteem that it was mixed only once at a single banquet, sold for eight asses, that is, for a little more than three sesterces, by the pricing of the decree. But Columella in book four says, “So that forty urns may sell for three hundred denarii,” which is the lowest price of grain...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET annonæ, consumant tamen septem culei sestertium duo milia, & centum nummos. Quadragenas urnas, uiginti amphoras ualere notum est, præsertim Columellæ æstimatione. Quare Columella maximam uini uilitatem non infra quinosdenos nummos in amphoras descendere affirmauit. Quod dictum omnino Pliniano loco refragatur. Nam & ipse Plinius alibi de Opimiano loquens, centum nummos statuit Opimiano uino, non inueterato, sed recenti, aut etiam musteo. Hic ne octonis millibus æris legendum esse contendamus, facit magnitudo precij, quod octoginta aureis æstimamus, id est, tribus millibus & ducentis sestertijs. Nam & Plinius ipse eodem libro ita inquit de precio uini loquens, Rara quippe adhuc fuere, nec nisi importatis singulis testis millia nummum. Nulla aute[m] testa minor esse potest amphora. Quadrantal, inquit Festus, uocabat antiqui amphoram, quod uas pedes quadrati octo et quadraginta sextarios capit. Plautus, Anus hæc sitit. quantillum sitit? modica est, capit quadrantal. Quid si dicamus quadrantal uas ita dictu à Latinis priscis, ut Cybium à Græcis? idq; ex eode[m] Festo alibi his uerbis, Cybiu[m] dictum est, quia eius medium æquè patet in omnes partes, quod genus à geometris Cybos dicitur. Vnde etiam tessellæ quadratæ Cybi dicuntur. Nihil aliud de quadrantali constituere possumus, quod ad mensuræ quidem modu[m] pertinet (de forma enim costat) nec de loco quidem Plinij supradicto. Hic enim est unus eorum quos comploratos esse puto. Quod sequitur statim apud Plinium in eodem capite, in omnibus exemplaribus corruptum est. Quibus uinis autoritas fuerit sua in mensa, M. Varro his uerbis tradit, L. Lucullus puer apud patrem nunquam læutum conuiuium uidit, in quo plus semel Græcum uinum dare= tur

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G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND of the annona, yet seven culei still consume two thousand sesterces, and one hundred coins. It is well known that forty urnae, twenty amphorae, are of equal value, especially by Columella’s estimate. Wherefore Columella affirmed that the greatest cheapness of wine does not fall below fifteen coins per amphora. This statement is wholly at variance with the passage in Pliny. For Pliny himself elsewhere, when speaking of Opimian wine, assigns one hundred coins to Opimian wine, not aged, but fresh, or even must. That we should not think it ought to be read as eight thousand asses, the size of the price shows, which we reckon as eighty aurei, that is, three thousand two hundred sesterces. For Pliny himself in the same book says thus when speaking of the price of wine: “Rare indeed have these been so far, and only when individually imported at thousands of coins per vessel.” But no vessel can be smaller than an amphora. Quadrantal, says Festus, the ancients called the amphora, because the vessel contains forty-eight sextarii, a measure of eight square feet. Plautus: “This old woman is thirsty. How little is she thirsty? She is moderate; she can hold a quadrantal.” What if we should say that the vessel called quadrantal by the ancient Latins was so named, as Cybium by the Greeks? and that too from the same Festus elsewhere in these words: “It is called a cybium, because its middle is equally open on all sides; this kind is called Cybos by the geometers. Hence square tesserae are also called Cybi.” We can determine nothing else about the quadrantal, so far as the measure itself is concerned (for its shape is clear), nor indeed about the passage of Pliny mentioned above. For here is one of those which I think have been lamentably corrupted. What follows immediately in Pliny in the same chapter is corrupt in all copies. Which wines had authority at the table, M. Varro relates in these words: “L. Lucullus, as a boy at his father’s house, never saw a banquet set out at which Greek wine was given more than once”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 607 tur. Ipse quum redijt ex Asia, millia cadorum congiorum diuisit amplius centum. C. Censius, quem Prætorem uidi= mus, Chium uinum in domum suam illatum dicebat tum primum, quum sibi cardiaco medicus dedisset. Hortensius super decem cados hæredi reliquit. In uetusto exemplari < Locus Plinij emendatus.> no[n] cados, sed cadum legitur: quare no[n] decem cados (quod ridiculum est) sed decem millia cadum lego: cuius emenda= tionis subscriptore[m] habeo Nonium, qui locu[m] huc ita citat in mentione cadi ex V arrone de uita patrum, Hortensius supra decem millia cadum hæredi reliquit. In superiore autem loco non millia cadorum congiorum, sed nullia ca= dum congiarium, ex uetustorum obseruatione lego. Sunt < Congiarius cadus.> autem congiarij cadi, qui congium tantum capiunt, id est, senos sextarios Italicos. Centum millia huiusmodi cado= rum, amphoras ualebant duodecim millia & quingentas, & modios Parisinos mille quingentos & circiter sexa= ginta. Hortensij autem decem millia cadoru[m] æstimare non possum propter uarietatem opinionum de cado: sed tam[m]e < Culeus.> non potest maior esse summa Hortensij quàm Luculli. Cu leus mensura est uicenas amphoras continens, uel urnas quadragenas, qua nulla maior mensura liquoris, ut aiunt illa carmina. Plinius libro decimoquarto de uinea Palemo nis grammatici loquens, Digna opera quæ in cecubis se= tinisq[ue] proficeret, quando & postea sæpenumero septe= nos culeos singula iugera, hoc est, amphoras cetenas qua= dragenas musti dedere. Ac nequis uictam in hoc antiqui= tatè arbitraretur, idem Cato denos culeos redire ex iuge= ribus scripsit. Hæc sunt (ut arbitror) mensurarum uocabu la Græcis Latinisq[ue]; autoribus celebrata, quæ interdum ipsa ad speciem & formam quædam uasis magis quàm ad modum quendam certumq[ue] referuntur. Nam quum Cato in instru

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 607 ... When he himself returned from Asia, he distributed more than one hundred thousand casks of Chian wine. C. Censius, whom we saw as praetor, used to say that Chian wine was first brought into his house when the physician gave it to him for a cardiac complaint. Hortensius left more than ten casks to his heir. In an old copy < Emended passage of Pliny > it is read not "cados," but "cadum"; therefore I read not "ten casks" (which is absurd) but "ten thousand casks," for which emendation I have as supporter Nonius, who cites the passage here thus in mentioning the cask from Varro, On the Lives of the Fathers: Hortensius left over ten thousand casks to his heir. In the earlier passage, however, I read not "one hundred thousand casks of congiaria," but "no casks of congiarium," in accordance with the observation of the ancient manuscripts. There are < Congiarius cadus. > however, casks for the congiarium, which hold only one congium, that is, six Italian sextarii. One hundred thousand of such casks were worth twelve thousand five hundred amphorae, and one thousand five hundred and about sixty Parisian modii. But I cannot estimate Hortensius' ten thousand casks because of the diversity of opinions about the cask; yet nevertheless < Culeus. > the total of Hortensius cannot be greater than that of Lucullus. A culeus is a measure containing twenty amphorae, or forty urnae, than which there is no greater measure of liquid, as those verses say. Pliny, in book fourteen, speaking of the vineyard of Palemon the grammarian, says, "A worthy work, one that might prosper in Cecuban and Setinian wines," since later on very often seven culei per jugerum, that is, four hundred and twenty amphorae of must per jugerum, were yielded. And lest anyone should think antiquity had been surpassed in this matter, Cato himself wrote that ten culei were obtained from two jugera. These are, as I think, the names of measures among the Greeks and the Latins, celebrated by authors, which sometimes are referred more to the appearance and shape of certain vessels than to any definite measure. For when Cato in the instru...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Quinquagenaria amphora. in instrumento uillici amphoram quinquagenariam enu= merauit: eam intelligi uoluit, quæ duobus sextarijs maior sit iusta mēsura. Vt n[ost]uc quadragenarios modios dicimus, qui modulis quatuor legitimam mensuram excedunt: sic urnam quinquagenariâ dixit Cato, quæ amplius duabus urnis legitimis capiat. Pro huiusmodi amphora Columella de uino dulci loqu[us]es, Quu[m] deserbuerit, inquit, in sextarios quinquaginta irim bene pinsitâ, nec plus unciæ pondere addito. quinquaginta sextarios pro amphora quinquagenaria dixit. Et rursus, Ex hac compositione quantum in sextarios musti quadragenos octonos adijciendu[m] sit, incertum est, quoniam pro natura uini æstimare oportet quid satis sit. Ego tamen si humida fuerit uindemia, triètem: si sicca, quadrantem medicaminis miscere solitus sum, ita ut quatuor urnarum esset musti modus, urna aute[m] quatuor & uiginti sextariorum. Pro amphora octo & quadraginta sextarios dixit. At quum alibi ita inquit, Omne uinum quum condieris, nolito statim diffundere, sed sinito in dolijs liquescere: postea quum de dolijs, aut de scrijs diffundere uoles, uere florente rosa defecatu[m] quam= liquidissimum in uasa bene picata & pura trâsserto. si in uetustatem seruare uoles, in cado duarum urnarum quàm optimi uini sextariu[m] aut fecis generosæ recentis sextarios tres addito. Hoc in loco amphoram dicere poterat, nisi ad formam uasis respexisset. Sic Plinius cados congiarios dixit, ac si congios in cadum formatos diceret. Amphoræ Cadus. formam tesserariam esse docuimus. Cadi formam turbinatam, id est, coni & strobyli, hoc est, nucis pineæ similem fuisse, ex Plinio intelligimus, qui libro decimoseptimo de aloë loquens, turbines cadorum dixit. Vtebantur autem antiqui etia[m] ad salsam[m]eta códenda. Id e[st] Plin. lib. xxxii. Quin

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G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND Quinquagenaria amphora. In the account-book of a steward he reckoned an amphora quinquagenaria: he wished it to be understood as one which is greater than the proper measure by two sextarii. As we say “forty-modius” for a measure that exceeds the lawful standard by four modii, so Cato called it a quinquagenarian urn, which holds more than two lawful urns. For this kind of amphora Columella, speaking of sweet wine, says, “When it has fermented down, put into fifty sextarii of well-pounded irim, and add no more than the weight of one ounce.” He said fifty sextarii for a quinquagenarian amphora. And again, “How much is to be added, in sextarii, to forty-eight modii of must from this mixture, is uncertain, since one must judge according to the nature of the wine what is enough. Yet I am accustomed, if the vintage has been moist, to mix a third part; if dry, a quarter of the medicine, so that the measure of must would be four urns, and an urn is twenty-four sextarii.” For an amphora he said forty-eight sextarii. But when elsewhere he says thus, “When you have prepared all the wine, do not at once draw it off, but let it settle in the jars; afterward, when you wish to draw it off from the jars or from the skins, at the time when the rose is in bloom, transfer the clarified wine as clear as possible into well-pitched and clean vessels. If you wish to keep it for old age, add to a cask of two urns one sextarius of the very best wine, or three sextarii of fresh noble lees.” In this place he could have said amphora, had he not had regard to the shape of the vessel. Thus Pliny called casks congiaria, as if he were speaking of congii formed into a cask. Amphora Cask. We have shown that the shape of the amphora is square-fitted. We understand from Pliny that the shape of the cask was rounded, that is, like a cone and a strobilus, that is, like a pine nut, for in the seventeenth book, speaking of aloe, he called them “the tops of casks.” The ancients also used them for storing salted meats. That is, Plin. book xxxii. Quin

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. Quin & testis cadi salsamentarij tuis cum axungia ue= tere ad parotidas utuntur. Amphoram in ceruicem graci= lescere solitam, ex Catone intelligimus, cum inquit, Am= phoram defracto collo puram impleto aquæ puræ. Colu= mella, Dolia quoq[ue] & seriæ cæteraq[ue]; uasa ante quadrage simum uindemiæ diè picanda sunt, atq[ue] aliter ea quæ de= mersa sunt humi, aliter quæ stant supra terrâ. Idem, Tum in serias singulas, quæ sint amphorarum septenûm, addi= to medicaminis pondo unciam, scrupula octo gypsi. Seria < Seria.> formam certam uasis denotat, non certam mensuram. Plin. libro XIII. Magna & collecto iam uino differentia in cella. circa Alpes ligneis uasis condunt, infodiuntq[ue]; terræ tota, aut ad portionem situs, aut cælum præbent: alij im= positis tectis arcent. Dolium autem quadragenarium & < Dolium quadragenarium.> quinquagenarium Cato quum dicit, dubitari potest an quadraginta quinquaginta ue co[n]giorum aut quadrantaliu[m] dixerit, an totidem amphorarum, ut quum de Græco uino loquens ita inquit, Musti. q. x x. in ahenum aut plumbeu[m] infundito, ignem subdito: ubi ebullibit uinu[m], ignem subdu cito: ubi iam uinum refrixerit, in dolium quadragenariu[m] infundito. Et paulò post, Post dies x x x. dolium oblinito, ad uer in amphoras diffundito. Et rursus alibi, In dolium quadragenariu[m] infundito aquæ marinæ qudratalia decem: tum acina de uus miscellis decarpito de scapo in idem do= lium usquedu[m] impleueris. manu co[n]prinito acina, ut combi bant aquam marinam. ubi co[n]pleueris doliu[m], operculo ope= rito, relinquito quà interspiret. ut triduu[m] præterierit, exi= mito de dolio, & in torculario calcato, & id uinum con= dito in dolia lauta & pura & sicca. Hoc in loco quinquæ genarium ab amphoris dictum accipio, quum ex eo dolia pura impleantur. Octonæ amphoræ modium nostrum fa= Q ciunt, id

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And the test of salted fish, with your own grease, they use for parotid swellings. From Cato we understand that an amphora is made narrow at the neck, when he says: “Fill an amphora, its neck broken off, with pure water.” Columella says that jars, also series, and the other vessels should be pitched before the fortieth day of the vintage, and differently those that are buried in the ground, differently those that stand above the earth. The same author: then into each seriae, which are of the size of seven amphorae, add one ounce of the medicine, and eight scruples of gypsum. Seria denotes a certain form of vessel, not a fixed measure. Pliny, book XIII, says there is a great difference in a cellar, now that the wine has been collected: around the Alps they store it in wooden vessels and bury them in the earth, either wholly or in part, according to the site or the climate; others protect it by placing roofs over them. But when Cato says “quadragenarian” and “quinquagenarian” dolium, it may be doubted whether he meant forty or fifty congi of capacity, or forty or fifty quadrantals, or as many amphorae, as when speaking of Greek wine he says thus: “Of new wine, xx to the bronze vessel or leaden one, pour in, and put fire under it; when the wine boils, take away the fire; when the wine has cooled, pour it into a quadragenarian dolium.” And a little later: “After thirty days, seal the dolium; in the spring, pour it out into amphorae.” And again elsewhere: “Pour into a quadragenarian dolium ten quadratals of sea-water; then strip the grapes from the stalks of the mixed vines into the same dolium until you have filled it. Crush the grapes by hand, so that they drink in the sea-water. When you have filled the dolium, cover it with a lid, and leave it so that it may breathe. When three days have passed, take it out of the dolium, and tread it in the pressing-floor, and store that wine in clean, pure, and dry dolia.” In this passage I take quinquagenarian to mean derived from amphorae, since from them pure dolia are filled. Eight amphorae make our modius, that is,

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET < Mensuræ Parisinæ.> ciunt, id est Parisinum, cuius iusta mensura sex & triginta cogios nostros capit, quas uulgus sextarios nulla ratione uocat. Sic singulæ amphoræ decem & octo quartarios no stros capiunt, hoc est sextarios Romanos duodequinqua= ginta. Quaternæ amphoræ semodios nostros faciunt. Ca= dus uero noster, quæ lingua uernacula uestigia Latinitatis retines Caccum uocat, & trientem modij facit, amphoras duas & bessem capit, hoc est duodenos cogios Parisinos. <Fidelia.> Nec tamen inuideas quòd multa fidelia putet In locuplete penu. Plautus in Aulul. Sed si reperero ô fides, mulsi congialem plenam faciam tibi fideliam. Eodem modo dixit congialem fideliam, quo Plinius cadum congiarium. Fideliam lingua nostra filietam corrupto uocabulo dicit. Orca. Orca uas erat Hispanicum, ut ex Varrone conijcio libro primo de Re rustica, Sæpe ubi conditum nouum mustum, orca ut in Hispania seruore musti ruptæ: necnon & dolia, ut in Ita= lia. Plin. libro x v. de ficis: At ubi copia abundat, implentur orca: in Asia cadi panisq[ue] simul & obsonij uicem siccatæ implent. Festus orca formam dat his uerbis; Orcæ genus marinæ belluæ maximum, ad cuius similitudinem uasa ficaria orca dicuntur. Sunt enim teretes, atq[ue] uniformi specie: cui congruit dictum Persij, - Angustæ collo non fallier orca. Licet Hermolaus lib. x x x v. amphoræ specie orcam fuisse autore Probo citato dicat. Vas fuit uinariu[m], oleariu[m]q[ue], & salsamentarium, atque salgamarium, cuius ratio non mensura, sed sua forma costat. Orcis adhuc bodie salsamentarij negociatores utuntur. Dolia certam mensura no[n] habe bant, sed quædam olim fieri capacissima ex Collumella in= telligimus, <Dolium.>

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET < Parisinian Measures.> They are called, that is, Parisinian, whose proper measure holds thirty-six of our cogii , which the common people for no reason call sextarii . Thus each amphora holds eighteen of our quartarii, that is, fifteen Roman sextarii. Four amphorae make two of our semodia. But our cadus , which in the vernacular language, retaining traces of Latin, is called caccum , makes a third of a modius, and holds two and two-thirds amphorae, that is, twelve Parisinian cogii . <Fidelia.> Yet do not begrudge that he should think many vessels in a well-stocked pantry. Plautus in the Aulularia . But if I find it, O faithful ones, I shall fill your vessel full of mead, a congius. In the same way he said congialem fideliam , as Pliny said cadum congiarium . In our language fidelia , by a corrupted word, is called filieta . Orca. An orca was a Spanish vessel, as I infer from Varro, book one De Re Rustica : often, when new must is stored, an orca , as in Spain, for preserving the must, and also dolia , as in Italy. Pliny, book 15, on figs: “But where abundance is plentiful, the orcae are filled; in Asia, casks and bread, together with provisions, are dried and stored in place.” Festus gives the form of the orca in these words: “ Orca , a kind of very large sea creature, to which vessels for figs are called orcae by resemblance. For they are round and of a uniform appearance,” which agrees with the line of Persius: “An orca cannot be deceived by a narrow neck.” Although Hermolaus, book 35, says that by the testimony of Probus the orca was a kind of amphora. It was a wine vessel, an oil vessel, and a salt-fish vessel, and also a pickling vessel, whose nature depended not on measure, but on its form. Even today merchants in salted goods still use orcae . Casks did not have a fixed measure, but from Columella we understand that some were formerly made very capacious. <Dolium.>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. telligimus, qui de picandis dolijs loquens, ita inquit, Sunt autem sesquiculareibus dolijs picis duræ pondo uicena= quina satis. Sesquiculare dolium Columella triginta am= phorarum dolium appellat, quam iustam mensuram & usitatam fuisse ex eius uerbis conijcere aliquis possit. Do= lia (inquit Nonius) uasa sunt grandia, quibus uinum re= conditur. Vitruuius lib. v 1. significare uidetur legitimam dolij olearij magnitudinem culearem fuisse, his uerbis, Cellarum autem magnitudines ad fructuum rationes & numerum dolioru[m] sunt faciendæ, quæ quum sint culearia, per medium occupare debent pedes quaternos. Plaut. in Pseud. Anum illam doliarem, claudam, crassam Chrysid[em]e. Ventricosa autem fuisse dolia, ex supradicto loco Vitru= uij, & ex Colume.lib.xiii.admonemur. Sic enim inquit de uasis salgamaris loquens, Hæc uasa dedita opera fieri oportet patente ore, & usq[ue] ad imum æqualia, nec in mo= dum dolioru[m] formatu, ut exemptis ad usum salgamus, quic= quid superest, æquali pondere usque ad fundum deprima= tur, quum ea res innoxia penora conseruet, ubi non inna= tent, sed semper sint iure submersa: quod in utero dolij uix fieri posset propter inæqualitate[m] figuræ. Rursus Plin. dolij magnitudinem aliam ponit libro nono de Polypo lo quens, qui in Betica captus est. Ostedere (inquit) Lucullo caput eius dolij magnitudine, amphoraru[m] quindecim ca= pax. Sed aliam intelligimus fuisse capacitate[m] dolij, alia[m] ca= pitis polypi, licet eadem moles utriusq[ue] fuerit. Vina aute[m] in dolijs inueterascere no[n] sinebant antiqui, sed in ampho= ras & cados diffundebant. Inde illud sat yrici poëtæ, Ipse capillato diffusum Consule potat. Et Horatij in Epistolis, Vina bibes iterum Tauro diffusa. id est, Q 2 Tauro

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We understand this from the one who speaks of coating casks with pitch, when he says: “But for casks of one and a half culei, twenty-five pounds of hard pitch are enough.” Columella calls a cask of thirty amphorae a “sesquicular” cask, from whose words one might infer that this was the proper and customary measure. Nonius says: “Dolia are large vessels in which wine is stored.” Vitruvius, book V, chapter 1, seems to indicate that the lawful size of an oil cask was a culear, in these words: “But the sizes of the store-rooms must be made according to the amount of produce and the number of casks; if they are culear, they ought to occupy four feet across the middle.” Plautus, in Pseudolus : “That old cask-like, lame, fat Chrysis.” That casks were also bulging is shown by the passage of Vitruvius cited above, and by Columella, book XIII. For thus he says, speaking of vessels for salting fish: “These vessels ought to be made on purpose with a wide mouth, and equal all the way down to the bottom, and not fashioned in the shape of casks, so that when the contents have been taken out for use, whatever remains may be pressed down with equal weight all the way to the bottom, since this preserves the food harmless, when it does not float, but is always submerged in the brine: which could hardly happen in the belly of a cask, because of the inequality of its shape.” Again, Pliny gives another size for a cask in book IX, speaking of the octopus that was caught in Baetica. “Lucullus displayed its head,” he says, “in a cask capable of holding fifteen amphorae.” But we understand that the capacity of the cask was one thing, and that of the octopus’s head another, although the bulk of each was the same. The ancients, however, did not allow wines to age in casks, but poured them into amphorae and cadi. Hence that line of the satiric poet: “He himself drinks wine poured from the hair-covered consul.” And in Horace’s Epistles: “You will drink wine again, poured from Taurus,” that is,

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Tauro iteru[m] Consule inueterari coepta. Plinius lib. XIII. Apothecas fuisse, et diffundi solita uina anno D. XXXIII. urbis apparet indubitato Opimiani uini argumento, iam intelligente suum bonum Italia. Qui hunc morem ignorat, intelligere hic nequit Senecæ dictum in quinto epist. ad Lucil. Ariston diebat malle se adolescentem tristem, quàm hilarem, & amabilem turbæ. uinum enim bonum fieri, quod recens durum & asperum uisum est: non pati ætatem, quod in dolio placuit, id est quod musteu adhuc, <Culeus.> & à lacu recens, maturum iam potui uisum est. Culeus mo dios nostros duos & semis capiebat, id est sexaginta Romanos. Magnum autem uas fuisse ex eo apparet, quòd in culeo scorteo damnati lege Pompeia cum cane & gallo & uipera insuebantur, ut apud Tranquillum & Modestinum iuris consultum legimus. Cæterum Cato cum dixit, Vinum in dolijs hoc modo uenire oportet, Vini in culeos singulos quadragenæ & singulæ urnæ dabuntur: non ad iustam mensuram respexit, sed ad morem negociatorum, qui accessionis nomine in singulos culeos singulas urnas stipulabantur. Culeos nunc sesquimodiales habemus, id est duodenum amphorarum: cuius uocabulum uulgare, ad Latinum alludit, quo genere Ligeris fluuij accolæ utuntur. Est & aliud genus culei maioris captus, quos Tonellos appellant. Columella libro decimotertio, Odores autem uino ferè apti sunt qui cum defruto coquuntur, iris, foenum Græcum, schoenum: harum rerum singulæ libræ in defrutariu[m], quod ceperit musti amphoras nonaginta, quu[m] iam deserbuerit, & expurgatum erit, tum adijci debent. Et rursus idem, Cum amphoras musti nonaginta in defrutario decoxeris, ita ut iam exiguum supersit de coctura (quod significat decoctu[m] ad tertias) tum demu[m] medicami= na adij

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G. BVD. OF THE CASK AND With Taurus as consul, things began to be kept in barrels. Pliny, book XIII. That wine was stored away and drawn off in the year 33 of the city is shown by the undeniable evidence of Opimian wine, when Italy had already come to understand its own good. Whoever is ignorant of this custom cannot understand here Seneca’s saying in the fifth epistle to Lucilius: Aristo said that he preferred a gloomy youth to a cheerful and agreeable one in the crowd. For good wine becomes what at first appeared harsh and rough: it does not endure age; what pleased in the cask, that is, what is still must, <Culeus.> and fresh from the vat, has already seemed mature for drinking. A culeus held two and a half of our modii, that is, sixty Roman measures. But it appears to have been a large vessel, because in a leathern culeus condemned men under the Pompeian law were sewn up with a dog and a cock and a viper, as we read in Tranquillus and the jurist Modestinus. Moreover, when Cato said, Wine ought to be sold in casks in this way: for each cask of wine forty urnae and one urna shall be given, he was not looking to a proper measure, but to the custom of merchants, who under the name of an accession demanded one urna for each culeus. We now have culei of one and a half modii, that is, of twelve amphorae: the common word for this alludes to the Latin term, which the inhabitants along the Loire use. There is also another kind of cask, of larger capacity, which they call tonelli. Columella, book thirteen, But the odors that are usually suitable for wine, which are cooked with defrutum, are iris, fenugreek, and schoenus: of each of these substances one pound, in the defrutarium, which has held ninety amphorae of must, when it has already ceased fermenting and has been cleaned out, must then be added. And again the same writer: When you have boiled down ninety amphorae of must in the defrutarium, so that only a little remains of the boiling (which means boiled down to one-third), then at last the remedies are added

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. na adijcito. Defrutarium appellat ahenum prægrande quo mustum coquitur, ad sapam aut defrutum facienda, quo modo hodie quoq[ue] fit. Nam & Cato in instrum[en]to ullici, ahenum unum x x x. culeorum enumerat, id est sexcentaru[m] amphorarum, & aliud decem culeorum, quod ducentas amphoras capit. Quare apud Catonem dolium quadragenarium, quadragenum amphorarum capax intelligo: idq[ue] ex collatione locorum licet cuiuis intelligere. Cato capite centesimo, Schoenum (inquit) & calamum in pila contundito, quod siet sextariu[m] unum: quadragenario in dolio co[n]fundito, ut odoratum siet. At uerò Columella loco supradicto libram unam dixit satis esse nonaginta amphoris musti, quæ ad tertias decoctæ, triginta fiunt amphoræ defruti. Quare quum Plinius dicit de unis quæ inueteraue= runt, Rara quippe adhuc fuere, nec nisi importatis singulis testis millia nummum: no[n] de dolijs, sed de amphoris & eadis intelligo: quippe etiam alioquin uina diffusa exportabantur, nec in dolijs diu esse sinebâtur, quæ propter magnitudinem exportari facilè non poterant, præsertim quu[m] essent fictilia. Batus & Corus Hebraica sunt uocabula, ut docet Iosepus lib. VIII. Antiquitatum. Batus capit sexta= rios septuagintaduos: Corus autem medimnos Æticos unum & quadraginta, ut ipse lib. III. inquit circa finem. Quare corus maior erat modio nostro triticario, qui centum & quadraginta quatuor modios capit Romanos. Proinde falluntur illi qui quadraginta non medimnos, sed modios capere corum scripserunt. Errorem eorum secuti, qui medimnum, modium Latinè interpretantur. Strabo de Tau= rica Cherroneso loquens, quam frumento abundasse scribit, & ob id georgiam appellatam esse, ἑνικωνα δὲ φασιν in ὑποθεσιας αθηναίοις πεμία μεικάσθες μελιμμων ολαν= Q 3 σίας καί

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do not add. He calls a defrutarium a very large bronze vessel in which must is boiled, to make sapa or defrutum , as is done even today. For Cato, too, in the inventory of tools for the olive yard, he lists one bronze vessel of thirty culei , that is, of six hundred amphorae, and another of ten culei , which holds two hundred amphorae. Therefore, in Cato, I understand a forty-amphora jar as capable of holding forty amphorae; and this anyone may understand by comparing the passages. In chapter one hundred, Cato says: “Pound reed and stalk in a mortar, so that there is one sextarius; pour it into a forty-amphora jar, so that it may be fragrant.” But Columella, in the passage mentioned above, said that one pound is enough for ninety amphorae of must, which, when boiled down to a third, make thirty amphorae of defrutum . Therefore, when Pliny says of the uis that they had grown old—for such things were still rare, and not to be had except by the importation of individual jars at a cost of thousands of sesterces—I understand him not of jars, but of amphorae and eades ; for even otherwise wines were exported in loose vessels, and were not allowed to remain long in jars, which, because of their size, could not easily be exported, especially since they were made of earthenware. and Corus are Hebrew words, as Josephus teaches in book VIII of the Antiquities . A batus holds seventy-two sextarii; but a corus holds one hundred and forty Attic medimni , as he himself says near the end of book III. Therefore the corus was larger than our wheat modius , which holds one hundred and forty-four Roman modii . Hence those are mistaken who wrote that the corus holds not forty medimni , but modii . They followed the error of those who interpret medimnus in Latin as modius . Strabo, speaking of the Tauric Chersonese, which he writes was abundant in grain and for that reason was called “georgia,” says “ἑνικωνα δὲ φασιν” in “ὑποθεσιας ἀθηναίοις” “πεμία μεικάσθες μελιμμων ολαν-”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Leuconem (inquit) aiunt ex Theodosia ui= cies semel centena nullia medimnûm frumenti Atheniensi bus misisse. Quo loco interpres ducentas & decem my= riadas modiûm transtulit, quu[m] totidem myriadas medimnû[m] Strabo scripsisset. Hæc amplius octogintaquinq[ue] millibus modiûm nostrorum ualent. Hic licet æstimare quanta fue= rit liberalitas Hieronis Syracusanorum Regis, qui ut au= tor est Valerius lib. 1111. audita clade, qua Romani apud Trasimenum lacum afflicti erant, trecenta millia modio= rum tritici, ducenta hordei, auriq[ue] ducêta & quadraginta pondo Vrbi Romanæ muneri nusit: quod ne Romani nol lent accipere, in habitum id Victoriæ formauit, ut eos re= ligione motos, munificetia sua uti cogeret. In alijs exem= plaribus pondo ducenta quinquaginta legitur: adeò nume ri (quod sæpe testamur) in exemplaribus autorum omniu[m] corrupti sunt. Nam & apud Liuium c c c. uiginti pon= do leguntur, libro secundo de secundo bello Punico, his uerbis, Legati Syracusani in Senatum introducti nunci a= runt cædem C. Flanunij exercitusq[ue] allatam, adeo affecisse Regem Hieronem, ut nulla sui propria regniq[ue] sui clade magis moueri potuerit. Et paulò infrà, Iam omnium pri= mium ominis causa Victoriam auream pondo c c c x x. afferre sese, acciperent eam tenerentq[ue], & haberent pro= priam & perpetuam: aduexisse etiam c c c. mil. modioru[m] tritici, ducenta hordei, ne commeatus deessent, & quan= tum præterea opus esset, quò iussissent subuecturos: quæ ne accipere grauarentur, magnopere se Patres conscriptos orare. Libra auri non minus centu[m] aureis solatis æstimari potest: quare ducenta quinquaginta pondo ut minimu[m] ui= ginti quinque millibus ualuerunt. Quòd si Liuium sequi= mur, eo amplius septem millibus donum illud fuit. Trecêta autem

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Leucon, they say, from Theodosia sent to the Athenians twenty-one hundred thousand medimni of grain. In that passage the translator rendered it as 210 myriads of measures, whereas Strabo had written the same number of medimni. These amount to more than eighty-five thousand of our modii. Here one may estimate how great was the generosity of Hiero, king of the Syracusans, who, as Valerius states in book 4, hearing of the disaster by which the Romans had been afflicted at Lake Trasimene, sent to the city of Rome three hundred thousand modii of wheat, two hundred of barley, and two hundred and forty pounds of gold: and when the Romans did not wish to accept it, he fashioned it in the shape of Victory, so that, moved by religion, he might compel them to make use of his bounty. In other copies two hundred and fifty pounds is read: so corrupt, as we often testify, are the numbers in the copies of all authors. For even in Livy three hundred and twenty pounds is read, in the second book of the Second Punic War, in these words: “The Syracusan envoys, introduced into the Senate, announced the slaughter of C. Flaminius and the destruction of the army, and this so affected King Hiero that he could not have been moved more by any calamity of his own or of his kingdom.” And a little below: “At first, as a token of good omen, they were bringing a golden Victory weighing three hundred and twenty pounds, that they should accept and keep it, and have it as their own and forever; they had also brought three hundred thousand modii of wheat and two hundred of barley, so that provisions might not be lacking, and whatever else should be needed they would transport wherever they ordered; and they very earnestly begged the conscript fathers not to refuse to accept these gifts.” A pound of gold may be valued at no less than one hundred gold pieces; therefore two hundred and fifty pounds were worth at least twenty-five thousand. But if we follow Livy, that gift was worth more by seven thousand. Three hundred and

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 615 autem millia modiorum tritici, duo millia modiûm nostro= rum & paulo minus centum ualent, etiam ut modios Ita= licos non Siculos intelligamus, quorum differentiam an= tea adnotauimus. Hæc, si æstimationem Ciceronianam sequamur, ut minimum decies sestertium ualuerunt, & quinq; & uiginti millibus auri taxabuntur. Ducenta mul= lia hordei quanti ualuerint, ex tritico æstimari potest. Hæc igitur liberalitas non tam magnifica quàm munifica fuit: ex animo donantis æstimabilis magis quàm ab opi= bus. Quatarium apud Catonem sic congij quartam partê <Quartarius.> significare existimo, ut tertiarium tertiam, & sextarium sextam. Amurca (inquit ille) in uas ænecum indito congios duos: postea igne leui coquito, rudicula agitato crebrò, usqueadeo dum fiat tam crassum quàm mel. Postea sumito bituminis tertiarium, & sulphuris quartarium, conterito in mortario per se utrunq;. Columella libro XIII. In se= xtarios duodequinquaginta fermēti libram, fici aridæ pō= do quadrantem, salis sextarium, hæc subterito, & subtrita cum quartario mellis aceto diluito. Quartarium in mensu= ra pro quadrante congij intelligo, ut in pondere pro qua= drante libræ. Nos brochum appellamus sesquisextarium <Brochus.> Parisinu[m], qua mēsura dimidio maior est urna, id est, hemio lia est urna brochi. Nam sedecim urnæ modium nostrum faciunt, id est quatuor & uiginti brochos. Vrna, ut dixi= <Mensuræ Pa- risinæ antiqua uocabula reti- neut.> mus, etia hemiamphoriu[m] seu semiaphora dicitur. Illud ad= mirari subit, quonâ modo modulos antiquos urbs nostra seruare potuerit etiam Græcos: quod ne magnopere mi= rer, facit quod etiam uerba ipsa Græca lingua ipsa uerna cula tot seculis sæpius immutata retinet. Iamprimùm me= <Medimnus, minna apud Gallos.> dimnum uocabulum lingua uernacula incolume penè ser= uat, secunda tantum et tertia litera intertritis minna uo= Q 4 cans,

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 615 but a thousand modii of wheat, two thousand of our modii, and a little less than a hundred are worth, even if we understand Italian modii, not Sicilian, whose difference we noted before. If we follow Cicero’s valuation, these were worth at least ten times a million sesterces, and will be priced at twenty-five thousand gold pieces. Two hundred thousand of barley can be valued from the price of wheat. So this liberality was not so much magnificent as generous: to be estimated more from the giver’s spirit than from his means. I think that with Cato, quartarius means the fourth part of a congius, just as tertiarius means the third and sextarius the sixth. “Put,” he says, “two congii of amurca into a bronze vessel; afterwards simmer it over a low fire, stirring it frequently with a little ladle, until it becomes as thick as honey. Then take a third part of bitumen and a quarter part of sulphur; pound each separately in a mortar.” Columella, book XIII: “In fifty-two sextarii of ferment, a pound of dried figs, a quarter of a pound by weight of salt; pound these together, and dilute the pounded mixture with a quarter of a quartarius of honey and vinegar.” I understand quartarius in measure to mean the quarter of a congius, as in weight the quarter of a pound. We call brochus the Parisian sesquisextarius, by which measure it is half again larger than an urn; that is, a brocus is one and a half urns. For sixteen urns make up our modius, that is, twenty-four brochi. An urn, as I have said, is also called hemiamphorium or semiaphora. What is amazing is how our city has been able to preserve the ancient measures, even the Greek ones: and I am not greatly surprised, because the very Greek words in the vernacular tongue, changed so many times over so many centuries, are still retained. First of all, the word medimnum is preserved almost intact in the vernacular tongue, only the second and third letters being worn away, and being called minna,

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET cans, quasiq[ue] per syncopen proferes: huius dimidiu[m], id est ternos modios Romanos, diminutiuè idiomate nostro formans. Modius autem Gallicum uocabulu[m] est et aridorum et liquidorum mensuræ: non modum priscum, sed uarium pro locorum uarietate obtinens. In alijs uasis nostris et conditorijs et modularijs etiam et yma Græca agnosco. Prima mensurarum nostraru[m] deorsum auspicando, cheo= pina à nobis dicitur, ex eo (ut arbitror) dicta, quòd in ea tantum funditur uel hauritur uini, quantu[m] homo sit ibudus uno haustu absumere possit. Hæc duplex, pintam efficit, ex eo uocabulo detortam, quod Græci pitynam appellat, uas quoddam uinariu[m] significantes. Ex pityna enim per syn= copen pitna, deinde transpositione pinta dicta. Pino enim Græce bibo significat. Minima mensura hemixestes à no= bis dicitur: quod merè et integrè Græcum est, hoc est di= midiatus xestes. Est enim xestes hemina, ut superius dixi= mus. His quæ demonstraui, hoc corollarium addam, huius urbis homines non modò Romanas Atticasq[ue]; mēsuras usu linguaq[ue]; pertinacibus ad hoc æui conseruasse, sed etia[m] So lonis drachma et mensuris ab eo legislatore emodulatis eos uti hodie: id quod ex oratione Andocidis oratoris At= tici probare facile est, quæ ποδί μυσηγιων inscribitur. De statu enim Atheniensiu[m] loquens post euersam triginta ty= rannorum oligarchiam, propter quam populus in Pyreu[m] secesserat, p[er]sephismaq[ue]; id est plebiscitu[m] quoddâ referes ob componendâ populi discordia[m] promulgatum, ita inquit, Τισάμωνος ἔυπε, ἐδδε ὑλῶ ὑμων ὑπολιτοθεατὴ αθηναίνις ἀγατὴ πα πάπια, νόμοις δὲ χρήσται τοῖς σόλωνος, ἐν[ì] μετροις ἐν[ì] σαθμοῖς: χρή= σται δὲ ἐν[ì] τοῖς αφανλες θεσμοῖς, στῶν ἐκρώμεθα ἐν[ì] ὑμ= προσθεν χρόνω. id est, Tisamenus tulit, populusq[ue]; sciuit, ut Athenienses regerentur institutis patrijs, legibusq[ue]; ute= rentur

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASE AND cans, as though you would pronounce it by syncope: its half, that is, three Roman modii, forming, in our idiom, a diminutive. But modius is a Gallic word, and a measure both for dry and liquid things: not the old measure, but a variable one, differing according to the variety of places. In our other vessels, both for preserving and measuring, I also recognize the Greek yma . Of our measures, beginning from the smallest, the cheopina is so called by us, and is said (as I think) to have been named from the fact that in it there is poured or drawn only as much wine as a man, being thirsty, can drink off at one draught. This is double, and makes a pinta , a word corrupted from that by which the Greeks call pityna , signifying a certain wine-vessel. For from pityna , by syncope, came pitna , and then by transposition pinta . For in Greek pino means “I drink.” The smallest measure is called by us hemixestes ; this is purely and properly Greek, that is, a half xestes . For the xestes is a hemina , as I said above. To what I have shown I will add this corollary: the men of this city have not only preserved, in use and language, the Roman and Attic measures down to this stubborn age, but even now use the drachma of Solon and the measures proportioned by that lawgiver; and this is easy to prove from the speech of the Attic orator Andocides, which is entitled Περὶ μυστηρίων . For, speaking of the condition of the Athenians after the overthrow of the oligarchy of the Thirty Tyrants, because of which the people had withdrawn to Piraeus, and with a decree, that is, a plebiscite, having been promulgated for the settling of the people’s discord, he says thus: “Τισάμωνος ἔυπε, ἐδδε ὑλῶ ὑμων ὑπολιτοθεατὴ αθηναίνις ἀγατὴ παπάπια, νόμοις δὲ χρήσται τοῖς σόλωνος, ἐνὶ μετροις ἐνὶ σαθμοῖς: χρήσται δὲ ἐνὶ τοῖς αφανλες θεσμοῖς, στῶν ἐκρώμεθα ἐνὶ ὑμπροσθεν χρόνω.” That is: “Tisamenus proposed, and the people decreed, that the Athenians should be governed by their ancestral institutions, and should use the laws of Solon.”

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ventur Solonis, eiusq[ue] ponderibus & mensuris. Simul ut legibus uterentur Draconis, ut anteactis temporibus fecimus. Ex his uerbis colligimus, mensuras Atticas pòderaq[ue] ad autoré Solone relatas esse: quas cum Romani ab Athenis cum legibus mutuati sint, & nos à Romanis acceperimus, apparet id planè consectum quod adstruendum duximus. < Quartarius.> Quartarium autem dicimus non quartam partem alii cuius maioris mensuræ, ut Latini uocauerût: sed uas quod quatuor mensuras caperet, id est quaternas cheopinas. sic tertiarium, quod tres. < Congius est sextarius noster, Brochus.> Porrò quartarios quaternos sextarium nulla ratione lingua uernacula uocitauit, quæ quidem hodie assignari possit in his mensuris quas habemus: quare Latinè congium potius quàm sextarium appellandum duxerim, ut Græci choa dicût. Brochus à uerbo Græco Epixω dicitur, quod fundo significat. < Oenophorum.> Brochus enim uas est fundendo uino accommodatum, implendis deplendisq[ue] culeis & uasis conditorijs, & uino quocunq[ue] modo transuasando. < Oenophorum.> Hoc Græci ænophorum ex eo appellant, quòd coportando uino aptum sit. inde illud satyricè dictu à Iuuenale, - Tandem illa uenit rubicundula, totum Oenophorum sitiens, plena quod tenditur urna Admotum pedibus. Lagenæ uas est ea forma qua hydriæ fictiles hodie à Bel= < Lagenæ.> louacis importantur. à tereti enim collo distenta uentris la xitas, iterum sensim ad imum gracilescit. Docet hoc Colu mella lib. x i i i. de seruandis malis loquens, Nihil tamen certius aut melius, inquit, experti sumus, quàm ut cydonea maturissima in lagena noua quæ sit patentissimi oris, detersa lanugine quæ malis inest, componantur leuiter & laxè, ne collidi possint. Deinde quum ad fauces usque fuerint composita, uimineis surculis sic transuersis arctentur, Q s ut mo

Transcription: Translated (English)

Solon’s inventions, and also his weights and measures. Likewise, that they should use the laws of Draco, as we did in former times. From these words we gather that the Attic measures and weights were referred to Solon as their author; and since the Romans borrowed them from Athens together with the laws, and we have received them from the Romans, it is clear that what we have undertaken to prove is fully established. <Quartarius.> But we call a quartarius not a quarter part of some larger measure, as the Latins used the term, but a vessel that held four measures, that is, four cheopinas. Thus a tertiarius, one that holds three. <Congius is our sextarius, Brochus.> Moreover, the vulgar tongue has by no means called four quartarii a sextarius, at least not in any way that can now be assigned in the measures we have; therefore I should prefer to call it in Latin a congium rather than a sextarius, as the Greeks say choa. Brochus is said from the Greek word Epixω, which means “to pour out.” <Oenophorum.> For a brochus is a vessel suited for pouring wine, for filling and emptying skin-bags and storing vessels, and for decanting wine in any manner whatsoever. <Oenophorum.> The Greeks call it an oenophorum from the fact that it is fit for carrying wine. Hence that satirical line of Juvenal: - At last that little ruddy one came, thirsting for the whole oenophorum, the full jar that is carried along, set down at the feet. A lagena is a vessel of the form of the earthen hydriae that are brought today from Bel- louacis. For from the slender neck the looseness of the belly expands, and then gradually grows narrow again toward the bottom. Columella teaches this in book xiii, speaking of the preservation of quinces: “Yet,” he says, “nothing more certain or better have we found by experience than that the ripest quinces should be placed in a new lagena with a very wide mouth, after wiping off the down that clings to the apples, set in gently and loosely, lest they may be bruised. Then, when they have been arranged up to the neck, let them be restrained with vine twigs placed crosswise, so that the ...”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ut modicè mala comprimant, nec patiantur ea quu[m] accepe rint liquoru[m], subleuari: tum quamoptimo melle uas replea[n] tur, et reliqua. < Plinij locus.> Plin. lib. undecimo, Summum gulæ fauces uocantur, postremum stomachus. hoc nomine est sub arte= ria iam carnosa inanitas adnexa spinæ, ad latitudinem ac longitudinem lagenæ modo fusa. Idem lib. XXVIII. Au= rium grauitati prodest urina capri uel tauri, aut fullonia uetus calfacta, uapore per lagenæ collum subeunte. In su= periore tame[n] exemplo, antiqua quæ uidi exemplaria, non lagenæ modo, sed lacunæ habent, uel laciniæ potius, hoc est flexuræ sinuosæ. Nec mihi lagenæ formam stomachus habere uidetur, qui confectionibus faciendis aliquando in tersui, et stomachum cum uentriculo spiritu distentu[m] ui= di: potiusq; cucurbitæ formam leniter inflexæ, et ab sum= mo imoq; tubulatæ habere existimarim: nolim tamen hoc in loco periclitari ut aliquid de hoc statuam. De stomacho < Stomach pro priè dictus.> propriè accepto Aristoteles libro primo de historia ani= malium ita inquit, telos tæ [n]o[n] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [sulphur] [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij 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Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASH AND so that they may moderately compress the bad humors, and not suffer them, when they have received the liquid, to be lifted up: then let the vessel be filled with the very best honey, and the rest. <A passage of Pliny.> Pliny, book eleven: “The highest point of the throat is called the gullet; the hindmost part, the stomach.” By this name there is, beneath the artery, already a fleshy vacancy attached to the spine, spread out in the manner of a flask, in breadth and length. The same, book XXVIII. For heaviness of the ears, the urine of a goat or a bull is beneficial, or old fullers’ stuff heated, the vapor rising through the neck of a flask. In the preceding example, however, the ancient copies I have seen have not “flask,” but “hollow,” or rather “fold,” that is, a sinuous bending. Nor does the stomach seem to me to have the shape of a flask, since in making confections it is sometimes cut open, and I have seen the stomach, together with the belly, distended by air: rather would I judge it to have the shape of a gently bent cupping-vessel, tubed from the top and the bottom alike; yet I should not wish to hazard anything here by deciding upon it. On the stomach <Properly so called.> properly taken, Aristotle, in the first book of the History of Animals, says thus, telos tæ [n]o[n] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [sulphur] [mercur]ij [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] [mercur]ij [sulphur] 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Transcription: ATR-1 2

alium appellat in 11. de Nat. Deorum, & tortuosam esse dicit: quod non conuenit cum lagenæ forma. Lagenam no men fuisse mensuræ testis est Athenæus his uerbis lib. X I. Lagenæ. λαγωνὸς ἐ μετρα λεγαστὴν ἐνὶν ὑνομα περὰ ποίς ἔλληστὴν, ὑς χρός μὴ κατύλης, χωρεῖν ἐ ὑμφο κατύλας αγνικὰς δώλησ. Lagenæ mensuræ nomen esse aiunt apud Græcos ut chum & cotulam, duodecimq; cotulas Atticas capere. Seria uas erat uariæ capacitatis, ad multos usus accommodatum. Columel. lib. XIII. de uino dulci faciendo loquens, Tum in serias singulas, quæ sint amphorarum septenûm, addito medicaminis pondo unciâ scrupula octo gypi. Erant enim seriæ grandia uasa ut dolia, unde uinum ad uetustatem seruandum in uasa minora diffundebatur. Idem, postea quu[m] de dolijs aut de serijs diffundere uoles, uere floreterosa defecatu quàm liquidissimum in uasa bene picata & pura transferto. si in uetustatê seruare uoles, in cado duarum urnaru quàm optimi uini sextarium, aut fecis generosæ recetis sextarios tres addito. Idem de myrtite uino loqués, Post nonu[m] diem quàm id factum est, uinum purgatur, & scrupulis aridæ myrrhæ seria suffriatur, operculumq; superimponitur, ne quid eò decidat. Hoc facto, post decimum diem rursus uinum purgatur, & in amphoras bene picatas & bene olidas diffunditur. Ego tamen non aridæ myrrhæ scrupulis suffriandam seriam puto, sed scopulis aridæ myrti seriam suffricandâ. Seriam oblonga forma fuisse puto, & in summo ceruicatam. Idem Columel. de salsura suillæ carnis loquens, Sed cum ad fauces seriæ peruentum est, sale reliqua pars repletur, & impositis ponderibus in uas coprimitur: eaq; caro semper conseruatur, quæ tanqua[m] salsamemetum in muria sua permanet. Fidelia qua forma fuerint, legissemeno menuni, sed fietiles & uitreas apud Columelam

Transcription: Translated (English)

He calls it something else in book 11 of De Natura Deorum , and says that it is twisted; which does not agree with the shape of a lagena. Athenaeus is witness that the name lagena was a measure, in these words, book XI: Lagenae. λαγωνὸς ἐ μέτρα λεγαστὴν ἐνὶν ὑνομα περὰ ποίς ἔλληστὴν, ὑς χρός μὴ κατύλης, χωρεῖν ἐ ὑμφο κατύλας αγνικὰς δώλησ. They say that the name of a measure among the Greeks is lagenae, as chus and cotyla, and that it holds twelve Attic cotylae. A seria was a vessel of various capacity, suited to many uses. Columella, in book XIII, speaking of making sweet wine, says: “Then into each seria, which should be of seven amphorae, add, to the prescribed medicament, eight scruples by weight of gypsum.” For seriae were large vessels, like dolia, in which wine was poured to be kept for aging into smaller vessels. The same author afterward says: “When you want to draw off from the dolia or from the seriae, transfer it, when the bloom has disappeared, as clear as possible into vessels well pitched and clean. If you want to keep it for aging, into a cado of two urnae add one sextarius of the best wine, or three sextarii of rich lees.” The same author, speaking of myrtite wine, says: “After the ninth day from the time this was done, the wine is clarified, and the seria is fumigated with scruples of dry myrrh, and a lid is placed on top, so that nothing may fall into it. When this has been done, after the tenth day the wine is again clarified, and is poured into amphorae well pitched and well cleaned.” However, I think that the seria should not be fumigated with scruples of dry myrrh, but should be rubbed with sprigs of dry myrtle. I think that the seria was oblong in shape and narrowed toward the top. The same Columella, speaking of the salting of pork, says: “But when the mouth of the seria has been reached, the rest of the part is filled with salt, and with weights placed on top the vessel is pressed down; and that meat is always preserved, which remains in its own brine as if in a salted tomb.” What shape the fideliae were, I have not read clearly; but I find clay and glass ones in Columella.

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET lam legimus. Hæc habuimus de mensuris quæ diceremus. Apocal. locus. Sed obiter uidendum quid sit quod Apocalypseos sexto capite in descriptione tertij sigilli legitur, Bilibris tritici denario uno, & tres bilibres hordei denario uno. hoc quu[m] ego mirarer, Græcè sic reperi scriptum, , id est, Choenix frumenti de= nario, & tres choenices hordei denario. ac si diceret. quan tum quis die uno frumenti absumere potest, denario uno uenditur. Interpres choenicem tritici duas libras pendere existimauit, & ideo bilibrem transtulit. In quo uerbo ex= ponendo Liranus somnia narrare mihi uidetur. Inter scho lia autem quæ in eum librum edita sunt, legimus choenicè duos sextarios Romanos significare: quod quum sit ueru[m], non bilibris tritici, sed trilibris uerti debuit, si sic loqui necesse fuisset. tantum enim pendet sextarius tritici Roma ni, quum modius teste Plinio quatuor & uiginti pondo pendeat. Græcè tamè non tritici, sed frumèti legitur: quod quum sit nomen generis, libralis sextarius esse potuit, si le uissimum genus frumenti appenderetur, ut hordeum. Verumenimuero ut unde exorsa est hæc commentatio, eò tandem cludatur: triens, quadrans, & alia nomina ab asse & uncia deriuata, non modò pondera, sed etia[m] mensu ras infra sextarium, nummorumq[ue] uocabula significarunt. Nummoru[m] si- Quare quum de mensuris dictum sit, restat ut de nummo= gnificatio. rum significatione exempla citentur. Plin. lib. xxxiii. Quadrans & Nota æris fuit ex altera parte Ianus geminus, ex altera ro Triens. strum nauis: in triente uerò & quadrante rates. Hic quæ= drans, teruncius aliter dicitur: de quo satis diximus. Erat Teruncius. enim assis & libellæ quartarius: deni autem quadrates se= Sestertius. stertium ualebant, & quaterni sestertij denariu[m]. Ita fit ut Sportula, id pro sportula deni sestertij daretur: quos denis caroleis & est centu[m] qua- semisse drantes.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND we have read. These are the things we have had to say about measures. Apoc. passage. But incidentally it must be seen what is meant by the fact that in the sixth chapter of the Apocalypse, in the description of the third seal, it is read: “Two bilibrae of wheat for one denarius, and three bilibrae of barley for one denarius.” When I wondered at this, I found it written in Greek thus: that is, a choenix of wheat for a de- narius, and three choenices of barley for a denarius; as if he were saying how much wheat one can consume in a day, sold for one denarius. The interpreter thought that a choenix of wheat weighed two pounds, and therefore translated it as a bilibra. In explaining this word, Liranus seems to me to be telling dreams. Among the scholia, however, which have been published on that book, we read that choenix signifies two Roman sextarii: which, if true, should not have been rendered “two pounds of wheat,” but “three pounds,” if it had been necessary to speak so. For so much does a Roman sextarius of wheat weigh, since, as Pliny testifies, a modius weighs twenty-four pounds. Yet in Greek it is not read “of wheat,” but “of grain”; and since this is a generic term, it could have been a pound-measure sextarius, if the lightest kind of grain were being weighed, such as barley. But truly, so that from where this commentary began it may at last be brought to a close: triens, quadrans, and the other names derived from the as and the uncia signified not only weights, but also measures below the sextarius, and likewise names of coins. Meaning of coins. Therefore, since we have spoken of measures, it remains that examples be cited concerning the meaning of coins. Plin. book xxxiii. Quadrans and A bronze mark was, on one side, the two-faced Janus, on the other the prow of a ship; but on the triens and quadrans, rafts. This quadrans is also called teruncius: about which we have said enough. Teruncius. It was the fourth part of an as and a libella; but ten quadrantes made a sestertius, and four sestertii made a denarius. Thus it comes about that ten sestertii were given for the sportula: which are ten carolei and a semis Sestertius. Sportula, that is one hundred qua- drantes.

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Transcription: ATR-1

se misse æstimandos esse dico. Caroleos nostri denarios, quasi dextantes aliquando uocitarunt: ita ut assem, nostru[m] solidum esse existimemus, duodenos denariolos ualentem. tanti est illa sportula à Iuuenale Martialeq[ue] decatata, quæ merces salutationu[m] erat olim, & togatis, id est comitibus & asseclis, dabatur rectæ coenæ loco: de qua Iuuenalis, - Nunc sportula primo Limine parua sedet turbæ rapienda togatæ. Sed quum summus honos finito computet anno Sportula quid referat, quantum rationibus addat, Quid faciet comites, quibus hinc toga, calceus hinc est? Martialis identidem centum quadrantes uocat, misellos appellans ob tenuitatem pecuniæ, præsertim Romæ, ubi omnia cara erant, ut ex præcedentibus liquet. Columella hoc strinxit in præfatione rei Rusticæ his uerbis, An honestius dixerim mercenarij salutatoris mendacissimum aucupium, circumuolitantis limina potentiorum, somniumq[ue] regis sui rumoribus augurantis? Ex hoc tamen conijcere opes diuitum Romanoru[m] licet, qui numerosæ turbæ quotidiamam hanc mercedem darent. Tranquillus de initio principatus Neronis loquens, Adhibitus sumptibus modus, publicæ coenæ ad sportulas redactæ. Augusti autem < Coena recta.> instituto diuites coenam rectam dabant, quæ maioris erat & liberalitatis, & impensæ: propter quod Martialis, Promissa est, inquit, nobis sportula, recta data est. Sportulam enim præ recta co[n]temnendam arbitrabantur. Idem Tranquillus in Domitiano, Sportulas publicas sustulit, reuocata coenarum rectarum co[n]suetudine. Hactenus de sportula. Sextans numulus erat quadrante minor, duas < Sextans.> uncias ualens. Plinius libro supradicto, Populus Rom. stipem spargere coepit L. Posthumio, Qu. Martio Consuli= bus:

Transcription: Translated (English)

I say that these are to be estimated at six asses. Our Carolean denarii they once used to call, as though from a *dextans*: so that we may think that our as, or solidus, is worth twelve denarioli. Such is the *sportula* celebrated by Juvenal and Martial, which was formerly the reward for salutations, and was given to the *togati*, that is, companions and hangers-on, in place of a proper dinner: of which Juvenal: - Now the *sportula* at the first Threshold sits small, to be seized by the togate crowd. But when the highest honor, with the year ended, reckons what the *sportula* brings in, how much it adds to the accounts, What will it do for the companions, for whom here there is a toga, there a shoe? Martial repeatedly calls them one hundred quadrantes, calling them poor fellows because of the scantiness of their money, especially at Rome, where everything was dear, as is clear from what precedes. Columella touched on this in the preface to the *Res Rustica* with these words: Or shall I more honorably call it the most deceitful snaring of a mercenary saluter, fluttering about the thresholds of the powerful, and foretelling the dreams of his own king from rumors? From this, however, one may infer the wealth of the Roman rich, who gave this daily payment to the numerous crowd. Suetonius, speaking of the beginning of Nero's principate: A limit was placed on expenditure; public dinners were reduced to *sportulae*. But under Augustus, by the institution of the *coena recta*, the rich gave a proper dinner, which involved greater generosity and expense; for which reason Martial says: A *sportula*, he says, was promised us; a proper dinner was given. For they used to think the *sportula* worthy of contempt in comparison with the proper dinner. The same Suetonius, in Domitian: He abolished the public *sportulae*, restoring the custom of proper dinners. So much for the *sportula*. A *sextans* was a coin smaller than a quadrans, worth two unciae. Pliny, in the aforementioned book: The Roman people began to scatter alms to Lucius Postumius and Quintus Martius, when they were consuls.

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET bus: tanta pecunia erat, ut eam conferret L. Scipioni, ex qua is ludos fecit. Nam quòd Agrippæ Menenio sextantes æris in junus contulit, honoris id necessitatisq[ue] propter paupertatem Agrippæ, non largitionis esse dixerim. Vniciaria stips apud eundem lib. xxxiii. cap. v. dimidio < Ratio rei num mariæ apud Græcos. Obolus.> minor est sextantaria, par ferme obolo nostro. Apud Græcos hæc ratio n[ost]r[um]ulariæ rei fuit, ut obulus Atticus octonos chalcos ualeret, licet Plinius denos dicat libro x x 1. Bini autem chalci, id est æreoli, quadrantem efficerent, quod ab eis tetartemorium dicitur, et per syncopen tetartemorum: ob id alio nomine dichalchum uocitatu[m]. Chalci autem quaterni hemiobolium, id est semiobolus dicebatur: < Dichalchum. Chalcus.> seni chalci triens, immutata ratione sermonis. non enim triens dicebatur tertia pars oboli, ut tetartemorium quarta, sed quòd tres essent partes oboli, id est dodrans. ita fit ut triens maior senusse, id est semiobolo fuerit. Semissem nunc non assis nostri, sed oboli intelligi uolo. Polybius suo tempore ita rem nummulariam constitutam fuisse dicit in 1 1. histor. ut x 1 1. asses Romani drachmam efficerent, cum binos asses obolo tribuat. Sic enim scribit, [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] 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Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET bus: there was so much money that he contributed it to L. Scipio, out of which he held games. For since he paid to Agrippa Menenius a sextans of bronze in a junus, I would say that this was done out of honor and necessity, because of Agrippa’s poverty, not as a gift. A unique contribution, in the same place, lib. xxxiii. cap. v. dimidio <The ratio of money among the Greeks. Obolus.> is smaller than the sextantary, almost equal to our obol. Among the Greeks this ratio of money was such that the Attic obol was worth eight chalkoi, although Pliny says ten in book xx. Now two chalkoi, that is, little bronze pieces, made a quadrant, which is called by them tetartemorium, and by apocope tetartemorion; for this reason also called by another name dichalchum. But four chalkoi made a hemiobolium, that is a half-obol, was said to be: <Dichalchum. Chalcus.> Six chalkoi made a triens, with the form of speech unchanged. For it was not called a triens as the third part of an obol, as a tetartemorion was the fourth, but because there were three parts of the obol, that is, a dodrans. Thus it comes about that a triens was greater than a semis, that is, a half-obol. By semis I now mean not our as, but the obol. Polybius says that in his own time the money system had been arranged in book 1 of the Histories so that ten Roman asses made a drachma, since he assigns two asses to the obol. For thus he writes: [illegible OCR]

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. Triobolum. Dichus igitur, inquit, trecentis & sexagintaquinque fini= tus nobis erit annus secundu[m] solis ambitum, duntaxat addi ta huic numero parte quadu[m] dici, quæ minuscula sit quàm quadrans. Triobolum alio nomine hemidrachmium dici= tur. senos enim obolos drachma efficit, ut autores sunt Pli nius & Pollux, & alij. Trioboli nota ab altera parte effi= giem Louis; ab altera noctuam habebat, quam illi glauce appellant: ex quo factum arbitror prouerbium, Noctuam Athenas, Παῦνα ἀς ἀδύνας, contra eos negociatores usurpa tum qui eas merces in emporia important, quæ ibide[m] uer= naculæ sunt, & multæ: quanqua[m] ad auem noctuam refer= ri uulgò soleat, quæ in Attica frequens uidetur. Tetrobo= Tetrobolum. lum quatuor obolos dicebat, hoc est bessem drachmæ. nu= misma erat habens effigiem Louis, ut triobolu[m], & postica[m] parte binas noctuas. Diobolum duos obolos ualebat, qui triens erat drachmæ. Obolus primam habet breue[m], sed in compositione productam: ut in diobolo, triobolo, tetrobo lo, πιώβολον, τεπώβολον, Πιώβολον. Cum ergo drachma At= tica quaternis sestertijs Romanis ualeret, id est denario u= no, sestertius Romanus sesquiobolum Atticum ualuit, ut obolus omnino semissem nostrum & denariolu[m] ualuerit, ac si septuncialem nummulu[m] haberemus. Hac ratione dio= bolon septenos sestantes nostros ualebat. quare Plautus in Poenulo quu[m] dixit, No ego homo trioboli sum, nisi ego Homo trio- boli. illi mastigiæ exturbo oculos atq[ue] dètes. sic intellexit, ἀξίΟ πιώβολα, ut Græci loquuntur, id est non æstimandus trio= bolo Attico, seu duobus sestertijs. Sic alibi, Aruspex non homo trioboli. genitiui sunt schemate Græco enuiciati. & trioboli igitur hominem uocat uocabulo monoptoto, ut nauci homine[m] antiqui dixerunt, & frugi. Id e[m] in eode[m] Poe= nulo,

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. Triobolum. So then, he says, the year will be completed for us by three hundred and sixty-five days according to the circuit of the sun, provided only that there be added to this number the part of a day which is a little less than a quarter. Triobolum is called by another name a hemidrachmium. For six obols make a drachma, as Pliny, Pollux, and others are authors. The coin of the triobolum had on one side the image of Louis; on the other, an owl, which they call glauce: from this, I believe, arose the proverb, “the owl to Athens,” Παῦνα ἀς ἀδύνας, used against those merchants who import into emporia goods which are native and abundant there, although commonly it is thought to refer to the owl bird, which seems frequent in Attica. Tetrobo- Tetrobolum. lum meant four obols, that is, two-thirds of a drachma. The coin had the image of Louis, as the triobolum did, and on the reverse two owls. Diobolum was worth two obols, which was one-third of a drachma. Obolus has a short first syllable, but in composition it is lengthened: as in diobolum, triobolum, tetrobo- lo, πιώβολον, τεπώβολον, Πιώβολον. Since then the Attic drachma was worth four Roman sesterces, that is, one denarius, the Roman sestertius was worth one and a half Attic obols, so that the obol altogether was worth our half and a little more than a denarius, as though we had a coin of seven ounces. By this reckoning the diobol was worth seven of our sestantes. Wherefore Plautus, in the Poenulus , when he said, “I am no triobolus man, unless I drive out the eyes and teeth of that rascal,” he understood, ἀξίΟ πιώβολα, as the Greeks say, that is, not to be valued at an Attic triobolus, or two sesterces. Thus elsewhere, “The soothsayer is not a triobolus man.” The genitive forms are made out after the Greek fashion. And so he calls a man triobolus with a one-case noun, as the ancients used to say nauci for a man, and frugi . The same in the same Poenulus ,

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nulo, Seruoru[m] sordiduloru[m] scorta diobolaria. Festus mere= trices diobolares appellatas ex eo dicit, quòd duobus obo lis ducerentur. Diobolaria ergo scorta dixit tanti prostan tia, quanti solidus noster est & sextans. Solidus noster (ut sæpe dixi) notus etiam est Transalpinis, & externis fini= timis. Quum autem hæc scriberè, ducatus unus probi cha= racteris quadraginta solidis nostris permutabatur. Cæte= rum nos oboli uocabulum à Græcis mutuati sumus. Ro= mani enim eo non utebantur. Quòd autem rectè hos num= mulos æstimarim, his exemplis cognoscitur. Prostibula e= nim scorta, & in lupanari prostantia, sermone uulgari so lidum unum merere dictitantur, quod conuenit cum dio= bolo. Bos etiam olim numisma erat Atticum, bouis nota percussum, didrachmum alio nomine dictum. Quare heca= tomboeum dictum quicquid duabus minis Atticis æstima= bile esset, id est ducentis drachmis. Inde hecatomboea ar= ma apud Homerum Iliados sexto, ut quidam uolunt, ubi Homerus permutationem armorum Diomedis & Glauci scripsit, cuius meminit Iustinianus in præfatione Pædecta rum, & nos explicuimus in Annotationibus nostris. Ab eo nomismate notum est apud Græcos adagium, ἡσ ἰκι ἐλωτις ἔθηκεν, Bos super linguam situs est uel firmatus: contra eos usurpatum, qui aut pecuniæ autoramento lo= quendi libertatem perdiderunt, aut mulctæ arrogandæ metu quæ dicenda sunt reticent. Huiusmodi multi in Francia, ut alibi, sæpe fuerunt: quod genus hominum cum semper noxium rebus bene gerendis fuit, tum uerò illi deterrimi atque exitiabiles, qui non bouem modò in ore, sed ouem in fronte, uulpem in corde gerunt. Sed ad hunc locum pertinere uideretur id quod ab Aulo Gel= lio dicitur libro undecimo Noctium Attic. Coniectare autem

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nothing, the scorta diobolaria of filthy servants. Festus says that mere- trices were called diobolares because they were hired for two obo- ls. Therefore he called diobolaria those whores whose price was worth as much as our solidus and a sextans . Our solidus, as I have often said, is also known to transalpine peoples and neighboring foreigners. When, however, I was writing this, one ducat of good cha- racter was exchanged for forty of our solidi. Moreover, we have borrowed the word obol from the Greeks. The Ro- mans, indeed, did not use it. And that I have rightly valued these num- mols is made clear by these examples. For prostitutes, that is, whores, and those standing in the brothel, are commonly said to earn one so- lidus, which agrees with the diobol. A bull also was once an Attic coin, struck with the mark of a bull, called by another name a didrachm. Wherefore whatever was called heca- tomboeum was anything worth two Attic minas, that is, two hundred drachmas. Hence the hecatomboea arms in Homer’s Iliad, book six, as some would have it, where Homer wrote of the exchange of the arms of Diomedes and Glaucus, which Justinian mentions in the preface to the Digest , and which we explained in our Annotations. From that coinage among the Greeks is known the proverb, ἡσ ἰκι ἐλωτις ἔθηκεν, “the ox has been set upon the tongue” or fixed: used against those who either, for a payment of money, lost the freedom of speaking, or, through fear of incurring a fine, keep silent about what should be said. Many such men have been in France, as elsewhere, often: this kind of people, being always harmful to the conduct of affairs, are truly the worst and most ruinous, who not only carry the ox in their mouth, but the sheep on their forehead and the fox in their heart. But it would seem to pertain to this passage what is said by Aulus Gel- lius in book eleven of the Attic Nights . But to conjecture

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 625 autè, inquit, ob eandè causam possumus quòd Italia olim esset armentosissima, mulctamq[ue]; quæ appellatur suprema, institutum in singulos dies duarum ouium, triginta boum, pro copia scilicet boum, pro'que ouium penuria. Sed quî eiusmodi mulcta pecoris armentiq[ue]; à magistratibus dicta erat, adigebâtur oves bouesq[ue]; alias precij parui, aliàs ma ioris: eâ que res faciebat inæqualem mulctæ punitionem. Idcirco postea lege Aterina constituti sunt in oves singulas æris deni, in boues æris centeni. Minima autem mulcta est ovis unius. Suprema mulcta est eius numeri quem diximus: ultra quam mulctam dicere in dies singulos ius non est, & propterea suprema appellatur, id est summa & maxima. Quando igitur nunc quoque à magistratibus populi Romani more maiorum mulcta dicitur uel minima, uel suprema, obseruari solet ut oves genere uirili appellêtur: atque ita M. Varro uerba hæc legitima, quibus minima mulcta diceretur, concepit, M. Terentio, quando citatus neque respondit, neque excusatus est, ego ei unum ouem mulctam dico. Ac nisi co genere diceretur, negauerunt iustam uideri mulctam. Festus, Peculatus, id est furtum publicum, dici coepit à pecore, tunc quum Romani præter pecudes nihil haberent. Plinius libro tricesimotertio, Vtinam posset è uita in totum abdicari aurum, sacra fames, ut celeberrimi autores dixere, proscissum conuitijs ab optimis quibus'que, & ad perniciem uitæ reperitum. quantum feliciore æuo, quum res ipsæ permutabantur inter se, sicut & Troianis temporibus factitatum Homero credi conuenit: quanquam & ipse miratus aurum, existimationes rerum ita fecit, ut centum boum arma aurea permutasse Glaucum diceret cum Diomedis armis nouem boum, ex qua consuetudine mulcta legum anti- De modo mul clarum, R quar

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 625 Therefore, he says, for the same reason we may understand that Italy once was very rich in cattle, and that the fine called the supreme one was established at two sheep and thirty oxen for each day, evidently according to the abundance of oxen and the scarcity of sheep. But since a fine of this kind in livestock and cattle had been imposed by magistrates, sheep and oxen were assessed at different prices, sometimes low, sometimes higher; and this made the punishment of the fine unequal. For that reason, later, by the Aterian law, ten bronze asses were fixed for each sheep, and one hundred for each ox. The smallest fine, however, is that of a single sheep. The supreme fine is that of the number we have mentioned; beyond that fine it is not lawful to name a daily amount, and therefore it is called supreme, that is, the highest and greatest. Therefore, when even now magistrates of the Roman people, according to ancestral custom, impose a fine, whether the smallest or the supreme, it is customary for sheep to be named in the masculine gender: and thus M. Varro framed these lawful words by which the smallest fine was to be stated: “M. Terentius, since you have been summoned and have neither responded nor been excused, I fine you one sheep.” And unless it were said in that manner, they denied that the fine seemed valid. Festus says that peculatus, that is, public theft, began to be called from pecus, when the Romans had nothing except livestock. Pliny, in the thirty-third book: “Would that gold could altogether be banished from life, that sacred hunger, as the most renowned authors have said, torn to pieces by the reproaches of the best men, and discovered for the destruction of life.” How much happier was that age, when things themselves were exchanged with one another, as is believed to have been done even in Trojan times according to Homer; and although he himself wondered at gold, he so judged the value of things that he said Glaucus exchanged golden arms worth one hundred oxen for Diomedes’ arms worth nine oxen, from which custom the fine of the ancient laws... On the manner of the fine, clarum, R quar

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quarum pecore constat etiam Romæ. Plinij uerba, Gellij autoritate, qui sub Adriano Imperatore scripsit, ita inter= pretanda sunt, ut mulcta Romæ pecore costaret uerbo te= nus. nam minima mulcta in singulos dies erat ouis unius æstimatio prisca, id est denarius unus, seu asses deni: summæ autem mulcta, triginta boum & duarum ouium æstima= tio, id est tria nulla & uiginti æris, id est trecetæ & duæ drachmæ. Hoc consentaneum esse uidetur cum eo quod di citur in lege ultima de modo mulctarum in Codice Iusti= niani. Illa enim lege omnes iudices infra proconsularem potestatem ultra quadrantem auri mulctare quæquam uc= tantur. Libram auri obryzi diximus centum & duodecim solatis aureis æstimandam esse. Huius quadrans paulo mi= nus triginta aureis coronatis ualet, id est argenti drachmis trecentis. Proconsulare autem imperium summam mul= etam non ultra auri semissem dicere poterat, id est aureos sexaginta, ubi mulcta à lege non erat æstimata. Hactenus coërcita erat omnis potestas pro contumacia quidem pu= nienda, aut leui admusso, cuius poena erat arbitraria. Nam delicta priuata, ut concussio, & furtum, ulterius mulctari poterant, cum etiam publicatione partis bonorum & ul= trà quædam leges sanctæ sint. Hodie apparitores & uia= tores, qui uel interdicto uel iussu iudicum aliquid uel iu= bent fieri, uel uetant, ferè centum librarum argenti mul= etam interminari solent, si quid contra iussum edictum ue factum aut admissum fuerit. Quod temere, ut opinor, in usum receptum est. Eodem titulo permissa erat potestas præfecto prætorio usq; ad quinquagenas libras auri pro summo maleficio mulctandi: quod non tam ad dignitatem præfecturæ, quàm ad flagitij atrocitatem refero: si tamen quinquaginta libras auri pòderalis intelligere debeamus, quum

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G. BVD. ON THE ASSE AND those things are also reckoned in cattle at Rome. The words of Pliny, by the authority of Gellius, who wrote under the Emperor Hadrian, are to be interpreted thus: that at Rome the fine amounted in words to cattle, but in fact. For the smallest fine for each day was the ancient valuation of one sheep, that is, one denarius, or ten asses; the maximum fine, however, was the valuation of thirty oxen and two sheep, that is, three thousand and twenty-three bronze pieces, that is, three hundred and two drachms. This seems to agree with what is said in the last law on the amount of fines in the Code of Justinian. For by that law all judges under proconsular jurisdiction are forbidden to fine beyond a quarter of a pound of gold. We have said that a pound of refined gold is to be valued at one hundred and twelve solidi of gold. A quarter of this is worth a little less than thirty crowned aurei, that is, three hundred drachms of silver. But proconsular power could impose a maximum fine of no more than half a pound of gold, that is, sixty aurei, where the fine was not assessed by law. Up to that point all power was restrained, indeed for punishing contumacy, or a slight offense, whose penalty was arbitrary. For private offenses, such as extortion and theft, could be fined further, since even confiscation of part of the property and certain other laws are established beyond that. Today the officials and attendants who, either by interdiction or by order of judges, command or forbid something to be done, are accustomed to threaten a fine of nearly one hundred pounds of silver, if anything contrary to the order or edict shall have been done or committed. This, I think, has been adopted into usage rashly. Under the same title the prefect of the praetorium was given power to fine up to fifty pounds of gold for the gravest offense, which I refer not so much to the dignity of the prefecture as to the atrociousness of the crime; provided, however, that we must understand fifty pounds of weight in gold, when

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. quum Proconsul qui intra semissem arctatur, omne imperium habuerit, ut ex titulo de officio Proconsulis intelligimus, & præterea ex principu[m] Romanorum consuetudine. Moris enim fuit principibus Romanis & Cæsaribus, ut accepta statim purpura, Tribunitiam potestate et Proconsulare imperium extra urbem assumerent inter alia < Tribunitia potestas et proco[n]sulare imperium.> Cæsareæ dignitatis uel principatus insignia. Tacitus libro duodecimo, Virilis toga Neroni maturata, quò capes sendæ Reipublicæ habilis haberetur: & Cæsar adulationibus Senatus liberius cessit, ut uicesimo ætatis anno Consulatum Nero iniret, atque interim designatus Proconsulare imperium extra urbem haberet, ac princeps iuuentutis appellaretur. Apud eundem libro decimotertio, Agrippina contra Neronem filium excandescens, & exprobras quòd matris beneficio, id est suo, Nero ad imperiu[m] assu[n]ptus esset, Baiaru[m], inquit, suarum piscinas extollebat, quu[m] meis consilijs adoptio, & Proconsulare ius, & designatio Consulatus, & cætera adipiscendo imperio præpararentur. Lampridius, Interfecto, inquit, Vario Heliogabalo Alexander urbe Arcena genitus, Varij filius, consobrinus ipsius Heliogabali accepit imperium, quum antè Cæsar à Senatu esset appellatus, interfecto scilicet Macrino: augustumq[ue] nomen idem recepit, addito etiam ut & patris patriæ nomen, & ius Proconsulare, & Tribunitiam potestate[m], & ius quintæ relationis, deferente Senatu, uno die assumeret. Capitolinus de Maximo & Balbino, Decretis ergo omnibus imperatorijs honoribus atque insignibus, percepta Tribunitia potestate, iure Proconsulari, pontificatu maximo, patris & patriæ nomine meruerunt imperium. Et in M. Philosopho, Suscepta filia, Tribunitia potestate donatus est, atque imperio extra urbem Procon- sula R 2

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PART IB. OF HIS BOOK V. since the Proconsul, who is confined within half the Empire, has possessed all authority, as we understand from the title on the office of the Proconsul, and moreover from the custom of the Roman princes. For it was the custom of the Roman princes and Caesars, as soon as they had received the purple, to assume the Tribunician power and Proconsular command outside the city, among other things Insignia of Caesarean dignity or of principate. Tacitus, in book twelve, says that the virile toga was hastened for Nero, so that he might be regarded as fit for the management of the Republic; and the Caesar, yielding more freely to the flattery of the Senate, arranged that in Nero’s twentieth year he should enter upon the consulship, and meanwhile, as designated, hold Proconsular command outside the city, and be called prince of youth. In the same writer, book thirteen, Agrippina, breaking out against her son Nero, reproaches him because, by the favor of his mother, that is, of herself, Nero had been taken up to empire; “the pools,” she says, “of his own Baiæ he was raising high, while by my counsels adoption, and Proconsular right, and designation to the consulship, and the rest were being prepared for attaining empire.” Lampridius says: “After the death of the wicked Heliogabalus, Alexander, born in the city of Arcena, son of Varius, cousin of Heliogabalus himself, received the empire, after he had previously been called Caesar by the Senate, namely after Macrinus had been slain; and he also received the name Augustus, with the addition that he should assume on the same day both the name of father of the country, and Proconsular right, and Tribunician power, and the right of the fifth report, the Senate conferring these upon him.” Capitolinus, on Maximus and Balbinus: “Therefore, after all imperial honors and insignia had been decreed to them, they obtained the empire, having received Tribunician power, Proconsular right, the office of supreme pontiff, and the title of father of the country.” And in M. the Philosopher: “His daughter being accepted, he was endowed with Tribunician power, and with Proconsular authority outside the city.” R 2

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Ius prætoriu[m], et potestas præ toria. sulari. Præsides autem prouinciarum, ius tantum prætoriu[m] habebant, quod inferioris erat imperij quàm Proconsulare. Vopiscus in Probo, Accepto igitur hoc Senatus consul to, secundum orationem permisit patribus, ut ex magno= rum iudicum appellationibus ipsi cognoscerent, Procon= sules crearent, Legatos Consulibus, ius prætorium Præ= sidibus darent: quas leges Probus ederet, Senatus consultis proprijs consecrarent. Ex quibus uerbis intelligere possu mus Præsidibus prouinciarum dari solitam à principibus Prætoriam potestatem, et quibusdam rectoribus Procon sularem, quod ius Probus Imperator ad Senatum detulit: cuius hodie instar est, quòd curia suprema præsides pro= uinciarum et præfectos ad iusiurandum adigit, et prin= cipum constitutiones prius animaduersas et consideratas promulgandi ius habet. Mirum uerò mihi uisum est in no nusmatibus antiquis inter titulos imperatorios hoc non le gi. Contrà id quod diximus de mulcta maxima apud pri= scos exemplum apud eundem Gellium libro nono, ubi de Appij Cæci filia loquitur, quæ ob unum improbum uerbu[m] ab Aedilibus mulctata est. Ob hæc mulieris, inquit, uerba tam improba, ac tam inciuilia, Aediles plebeij mulctam di= xerunt ei æris grauis x x v. millia. id factum bello Punico De modo mul ctarum. primo. Vigintiquinque millia æris, ducentorum et quin= quaginta boum mulctam æquarunt, id est totidem aureo= rum nostrorum. Quare (ut dixi) superius dicta, non de mulcta maleficiorum et criminu[m], sed de mulcta contumac[i]æ intelligenda sunt. Nam apud Athenienses, qui iure eo regebantur à quo iura Romana originem primam ducu[n]t, magnas fuisse maleficiorum mulctas ex Demosthene appa ret, qui in oratione ἀποκλησιλικα, qua[m] cõtra Midia[m] habuit hominem prædiuitem, quodam loco ita inquit ἐμιμύς ἐν ἀν= φες

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G. BVD. OF THE AS AND The praetorian law, and praetorian power. consular. But the presidents of the provinces had only the praetorian law, which was of a lower authority than the proconsular. Vopiscus, in Probus: “Having therefore received this decree of the Senate, according to the speech he allowed the senators, that from appeals of the greater judges they themselves should hear cases, create proconsuls, give to the consuls legates, and to the presidents the praetorian law: whatever laws Probus should enact, they should consecrate by proper decrees of the Senate.” From these words we may understand that the presidents of provinces were customarily given by the princes the praetorian power, and to some rulers the proconsular, which power Emperor Probus transferred to the Senate: the equivalent of which today is that the supreme court compels the presidents of provinces and the prefects to take an oath, and has the right to promulgate the constitutions of princes after they have first been noticed and considered. But I found it remarkable that in ancient coins among the imperial titles this was not read. Contrary to what we said about the maximum fine, there is an example among the ancients in the same Gellius, book nine, where he speaks of the daughter of Appius Caecus, who was fined by the aediles for one wicked word. “Because of these words of the woman, so wicked and so uncivil,” he says, “the plebeian aediles imposed on her a fine of twenty-five thousand bronze asses.” This was done in the First Punic War. On the manner of fines. Twenty-five thousand bronze asses amounted to a fine equal to two hundred and fifty oxen, that is, the same number in our gold coins. Wherefore, as I said above, the things previously mentioned are to be understood not of fines for offenses and crimes, but of fines for contumacy. For among the Athenians, who were governed by that law from which Roman laws draw their first origin, there were great fines for offenses, as appears from Demosthenes, who in the speech ἀποκλησιλικα, which he delivered against Midias, a very wealthy man, says in one place: ἐμιμύς ἐν ἀν-

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 629 δεις αθλωαῖοι σμήρωνι δικα παλάντων ἐπιμήσατε, καὶ σκίτωνι ποσοῦτων ἐτέρων, σεξαντ παράνομα ἑαρφηνι ὑπὲ τὴν πισισια, ὑπὲ τε φίλας, ὑπὲ συγγενδ[υ]ς, ὑπὲ ὑππινθελεύετε τῶν παρόντων ἐκτύνσις. Vos autem iudices Smucroni mulctam talentorum decem irrogastis, & totidem aliorum Scitoni, ob id quòd rogationem quandam iniquam & legibus aduersam promulgasset: quam poenam nec eius liberi, nec amici, nec cognitionis aduocationisq[ue] eius intercessio supplex et misericordiam implorans deprecari potuerunt. Quin et ipse Demosthenes acceptorum uiginti talentorum conuictus ob silentium Harpalo uenditum, quinquaginta talentis mulctatus est: quam summam cum nec co[n]ficere posset, nec uinculorum tædium ferre uellet, clàm in exiliu[m] abiit. Hæc mulcta non minor est triginta nullibus aureum coronatorum. Hic operæ precium est æstimare leges sumptuarias, non illas priscas quæ denos æris in dies singulos statuebat impensæ escariæ, sed recentiores, & post uictam Asiam latas, de quibus Gellius libro secundo sic inquit, Postea L. Sylla Dictator cum legibus priscis situ atque senio obliterate ratis, plerique in patrimonijs amplis helluarentur, & familiam pecuniamq[ue] suam prandiorum gurgitibus proluisent, legem ad populum tulit, qua cautum est, ut Calendis, Idibus, Nonis, diebus ludorum, et scrijs quibusdam solennibus festertios tricenos in coenâ insumere ius potestasq[ue] esset: cæteris autem diebus omnibus non amplius ternos. Postremò lex Iulia ad populum peruenit Cæsare Augusto imperante, qua profestis quidem diebus ducenti finiuntur: Calendis, Idibus, Nonis, & alijs quibusdam festiuis trecenti: Nuptijs autem & repotijs festertij mille. Esse etiam dicit Capito Atteius edictum, diuine Augusti, an Tyberij, non satis commemini, quo edicto per dierum R 3 uarias

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 629 You Athenians, you imposed a fine of ten talents on Smucron and the same amount on Sciton, because he had proposed a certain unjust measure contrary to the laws: a punishment which neither his children, nor his friends, nor his kinsmen, nor his supplications and intercession, pleading for mercy, could avert. Indeed, even Demosthenes, convicted of having taken twenty talents for silence sold to Harpalus, was fined fifty talents; and when he could neither pay that sum nor bear the weariness of imprisonment, he secretly went into exile. This fine is no less than thirty thousand gold crowns. Here it is worth while to estimate the sumptuary laws, not those ancient ones which fixed ten asses a day for food expenses, but the later ones, enacted after Asia had been conquered, concerning which Gellius, in the second book, says as follows: “Afterwards, when the Dictator L. Sylla, with the old laws buried by time and age, and while most people were wallowing in large inheritances and had squandered their household goods and money in the flood of banquets, brought a law before the people, by which it was provided that on the Kalends, Ides, Nones, on days of games, and on certain other festival days it should be lawful and permissible to spend thirty sesterces at dinner; but on all other days no more than three.” Finally the Julian law came before the people during the reign of Caesar Augustus, by which on ordinary days the limit is fixed at two hundred; on the Kalends, Ides, Nones, and certain other festive days, three hundred; but at weddings and wedding-feasts, one thousand sesterces. Capito Atteius also says that there was an edict of the divine Augustus, or of Tiberius—I do not remember clearly—which edict, over the course of various days,

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET uarias solennitates à trecenis sestertijs usque ad duo nulliæ sumptus coenarum propagatus est, ut his saltem finibus lu xuriæ efferuescentis æstus coërceretur. In libris impressis sestertij nullies, pro sestertij nulle legitur, qui æstimatione nostra quinque & uiginti aureis æstimantur coronatis. quòd si Gellius sestertia nulle scripsisset, quinque & uiginti nullia intelligerem, si sestertiu[m] nullies centuplicato summa cresceret. Sed animaduertendum mihi uidetur, à denis assibus leges ad septenos & semussem uenisse, hoc est ad ternos sestertios etiam Sylla Dictatore, cuius priuignus Scaurus theatrum luxu fidem excedente extruxit. Ridicula igitur lex Syllana mihi fuisse uidetur, quæ id sanciret, quod nemo sequeretur. Notanda igitur illa Augusti, quæ ducentos sestertios in singulas coenas taxauit, hoc est aureos quinque nostros, & diebus fistis trecetos, nuptijs autem, & repotijs, id est postridie nuptiarum, sestertios nulle. quæ summa longè abest à sumptu quem in nuptijs factitamus. <Centuissis.> Ex supradictis patet quid centussis apud Lucillium fuerit, id est quadraginta sestertij, qui legè sumptuariam centussem uocitauit ob centum assium taxationem, ut autor est Macrobius in tertio Saturn. Vnde coenæ cætenariæ à Tertulliano dictæ. <Priscorum Romanorum pau pertas.> Priscæ autem Romanorum paupertatis indicia sunt quæ à Valerio libro quarto scribuntur de paupertate, ex quo uerba hæc transcribenda duximus. Itaque cum secundo Punico bello Cneus Scipio ex Hispania Senatui scripsisset petens ut sibi successor mitteretur, quia filiam uirginem adultæ iam ætatis haberet, neque ei sine se dos expediri posset: Senatus, ne Respublica bono duce careret, patris sibi partes desumpsit, consilio que uxoris ac propinquorum Scipionis constituta dote, summam eius ex ærario erogauit, ac puel= lam

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The G. BVD. of the Aes and various entertainments from three hundred sesterces up to two nulliae the expense of banquets was extended, so that the heat of the growing extravagance might at least be restrained within these bounds. In printed books nullies of sesterces is read instead of nullies of sesterces, which in our estimation are valued at twenty-five aurei, crowned. But if Gellius had written sestertia nullies, I should understand twenty-five nulliae; if sestercium nullies, the sum would increase a hundredfold. But it seems to me worth noting that, from ten asses, the laws came down to seven and a half, that is, to three sesterces even under Dictator Sulla, whose stepson Scaurus built a theatre with luxury beyond belief. The Sullan law therefore, it seems to me, was ridiculous, as it sanctioned what no one would observe. Worth noting, then, is that of Augustus, which fixed two hundred sesterces for each banquet, that is our five aurei, and on feast days three hundred, but at weddings and post-wedding meals, that is the day after the wedding, nullies of sesterces. This amount is far removed from the expense we incur at weddings. <Centuissis.> From the above it is clear what centussis meant for Lucilius, namely forty sesterces, who called the sumptuary law centussis on account of the valuation of a hundred asses, as Macrobius states in the third book of the Saturnalia. Hence the banquets called cetenaria by Tertullian. <The poverty of the ancient Romans.> But the signs of the ancient poverty of the Romans are those written by Valerius in the fourth book concerning poverty, from which we have thought these words should be transcribed. Thus, when in the Second Punic War Gnaeus Scipio wrote from Spain to the Senate asking that a successor be sent to him, because he had an unmarried daughter already of marriageable age, and without him a dowry could not be arranged for her: the Senate, so that the Republic should not be deprived of a good commander, took his father’s place upon itself, and, with the dowry fixed by the advice of Scipio’s wife and relatives, paid the sum from the treasury, and the girl

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. iam nuptui dedit. Dotis modus x L. nullia æris fuit: quæ no[n] solùm humanitas Patrum conscriptorum, sed etiam habi= tus ueterum patrimoniorum cognosci potest. na[m]que adeò fuerunt arcta, ut Tatia Cæsonis filia maximam dotem ad uirum x. nullia æris attulisse uisa sit: & Megalia quia cu[m] < Dotata Megalia.> quingentis nullibus æris mariti domum intrauit, dotatæ cognomen meruit. Quadraginta nullia æris nostro nomu= smate quadringetos coronatos ualet, quing[ita]ta nullia æris quinq[ue] nullia aurcorum: propter quam summam per An= tonomasiam Megalia dotata uocitata est. Dotes aute[m] post= ea creuisse ex Iuuenale didicimus, apud quem decies cente na nullia, & bis quingenta legimus, Bis quingenta dedit: tanti uocat ille pudicam. Alibi, - Et ritu decies centena dabuntur Antiquo, ueniet cum signatoribus auspex. < Decies festertium.> Decies festertium (ut sæpe diximus) quinque & uiginti nullibus aureorum nostrorum æstimari possunt. Hoc ad= dendum, Seneca de Consolatione ad matrem, Scipionis fi= liæ ex ærario dotem receperunt, quia nihil eis reliquerat pater. Aequum mehercules erat populum Rom. tributum Scipioni semel conferre, cum à Carthagine semper exige= ret. O felices uiros puellarum, quibus populus Rom. lo= co soceri fuit. Beatiores ne istos putas, quorum pantomi= mæ decies festertio nubunt, quàm Scipionem, cuius liberi à Senatu tutore suo in dotem æs graue acceperunt? His uerbis liquet decies festertium & decies centena idem es= se. Strabo libro quarto de Massiliensibus loquens, [etc] Ἷλι= τόποις ἐμποιν χρυσοῦνη τῶν μασιλιωτῶν ἐκ ιλάχισον ἀντὸς πεθεὶν τῶν τεκμημεῖν. ὑμι χαρ μετίση προδή ἰσὶν ἐμποις ἐμποιν χρυσοῦν, ἔς ἐκδήτα πέντε, ἐκι πέντε ἔς χρυσῶν ἀν= σμον. πλήν ον ἐκ ἐγερι. Frugalitatis aute[m] uitæ et cōtinentiæ R 4 Mas

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PART OF IT. BOOK V. she has now been given in marriage. The amount of the dowry was 50,000 asses: from this can be understood not only the generosity of the conscript fathers, but also the condition of the ancient estates. For indeed they were so modest that Tatia, daughter of Caeso, seems to have brought a very large dowry to her husband, 10,000 asses; and Megalia, because with 500 asses she entered her husband’s house, earned the surname of “Dowried.” Forty thousand asses, in our coinage, is worth four hundred crowned pieces; 500,000 asses, five thousand aurei. For this sum, by antonomasia, she was called Megalia the Dowried. We learn from Juvenal that dowries later increased, where we read 1,000,000 asses and twice 500,000: She gave twice 500,000; for such a woman he calls her chaste. Elsewhere, - And by the ancient rite ten hundred thousand will be given, the augur will come together with the signers. < Decies sestertium. > Decies sestertium, as we have often said, can be estimated at 25,000 of our aurei. It should be added that Seneca, in the Consolation to his Mother, says that the daughters of Scipio received their dowry from the treasury because their father had left them nothing. By Hercules, it was only right that the Roman people should pay tribute to Scipio once, since he was always exacting it from Carthage. O happy fathers of girls, for whom the Roman people stood in the place of a father-in-law. Do you think those men happier, whose pantomime actresses marry for ten million sesterces, than Scipio, whose children received heavy money as a dowry from the Senate, their guardian? From these words it is clear that decies sestertium and decies centena are the same. Strabo, speaking in the fourth book about the Massilians, [etc.] Frugality, moreover, of life and continence of...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Dotes Massilienses, Massiliēsium maximu[m] hoc indiciu[m] existimari potest, quòd dos apud eos maxima centum sunt aurei, & co amplius in uestem quinq[ue], & in mundum muliebrem aureum quinque. amplius autem doti dicere non licet. Centum aureos Romanos Strabone[m] intellexisse puto. tunc enim quu[m] scripsit Strabo, omnia Romanus parebant in Gallia. Ex prædictis etiam apparet quanti æstimari debeant sportulæ solennes in prouincia Pliniana, quarum fit mentio in Epistolis ad Traianu[m], his uerbis, Qui uirilem toga[m] sum[m]ut, uel nuptias faciunt, uel ineunt magistratum, uel opus publicum dedicant, solent totam Bulen, atque etiam è plebe non exiguum numerum uocare, binosq[ue] denarios uel singulos dare. Mille enim denarij centum aureos ualent, duo nullia denarium ducentos aureos. Quare illæ sportulæ tant ti aut pluris co[n]stabant, cum ipse dicat, Ita uereor ne ij qui nulle homines, interdum etiam plures uocant, modum excedere, & in speciem dianomes incidere uideantur, id est diuisionis & largitionis. Crimunosum enim uerbum diuisionis erat propter ambitus suspicionem. sed in omnibus Plinij exemplaribus hoc uerbum uariè corruptum est. Dianome, diuisio. Nunc ut fausta ac felici clausula disputationem hanc peragamus, percurramus ea quæ in Euangelio leguntur. Iam primum Matthæi decimo, Non'ne duo passeres asse ueneunt? As & Assis. Non'ne duo passeres asse ueneunt? Non'ne duo passeres ueneu[n]t assibus duobus, id est dipondio? Quare Dipondius. Cicero pro Quintio dupòdium pro pecuniola posuit, Si dupondius, inquit, tuus ageretur Sexte Neui, si in paruula re captionis aliquid uererere, non statim ad C. Aquilium, aut ad eorum aliquem qui consuluntur, cucurrisses? Et

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Dowries of the Massilienses, This can be regarded as the greatest indication of the Massilienses, namely, that the dowry among them is at most one hundred aurei, and besides that, five for clothing, and five aurei for a woman’s equipment. Beyond the dowry no more may be mentioned. I think that by one hundred Roman aurei Strabo meant. For at that time, when Strabo wrote, everything in Gaul was subject to Roman rule. From the foregoing it also appears how highly the customary gratuities in the Plinian province should be estimated, of which mention is made in the Letters to Trajan, in these words: “Those who take the man’s toga, or make marriages, or enter upon office, or dedicate a public work, usually invite the whole Boule, and also a not inconsiderable number from the common people, and give two denarii each, or one apiece.” For one thousand denarii are worth one hundred aurei, and two thousand denarii two hundred aurei. Therefore those gratuities cost as much as that or more, since he himself says: “Thus I fear lest those who invite insignificant men, sometimes even more numerous groups, may seem to exceed moderation and fall into the appearance of dianome, that is, of distribution and largess.” For the word “distribution” was a reproachful term on account of suspicion of canvassing. But in all editions of Pliny this word is variously corrupted. Dianome, distribution. Now, so that we may bring this discussion to a happy and fortunate close, let us go through what is read in the Gospel. First, in Matthew chapter 10, “Are not two sparrows sold for an ass?” As and assis. “Are not two sparrows sold for an ass?” Are not two sparrows sold for two asses, that is, for a dipondius? Hence dipondius. Cicero, in the speech for Quintius, used dupondium for a small sum of money: “If, Sextus Nevius, your dupondius were at issue, if in a petty matter you were afraid of some entrapment, would you not have rushed at once to C. Aquilius, or to one of those who are consulted?” And

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. Et Matthæi uicesimo denarius diurnus tres solidos & se= mussem ualet, quanii unitores ferè conduci solent. ου μικον= ηνον μιτι τῶν ἰερατῶν ἐκ Σωαρία πιν ἐμιγαν, Pactus cum operarijs denario in diem. Quòd autem denarius fue rit Romanus, ex eo apparet quod cap. X X 1 1. dicitur, Ostendite mihi nomusma census. At illi obtulerunt ei dena= rium, in quo effigiem Cæsaris fuisse dicit. οι ἐποσύνεν καν κατῶ Σωναρον. Ex quo apparet in denario fuisse effigiem Cæsaris Augusti, uel Tyberij: & tales hodie denarij circu[m] feruntur, nequis de eo dubitare possit. Plinius libro sexto, Anni[us] Plocamij qui maris Rubri uectigal à fisco redeme= rat, libertus, circa Arabiam nauigans, aquilonibus raptus præter Carmaniam, quintodecimo die Hippuros portum Taprobanes inuectus, hospitali Regis clementia sex men= sium tempore imbutus alloquio, percontanti postea narræ uit Romanos & Cæsarem. Mirum in modum in auditis iustitiam ille suspexit, quòd pares pondere denarij essent in captiua pecunia, quum diuersæ imagines indicarent à pluribus factos. Hæc Plinij uerba improbant eorum opi= nionem, qui rei nummariæ æstimationem hodie constitui non posse putarût ea maximè ratione, quòd & Consulum & principum tempore uariata pondera nomusmatum fue= runt, ita ut pro cuiusque percutientis arbitrio nomusmatis pondus & indicatio euariauerit: id quod Blondus Flauius lib. v. Romæ triumphantis affirmauit, antiquitatis diligentissimus inquisitor. Cum enim ad eam partem uenisset, & eam sibi transmuttendam uideret, Hæc omnia, inquit, quæ= lia per singulas ætates fuerint, examussim ostendere, non magis difficile quàm impossibile fuerit, nô solùm quia ob= scurs & nostra ætate ignotis uerbis sunt à maioribus træ dita, sed quia omnis ferè ætas suâ habuit cudendi uarietate[m] R 5 & for Blondi opinio de re n[ost]umaria.

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PART II. BOOK V. And in Matthew twenty, the daily denarius is worth three shillings and six pence, as with us the workmen are usually hired for nearly that amount. “οὐ μικρὸν μισθὸν τῶν ἱερατῶν ἐκ Σωαρία πιν ἐμιγαν,” a pact with laborers at a denarius a day. But that the denarius was Roman is evident from the fact that in chapter XXII it is said, “Show me the tribute coin.” And they offered him a denarius, in which, he says, was the image of Caesar. “οἱ ἐποσύνεν καν κατῶ Σωναρον.” From this it appears that on the denarius there was the image of Caesar Augustus, or Tiberius; and such denarii are still circulated today, so that no one may doubt it. Pliny, in the sixth book, says that Annius Plocamius, the freedman who had redeemed from the treasury the customs dues of the Red Sea, while sailing around Arabia, was carried by the north winds beyond Carmania and, on the fifteenth day, brought into the harbor of Hippuros in Taprobane; and, having been instructed for six months by the king’s hospitable kindness, later told him of the Romans and Caesar. In a remarkable way, on hearing this, he admired the justice of the fact that the denarii in captured money were equal in weight, although the different images showed that they had been made by many hands. These words of Pliny disprove the opinion of those who thought that the valuation of money today cannot be established, especially for the reason that in the time of both consuls and princes the weights of coins varied, so that, according to the judgment of each mintmaster, the weight and stamp of the coin changed; this is what Blondo Flavio affirmed in book V of Roma triumphans , as a most diligent investigator of antiquity. For when he had come to that part and saw that it had to be transmitted to him, he said: “All these things, as they were in each age, to show exactly would be no more difficult than impossible—not only because they have been handed down by our ancestors in obscure words and words unknown in our time, but because nearly every age had its own variety of coinage.” R 5 and for Blondus’ opinion on monetary matters.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET et formam. Videmus enim multos ex Consulibus priscis sui uultus cusisse nummos semper mesura et pondere uariatos: quod maiore postea studio principes factitarut. Et paulo inferius de talenti uarietate loqués, idem penè pronunciat, et ad extremum ingenuè fatetur se rem difficilimam et situ uetustatis obductam, nec ingenio nec diligentia superare potuisse, cum nulla extarent priscorum uolumina, in quibus aperta dictorum uerborum mentio fieret. Ipse tamen lib. I I I. eiusdem operis cum hanc rem tentare uellet, Hanc nos difficilimam, inquit, numeroru[m] et ponderum uetustissimam consuetudinem ad nostri te[m]poris collationem inuiti hoc loco tractamus, quam infrà suo loco tractare constituimus. Et paulum infrà, cum in denarijs, quos aureos fuisse uolebat, æstimandis magnopere hallucinatus esset, centum nullia æris, id est primæ classis césum sub Seruo Rege, decem nullibus ducatorum taxauit, quê nos mille tantum aureis coronatis æstimamus. Nunc redeamus ad rem. Ioannis sexto, Ducentorum denariorum panes non sufficiunt eis, ut unusquisque modicum quid accipiat, Deinde subdit, Discubuerunt ergo uiri numero quinque millia. Ineamus nunc ratione, Ducenti denarij, uiginti aureos nostros ualent, id est quinque et triginta Francicos. Comoda apud nos annona esse dicitur, quum terni primarij panes quincunce ueneunt, qui nummus uulgo albulus appellatur. Si igitur commodâ annonam sequamur, et qualis eo anno fuit quum hæc scribe rem, in singulos Fræcicos duodequinquaginta quincunces numerabimus: quem numerum si triciesquinquies ducas propter x x x v. Francicos, nulle sexcenti et octoginta quincunces fient: qui singuli, quum ternos panes faciant, fiunt

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. On the as and its form. For we see many of the ancient Consuls have had coins struck with their own likeness, always with varying measure and weight: a practice which the princes afterward followed with greater diligence. And a little lower down, when speaking of the variety of the talent, he says nearly the same thing, and finally confesses frankly that he had been unable to master a matter most difficult and obscured by the lapse of antiquity, either by talent or by diligence, since no books of the ancients existed in which there was any clear mention of the words being discussed. He himself, however, in Book III of the same work, when he wished to attempt this matter, says: “This most difficult and very ancient custom of numbers and weights we are here compelled, unwillingly, to treat in relation to our own time, though we have decided to treat it later in its proper place.” And a little below, when estimating denarii, which he thought had been gold, he made a very great mistake, reckoning one hundred bronze asses, that is, the census of the first class under King Servius, at ten gold coins, whereas we estimate them at only a thousand crowned gold coins. Now let us return to the matter. In John chapter 6, “Two hundred denarii worth of bread is not sufficient for them, that everyone may take a little”; then he adds, “So the men sat down in number five thousand.” Let us now reason thus: two hundred denarii are worth twenty of our aurei, that is, thirty-five Francs. Abundant provisions among us are said to be cheap, when three prime loaves are sold for five quincunces, a coin commonly called an albulus . If therefore we follow the price of provisions as it is, and as it was in that year when I was writing this, we shall count in each Francis twelve and forty-eight quincunces; and if you multiply that number by thirty-five, for the thirty-five Francs, you get six hundred and eighty quincunces; and these, if each makes three loaves, become…

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 365 fiut in summa panes quinq[ue] nullia et quadraginta. qua ratione unusquisq[ue] panem unum habere potuit, & sic pane satiari. quod couenire cum dicto Euangelistæ no[n] uidetur. sed scilicet carior erat annona Hierosolymus, id quod faci le crediderim ex Strabone, qui agrum Hierosolymutanum sterilem esse dicit. Na & hic sæpe panis primarius sextantibus uenit: qua ratione quatuor nullia & ducenti panes essent. Marci etiam sexto ita legitur, ἀπελθῶντες ἀχράσων δλωριων δλωριων ἀργνε, καὶ ὑποῖς φαγεῖν. Eamus emptum panes ducentis denarijs, & demus illis ut edat. quasi scilicet ducenti denarij sallare turbam tantam possent, quod apud 10 annem hyperbolicè refertur. in quo agnoscimus stuporem discipulorum, qui nuraretur dominum tantam turbam pascere uelle, quum id non posse fieri arbitrarētur. Marci X I I. καὶ ἐλθῶντα μὴ αχραπῶν ἀχιδαλε λεπτὰ δυο, ὑπο ἔγνησθῶντης. Et accedens una uidua paupercula iecit minuta duo, quod est quadràs. Quadrantes autem æreos fuisse patet ibide ubi dicitur iecisseas in gazophylacium, pro quo Græcè ἀχανός dicitur. In Actibus Apostolorum, siue acta appellare malimus, capite undeuicesimo ita legitur de exorcistis Iudæis, Multi autem ex eis qui fue rant curiosa sectati, cōtulerunt libros, & combusserūt eos coràm omnibus, & computatis precijs illorum, inuenerūt pecuniam denarioru[m] quinquaginta nullium, καὶ ἐυρον ὑφορι μυριάδας πύντε. (sic enim ad uerbum legitur) & inuenerūt argēti myridas quinq[ue]; quod interpres rectè trastulit quinquaginta nullia denarium, non ut Plutarchi interpretes in Antonio & Γορεio, nullia nummum pro denarioru[m] nullibus uertētes, qua ratione quadruplo munor fit summa, ut suprà adnotatum est. Hæc summa quinq[ue] nullia aureorum nostrorum ualet, ne temere putemus librorum sum Libroru[m] perniciosorum exustio.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 365 there were in all five thousand and forty-nine loaves. In what way, then, could each person have had one loaf, and thus be satisfied with bread? Which does not seem to agree with the Evangelist’s statement. But of course food was more expensive at Jerusalem, which I could easily believe from Strabo, who says that the land of Jerusalem is barren. For here too sometimes bread costs sextantii: in which case there would have been four thousand two hundred loaves. In Mark 6 it is also read: “Let us go and buy two hundred denarii worth of bread, and give them to them to eat,” as though two hundred denarii could feed so great a crowd, which is hyperbolically reported in John 10. In this we recognize the astonishment of the disciples, who wondered that the Lord wished to feed such a great multitude, since they thought it could not be done. Mark 12: “And one poor widow came and cast in two mites,” that is, a quadrans. And it is clear that these quadrantes were bronze coins, where it says that she cast them into the gazophylacium, for which in Greek ἀχανός is said. In the Acts of the Apostles, or rather if we prefer to call it the Acts, in chapter nineteen, it is thus read concerning the Jewish exorcists: “Many of them also which used curious arts brought their books together, and burned them before all men; and when they had counted the price of them, they found the money of fifty thousand denarii,” καὶ ἔυρον ὑφορι μυριάδας πύντε. (for so it is read word for word) “and they found five myriads of silver”; which the translator rightly rendered “fifty thousand denarii,” not as the interpreters of Plutarch in Antony and Gorgias, who translate denariorum nullia for nullia nummum, by which reckoning the total is made four times smaller, as noted above. This sum of five thousand gold coins of ours is worth it, lest we rashly think that the burning of books... Burning of pernicious books.

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 637 uocitauerunt. Postea quoniam aduerterunt utrosq[ue] nume= ros esse perfectos & sex & decem, utrosque in unum con iecerunt, & fecerût perfectissimum decussis exis. Huius au tem rei autorem inuenerunt pedem. E' cubito enim quum dempti sunt palmi duo, relinquitur pes quatuor palmoru[m]. Palmus autem habet quatuor digitos. Ita efficitur uti ha= beat pes sedecim digitos, & totidem asses æreus denarius, uel ut in alijs exemplaribus, æratius. neutrum tamen rectè: denarius enim nunquam æreus fuit apud Romanos, nec drachma apud Græcos: sed ante argentum signatum de= cussis, ut centussis, æreus fuit. Quare non æreus sed æreos legendum est, ut ad asses referatur. Sed ex hoc Vitruuiano loco id habemus quod supra ex autoribus Græcis col= legi, drachmam in sex obolos diuidi, & obolos singulos in quaternos quadrates, quos dichalcos, id est binos chal cos ualentes appellant. uel trichalcos, id est ternos chal= cos ualentes. sic fit ut numerus quatuor & uiginti ex se= nario quater ducto impleatur. Quare uerum esse non po= test quod apud Plinium legitur in fine libri uicesimuprimi, quòd obolus decem chalcos habeat. aut enim obolus o= cto chalcos habuit, id quod nos diximus, & sic in quaterna dichalca diuiditur. aut duodenos, si quadrantes trichalci, id est ternarij fuerunt, quod non Athenis, sed alibi fuisse puto, sicubi fuit. Quod autem sequitur, uideamus an uerum sit. Vult enim Vitruuius Romanos sic denarium & eius partem ad pedis rationem retulisse aliquando post ar gentum signatu[m], ut Græci drachma[m] & eius partes. ad cubiti retulerut. quo fit, ut sic denarius sedecim asses ualuerit, ut pes sedecim digitos habet. Citetur nunc Plinius de hoc sentetiam dicturus. sic enim inquit lib. x x x I I I. Argentum signatum est anno Vrbis quingetesimo octogesimoq

Transcription: Translated (English)

They called it so. Afterwards, because they observed that both numbers are perfect, both six and ten, they combined both into one and made the most perfect number, the duodecimal. The author of this thing, however, they found to be the foot. For when two palms are taken away from the cubit, there remains a foot of four palms. But a palm has four fingers. Thus it comes about that the foot has sixteen fingers, and likewise the bronze denarius, or, as in some other copies, the bronze one. Yet neither reading is correct: for the denarius was never bronze among the Romans, nor the drachma among the Greeks; but before coined silver, the duodecimal, like the centussis, was bronze. Wherefore it should be read not æreus but æreos, so that it refers to asses. But from this Vitruvian passage we have what I collected above from Greek authors, namely that the drachma is divided into six obols, and each obol into four quadrantes, which they call dichalcos, that is, worth two chalci; or trichalcos, that is, worth three chalci. Thus the number twenty-four is made up by four times six. Therefore what is read in Pliny at the end of the twenty-first book cannot be true, namely that the obol has ten chalci. For either the obol had eight chalci, as we said, and thus is divided into four dichalca; or twelve, if the quadrantes were trichalci, that is, of three parts, which I think was not the case at Athens, but elsewhere, if anywhere. As for what follows, let us see whether it is true. Vitruvius wishes to say that the Romans at one time referred the denarius and its fraction to the measure of the foot, after coined silver, just as the Greeks referred the drachma and its fractions to the cubit. From this it follows that the denarius was worth sixteen asses, just as the foot has sixteen fingers. Now let Pliny be cited, who will speak his opinion on this matter. For thus he says in book XXXIII: coined silver was introduced in the year 580 of the City...

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET moquinto, Q. Fabio Consule, quinq[ue] annis ante Punicum bellum: & placuit denarius pro decem libris æris, quinarius pro quinq[ue], sestertius pro dipondio ac semisse. Libræ autem pondus æris imminutum bello Punico primo, cu[m] impensis Resp[ublicæ] non sufficeret, constitutumq[ue]; ut asses sextantario pondere ferirentur: ita quinq[ue]; partes factæ lucri, dissolutumq[ue]; æs alienum. Postea Annibale urgente Q. Fabio Maximo Dictatore asses unciales facti, placuitq[ue]; denarium sedecim assibus permutari, quinarium octonis, sestertium quaternis. ita Resp. dimidiu[m] lucrata est. In militari tamen stipendio semper denarius pro decem assibus datus. Nota argenti fuere bigæ atque quadrigæ, & inde bigati quadrigatiq[ue]; dicti, mox lege Papyriana semunciales asses facti. His Plinij uerbis significatur propter pecuniæ penu riam factu[m] esse ut denarius sedecim assibus permutaretur: & tamen Vitruuius ratione id dicit no[n] necessitate factum, & suo etiam tempore, id est sub Augusto, denarium sedecim asses ualuisse. Sed rursus in dubiu[m] uenit quod à Plinio dicitur. Si enim Fabio Dictatore asses unciales facti sunt, quonam modo id fieri potest ut Resp[ublicæ] dimidium tantùm lucrata sit, præsertim quu[m] superius dixerit Plinius in sexta[n]tarijs assibus quinq[ue]; partes lucrifactas? quum enim asses librales facti fuissent ab initio, si uncia pro libra oblecari potuit, undecim partes lucri factas oportuit. Deinde si denarius qui decem assibus ualebat, sedecim permutari coeptus est, & sestertius qui duos & semis, pro quaternis, dimidium lucri factum non est. Hoc melius ex Festo intelligitur, qui de hoc loquens, ita inquit, Sextantarij asses in usu esse coe pere ex eo tempore, quo propter Punicum bellum secundum quod cum Annibale gestum est, decreuerunt Patres, ut ex assibus qui tum erant librarij, fierent sextantarij, < Locus Plinij corruptus. > < Asses sextantarij. >

Transcription: Translated (English)

Of copper on the as and moquinto, in the consulship of Q. Fabius, five years before the Punic war: and it was agreed that the denarius should be for ten pounds of bronze, the quinarius for five, the sestertius for a two-and-a-half as. The weight of the bronze, however, was diminished in the First Punic War, when it did not suffice for the expenses of the State, and it was established that asses should be struck at sextantary weight: thus five parts of profit were made, and the public debt was liquidated. Later, with Hannibal pressing hard, under the dictatorship of Q. Fabius Maximus, asses were made of one ounce, and it was agreed that the denarius should be exchanged for sixteen asses, the quinarius for eight, the sestertius for four. Thus the State gained half. In military pay, however, the denarius was always given for ten asses. The types of silver were the bigae and quadrigae, and hence the names bigati and quadrigati, and soon after, by the Papirian law, asses of half an ounce were made. By these words of Pliny it is indicated that, because of a shortage of money, it came about that the denarius was exchanged for sixteen asses; and yet Vitruvius says that this was done by reason, not by necessity, and that even in his own time, that is under Augustus, the denarius was worth sixteen asses. But again what Pliny says comes into doubt. For if under the dictatorship of Fabius the asses were made of one ounce, how can it be that the State gained only half, especially since Pliny had said above that in sextantary asses five parts of profit were made? For if asses had been originally made of a pound, if an ounce could be exchanged for a pound, eleven parts of profit ought to have been made. Then, if the denarius, which was worth ten asses, began to be exchanged for sixteen, and the sestertius, which was worth two and a half, for four, half the profit was not made. This is better understood from Festus, who, speaking of this, says as follows: “Sextantary asses began to be in use from the time when, because of the Second Punic War fought with Hannibal, the Fathers decreed that from the asses then being of pound weight, sextantary ones should be made,” < A corrupt passage of Pliny. > < Sextantary asses. >

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. tarij, ut populus ære alieno liberaretur, & priuati quibus debitum publicè solui oportebat, non magno detrimento afficeretur. septennioq[ue] usus eis fuit ut priore nummo, sed id non permansit in usu. Ex his uerbis dico, initio statim belli sextantes pro assibus locari coeptos, uel asses sextan= tis pondere, quod idem est. postea uerò Annibale arctius urgente, quu[m] Italia passim bello flagraret, ærariumq[ue]; iam exhaustum esset, asses ex sexta[n]tarijs unciales esse decretos, & sic dimidium lucratam Rempub. quæ unciâ pro sextan te soluendo defungebatur. Id enim dimidium refertur ad proximum assem sextantarium, no[n] ad pristinum libralem. Id ne in dubium reuocetur, efficit geminatum eiusdem Fe sti testimonium, alibi, his uerbis, Graue æs dictum à ponde re:quia deni asses singuli pondo libræ, efficiebant dena= rium ab hoc ipso numero dictum: sed bello Punico popu= lus Ro. pressus ære alieno, ex singulis assibus librarijs se= nos fecit, qui tanti ualerent. Fuerunt igitur asses. illi sextan tarij, non dextantarij, ut in impressis legimus contra fidem antiquorum. Fabium & Consulem & Dictatorem fuisse certum est in bello Punico secundo: ut apud Liuium legi= tur lib. I I. & lib. I I I I. de bello Punico secundo. Hoc au= tem quod dictum est à Plinio, factu esse credo anno tertio belli Punici post Cannese[m] cladem: quo tempore propter penuriam argenti Triumviri mensarij rogatione Minu= tij Tribunipl. facti sunt (ut autor est Liuius lib. I I I. eius= dem belli) apud quos Triuuiros omne aurum, argentum, æsq[ue] signatum certatim ab omnibus delatum est collatio= ne uoluntaria, autore eodem lib. v I. quanquam eo anno Liuius Fabiu[m] Buteonem Dictatore fuisse prodiderit. Pro= inde denarium illum qui sedecim assibus permutabatur, non eum fuisse dico qui prius denis assibus ualebat, hoc est cente

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. so that the people might be freed from debt, and private persons to whom public debt ought to be paid would not suffer great loss. And they were used for seven years in the same way as the earlier coinage, but that did not remain in use. From these words I say that at the very beginning of the war sextantes began to be valued at an as, or asses of sextantal weight, which is the same thing. Later, however, when Hannibal was pressing more closely, when Italy was everywhere aflame with war, and the treasury was already exhausted, it was decreed that asses should be reduced from sextantarian to unciary weight, and thus the Republic gained half, since it was discharged by paying an ounce for a sextans. For that half refers to the nearest sextantarian as, not to the former libral as. That this may not be called into doubt is made clear by Festus’ doubled testimony, elsewhere in these words: “Heavy bronze is so called from its weight, because ten asses each of a pound made a denarius, which was named from that very number; but during the Punic War the Roman people, hard pressed by debt, made from each libral as six, which would have the same value.” Therefore those asses were sextantarian, not dextantarian, as we read in the printed books against the authority of the ancients. It is certain that Fabius was both consul and dictator in the Second Punic War, as is read in Livy, book II, and book IV of the Second Punic War. But what Pliny says was done, I believe, in the third year of the Punic War after the disaster at Cannae: at which time, because of the shortage of silver, the money commissioners were created by the proposal of Minucius the tribune of the plebs (as Livy states in book III of the same war); and with those commissioners all gold, silver, and coined bronze were eagerly brought in by all men as a voluntary contribution, according to the same author, book VI, although in that year Livy has recorded that Fabius Buteo was dictator. Therefore I say that that denarius, which was exchanged for sixteen asses, was not the one which earlier was worth ten asses, that is cente

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET centenis uicenis' que unciijs: sed alium multo deteriorem, qui senos denos asses sui generis ualebat, ut quinarius o= ctonos, & sestertius quaternos. Hoc & apud maiores no= stros aliquando factitatum legimus inuento regum in nu= mariæ difficultate, ita ut argenti libra in immensum æstima= retur, & inde nummu eadem ratione cuderentur. quippe nisi & argentum infectum & nomusma parili ratione con= gruerent, commercia honunum expediri no[n] possent. Qua= re (ut dixi) quonam modo illud dictum Vitruuij intelligi debeat, affirmare non ausim, nisi Vitruuium, qui numeri utriusque perfectionem, homunum quoque iudicio proba= re uolebat, proposito suo adstruendo inseruiuisse creda= mus, ut id quod aliquando difficili reipub. tempore factum erat, pro legitimo atque arbitrario apprehederit. Sed rur <Varronis loc> rem controuer sam facit. sus Varro rem in controuersiam reuocat, qui libro primo de lingua Latina sic inquit, Denarij dicebantur quòd de= nos æris ualebat, quinarij quòd quinos, sestertius quòd se= mis tertius. Dupondium enim & semis antiquus sestertius est. Hæc uerba Varronis cum uerbis Plinij lib. 1 1 1. ubi se= stertiorum meminit, indicare uidentur sestertium qui erat ab initio, non eundem fuisse cum eo qui tempore Varronis & Plinij ætate fuit. Eôdem pertinent uerba Festi in uerbo sestertius. Hoc igitur ut constituere non ausim, sic affirma re non dubitem, me in ijs quæ dixi, non esse hallucina= tum, propterea quòd Plutarchum & Appianum autores secutus, & Suetonium Tranquillum & alios, centenas drachmas uel centenos denarios, nullenos æris, & qua= dringenos sestertios post tempora belli Punici secundi uæ luisse semper dixi. Quòd si belli Punici tempore ratio nummaria argenti æris' que immutata est opibus Roma= norum accisis, finito statim bello in pristinum statum re= dijt,

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. On the as and with hundreds and twenties and ounces; but another, much worse, which was worth ten asses of its own kind for six denarii, as a quinarius was worth eight, and a sestertius four. We read that this too was sometimes practiced among our ancestors, when an invention was made in the royal difficulty of money, so that a pound of silver was valued beyond measure, and from this coins were struck by the same reckoning. For unless both uncoined silver and coined money corresponded by a like proportion, the commerce of men could not be carried on. Therefore, as I said, in what way that saying of Vitruvius ought to be understood, I would not dare to affirm, unless we believe that Vitruvius, who wished to prove the perfection of either number by human judgment as well, served his own purpose in supporting what he proposed, so that he took as legitimate and arbitrary that which had at one time been done in a difficult time of the state. But again <Varronis loc> the matter becomes controversial. Varro brings the matter into dispute again, who in the first book On the Latin Language says thus: Denarii were so called because they were worth ten bronze coins; quinarii because five; sestertius because of semis tertius. For the ancient sestertius was a dupondius and a half. These words of Varro, together with the words of Pliny in book 111, where he mentions sestertii, seem to indicate that the sestertius, as it was at the beginning, was not the same as the one that was in use in the time of Varro and in the age of Pliny. The words of Festus under the word sestertius point to the same thing. Therefore, although I would not dare to establish this, I would not hesitate to affirm that in what I have said I have not been mistaken, because, following Plutarch and Appian as authorities, and Suetonius Tranquillus and others, I have always said that hundreds of drachmas, or hundreds of denarii, not of bronze, and four hundred sestertii, were in use after the time of the Second Punic War. And if during the Punic War the monetary system of silver and bronze was altered, because the wealth of the Romans had been worn down, then as soon as the war was over it returned to its former state,

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 641 dijt, ut Festus de assibus sextantarijs dixit. Pondus etia[m] de= narij quu[m] primum signatus est, drachmale fuisse propter= ea existimo, quod nullam autoritate[m] idoneam memini quæ id falsum esse doceat. na[m] et præter nomismata à nobis enu merata, habuimus denarium unum uetustate exesum eo= dem cum alijs pondere, in quo ab una parte caput galea= tum erat, sub cuius mento X litera uidebatur, denarij (ut conijsiebam) nota[m]: in auersa parte lupa erat stans sub ar= bore, capite in uentrem denusso ubera infantibus præbés. quantum autem ex charactere fugiente percipere potui, infantes ingeniculantes manum uberi cum ore admoue= bant, quibus lupa diuaricans corpore exporrecto ubera submittebat. In insimo margine, Roma uerbum erat. in la tere, duo hæc uerba, Sex. Pop. quod nomen Consulis fuisse puto eius seculi quo primum argentum signatum est. Ar= bor autem sicus erat ruminalis, cuius memunit Festus. Ita= que in nummo aureo argenteoq[ue]; æstimando scrupulus nul lus esse debet: et ut esse uerum ponamus quod à Vitruuio dictum est, in assis tantum et quadrantis sextantisq[ue]; æsti= matione deceptus sum: id quod nihil ad magnarum rerum æstimationem deprehendendam obstitit. Cæterùm quod Plinius dixit, argentum signatum esse anno Vrbis quin= gentesimo octogesimoquinto, quinque annis ante primu[m] bellum Punicum, haud scio an perperam legatur, etiam si exemplarium omnium in eo una fides sit. Iam primum Eutropius historicus primum Punicum bellum contra Pæ nos susceptum autor est anno Vrbis quadringesimo se= ptuagesimoseptimo. Postea anno undequadragesimo su= pra quingesimum Quintus Fabius Maximus Dictator aduersus Annibalem mussus in secundo bello Punico. Por= ro defunctos Annibalis bello Romanos, Macedonicum S bellum Plinij locus.

Transcription: Translated (English)

...says Festus, in speaking of sextantary asses. I also think that the weight of the denarius, when it was first stamped, was a drachma, because I remember no sufficient authority that teaches that this is false. For, besides the coins we have enumerated, we had one denarius, worn away by age, of the same weight as the others, on one side of which there was a helmeted head, beneath whose chin the letter X was visible, the mark, as I conjectured, of the denarius; on the reverse side there was a wolf standing beneath a tree, with its head bent down toward its belly, offering its teats to the infants. As far as I could make out from the fading characters, the infants, kneeling, were bringing their hands and mouths to the teats, while the wolf, parting its body and stretching itself out, was lowering its teats to them. At the bottom edge was the word Roma. At the side were these two words, Sex. Pop., which I think was the name of the consul of that age, when silver was first stamped. The tree was the fig-tree of Rumina, which Festus mentions. Therefore, in estimating a gold and silver coin, there should be no scruple; and if we grant what Vitruvius has said to be true, I was mistaken only in the valuation of the as, the quadrans, and the sextans: and this did not prevent me from detecting the estimation of larger matters. Moreover, what Pliny says—that silver coin was stamped in the 585th year after the founding of the City, five years before the First Punic War—I do not know whether it is wrongly read, even though all manuscripts agree in that passage. First, the historian Eutropius states that the First Punic War was undertaken against the Poeni in the 477th year after the founding of the City. Then, in the forty-first year after the five hundredth, Quintus Fabius Maximus, as dictator, was sent against Hannibal in the Second Punic War. Moreover, after the Romans who died in Hannibal’s war, the Macedonian war... A passage of Pliny.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET bellum excepit, anno quinquagesimo supra quingentessimum, eodem Eutropio autere. Quare oportuit signatum fuisse nummum argenteum ante annum quingentessimu[m], < Quando argetu[m] Romæ primu[m] signatum.> si quidem ante bellum Punicum primu[m] signatus est. Deinde Eusebius in Chronicis autor est argentum primum Romæ signatum anno quinto post Tarentum à Romanis captum, qui fuit annus mundi quater millesimus non gentesimus uicesimus. Augustus autem triumphu[m] Aetiacu[m] egit, à quo statim solus dominari coepit, anno mundi centesimo septuagesimo supra quinquies millesimum, qui fuit annus Vrbis circiter septingentesimus. atqui ab Augusti triumpho si annorum numerum retro colligas, ducentos ac quinquaginta ad bellum Tarentinum conseculum reperies. tot enim intersunt anni ab anno quater millesimo no[n]gentesimo uicesimo, ad quinquies mullesimum centesimu[m] et septuagesimum. Licet Eusebius à condita Vrbe usque ad Cæsaris Dictaturam annos septingentos et quatuor effluxisse dicat. Sed id parum refert ad id quod agimus, inuestigandum. Denique L. Florus in prima Epitome, secundam Vrbis Romæ ætatem, à Bruto et Collatino Consulibus primis ad Appium Claudium Quintum Fuluium Consules, ducentorum circiter annorum intercapedine termunat, ut primam ætatem quæ sub regibus acta est, ducentorum quinquaginta. Appio autem Claudio Consule Romanus populus mare primùm transgressus est belli gerendi causa. Ex libro autem Liuij quintodecimo nouimus paulo ante primum bellum Punicum, populum Romanum primùm argento uti coepisse. Quapropter planum fit numeros corruptos esse apud Plinium in loco supradicto, et ante annum quadringentesimum quinquagesimum secudum Lucium Florum, qui sub Hadriano principe

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. On silver and the war commenced, in the year 550, according to the same Eutropius. Therefore an argent silver coin must have been struck before the year 500, < when silver was first struck at Rome.> since indeed it was first coined before the Punic War. Then Eusebius in the Chronicles states that silver was first struck at Rome in the fifth year after Tarentum was captured by the Romans, which was the year of the world 4920. But Augustus celebrated the triumph of Actium, from which he immediately began to rule alone, in the year of the world 5170, which was about the 700th year of the City. Yet if from Augustus’ triumph you reckon the number of years backward, you will find two hundred and fifty years down to the Tarentine war. For so many years intervene from the year 4920 to the year 5170. Although Eusebius says that from the founding of the City up to Caesar’s dictatorship seven hundred and four years had elapsed. But that matters little for the point we are investigating. Finally, L. Florus in the first Epitome sets the second age of the City of Rome, from Brutus and Collatinus, the first consuls, to Appius Claudius and Quintus Fulvius, consuls, at an interval of about two hundred years, just as he makes the first age, which was lived under the kings, two hundred and fifty. Under Appius Claudius as consul, the Roman people first crossed the sea for the purpose of waging war. From the fifteenth book of Livy, however, we know that a little before the first Punic War the Roman people began to use silver for the first time. Wherefore it becomes clear that the numbers in Pliny at the passage above-mentioned are corrupt, and that before the year 452 Lucius Florus, who under the emperor Hadrian

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 643 cipe scripsit, secundum Eutropium qui sub Iuliano, ante annum quadringentesimum octogesimum argenteu[m] num num extitisse. Nunc si Plinium emendare uelimus, id fa= cere poterimus eius scriptoris autoritate quæ Plinius ipse sequi solitus est, id est Titi Liuij, qui in præfatione libri tricesimi annos quadringentos LXXVIII. ab Vrbe condita usq[ue] ad Appium Consulem, qui primus bellu[m] Car= thaginiësibus intulit, fluxisse scripsit. Quare apud Pliniu[m] < Plinius Liuiu sequitur.> anno quadringentesimo septuagesimo octauo legendum est, si Plinius Liuium secutus est. Eutropius Liuium secutus esse uidetur: sed in eo discrepat, si ueri sunt apud cum numero, quòd anno quingetesimo quinquagesimo coeptu[m] esse bellum Macedonicum ait, cum apud Liuium libro tricesimo legatur, Anno quingentesimo quadragesimo ab Vrbe condita, P. Sulpitio Galba, Cn. Aurelio Consulibus bellum cum Rege Philippo initum, paucis mensibus post pacem Carthaginiensibus datam. Hic rursus alius subori= < Numeri apud autores deprauati, multu[m] negocij legentibus exhibet.> tur scrupulus, usqueadeo apud autores numeri extantes negocium lectitantibus exhibent. Si enim à primo Punico bello coepto ad secundum finitum tres tantum et quadraginta anni intersunt (id enim tradit Liuius in supradicta præfatione) quonam modo si statim Macedonicum Pu= nicum bellum secundum except, ab anno quingentesimo et quadragesimo factum esse credetur, cum inter utrunq[ue] numeru[m] duo et sexaginta anni intersint? Sinule est quod in Epitome Liuij libri quadragesinunoni legitur, Anno sexcentesimo et altero ab Vrbe condita ludos Diti Patri ad Tarentum ex præcepto Sibyllæ factos, qui anno pri= mo belli Punici, quingentesimo et altero Vrbis conditæ facti erant. Et rursus in Epitome libri tricesimiprimi, Bel- lum Macedonicum coeptum esse anno quingentesimo = S 2 quinto

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 643 he wrote, according to Eutropius, who under Julian says that before the four hundred and eightieth year the silver coin had existed. Now, if we wish to correct Pliny, we shall be able to do so by the authority of that writer whom Pliny himself was accustomed to follow, namely Titus Livius, who in the preface to the thirtieth book wrote that 478 years had elapsed from the founding of the City to the consulship of Appius, who first brought war against the Carthaginians. Therefore in Pliny <Pliny follows Livy.> in the four hundred and seventy-eighth year must be read, if Pliny followed Livy. Eutropius seems to have followed Livy; but he disagrees with him if the numbers in him are correct, because he says that the Macedonian war began in the year 550, whereas in Livy, book thirty, it is read: “In the year 540 from the founding of the City, under the consuls P. Sulpicius Galba and Cn. Aurelius, war began with King Philip, a few months after peace had been granted to the Carthaginians.” Here again another difficulty arises; <Corrupted numbers in the authors present much difficulty to readers.> indeed, the numbers found in the authors give those who read them a great deal of trouble. For if from the beginning of the First Punic War to its end only forty-three years intervened (for so Livy states in the aforesaid preface), how can it be believed that, if the Macedonian war immediately followed the Second Punic War, it took place in the year 540, when there are sixty-two years between the two numbers? Similarly, what is read in the Epitome of Livy, book forty-ninth, is that in the year 602 from the founding of the City games were celebrated to Father Dis at Tarentum by command of the Sibyl, whereas they had been held in the first year of the Punic War, in the year 502 of the City’s foundation. And again, in the Epitome of the thirty-first book, it is stated that the Macedonian war began in the year 505 = S 2 fifth

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quinto. quæ duo dicta planè refragantur ijs quæ apud Li uium leguntur: nunc autem transmittenda, cum nihil ad rem præsentem pertineant, admonitione tam[m]e digna. Sed ne de hoc loco Plinij emendando aliquis posthac dubitet, Plinium ipsum testem in sese citabimus, qui eodem libro a= lio loco ita inquit, Lucius Scipio trâstulit in triumpho ar genti cælati pondo M. quadringenta quinquaginta, & uæ sorum aureorum pondo centum millia anno conditæ Vr= bis quingentesimo sexagesimoquinto. Hoc quod Plinius dicit anno quingentesimo sexagesimo contigisse, contigit post Antiochum uictum, quæ Romani post Philippum Re gem Macedoniæ aggressi sunt, cum tamen bellu[m] illud Ma cedonicum finito demum secundo bello Punico coeperit. Verùm ex supradictis apparet uehementer illos falli, qui nomismata argentea ostentant quasi à Bruto exactore re= gum percussa, atque etiam ab ipsis regibus signata. Non omittendum uidetur in hac adnotandarum rerum sylua (quæ ut in memoriâ ipsæ subeunt, sic in ordinem redigu= tur) id quod à Thucydide lib. 111. belli Peloponesiaci di= citur, nulites singulos pedestres & classarios binas dra= chmas in dies accipere solitos. de classe enim Atheniensiu[m] loquens, quâ & instructissimam & numero & pulchritu dine nauiu[m] fuisse affirmat, ita inquit: Itaq[ue] æstate una uni= uersæ naues ducentæ & quinquaginta fuerût, quæ res ma ximè pecunias eoru[m] exhaust, cu[m] sumptu Potidææ. Na[m] qui Potidææ erat[n]t nulites præsidiarij binas drachmas merebat, ita ut miles altera[m] drachma[m] ministri nomine acciperet, ὑπει αἰ πασαί ἀμαί ἐγγνοιειν ἐνιθέρδιακοστα μὴ πεντήματα νῦς. και πι Χήματα τοῦ μάλισα ἔπικαλωσε μετὰ ὑποδιαίας. ἀλῶ δὲ γὰρ ὑποδιαμαν δὲ ἀχμιοι ὑπίται ἐφρομην. αυτῶν γὰρ και ὑπερίτη ἀχμιλῶ ἔλάμβανε τ[ame]ν υμερας. Et paulò post, νῦ[n]is

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF AS AND fifth; which two statements plainly conflict with what is read in Livy: but now they must be passed over, since they do not pertain to the present matter, though worthy of notice. But lest anyone hereafter doubt about correcting this passage of Pliny, we shall cite Pliny himself as witness against himself, who in the same book elsewhere says: “Lucius Scipio displayed in his triumph 450 pounds of chased silver and 100,000 pounds of golden vessels in the year 565 after the founding of the City.” What Pliny says happened in the year 560, happened after Antiochus was defeated, whom the Romans attacked after King Philip of Macedon, although that Macedonian war began only after the end of the Second Punic War. But from the foregoing it is clear that those are greatly mistaken who display silver coins as though struck by Brutus, the expeller of kings, and even minted by the kings themselves. It does not seem appropriate to omit, in this forest of things to be noted—which, as they arise in memory, are here reduced to order—that statement from Thucydides in book 3 of the Peloponnesian War, that individual infantrymen and sailors were accustomed to receive two drachmas a day. For speaking of the Athenian fleet, which he affirms was both the most fully equipped in number and in the beauty of its ships, he says: “So in one summer there were altogether two hundred and fifty ships, a matter that very greatly exhausted their finances, together with the expense at Potidaea. For those stationed at Potidaea as garrison troops earned two drachmas, so that the soldier received one drachma in the name of the servant,” ὑπει αἰ πασαί ἀμαί ἐγγνοιειν ἐνιθέρδιακοστα μὴ πεντήματα νῦς. και πι Χήματα τοῦ μάλισα ἔπικαλωσε μετὰ ὑποδιαίας. ἀλῶ δὲ γὰρ ὑποδιαμαν δὲ ἀχμιοι ὑπίται ἐφρομην. αυτῶν γὰρ και ὑπερίτη ἀχμιλῶ ἔλάμβανε τ[ame]ν υμερας. And a little later, νῦ[n]is

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 643 Stipendiu[m] militare. ν[er]nes te αι πα[n]sou γον αυτον μιαδον ἐρθον. Nauesq[ue] omnes idem stipendium accipiebant. Si nules Atheniensis binas drachmas suo famuliq[ue] nomine accipiebat, id stip[er]dium erat in mēsem sexagenæ drachmæ, quæ ære nostro senos aureos coronatos ualent, id est denos Francicos & semis sem. Apud nos aute[m] qui nunimo merent pedites, in mēsem centenos solidos accipere solent, id est quinos Francicos: qui plurimo, septenos Francicos: quam mercede menstrua[m] Germani apud nos acceperunt. Ex quo apparet drachmæ æstimationem à nobis factam, à ueritate non abhorrere. Hoc argumentu[m] adiuuat id quod supra in fine libri quar ti diximus de mercede philosophoru[m] molas trusatiles cir= cunagentium, & quod hoc codem lib. de denario diurno adnotauimus. Xenophon in primo Hellenicon, ὑπι ταῦτο πιπηνον, καὶ ἐκελευνον αυτον τα[n]δαι ναῦth απαχυλιον απ[er]ικην. Hi collaudato Cyri dicto, hortabantur eum ut drachmam Atticam nautis in dies singulos pro stipendio statueret. Ipse tamen paulò pòst dicit non drachmam eum statuisse, sed tetrobolum, hoc est bessem drachmæ, cum antè semus= sem tantum acciperent, id est triobolum: de stipendio lo= quens auxiliario, quod Lacedæmonijs ad tuendam rem nauticam & classiariam à Rege Persarum conferebatur. Quantulæ autem fuerint illæ naues præ ijs quæ nunc fi= unt, ex eo licet intelligere, quod idem libro secundo ita in= quit, Cum autem ij in terra Attica essent, Athenienses ce[n]tum naues quas instruxerant, & nulle in ijs armatos quæ dringentosq[ue] sagittarios circum Peloponnesum miseru[n]t. ν[er]sων δ[em] αυτων ἰν πιντι, οι αδωνα[n]τι απεινιαν τὰς ἔκασμ[en] ναυς ποδί πελωπόννησον αυτον παρεσκοβα[n]τον, καὶ χιλίας δηπλασεπει αυτων, καὶ πολυσας τερανοσίας. Cicero lib. X 11. Epist. ad Lentulu[m] scribes, Interceptis literis cognoramus, S 3 Dolabellam

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 643 Military stipend. ν[er]nes te αι πα[n]sou γον αυτον μιαδον ἐρθον. All ships received the same stipend. If a single Athenian received two drachmas in his own name and in that of his servant, that sti[pe]nd was for a month sixty drachmas, which in our money are worth six crowned gold coins, that is, ten French livres and a half. But among us those who serve as foot soldiers for the least pay usually receive a hundred shillings a month, that is, five French livres; those who receive the most, seven French livres: such monthly pay the Germans received among us. From this it appears that the valuation of the drachma made by us does not depart from the truth. This argument is supported by what we said above at the end of the fourth book about the pay of philosophers turning millstones, and by what in this same book we noted concerning the daily denarius. Xenophon, in the first book of the Hellenica, ὑπι ταῦτο πιπηνον, καὶ ἐκελευνον αυτον τα[n]δαι ναῦth απαχυλιον απ[er]ικην. These men, praising Cyrus’s saying, urged him to assign the Attic drachma to the sailors for each day as their pay. Yet shortly afterward he says that he did not assign a drachma, but a tetrobol, that is, two-thirds of a drachma, whereas before they received only a half-half, that is, a triobol; he is speaking of the auxiliary pay that was furnished by the King of Persia to the Lacedaemonians for the protection of naval and maritime affairs. How small, however, those ships were in comparison with those now made, may be understood from this: for in book two he says thus, “And when they were in Attic land, the Athenians, having equipped a hundred ships, and none in them armed, sent out three hundred archers around Peloponnesus.” ν[er]sων δ[em] αυτων ἰν πιντι, οι αδωνα[n]τι απεινιαν τὰς ἔκασμ[en] ναυς ποδί πελωπόννησον αυτον παρεσκοβα[n]τον, καὶ χιλίας δηπλασεπει αυτων, καὶ πολυσας τερανοσίας. Cicero, book X, letter 11 to Lentulus, writing: “Intercepted letters make us aware, S 3 Dolabella…”

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Dolabellam, si desperasset de Syria Aegyptoq[ue]; quod ne= cesse erat fieri, in naues cum omnibus suis latronibus atq[ue] omni pecunia co[n]sc[e]dere esse paratu[m], Italiamq[ue]; petere. Id= circo etia[m] naues onerarias, quaru[m] minor nulla erat duum nulliu[m] amphoraru[m], co[n]tractas in Lycia à classe eius obside= ri. Duo nullia amphoraru[m], ducenta & quinquaginta mo= dia Parisina ualet. Quod ideo adnotandu[m] duxi, ut ex no stri temporis nauibus co[n]ijci antiquaru[m] nauiu[m] magnitudo posset. In l. iubemus de sacrosanct. eccle. in Codice Impe ratorio, duabus partibus minor magnitudo, id est subtri= pla huius Ciceronianæ taxatur. Herodotus aute[m] lib. VII. de copijs nauilibus Xerxis loques, ita inquit, Ad Sepiadu[m] usq[ue]; ad Thermopylas exors maloru[m] Xerxis exercitus fuit: multitudo aute[m] adhuc erat, ut ego co[n]iectura assequor, ex nauibus quide[m] ab Asia profectis numero nulle ducentis ac septe, eorum duntaxat qui iam inde ab initio co[n]uenerant, nullia ducenta & quadraginta unu[m] & quadringenti uiri, ducenos scilicet uiros in singulas naues numeratibus. Por ro inter classiarios indigenas triceni Persæ, Medi, & Sa= cæ i naues easde[m] ascederat, quæ multitudo sex & triginta nullia & ducentos decu[m] uiros prioribus copijs aggregat. χημπληδος ἐνη πλωικαυτα ἐπως ἐγω συνβαλλεωμενος ἐνρισκω, τῶνν, τῶν μὲν ἐκ τῶν νδῶν τῶν ἐκ τὰσίν, ἐνσεων ἐπία καὶ δηκνεων καὶ χιλιεων, τῶν μὲν αρχαὶων ἐκάσων τῶν ἐνεων ἐντια ὑμιλεν, τεαρας μὴ ἐμεστι μυειάστας, μὴ πρὸς χιλιάστι τε μὴ τετρακοσίν, μὴ ἀνα δηκνεων ἀνδρας λευρομενοιοι ἐντι ἐκάση νη[μ]ι ἐπεβάτον άειπι τετεων τῶν νεῦν χωρίς ἐκά= σων τῶνεπι χωρίων, πορθεωτε μὴ μὴνων μὴ σκεων πιή= κουντια ἀνδρες. ἐπος ἀλλος ὑμιλεν γινεται πισωμειοι μὴ ἐκκιχί= λιοι μὴ πρὸς δηκκοσμόιτε μὴ δεκα. His verbis apparet eâ fuisse magnitudinem olim mediocru[m] nauium, ut ducentos clas= siarios

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Dolabella, if he had despaired of Syria and Egypt; which it was necessary to do, was ready to embark in ships with all his band of robbers and all his money, and to make for Italy. For this reason too the merchant ships, of which none was smaller than two thousand amphorae, were blockaded in Lycia by his fleet. Two thousand amphorae are worth two hundred and fifty Parisina modii. I thought this worth noting, so that from the ships of our own time one might infer the size of the ships of antiquity. In the law Iubemus de sacrosancta ecclesia in the Imperial Code, a size smaller by two parts, that is, one-third as much again, is assessed as this Ciceronian measure. Herodotus, however, in book VII, speaking of Xerxes’ naval forces, says thus: “As far as Sepias and Thermopylae the army of Xerxes had gone forth from evil beginnings; yet the multitude, as I conjecture, was still such as follows: from the ships which had set out from Asia there were no more than two hundred and seven, and of those only who had come together from the beginning, two hundred and forty-one and four hundred men, namely two hundred men to each ship. Moreover, among the native crews, thirty Persians, Medes, and Sacae had gone aboard those same ships, making this multitude six and thirty thousand and two hundred men added to the former forces.” χημπληδος ἐνη πλωικαυτα ἐπως ἐγω συνβαλλεωμενος ἐνρισκω, τῶνν, τῶν μὲν ἐκ τῶν νδῶν τῶν ἐκ τὰσίν, ἐνσεων ἐπία καὶ δηκνεων καὶ χιλιεων, τῶν μὲν αρχαὶων ἐκάσων τῶν ἐνεων ἐντια ὑμιλεν, τεαρας μὴ ἐμεστι μυειάστας, μὴ πρὸς χιλιάστι τε μὴ τετρακοσίν, μὴ ἀνα δηκνεων ἀνδρας λευρομενοιοι ἐντι ἐκάση νη[μ]ι ἐπεβάτον άειπι τετεων τῶν νεῦν χωρίς ἐκά= σων τῶνεπι χωρίων, πορθεωτε μὴ μὴνων μὴ σκεων πιή= κουντια ἀνδρες. ἐπος ἀλλος ὑμιλεν γινεται πισωμειοι μὴ ἐκκιχί= λιοι μὴ πρὸς δηκκοσμόιτε μὴ δεκα. By these words it appears that the size of ships in former times was once so moderate that they carried two hundred sailors.

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siarios nulites caperet, & eo amplius tricenos capere possent. id quod uerba ipsa autoris conijcientis significare uidentur. Eas autem naues triremes fuisse autor ipse Herodotus prodidit his uerbis alio in loco, Ἷν ἐπιδεων αυτος μὴ επενετο ἐπία καὶ Σακόστα καὶ χίλια. < Triremes & quinqueremes & ulteriora vocabula.> Tirennum autem numerus fuit nulle ducentæ & septem. Sicui igitur uacet ad calculum exigere id quod ab Herodoto dictum est, is inueniet in singulis triremubus ducenos & tricenos epibatas fuisse. Inter munora autem nauigia Herodotus numerat lembos quinquagenum & tricennum remorum, quos ipse πεντηκντόρις & πενκντόρις appellat. Legimus & apud antiquos fuisse non modò trium ordinum naues, quas triremes nostri, Græciti reires appellat (in quibus per singula tràsra terni remiges sedent, suum quisq[ue] remum ducentes, ita ut qui naui intimus est, is maximum remum tractet) sed etiam quadriremes & quinqueremes, & sex ordinum naues. < Triremes & quinqueremes & ulteriora vocabula.> quin & à Græcis hepteres & henneres & deceres uocabula inuenta sunt, quæ naues septenùm nouenùm denumq[ue] ordinum significant. Plinius lib. VII. Biremem Damasthenes primum Erythræos fecisse autor est, Tiremè Thucydides Aminoclè Corinthiu[m], Quadriremem Aristoteles Carthaginienses. Quinqueremem instituit Nesichthon Salamunius. Sex ordinum Xenagoras Syracusius. ab eo ad decemremè Mnesigeton. Alexandru[m] Magnum serunt instituisse ad duodecim ordines: Philo=stephanus Ptolemæum Soterè ad quindecim, Demetrium Antigoni ad triginta, Ptolemæum Philadelphum ad quadraginta, Ptolemæu[m] Philopatorè, qui Tryphon cognominatus est, ad quinquaginta. Plutarchus de Demetrio Anti-goni in uitæ eius ita inquit: Vnde illud est non nunus uerè quàm elegater dictum, Demetrij opera magnitudine sua etiam S 4 Demetrius Po-liorceses.

Transcription: Translated (English)

...so that they could carry not fewer than nulkites, and even thirty more. This is what the words themselves of the author, who seems to be making a conjecture, appear to signify. And that these ships were triremes the author Herodotus himself has stated in these words elsewhere: “Ἷν ἐπιδεων αυτος μὴ επενετο ἐπία καὶ Σακόστα καὶ χίλια.” <Triremes and quinqueremes and further terms.> The number of the triremes was two hundred and seven. If anyone therefore has leisure to work out by calculation what Herodotus said, he will find that there were two hundred and thirty epibatai on each trireme. Among other ships Herodotus counts lembi of fifty and thirty oars, which he himself calls πεντηκόντορις and πενκντόρις. We also read among the ancients that there were not only ships of three ranks, which our people call triremes and the Greeks reires, in which on each tier three rowers sit, each pulling his own oar, so that the man who is nearest the ship’s interior handles the largest oar; but also quadriremes and quinqueremes, and ships of six ranks. <Triremes and quinqueremes and further terms.> Indeed, the Greeks even invented the terms hepteres and henneres and deceres, which signify ships of seven, nine, and ten ranks. Pliny, book VII, says that Damasthenes was the first to make a bireme for the Erythraei; Thucydides says that Aminocles of Corinth made the trireme; Aristotle says the Carthaginians made the quadrireme. Nesichthon the Salamian introduced the quinquereme. Xenagoras of Syracuse, the ship of six ranks. From him to the ten-ranked ship, Mnesigeton. They say that Alexander the Great introduced ships up to twelve ranks; Philostephanus says Ptolemy Soter up to fifteen; Demetrius, son of Antigonus, up to thirty; Ptolemy Philadelphus up to forty; and Ptolemy Philopator, surnamed Tryphon, up to fifty. Plutarch, in his life of Demetrius son of Antigonus, says as follows: “Whence that saying is not without truth, but elegantly said, Demetrius’ works, by their very magnitude, also...” S 4 Demetrius Poliorcetes.

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET etiam amicis stuporem, pulchritudine uerò etiam hostibus delectatione[m] solita esse afferre. At qui inter alia memoratu digna & naues duas confectas ab eo aiunt, quarum alte= ra sedecim remorum ordines, altera quindecim habebat: & machinas nonnullas miro ingenio expugnandis urbi= bus fabricatas, quæ quidem spectantibus hostibus incredibilem admirationem præbebant: id quod Lysimacho euenisse tradunt: qui tametsi supra alios reges inimicus esset Deme= trio, tamen quum ab eo Solos in Cilicia obsidete petijsset ut sibi liceret machinas eius nauesque inspicere, atque is be= nignè id concedente Demetrio omnia opera inspexisset, adeò stupefactum aiunt & magnitudine & pulchritudine, ut ei uisæ sint non humano, sed diuino ingenio conditæ. Idem alibi, Itaq[ue] Demetrius ad regnum paternum recupe randum (quod arduum & difficile factu uidebatur) toto ani= mo conuersus, breui tempore paulominus quam centum mul libus peditum, decem equitum coactis, classem deinde quin gentarum nauium uarijs ex locis studio incredibili atque industria comparauit. Et paulò post, Omnes autem admi rabantur non solum multitudinem, sed etiam magnitudi= nem eorum operum quæ inusitata mole longè aliorum eô suetum modum excedebat. Nemo enim reperiebatur qui nauem sedecim ordinum aut quindecim uidisset. Verum postea Ptolemæus qui Philopator dictus est, unam quadræ ginta ordinum faciendam curauit, quæ proculdubio o= mnes alias naues quæ antea uisæ fuerant, magnitudine ac mole sua magnopere superabat, ut quæ in longitudinem ducentos ac octoginta, ab imo usque ad transtra duode= quinquaginta cubitos pateret. Remiges in ea ad qua= tuor nullia, nautæ ad quadringetos erant, & præter hos paulominus tria nullia armatorum, qui furos eius obtinetes eadem Memorabile nauigium.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. On the asse, and even to friends it was a source of amazement, and by his beauty indeed he was said to bring delight even to enemies. But those who mention among other memorable things that he built two ships, one of which had sixteen banks of oars, the other fifteen, and certain machines, made with marvelous ingenuity for the capture of cities, which indeed, when seen by enemies, inspired incredible admiration; as is said to have happened to Lysimachus, who, although he was more hostile to Demetrius than the other kings, nevertheless, when he had asked Demetrius, while besieging Solos in Cilicia, that he might be allowed to inspect his machines and ships, and when Demetrius kindly granted this, had examined all the works, they say he was so struck with astonishment at both their size and their beauty that they seemed to him to have been fashioned not by human, but by divine genius. The same author elsewhere says: Thus Demetrius, having turned with all his mind to recovering his paternal kingdom (which seemed a difficult and arduous task), in a short time gathered nearly one hundred thousand infantry and ten thousand cavalry, and then assembled a fleet of five hundred ships from various places with incredible zeal and diligence. And a little later: All were amazed not only at the number, but also at the size of those works, whose unprecedented bulk far exceeded the customary measure of others. For no one could be found who had ever seen a ship of sixteen or fifteen banks of oars. But afterwards Ptolemy, called Philopator, had one made with forty banks of oars, which without doubt greatly surpassed all other ships that had previously been seen, in size and mass, for it extended to a length of two hundred and eighty cubits, and from the keel up to the decks to fifty-two cubits. The rowers in it were four thousand, the sailors four hundred, and besides these there were a little less than three thousand armed men, who held its... Memorable vessel.

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

eadem uehebantur. Sed hæc, inquit, nô tam ad usum quàm ostentationem fabricata uidebatur, earum simulis machinarum, quæ penè immobiles sunt. Demetrij autem naues non modò magnitudine & arte mirabiles, sed etiam ad certamen bellicum, usumque homunum aptæ atque habiles erant. Athenæus libro quinto de opulentia Aegyptiorum loquens, & præcipue Philadelphi Ptolemæi, Multis autem, inquit, regibus Philadelphus cum diuitiarum magnitudine præstitit, tum etiam studio ingenti incubuit ad apparatum omne genus, instrumentumque regium magnificè ambitiosèq[ue] comparandum. Quare nauium multitudine reges omnes longè supergressus est. < Nauces Philadelphi.> Maximas naues habuit triacôteres, id est tricenum ordinum duas, ico seren unam quæ uicenum erat, quatuor quæ ternu[n]denum, duas quæ duodenum, quatuordecim quæ undenum, triginta quæ nouenum, trigintaseptè quæ septenum, quinq[ue]; quæ senum erant. Quinum autem ordinu[m] habuit decem & septem: altero tanto plures partim quaternum ordinu[m], partim ternum & semis, quas Trieremiolias appellant. Reliqua multitudo nauigiorum quæ per uarias imperij partes distributa erant, quatuor millium numeru[m] excedebat. τὰ γὰν μινσαῖν τῶν πλοιων παῦσιντῶν, πινκνητήρεις δύο, ἐκσεῖ μια, τεαρες δὲ πισκαυδητήρεις, δωδεντρὸς δύο, ἐνδεκήρεις διατεαρες, ἐννήρεις πιάκντα, ἐπ[ι]ςύρδ[ι]ς πιάκντα ἐπ[ι]δὲ, ἐξήρεις πῦντε, πεντήρεις ἐπ[ι]σκαίδικα. τὰ δὲ ἀπὸ τύρας μιχι πινημιολιας, ἀπλἀσια τὸντων. De magnitudine autem naues Philopatoris eadê omnia quæ Plutarchus dixit, & eo amplius addidit, logissimos in ea remos duodequadraginta cubitoru[m] fuisse, ab ea parte plumbatos, quæ manu remigum cōtinetur, ut eo libramento nixus tollentiu[m] brachioru[m] adiuuaretur, cu[m] pars remu scalmo alligata quasi æqui- librium S 3 < Remorum 18. gitudo immanis in naui Phili opatoris.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

They were carried by the same means. But this, he says, seemed to have been constructed not so much for use as for display, like those machines which are almost motionless. But Demetrius’ ships were not only admirable for their size and craftsmanship, but were also fit and suitable for naval combat and for the use of men. Athenaeus, in the fifth book, speaking of the wealth of the Egyptians, and especially of Ptolemy Philadelphus, says: “Philadelphus, besides surpassing many kings in the greatness of his wealth, also devoted immense effort to the making of every kind of equipment and royal apparatus in a magnificent and ambitious way. For this reason he far exceeded all other kings in the number of his ships.” <The ships of Philadelphus.> He had very large ships, triaconters, that is, two with thirty banks of oars, one with twenty-eight, four with thirty, two with twelve, fourteen with eleven, thirty with nine, thirty-seven with seven, and five with six. He had seventeen quinqueremes; even more, ships with four banks of oars, and some with three and a half, which they call trieremioliae. The remaining multitude of vessels, distributed through the various parts of the empire, exceeded four thousand in number. The minimum number of the ships: two pentekonters, one six-oared ship, four eight-oared ships, two twelve-oared ships, four eleven-oared ships, twenty-nine nine-oared ships, twenty-two seven-oared ships, five five-oared ships, and seventeen of the next class. And there were twice as many of the others, some with four banks, some with three and a half, which they call trieremioliae. De Magnitudine, however, the ships of Philopator had all those things which Plutarch mentioned, and in addition he added that the longest oars in it were forty-eight cubits long, and were weighted with lead on that part which is held by the rowers’ hands, so that, resting on that counterweight, the lifting of the arms might be assisted, since the part of the oar fastened to the oarport formed, as it were, a balance. <An immense length of oars in the ship of Philopator.>

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET librium faceret, & usum grauioris renu facilioré redderet. < Reliquus apparatus.> Tum partes eius omnes exequitur, apparatumq[ue] tætæ moli numero & magnitudine respondente: ut proras duas & totidè puppes habuisse, & septè rostra, & gubernacula quatuor. Idè autor eode[m] libro tradit Hieronè Syracusanorum Regem, Romanoru[m] amicitia pertinaci nobilem, cum circa sacrorum certaminu[m] gymnasiorumq[ue] apparatum studiosus esset, tum etia[m] ad naues fabricandas ambitiosius animu[m] intendisse, duntaxat quæ frumentationibus uiderentur esse comodissimæ. < Nauis frumentaria.> Huius igitur generis multas Hiero cum fabricandas mandasset, unam in primis memorabile perfecit: ad quam ædificandam materiam in Aetna[m] monte cædendâ indeq[ue]; deuehêdam curauit, quæ sex agintæ triremubus conficiendus satis esse potuisset: quo dicto naui gij magnitudine[m] conijciendam nobis reliquit. Ad nauticu[m] autem instrumentu[m] cum æs, ferrum, cannabim, reliquaq[ue]; quibus opus erat, partim ex Italia, partim ex Iberia, partim Rhodano flumine comparasset, trecentos operi facie[n]do fabros artificesq[ue] adhibuit, ac materiæ dedoladæ, præter administros fabricæ subseruientes opificijs, præfecto summæ operis architecto Archia Cerinthio. < Nauis Hieronis memorabilis.> Quos ipse cu[m] magnopere hortatus esset ad opus aggrediendum, insuper etiam dies toto operis se curatoré exactoremq[ue]; præbuit. Hac diligentia, his artificibus, hoc architecto rex ille Siculus dimidiu[m] tantum nauis intra sex menses perfecit. Quo facto, inchoata[m] eo modo nauem in mare deducendâ mandauit, ut illic extremæ manus opificiu[m] adipisceretur. Verùm cum de ea in mare deducenda, excitata quæstio multis co[n]tentionibus esset, ad extremu[m] Archimedes ille mechanicus famigeratus solus deducendâ suscepit, paucis adhibitis operis: compactaq[ue] clauicula machinali quod suscepit per- fecit: Clausula Archimedis.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. Bvd. Of the balance and librium would bring it about, and would make the use of a heavier oar easier. <The remaining equipment.> Then he goes through all its parts, and the equipment of the whole mass, corresponding in number and size: so that it had two prows and as many sterns, and seven rams, and four rudders. The same author in the same book relates that Hiero, king of the Syracusans, renowned for his steadfast friendship with the Romans, when he was eager about the equipment of sacred contests and gymnasia, also turned his ambition more eagerly toward building ships, only such as seemed to be most suitable for grain transport. <A grain ship.> Of this kind, therefore, when Hiero had ordered many to be built, he completed one especially memorable: for building it he took care to have materials cut on Mount Aetna and brought down from there, which could have been enough for the making of sixty triremes; by this statement he left us to infer the size of the ship. For the nautical equipment, however, since he had procured bronze, iron, hemp, and the rest of what was needed, partly from Italy, partly from Iberia, partly by the river Rhône, he employed three hundred craftsmen and artisans for the work, and for the dressing of the material, besides the assistants serving the workshops, he appointed Archias of Cerinthus as chief architect of the whole undertaking. <The memorable ship of Hiero.> Whom when he had strongly encouraged to begin the work, he moreover spent the whole day as overseer and inspector of the task. With this diligence, these craftsmen, and this architect, that Sicilian king completed only half the ship within six months. This done, he ordered the ship, begun in that way, to be launched into the sea, so that it might there receive its finishing touches. But when on the launching of it into the sea a question arose, stirred up by many disputes, at last that famous mechanician Archimedes alone undertook the launching, with only a few men assisting; and by a compact machine-lever he completed what he had undertaken: The ending of Archimedes.

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 655 fecit: tanta mole nauigij confestim in mare deuoluta eius ma chinæ momento, cuius idem ipse princeps inuentor fuit. [Omni]s [præ]cipi [mercur]i [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [mercur]i [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] 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[aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] 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[aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 655 he made: a ship of such mass was at once rolled into the sea by that machine, of which that same prince himself was the inventor. [Omni]s [præ]cipi [mercur]i [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [mercur]i [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [aurum] [

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

ipsas simul ambientes horti omni genere stirpium comple ctebantur, fictilibus in uasis & plu[m]beis consitorum, simul hederæ uitesq[ue] opacabant pampinis ac cor ymbis inumbrantes, quarum radices alebant dolia terræ plena, pariter quidem illæ cum hortis machinamento irriguæ. Ab his <Aphrodisium.> erat Aphrodisium, id est conclauve Veneri deæ dicatum, instrumentum etiam ipsum triclinar lectisternio, paui- mentoq[ue] stratum, Achate lapide alijs que uarijs & nitentibus distincto, cuiusmodi lapidum copia in Sicilia reperitur. Ac parietes quidem habebat cupressinis tabulis assibusq[ue] contextos, laqueatum que tectum eadem materia. Fores etiam ex ebore & odorata materia compactas, atq[ue] eo amplius pictura sigillis que exornatas. Deinceps erat exhedra quinque lectorum capax, quorum parietes postes que buxo compacti erant, inibiq[ue] bibliotheca, & in lacunari sphæra, ad imitatione eius solarij effecta quod in Acradina situm erat, quæ insula est Syracusarum. Huic loco balneum iunctum erat: in quo tres lecti cum solio metretarum quinque capaci, quod ex lapide uario scalptu[m] erat, & tribus aeneis caldarijs. Mitto nunc habitationes mulitibus destinatas, ijsq[ue] qui super sentinam erant. Mitto equorum præsepia ab utroque latere nauigij numero dena sita, cum frenis & stratis, & omni equitum instrumento, eorumq[ue] ministerij atque equorum pabulo. Præterea lignarium & cibanos, focos & pistrina, aliaq[ue] ministeria in proiecturis nauis prominentia. Quid dicâ Atlantes no uenûm pedu[m] altitudinis certis interstitijs firmatos, ut scal pturas prominentes summæ co[n]tignationis mutuloru[m] uice fulcirent? Quid turres octo? binas in prora & puppi, & per utru[m]q[ue] latus extructas, in murisq[ue] propugnacula? Præter hæc machina erat i medio catastromate super tripodes excitata

Transcription: Translated (English)

At the same time, the areas of the garden were enclosed with every kind of plant, set in earthenware vessels and leaden ones; ivy and vines shaded them with their foliage and cast a pleasant gloom, while their roots were nourished by tubs full of earth, likewise with the aid of an irrigating device for the gardens. From these was the Aphrodisium, that is, a chamber dedicated to the goddess Venus, furnished with the very equipment of a dining room, laid with a pavement of agate stone and other varied, shining stones, such as are found in abundance in Sicily. Its walls were built of cypress boards and planks, and the ceiling was panelled with the same material. The doors too were made of ivory and fragrant wood, and were moreover adorned with painting and carvings. Next there was an exedra large enough for five couches, whose walls and doorposts were made of boxwood, and in it also a library, and in the ceiling a dome, fashioned in imitation of that sunroom which stood in Acradina, a district of Syracuse. A bath was connected with this place, in which there were three couches, with a basin capable of holding five metretæ, carved from variegated stone, and three bronze boilers. I pass over for the moment the quarters assigned to mules and those who were over the bilge-water. I pass over the stalls for horses, placed on either side of the ship, ten on each side, with bridles and coverings, and all the equipment for horsemen, together with provisions for the men and fodder for the horses. Moreover there were the timber store and the kitchens, furnaces and bakeries, and other service areas projecting from the sides of the ship. What shall I say of the Atlantes, nine feet in height, set at fixed intervals so that they might support the projecting sculptures of the upper tier in place of corbels? What of the eight towers, two at the prow and two at the stern, erected on both sides, and the battlements in the walls? Besides these there was a machine in the middle of the upper deck, raised upon tripods.

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 653 excitata, Archimedis etia[m] inuentu[m], saxa tritaletaria, telaq[ue]; missilia duodeuiqinti pedum facilè ciaculans ad quadrin= gentos cubitos, quod spatiu[m] est stadij. Hæc & alia machi= nameta propugnatoria, ut coruos, lupos, & in summo ma lo carchesia ænea lapidu[m] conceptacula ad lapidatione[m] fa= ciendam in hostium nauigia, longu[m] esset enarrare. Stabant enim in uno terni, in alijs bini aut singuli homines lapides ciaculantes, quos serui in foris nauis stantes utilibus qual lis tepore pugnæ suggerebant trochleis subuehentes. Id e[st] Archimedes cochleam cõmentus erat tantæ nauis sentinæ ab uno homine exhauriendæ. Verùm ut nauigij magnitu= do ac uastitas animo concipi possit, nonnulla adijciam ex ijs quæ Athenæus scripsit ad hoc maximè pertinentia, [etc] e[st] καὶ νοσθήκη πατι[ς] τω πεώραν κλεισή, οἰχιλίας με= πητῶς δεχομένη, εκ σανίδων καὶ πίτης καὶ ὑδονίων πατε= σκοβασμένη. Παρὰ δὲ ταυτω, κατεσκοσωσο δεῖ μολιβδωμαλος καὶ σανίδων κλεδων ἰχευτοφεύον. τῶτο δὲ ἐν πλήρες θαλάτ ης, ἐν ὑπολλοι ἰχεύς εῦ ἐδηφοντο. Erat, inquit, in eodem nauigio secundum proram aquæ conceptaculum conclu= sum, capax duoru[m] millium metretarum, assamentis & pice & linteorum farctura compactile: iuxta quod rursus pi= scina coaxatione & implumbatura constans, plena aquæ marinæ, ita ut in ea commodè magna copia piscium facilè aleretur. Idem alibi, στον τε ἐνεβάλλον ἔις τω ταυν μυ= εικάστος ἐξ, ταρὶ χων δὲ σκελικῶν κεράμια μύεια, ἐρεών τὰ= λαττὰ συσμύεια, καὶ ἐτρὰρα δὲ φορτία συσμύεια. Frumentum autem negociatoriu[m] in ea naui exportabat ad millia sexa= ginta, salsamenta sicula ad cadûm decê nullia, lanarum ta lenta uiginti millia, & alterius mercis altera uiginti nul= lia, prætereaq[ue]; commeatus uectoru[m] nautarumq[ue]; sexaginta millia. Frumenti dixit non addito modûm uel medimnûm: ego

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 653 raised up, also with Archimedes’ invention, stones of three talents’ weight, and missiles; easily shooting projectiles eighteen feet long to four hundred cubits, which distance is a stadium. These and other defensive engines, such as corvi, wolves, and, at the top of the mast, bronze carchesia for holding stones to be hurled at the enemy’s ships, would be too long to describe. For there stood three men in one place, in others two or only one, hurling stones, which the slaves standing on the ship’s deck supplied at the right moment in battle, raising them by tackles. That is, Archimedes had devised a screw for emptying the hold of such a ship by one man. But so that the size and vastness of the ship may be conceived in the mind, I shall add some things from what Athenaeus wrote that are especially relevant to this. It was, he says, a closed reservoir in the same ship beneath the prow, with a capacity of two thousand metretae, compacted with boards, pitch, and stuffing of linen; beside it again was a fishpond, built with planking and lead lining, full of seawater, so that a large quantity of fish could easily be kept in it in comfort. He says elsewhere: The ship also carried merchant grain to the amount of sixty thousand, Sicilian salted fish to ten thousand casks, wool to twenty thousand talents, and another kind of merchandise to twenty thousand nullia; besides provisions for the passengers and sailors, sixty thousand. He said “grain” without adding the measure, whether medimni or otherwise: I

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ego tamen medimnûm cum intellexisse puto, ex more loquendi Græcorum coniecturam faciens, & præcipuè Si culorum, ut ex superioribus apparet. Hæc, duo nullia & < Modius Parisinus.> quingentos modios Parisinos faciunt. Modius autem Parisinus quatuor & uiginti medimnos Atticos capit. Decé nullia cadorum uel amphorarum, nulle ducentos & quinquaginta modios itidem Parisinos. Lanarum & reliquarum mercium talenta quadraginta nullia. Talenta Parisina triginta nullia efficiunt, ut n[ost]uc crassiore calculo libras Atticas uel munas, sed & nonaginta drachmarum intelligamus, id est duodenûni unciarum. Sic fiunt pondo nostra duodeuicies centena nullia. Libra enim nostra epitritam proportionem ad Romanam libra habet, id est tertia parte maiorem. Hanc summam si ad culeos duplares redigere uelimus, qui trimodia nostra efficiunt, hoc est quatuor & uiginti amphoras, & in culeos singulos bina nullia pondo statuamus, id quod hodie nauicularij faciunt qui anniuersarios commeatus meritorijs nauigijs suscipi[n]t, ut statim uidebimus, fient nongenti culei trimodiales: quibus si nulle ducentos & quinquaginta modios illos addideris, erunt in summa nulle trecenti sedecim culei. Nunc si exquisitius persequi uelis, & semuncias in singulas libras addere, summa libraru[m] quinq[ue] & septuaginta nullibus excrescet, quæ additam[m]etum septe & triginta culeorum & semissis efficiunt. Et hæc omnia præter aquam dulce, præter piscinam, præter tot diætarum intestinum instrumentum, præter annonam uectorum, & pabulam equorum. Hanc tamen nauem longè magnificentia & splendore apparatus antecessit nauis fluuialis Thalamegos nomine, qua Philopator supradictus in delicijs habuit Nilo pernauigando, longitudine sexcentorum pedum, latitudine quinq[ue]

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET I nevertheless think that I have understood a medimnus, making a conjecture from the Greek manner of speaking, and especially from the Sicilian usage, as is evident from the above. These two, no doubt, make five hundred Parisian modii. < Parisian modius.> But the Parisian modius holds twenty-four Attic medimni. Ten no doubt of casks or amphoras likewise make two hundred and fifty Parisian modii. Wool and the other goods make forty no doubt of talents. Thirty no doubt of Parisian talents amount, so that we may understand by a rougher calculation Attic pounds or minas, but also ninety drachmas, that is, twelve ounces. Thus our weight comes to one hundred and twenty thousand pounds. For our pound has an epitritic proportion to the Roman pound, that is, it is larger by one third. If we wish to reduce this total to double culei, which make our trimodia, that is, twenty-four amphoras, and assign two no doubt in weight to each culeus, which is what the shipowners do today, who take on annual supplies by hired ships, as we shall see at once, there will be nine hundred trimodial culei; and if to these you add those two hundred and fifty modii, there will be in all three hundred and sixteen culei. Now if you wish to go into the matter more exactly, and add half-ounces to each pound, the total will rise by five and seventy thousand pounds, which make an additional thirty-seven and a half culei. And all these things are apart from fresh water, apart from the cistern, apart from the whole apparatus for so many meals, apart from the provision for the crew, and the fodder for the horses. Yet this ship was far surpassed in magnificence and splendor of equipment by the river ship called Thalamegos, which the aforesaid Philopator had for his pleasure while sailing on the Nile, with a length of six hundred feet, and a width of five

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 565 quinq[ue] & quadraginta: ab infima parte ad editissimum diætarum fastigiu[m] altitudine pedum paulo minus sex aginta: in qua diætas & cubicula & alia ædificia uoluptuariæ uitæ accommodata, ambulationum porticus duplices ambibant, proram & utrunc[us] nauis latus co[m]plectentes quin gentorum pedum ambitu. A puppi autem nauis patens, è regione proræ uestibulum habebat ex ebore & alia primæ notæ materia constans, per quod ingredientes porta quadrisoris excipiebat, & ex atrio in oecu[m], id est in prægrande co[m]claue ferebat, uiginti lectorum capax: e[ss]e utrinque per uestibulum ingredientibus patentes crebræ fenestræ auras perslantes commodè admitterent. Reliqua sunt eiusmodi, ut si quis omnia ad uerbu[m] prosequi uelit & possit, fidem sint excessura. Illud autem quod de C. Cæsare memoriæ traditum est, ut reliqua eius acta, non magnificentiæ esse puto, qui fabricatus esse cedrinas liburnicas dicitur, gemmatis puppibus, & uersicoloribus uelis, magna thermarum & porticum & tricluniorum laxitate, magnaq[ue] etiam uiliu[m] & pomustrarum arborum uarietate, in quibus discumbens de die inter choros ac symphonias littora Campaniæ peragrabat. Nostrorum autem temporum opera, quæ maximè magnifica esse creduntur, si cum illis contendantur, propè est ut perinde esse uideatur ac si formicam elephanto compares. Sed principes & opulenti ho[m]i[n]e die priscarum rerum ignari, sese in rebus mediocribus & paruis admirantur, sola ignorantia beati, si argumentari uelimus. Quo magis despicari & floccipendere eorum sortem licet, ijs quidem qui felicitatem nec po[n]dere nec numero metiuntur. Hæc ideo retuli, quòd multi opinantur ideo apud historicos magnu[m] numerum nauiu[m] lecticari, quòd antiqui nauigiolis uterentur præ ijs nauigijs quæ memoriæ nostra

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 565 fifty-five: from the lowest part to the highest summit of the roofs, the height was a little less than sixty feet; in this there were chambers and cubiculi and other buildings suited to a luxurious life, and double porticoes for walks surrounded them, embracing the prow and either side of the ship, with a circuit of five hundred feet. At the stern, however, the ship had an open vestibule, opposite the prow, made of ivory and other materials of the first rank, through which those entering were received by a four-horse carriage, and from the atrium it led into the oecus, that is, into a very large hall, capable of holding twenty couches; on both sides, entering through the vestibule, there were open, frequent windows, which conveniently admitted the breezes blowing through. The rest are such that, if anyone wished and were able to describe everything word for word, they would exceed belief. But that which has been handed down in memory about Gaius Caesar, as well as the rest of his deeds, I do not think to have been a matter of magnificence: he is said to have had cedar Liburnian ships built, with jeweled sterns and many-colored sails, with great spaciousness of baths and porticoes and dining rooms, and also with a great variety of trees, both low ones and orchard trees, in which, reclining by day amid choirs and symphonies, he traversed the coasts of Campania. But the works of our own times, which are believed to be especially magnificent, if compared with those, are almost as if one were to compare an ant with an elephant. Yet princes and wealthy men of today, ignorant of the affairs of former times, marvel at moderate and small things, blessed only by ignorance, if we wish to argue so. Therefore the lot of such men may rightly be scorned and despised, at least by those who do not measure happiness by weight or number. I have mentioned these things because many think that the large number of ships is mentioned by historians for this reason, namely, that the ancients used little boats rather than the ships which are remembered in our time

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culariorum uerbis utar. Minimæ enim magnitudinis one= rarias quadragenarias esse aiunt: mediæ notæ septuagenæ rias & octogenarias: maximas autè quæ in mari occiduo uideantur, ferè centenarias, rarò maiores esse. Tonellum < Culeus trimo- dius.> ego trimodium culeum appellauerim. Tres enim modij no stri tonellum unum efficiuit, id est culeum geminatum. Ita fit ut maximæ onerariæ nostri temporis plerunq[ue]; nô ma= iores sint illis quas Cicero in Lycia fuisse dixit. De nostris loquor. nam Germanorum naues duplices & triplices no strarum esse dicunt. Octogenariæ enim naues ducenta & quadraginta modia nostra capiunt: at duo mulia ampho= rarum, ducêta & quinquaginta modia nostra æquasse do cuimus. Est autem ea formula nauiculariam factitantium, ut in singulos culeos duplares bina millia pondo nume= rent. Tanti enim pendere uini tria modia nostra dictitan tur. sic fit ut salis aut alterius grauissimæ mercis uectura ad bina nullia pondo hac appellatione nuncupetur: ut si nauis centum & octoginta nullia pondo ferre commodè possit cum instrumento machinario, ea octogenaria uo= citetur. Ex his igitur patet quantæ fuerint antiquorum naues, etiam si pauciores olim nulites pro portione in na ues imponebant, quàm pro nostri temporis more, quantu[m] coniectura assequi ex historicis possumus. Etenim si quis omnia quæ commemorauimus, diligenter animaduerterit, iudicabit (ut spero) non fallaci me coniectura ductum esse in mensuris indagandis. Non me latet apud Aeginetam legi, minam Atticam sedecim uncias habere, & Romanam uiginti: sed nec Pauli autoris adnotata illa esse puto, nec si Pauli sint, ad rem quam agimus, pertinere. Sumptum est enim illud dictum ex medicorum usu, ut supra ex Cel= so adnotauimus, non ex antiquitate. Nunc ad id redeun= T dum,

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I use the words of cupariorum. For they say that the smallest carrying vessels are of forty modii; those of medium size, seventy and eighty; the largest, however, such as are seen in the western sea, are about one hundred modii, and rarely larger. Tonellum < Culeus trimodius.> I would call a trimodium a culeus. For three of our modii make one tonnellum, that is, a doubled culeus. Thus it comes about that the largest carrying vessels of our own time are for the most part no larger than those which Cicero said were in Lycia. I am speaking of our own vessels; for they say that the German ships are double and triple the size of ours. For eighty-modius ships hold two hundred and forty of our modii; but we have shown that two mulia of amphorae equal two hundred and fifty of our modii. Moreover, the rule followed by those who ply the shipping trade is that they reckon two thousand pounds for each double culeus; for three of our modii are commonly said to weigh that much wine. Thus it comes about that the carriage of salt or of some other very heavy commodity is now designated by this term at two thousand pounds, as if a ship could conveniently carry one hundred and eighty thousand pounds with machinery on board, it would be called an eighty-modius ship. From this it is clear how large the ships of the ancients were, even if in former times they loaded fewer pounds proportionally into their ships than is customary in our time, as far as we can infer from the historians. For if anyone carefully considers everything we have mentioned, he will judge, as I hope, that I have not been led by a misleading conjecture in investigating the measures. I am not unaware that it is read in Aegineta that the Attic mina has sixteen ounces and the Roman twenty; but I do not think those notes are even by Paulus, nor, if they are by Paulus, do they concern the matter we are dealing with. For that statement is taken from medical usage, as we noted above from Celsus, not from antiquity. Now let us return to what was being discussed,

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 659 priuatorum opes tributis exhauserunt. Quanquam Ro= manæ uires sese ipsæ consecerût, cum Augusti plures eo= dem tempore ab exercitibus facti, ciuilia bella & intestina pro externis gererent. sic mundus ad inopiam re= dactus, tenuiore pecunia uti coepit: id quod necesse fuit, cum multum pretijs rerum decessisset. < Prisca Fræciæ nomismata.> Hoc idem Francia experta est. si quis enim huius temporis nomisma cum an= tiquo examinet exploretq[ue], dimidio uberiùs illud hoc inue niet & pondere & indicatione, atque eo etiam amplius. Nos enim Philippeos habuimus geniatos plus sesquisola= to pendentes. In his genius est alatus, quales diuini sta= tores pingi solent, liliata insignia tenens. extant & alij Philippei, sceptrati nonnulli, alij etiam soliati, Rege intus trabeato iura pro potestate reddente. Ibi maiestate[m] regiam planè expressam agnosceres, qualem hodie nemo meminit, Rege utroque uestigio leonibus innitente. Hi tri plici forma percussi sunt: sed qui minima signati sunt, bi= nos solatos trahunt: qui maxima & grauissima, ij pon= dus habent secundum Eduardeos Angliæ maximum, eisque proximum. hoc genus omnium quæ uidi (tametsi nullius generis non habui, quod quidem hodie extet) scitè formatum erat. Hos & Rosatos Eduardeosq[ue]; pon= dere superant Carolei Aquitaniæ, qui Fortes appellan= tur: in quibus dux armatus genu nitens leonem mani= bus Herculis more clidit: sed superiorum indicatura Pecuatorum bonitate par est, quos Ioannes Rex si= gnauit, triplici & ipsos forma & magnitudine, omnes primam auri notam obtinentes. Quanto autem hodie iciunior sit & exanguior (ut ita loquar) res nummariæ, ex eo certè constare potest, quòd qui Francici extant aurei equites pedites que, olim uiginti solidis ualentes T 2 unde

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 659 they exhausted private wealth by taxes. Although the Roman forces destroyed themselves, when several emperors were made at the same time by the armies, waging civil and internal wars as if they were foreign ones. Thus the world, reduced to poverty, began to use smaller money: this was necessary, since much had fallen away from the prices of things. <Ancient coins of France.> France experienced the same thing. For if anyone compares and examines the coinage of this period with the ancient, he will find it by half richer both in weight and in appearance, and even more so. For we had Philippeos with a figure on them, weighing more than one and a half ounces. On these there is a winged genius, such as divine rulers are usually depicted with, holding lily emblems. There are also other Philippeos, some sceptered, others even crowned, the king within dressed in a toga, dispensing justice by authority. There one would clearly recognize royal majesty fully expressed, such as no one today remembers, with the king resting on the lions with both feet. These were struck in three forms: but those marked with the smallest size bear two crowns; those with the largest and heaviest have the weight of the largest English Edward nobles, and something close to them. This type, of all those I have seen, was ingeniously fashioned, though I have not had any other kind, at least none that survives today. These, both the Rosati and the Edward nobles, are surpassed in weight by the Aquitanian Carolei, which are called Fortes: in these the armed duke, kneeling on one knee, strikes down a lion with his hands, in the manner of Hercules. But their value is equal to that of the Pecuators of the earlier issue, which King John minted, likewise in a threefold form and size, all bearing the first mark of gold. Yet how much more youthful and bloodless, so to speak, monetary affairs are today can certainly be seen from the fact that the French gold horsemen and footmen that survive, once worth twenty shillings, T 2 hence

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET (unde Francicos hodie quoque appellamus) nunc solidis quadraginta edicto etiam principis æstimâtur, pluris etia[m] in foro permutabiles. Quòd si inquirere in finitimas no= bis prouincias institeris, eandem apud eos, ut apud nos olim & hodie rationem reperies, prorsus quasi confinibus prouincijs Francia constituendæ rei nummulariæ ratione[m] præscripserit. id quod optima ratione iudicare quis po= test. Neque enim consistere commercia potuissent, quæ nobiscum semper finitini niscuerunt, nisi eandem auri no tam afferrent quam acciperent. Itaque quandiu auru[m] pri= marium signatum est in Francia, tandiu ipsi quoque fini= timi populi eodem genere usi sunt. Nunc aute[m] & nostra= tis & externi nulla uncia nisi concreti uisitur & ærosi. Verumenimuero qui hodie extant imperatorij & augu= stales aurei, post priscos illos didrachmos signati, ponderi prædicto non respondent à sanctione imperatoria taxa= to. Vidimus enim & Constantini Magni & Iuliani & Magnentij, & aliorum recentiorum, sed in omnibus quos expendimus, ita minutum pondus erat, ut seni & semis non planè unciam æquarent, septeni excederent. Vnum etiam Iustiniani principis uidimus, quem nobis ostendit Longolius. Christophorus Longolius, uir egregiè doctus, & rerum antiquarum studiosus: sed ne is quidem iam dictis grauior erat. Quare supradicta legem de duobus & septuaginta solidis ideo latâ puto, quòd imminuto pondere nummi, li= bræ quoq[ue] aureæ æstimatio & pòdus sensim imminueba= tur. quapropter ne tandè imminutio inualescens, rem num mariâ conturbaret, Imperator certum modu[m] imponere uo luit. quanquam si quis legem illam diligenter consideret, non tam in uniuersum statuere de auro signato uidetur, quàm de auro tributario: ut fortasse indulgentia principis aliquid

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET (whom even today we call the Franks) is now also valued by imperial edict at forty solidi, and even more when exchanged in the market. If, however, you pursue inquiry into the neighboring provinces, you will find the same practice among them as among us, both formerly and today, as though Francia had prescribed to the neighboring provinces the rule for establishing the monetary system. This can be judged on very sound grounds. For commerce, which has always mixed our neighboring peoples with us, could not have continued unless they brought the same gold coin as they received. And so, as long as primary gold was struck in Francia, the neighboring peoples likewise used the same kind. Now, however, both among our own people and among foreigners, no ounce is seen except of fused and corroded metal. But in truth, the imperial and augustal gold pieces that exist today, struck after those ancient didrachms, do not correspond to the aforesaid weight established by imperial enactment. For we examined pieces of Constantine the Great, Julian, Magnentius, and other later emperors; but in all those we weighed, the weight was so small that six and a half did not quite equal an ounce, and seven exceeded it. We also saw one of Emperor Justinian, which Longolius showed us. Christopher Longolius, a man outstandingly learned and devoted to antiquities; but even that one was no heavier than the others just mentioned. For this reason I think the above-mentioned law concerning seventy-two solidi was passed because, as the weight of the coin was reduced, the value and weight of the gold pound also gradually declined. Wherefore, lest the increasing reduction should at last throw the money system into disorder, the Emperor wished to impose a fixed standard. Although if one considers that law carefully, it seems to establish not so much in general a rule concerning coined gold as concerning taxable gold: so that perhaps by the indulgence of the prince some

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PARTIB EIVS LIB. V. 661 aliquid antiquis pensitationibus remittere lege illa uoluerit. Id enim sæpe fit, ut maneant antiqua uectigalia, aut pensitationum uocabula, & tam[m]e minore summa aut æstimatione stipendiarij defungantur. Cur autem aurei solidi quoq[ue] dicantur, his uerbis Lampridij declaratur in Alexandri uita: Vectigalia publica in id contraxit, ut qui decem aureos sub Helio gabalo præstiterat, tertiam partem aurei præstarent, hoc est tricesimam partem: tum que primùm semisses aureorum formati sunt. Atque etiam cum ad tertiam partem aurei uectigal decidisset, tremisses, dicente Alexandro etiam quartarios futuros, quando minus non posset: quos quidem iam formatos in moneta detinuit, expectans ut si uectigal contrahere potuisset, & eosdem ederet: sed cum non potuisset per publicas necessitates, co[n]stari eos iussit, & tremisses tantum solidos q[ui] formari. Hactenus Lampridius. Intelligimus igitur aureos integros appellatos esse solidos eo tempore quo semisses & tremisses fieri coeperunt, uel trientes potius. In iure autem ciuili quod < Aurei æstimationi in iure.> nunc habemus, non una aurei æstimatio est, ut multi existimant, nec semper septuagenos binos in libras accipiendo censeo, sed pro tempore aliquid statuentium principu[m] æstimationem faciendam: ut uerbi gratia in capite primo < Honorarium aduocatorum.> de uarijs & extraordinarijs cognitionibus, Vlpianus de honorario aduocatorum loquens ita inquit, Licitæ autem quantitas intelligitur pro singulis causis usq[ue]; ad centum aureos. Cetu[m] aureos hoc in loco pro duobus auri p[otes]do intelligo. Na[m] Vlpianus Alexandri te[m]pore scripsit, nondu[m] im minuta prisci nomismatis forma, nisi si pauca scrupula auaritia temporu[m] legitimo p[otes]deri detraxit, ut supra docui mus. Visuntur enim hodie Mæmææ matris eius nomismata, & ego omniu[m] Imperatoru[m] uidi eadem forma ab Augusto T 3 ad

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PART OF HIS BOOK V. 661 he may have wished by that law to remit something of the ancient levies. For it often happens that the ancient taxes, or the terms of the assessments, remain, while the taxpayers discharge them with a smaller sum or valuation. But why gold solidi are so called is explained in these words of Lampridius in the life of Alexander: “He reduced the public revenues to this extent, that whereas one who under Heliogabalus had paid ten aurei now paid one third of an aureus, that is, one thirtieth part; and then for the first time semisses of aurei were made. And also, when the tax had fallen to a third part of an aureus, tremisses were made, Alexander saying that quartarii would follow, since it could not be made any smaller; these, in fact, having already been struck in the mint, he held back, waiting for the chance that if he could reduce the tax further, he would issue them; but since he could not because of public necessities, he ordered them to be restored, and only tremisses, that is, solidi, to be made.” So far Lampridius. We therefore understand that full aurei were called solidi at the time when semisses and tremisses began to be made, or rather trientes. But in civil law, what we now have under the title < Value of aurei in law.> there is not, as many think, a single valuation of the aureus, nor do I think it should always be reckoned at seventy-two to the pound, but rather the valuation should be taken according to the time and the decree of the prince; as, for example, in the first chapter < Fees of advocates.> On various and extraordinary inquiries, Ulpian, speaking of the fee of advocates, says thus: “But the permitted amount is understood in individual cases up to one hundred aurei.” Here, however, I understand aurei as two pounds of gold. For Ulpian wrote in the time of Alexander, when the old form of coinage had not yet been diminished, unless a few scruples of the greed of the times had taken away from the lawful weight, as I have shown above. For even today the coinage of his mother Mammaea is seen, and I have seen the same form of all the emperors from Augustus to

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ad Commodum Cæsarem. Sed & hoc quod diximus, non solum argumentis, sed etiam Taciti autoritate comprobare possumus, qui lib. x 1. de tempore Claudij principis loquens, Continuus inde, inquit, & sæuus accusandis reis Suillius, multiq[ue] audaciæ eius æmuli. nam cuncta legum & magistratuum munia in se trahens princeps, materia[m] prædandi patefecerat. non quicquam publicæ mercis tam uenale fuit, quàm aduocatorum perfidia: adeò ut Samius insignis Eques Romanus quadringentis nummorum millibus Suillio datis, & cognita præuaricatione, ferro in do= mo eius incubuerit. Igitur incipiente Caio Silio Consule < Lex Cintia.> designato, consurgunt patres, legemq[ue] Cintiam flagitant, qua cauetur antiquitus, nequis ob causam orandam pecuniam donum ue accipiat. Deinde obstreptibus ijs quibus ea contumelia parabatur, discors Suillio Silius acriter in= cubuit, ueterum oratorum exempla referens, qui famam in posteros præmia eloquetiæ cogitauissent pulcherrima: alioquin & bonarum artium principem sordidis ministe= rijs foedari: ne fidem quidem integram manere ubi magni= tudo quæstuum spectetur. Quòd si in nullius mercede ne= gocia ineantur, pauciora fore: nuc inimicitias, accusatio= nes, odia & iniurias foueri, ut quomodo uis morborum pretia medentibus, sic fori tabes pecuniam aduocatis ferat. Et paulò infrà de Suillio & alijs aduocatis loquens, qui causam diuersam tuebantur, Cæsarem, inquit, circun= sistunt anteacta deprecantes, & postquam annuit tacens, incipiunt, Quem ullum tanta superbia esse, ut æternitatem famæ, spe præsumat? usui & rebus subsidium præparari, ne quis inopia aduocatorum potentioribus obnoxius sit. Neque tamen eloquentiam gratuitò contingere: omitti cu ras familiares, ut quis se alienis negotijs intendat: multos militiæ

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G. BVD. ON THE CINDER AND to Commodus Caesar. But this too that we have said we can prove not only by arguments, but also by the authority of Tacitus, who, in book X, speaking of the time of the principate of Claudius, says: “Then, continual and fierce was Suillius in accusing defendants, and many were his rivals in that boldness; for the prince, drawing all the functions of laws and magistracies into his own hands, had opened up matter for plundering. Nothing in the public market was so for sale as advocates’ treachery: so much so that Samius, a distinguished Roman equestrian, after giving Suillius four hundred thousand sesterces and discovering his betrayal, was said to have fallen upon him with a sword in his own house.” Therefore, as Gaius Silius, consul-designate, was beginning, <Lex Cintia.> the senators rose and demanded the Lex Cintia, by which it is provided from of old that no one may receive money or a gift for pleading a case. Then, amid the outcries of those against whom that insult was being prepared, Silius, in opposition to Suillius, pressed the matter sharply, citing the examples of the orators of old, who had thought that reputation for eloquence was among the fairest rewards for posterity; otherwise even the foremost of the liberal arts is defiled by sordid services: nor does integrity itself remain intact where the magnitude of gains is regarded. But if business were undertaken for no one’s fee, there would be fewer of them: now, instead, enmities, accusations, hatreds, and injuries are fostered, so that, just as the force of diseases brings fees to physicians, so the corruption of the forum brings money to advocates. And a little below, speaking of Suillius and the other advocates who defended the opposite side, “They surround the Caesar,” he says, “pleading for past favors; and after he nods in silence, they begin: ‘Who could be so arrogant as to presume upon the eternity of fame? Aid and support must be prepared for needs and circumstances, so that no one, through lack of advocates, may be subject to the more powerful. Yet eloquence does not come free of charge: one’s domestic cares are set aside, so that he may devote himself to another’s business: many of the military...’”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 663 militia, quosdam exercendo agros tolerare uitam. Nihil à quoquam expeti, nisi cuius fructus antè præuidetur: prompta sibi exempla, quantis mercedibus P. Clodius & C. Curio concionari soliti sint: se modicos Senatores, qui à Republica nulla nisi pacis emolumenta peterent. cogitare plebem, quâ toga enitesceret. sublatis studiorum pretijs, etiam studia peritura, ut minus decora. Hæc ita haud frustra dicta princeps ratus, capiendis pecunijs statuit mo dum usque ad dena sestertia, quæ egressi, repetundarum tenerentur. Qui locus tribus uerbis corruptus est in exemplaribus quæ circunscruntur. His uerbis Taciti apparet Vlpianum licitam quantitatem appellasse eam quæ Claudiano Senatus cõsulto præfinita erat, eo tempore quo aduocati inuidia maxima flagrabant ob delationes & perfidiam præuaricantium. Dena autem sestertia, dena millia nummum sestertium ualent, ut satis ostendimus, hoc est centies centenos sestertios. Atqui nos alibi docuimus & ratione & autoritate singulos aureos centenos ualuisse nummos, hoc est uicenas quinas drachmas, ita ut auri ad argentum proportio maior esset duodenaria. Quare planum fit dena sestertia & centenos aureos eandem fuisse summam, sed Vlpianus aureos dicendo, temporis sui consuetudini seruiuit, iam obsoleto more loquendi per sestertia. In cap. Nonnulli, de accusationibus, Digestis, pauper dicitur, qui minus quàm quinquaginta aureos possidet. Quinquaginta aureos auri librâ intelligo, propter Hermogenem eius dicti autorem, qui æqualis Alexandri Imperatoris fuit. In lege Si duobus, communia de legatis, Iustinianus uariè pretia mancipiorum taxauit: minimum autem pretium non infra x x. solidos, maximum non supra octoginta intendit. Solidos no[n] dubiè aureos eius tem- poris T 4

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 663 soldiers, some sustain life by tilling the fields. Nothing is to be sought from anyone unless its profit is foreseen in advance: clear examples are at hand, at what rewards P. Clodius and C. Curio used to speak in public: they, modest Senators, who asked from the Republic no benefits except those of peace, are to think of the people, by which the toga might shine. If the prices of studies are removed, the studies themselves will also perish, as being less honorable. Tacitus, thinking that these things were said not without reason, decreed for the taking of money a limit up to ten sestertii, and those who went beyond it were to be liable to extortion charges. This passage has been corrupted in the manuscripts that are circulated in three words. From these words Tacitus appears to have called the lawful amount that which was fixed by the Claudian senatus consultum, at the time when advocates were burning with the greatest envy because of the denunciations and treachery of those betraying their trust. Now ten sestertii, ten thousand nummi, are worth a sestertium, as we have sufficiently shown, that is, one hundred times one hundred sestertii. And yet elsewhere we have shown, both by reason and by authority, that one hundred nummi of gold were worth each, that is, twenty-five drachmas, so that the proportion of gold to silver was greater than twelve to one. Wherefore it becomes clear that ten sestertii and one hundred gold pieces were the same sum, but Ulpian, by saying gold pieces, conformed to the usage of his own time, when the old way of speaking in sestertii had already become obsolete. In chapter Nonnulli, de accusationibus, in the Digest, a poor man is said to be one who possesses less than fifty gold pieces. By fifty gold pieces I understand a pound of gold, because of Hermogenes, the author of that expression, who was a contemporary of Emperor Alexander. In the law Si duobus, communia de legatis, Justinian assigned various prices to slaves: the minimum price, however, he set at no less than xx solidi, and the maximum at no more than eighty. The solidi are undoubtedly gold pieces of that time T 4

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poris intelligere debemus, qui sub sesquipli erant priscoru[m] aureorum, ita ut triceni solidi uicenos aureos ualerent. Qua ratione fit ut minimum pretium serui, triginta no= stri aurei fuerint, summum autem centum & uiginti: quæ æstimatio longè minor est illis quas in præcedentibus ex Plinio & alijs collegi, pretijs scilicet iam rerum omnium deminutis. Sed nec illi aurei recentiores auro obryxo si= gnati sunt, ut antiqui: ex quo apparet recentiores princi= pes nonisma bifariam minuisse, pondere scilicet, & auri indicatura: quomodo & nostri fecerunt, & totus deniq[ue]; Occidentis orbis. id quod institutum aiunt, ne aurum mol lissimum, & argentum purum, quod duodenarium appel= lant, usu ac collybo detereretur. Plinius autor est Liuium Drusum in Tribunatu plebis octauam partem æris argen to miscuisse. Et rursus alibi, Miscuit, inquit, denario Triumvir Antonius ferrum. miscentur æra falsæ monetæ. alij è pondere subtrahunt. Inde est, ut opinor, quòd hodie multi denarij antiqui huiusmodi extant è materia miscel= lanea. Denarium nunc appellamus Caroleum nummum argenteum, qui antiquum sestertium nummu[m] ualet. Assem autem appellare possumus, quem duodenarium uocamus, & ita in partes diuidere, ut antiqui suum assem diuide= bant in sui generis partes, quadrantes sextantesq[ue]; dicen= tes. Sic unciæ loco erit denariolus, quem Græci chalcum dicunt. sic quinarius & senarius, uel quincunx & semis, qui quinos & senos denariolos ualent. Sestertios dudum signauimus, qui duos solidos & semissem ualeret, sed iam rari uisuntur. facti enim no[n] placueru[n]t. Extat & trepo[n]dij pride[n] signati, grossi Curij uocitati ab autore prædiuite a= uorum memoria. Cetussem dicere possumus pro ea summa qua[m] alternis propè uerbis negotiatores centu[m] solidos ap= pellant

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We must understand this by the proportions, which were under the sesquipli of the old aurei, so that thirty solidi were worth twenty aurei. By this reckoning the lowest price of a slave would have been thirty of our aurei, and the highest one hundred and twenty. This valuation is much lower than those I collected above from Pliny and others, namely when the prices of all things had already fallen. But those later aurei were not struck in pure gold as the ancient ones were. From this it appears that the later emperors reduced the coinage in two ways: by weight, that is, and by the showing of gold. Our own age has done the same, and indeed the whole western world. They say this practice was introduced so that very soft gold, and pure silver, which they call duodenarium, would not be worn down by use and by exchange. Pliny states that Livius Drusus, when Tribune of the Plebs, mixed an eighth part of copper with silver. And elsewhere again, he says, “The triumvir Antony mixed iron into the denarius.” Copper is mixed into counterfeit money; others subtract from the weight. Hence, as I think, many ancient denarii of this kind still exist today, made of mixed material. We now call a denarius a silver Carolean coin, which is worth the ancient sestertius. We may also call an as what we call a duodenarium, and divide it into parts, just as the ancients divided their as into parts of its own kind, calling them quadrantes and sextantes. Thus in place of an uncia there will be a denariolus, which the Greeks call chalkus. Similarly there will be the quinarius and senarius, or the quincunx and semis, which are worth five and six denarioli. We have long since marked off sestertii, which would be worth two solidi and a half, but now they are seen only rarely, for they were not approved when made. There also remains the trepondius, struck long ago, called grossi Curii by the author from the memory of his ancestors. We may also say cetussem for that sum which merchants, almost in alternate words, call one hundred solidi.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 663 pellant, ut decussem pro decem, ut qui hodie Cæsariati uo cantur. Licet enim uerba antiqua in usum nostrum interpolare, quæ quidem æui situ nô putida facta sint. Vidimus < Nomismata antiqua pessimo instituto, nostro tempore aliquandiu abrogata.> post quadriennium edictum præconio promulgatu, quo omnibus nomismatis priscis usus abrogabatur, tâ nostratibus quàm externis: perinde quasi nullus nummus locabilis esset, qui non æqualis nostræ memoriæ suisset. quod edictum unius hominis impotetia principi extuderat, qui omnia penè omnium magistratuum munia sui iuris ac potestatis fecerat, quum muneris sui uices proprias uix tertio quoque actu obiret. Sed quamuis minax ac tumultuosum præconium, consensus hominum iure optimo neglexit, præsertim autore sublato de medio. Quod enim tande[m] edictum iniquius excogitari potuit, & in maiores nostros magis iniurium, quàm monumenta memoriamq[ue]; Regum perpetuò delere? Eo enim mandato id agebatur, ut optimum quodq[ue] nomisma conflaretur, & inde pecunia notæ omnino deterioris quassaq[ue]; signaretur. O improbum inuentum, & si fieri posset, memoriæ hominum eximendum. Olim magistratus Romani, & post eos Repub. sublata principes, iconicôs se fingi in nomismate uolebant, quasi nomen suum latissimè longissimeq[ue]; prodituri: quo nomine ad nostram usque ætatem permansit eorum memoria, uelut statuis per totum orbem erectis. Quod cum nostri principes olim imitati essent, similem eis gloriam ætas nostra inuidisse olim dictitabitur, unius hominis uel paucoru[m] crimine: tametsi utinam ipse seculum suum nostrumq[ue]; hac una nota inussisset. Huiusmodi hominum uel temeritatem uel rusticitatem arguit lex prima de ueteris nomismatis potestate, undecimo libro Iustiniani Codicis, his uerbis, Solidos ueterum principum ueneratione formatos. T S ita

Transcription: Translated (English)

They drive them out, so to speak, substituting ten for a decussis, as those who today are called Caesariati. For indeed it is permissible to interpolate old words into our usage, provided that age has not made them stale and rotten. We have seen after four years an edict published by the herald, by which the use of all ancient coinage was abolished, both domestic and foreign: as though no coin were fit for circulation unless it were of no earlier date than our own memory. That edict had been extorted from the prince by the arrogance of one man, who had made almost all the functions of all magistrates subject to his own right and power, though he scarcely discharged the proper duties of his own office in every third instance. But although the proclamation was threatening and tumultuous, the consensus of mankind rightly disregarded it, especially once its author had been removed from the scene. For what edict could at last have been devised more unjust, and more insulting to our ancestors, than to destroy forever the monuments and memory of kings? By that command the aim was that every excellent coin should be melted down, and that in its place any and every piece of a wholly inferior standard should be stamped as money. O wicked invention, and, if it could be done, to be erased from the memory of men. In former times the Roman magistrates, and after them the emperors once the republic had been overthrown, wished to have themselves depicted on coinage, as though they were to hand down their name as widely and as far as possible: and by that title their memory has remained down to our age, like statues erected throughout the whole world. Since our rulers once imitated this, it will one day be said that our age begrudged them similar glory, because of the fault of a single man or a few; although I would that he had branded both his own age and ours with this one mark. A law of this kind, in the first title, “On the authority of ancient coinage,” in the eleventh book of Justinian’s Code, rebukes the rashness or rusticity of such men in these words: “Solidi formed by the reverence of the ancient princes.” T S so

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ita tradi ac suscipi ab ementibus & distrahentibus iube= mus, ut nihil omnino refragationis oriatur, modò ut debi= ti ponderis sint, & speciei probæ: scituris ijs qui aliter fe cerint, haud leuiter in se uindicandum. Verum ea quæ di= ximus de amphora & mensuris cæteris, rursus in dubium uocabuntur, cum locus ille Plinij succurrerit ubi de uirso < Locus Plinij de uino Opi-miano.> Opimiano loquitur lib. XIII. Quare etsi procul à me abesse suspicionem illam uolo, quasi more hominis obtre= ctare gestientis, & delatoria (ut dicitur) curiositate in co[m]mentarios inquisiuerim scriptorum nostro seculo clarissi= morum, atque existimatissimorum, facere tamen nequeo, quin in operis eius coronide Hermolaum Barbaru[m] uirum summa laude dignum, iterum ad disquisitione[m] doctorum hominum reuocem: non quòd manibus uirorum doctoru[m] diem dicere gaudea[m], qui uadimonium obire apud super= stites nequeunt: sed quòd ueritatem asserere in lucem uo= lens, locupletes eius rei uades, quos nobis uiuens reliquit, citandos omnino ad hoc iudicium duxi. Præuaricationis enim insimulari aut certè obliuionis possem, si locu[m] illum Plinij silentio præterirem, qui ut ab Hermolao intellectus est, id quod nos diximus de uncia, euertit: ob quod omni= no fuit res in iudiciu[m] deducenda. Plinius igitur lib. XIII. de uini generibus loquens quæ in autoritate fuerunt, Ali= cui anno, inquit, fuit omnium generum bonitas. L. Opimio Consule, cum C. Gracchus Tribunus pl[us] seditionibus agi < Coctura.> tatis interemptus, ea coeli temperies fulsit (cocturam uo= cant) solis opere, natali urbis sexcentesimo trigesimo quar to, durantq[ue] adhuc uina ducentis ferè annis, in speciem redacta mellis asperi. Etenim hæc natura uinis in uetusta= te est: nec potari per se queunt, nisi peruincat aqua, usq[ue] in amaritudinem carie indomita. sed cæteris uinis com= mendan

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET so we order that it be likewise handed down and received from buyers and sellers, so that no objection whatsoever may arise, provided only that they be of the proper weight and of good quality; and let those who do otherwise know that they will not escape punishment lightly. But what we have said about the amphora and the other measures will again be called into doubt when that passage of Pliny is brought forward, where he speaks of the wine of Opimius. < Passage of Pliny on Opimian wine.> Therefore, although I wish that suspicion to be far from me, as though, in the manner of a man eager to slander, and with a denunciatory curiosity, as it is said, I had searched through the commentaries of writers most renowned and highly esteemed in our age, nevertheless I cannot help but, at the close of his work, call Hermolaus Barbarus, a man worthy of the highest praise, once again to the inquiry of learned men: not because I delight in summoning learned men to court, who cannot appear in person before those who survive them; but because, wishing to assert the truth in the light, I have deemed it altogether necessary to cite as witnesses to this matter those reliable guarantors whom he left us while alive. For I could be accused either of bad faith or certainly of forgetfulness, if I passed over in silence that passage of Pliny which, as it was understood by Hermolaus, overturns what we said about the ounce; for which reason the matter must certainly be brought before judgment. Pliny therefore, speaking in book XIII about the kinds of wine that were held in esteem, says: “In one year there was excellence of every kind of wine. In the consulship of L. Opimius, when C. Gracchus, the tribune, had been killed amidst civil disturbances, there shone that condition of the heavens (they call it the ‘coction’), by the work of the sun, in the six hundred and thirty-fourth year after the founding of the city, and the wines still last for nearly two hundred years, having been reduced to the appearance of bitter honey. < Coctura.> Indeed this is the nature of wines in old age: they cannot be drunk on their own, unless water overcomes them, all the way to the bitterness of unyielding decay. But with the other wines commendan

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mendandis minima aliqua mixtura medicam[m]eta sunt: quo fit ut eius temporis æstimatione in singulas amphoras cen teni nummi statuantur. ex ijs tamen usura multiplicata se= missibus, quæ ciuilis ac modica est, in C. Cæsaris Germa= nici filij principatu, annis centum sexaginta singulis un= cias uini constitisse nobili exemplo docuimus, referentes uitem Pomponij Secundi uatis, coenamq[ue]; quam principi illi dedit. tantum pecuniarum detinent uini apothecæ. Hunc locum ita legit Hermolaus, & ita se emendasse te= statur, quem in altera editione enarrans, post explicatam de usuris retractionem, Vt redeamus, inquit, ad proposi tum, si amphora, id est (ut Festo placet) octoginta uini li bræ, sub Opimio centum nummis ualuit, faciunt autem octoginta libræ nongentas sexaginta uncias: efficitur ut semisses usuræ, hoc est nummi seni annorum centum sexa ginta, nongentos sexaginta nummos inferant, atq[ue] ita sin gulæ uini unciae singulis nummis usuræ nomine constite= rint. Hactenus ille cum dixisset, quasi penso suo absoluto ad alia transit, cum magna (ut uidetur) securitate comper tæ rei defunctus. Primum, siue hoc dixerit Festus, siue no[n]: id quod datur, accipio, id est, uini amphoram octoginta librarum esse. hac enim ratione efficitur, ut sextarius sit unciarum uiginti. Nam quum duodequinquaginta sexta= rijs amphora impleatur, si libris duodequinquaginta toti dem besses addas, ut sint duodequinquagies uicenæ unciae, fiunt octoginta libræ. Quin & ipse Hermolaus in priore editione, Amphora, inquit, uini quadrantal Latinè dicta Festo Pompeio, congios octo continebat, id est, sextarios XLVIII. sextarius uncias uiginti Festo, sed Africano li= bras duas aut tres, nunqua tamen plures duabus heminis. ita fit ut singulæ amphoræ LXXX. Festo, uel XCVI Afri= cano

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with very little additional mixture it is medicated: whence it comes about that, by the estimate of that time, one hundred nummi are assigned to each amphora. Yet from these, by multiplied interest at the semis, which is civil and modest, in the principate of C. Caesar, the son of Germanicus, we have shown by a notable example that in one hundred and sixty years a single ounce of wine had cost, referring to the vine of Pomponius Secundus the poet, and the banquet which he gave to that prince, so much money do wine cellars hold. Hermolaus read this passage thus, and testifies that he emended it in this way; in the second edition, after explaining the retraction concerning interest, “Let us return,” he says, “to the subject: if an amphora, that is (as Festus thinks) eighty pounds of wine, was worth one hundred nummi under Opimius, and eighty pounds make nine hundred and sixty ounces, it follows that semis interest, that is, six nummi for one hundred and sixty years, yields nine hundred and sixty nummi, and thus each ounce of wine has stood at a cost of one nummus by way of interest.” Thus far he, and then, as though his task were finished, he passes on to other matters, discharged with great security, as it seems, from the thing already discovered. First, whether Festus said this or not: I accept what is granted, namely that an amphora of wine is eighty pounds. For by this reckoning it follows that a sextarius is twenty ounces. For since an amphora is filled by one hundred and forty-eight sextarii, if to one hundred and forty-eight pounds you add the same number of bessis, so that there are two thousand three hundred and sixty ounces, the result is eighty pounds. Indeed, Hermolaus himself in the earlier edition says, “An amphora, called by Festus Pompeius the Latin quadrantal, contained eight congii, that is, forty-eight sextarii. A sextarius, according to Festus, is twenty ounces, but according to the African measure two or three pounds, never however more than two heminae.” Thus it comes about that each amphora is eighty ounces according to Festus, or ninety-six according to the African measure.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET cano, aut certe CXLIII. uini pondo capiant, quibus in XII. uncias resolutis, efficiuntur aut nongentæ sexaginta unciæ, si octoginta pondo sunt: aut mille centu[m] quinquagintaduæ, si nonagintasex: aut mille septingentæ uiginti= octo, si centum quadraginta quatuor. Ex quibus uerbis tametsi ambigere magis quàm rationem colligere doceamur, tamen (ut dixi) quod à me stat, id cupide accipio, & in rem meam uerto. hac enim autoritate probo sextarium uel dipondium fuisse id quod astruere conor, uel certè unciaru[m] uiginti, cum apud Plin. legatur quindecim unciaru[m] esse, id est libræ et quadrantis, quod nullo alio testimonio subsistere potest. Verum illud non concedo, ut uncia uini, duodecima libræ pars sit: nec in sextario uncias uini uiginti esse dico, sed duodecim, & in amphora quingentas septuagintasex, quas Hermolaus nōgentas sexaginta esse putauit: id quod ante ex Martiale abunde probatum est: alioquin sextarius qui citra cōtrouersià in duodenos cyathos diuiditur, non unciaru[m] uicenum, sed duodenum tantu[m] esset, si uncia uini apud Plinium ad pondus, no[n] ad mensuram referretur, quod nec Pliniano sextario, nec Pompeiano cōgruit, quodq[ue] Hermolaum non animaduertisse miru[m] est, præsertim cum Plinium in manus accepisset. quota est enim uncia pars libræ, tota est cyathus sextarij: & uncia tam ad quotâ parte, quàm ad pondus refertur apud autores, & (quod maius est) interdu[m] ad longitudine[m] uel crassi tudine[m], ut in primo lib. ostensum est à nobis. Plinius libro XVIII. de medica loques, Si sit humidu[m] solu[m] herbosum'ue uincitur, & desciscit in pratum, ideo protinus altitudine unciali herbis omnibus liberanda manu potius quàm sarculo. Vncialem altitudinem pollicarem intelligo, id est digiti & trientis, ut Frontinus autor est. Nimirum Hermolaus Vncialis altitudo.

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G. BVD. ON THE ASE AND THE wooden measure, or certainly let them hold CXLIII pounds of wine, which, reduced into XII ounces, yield either nine hundred and sixty ounces if they are eighty pounds; or one thousand one hundred and fifty-two if ninety-six; or one thousand seven hundred and twenty-eight if one hundred and forty-four. From these words, although I am taught rather to doubt than to draw a conclusion, nevertheless, as I said, I eagerly accept what is on my side, and turn it to my own purpose. For by this authority I prove that the sextarius, or a double pound measure, was what I am trying to establish, or at least twenty ounces, since in Pliny it is read that it is fifteen ounces, that is, a pound and a quarter, which can stand on no other testimony. But I do not grant this, that the ounce of wine is the twelfth part of a pound; nor do I say that there are twenty ounces of wine in the sextarius, but twelve, and in the amphora five hundred seventy-six, which Hermolaus thought were nine hundred and sixty: a point which has already been sufficiently proved from Martial. Otherwise the sextarius, which beyond dispute is divided into twelve cyathi, would contain not twenty ounces but only twelve, if the ounce of wine in Pliny were referred to weight, not to measure, which agrees neither with the Plinian sextarius nor with the Pompeian; and it is strange that Hermolaus did not notice this, especially since he had taken Pliny into his hands. For as the ounce is a part of the pound, so the cyathus is a part of the sextarius; and among the authors the ounce is referred both to a fraction and to weight, and, what is more, sometimes to length or thickness, as has been shown by us in the first book. Pliny, in Book XVIII, speaking of medicine, says: “If the ground is moist and full of grass, it is overcome and turns into meadow; therefore it must immediately be cleared by hand of all herbs, by a depth of an ounce rather than with a hoe.” I understand the ounce-depth as a depth of a finger and a third, as Frontinus says. Certainly, Hermolaus: “Ouncial depth.”

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laus bladiente calculo deceptus est. siquidem cum centies sexagies senos nummos cum octogies duodenis uncijs ad unum quadrare subducenda ratione inuenisset, ilicet non excussum quod arridebat admisit. ultrà enim addubitare eum nô sinebat deprehensæ usurarum rationis fiducia gestiens: quod tamen affirmare uereor, ne plenu[m] sit audaciæ. Ipse enim Hermolaus de altera sua editione ad Antoniu[m] Caluum scribens Venetum Patricium, ita inquit, Peruenit quidem res ad umbilicum, sed nullus tame[n] dies est quo non fiat aliqua accessio: nunc cum impressoribus agitare coepi lentè, de industriarem differes, ut diutius in fermen to sit, nihil time, diligentiam adhibituri sumus, qualem in altera editione prætermissem sæpe mecum questus es. Et paulò inferius. Multo autem, inquit, plus operis & laboris adij quàm putabam, quòd omnium rerum quæ in coelo & sub coelo sunt, gnarum esse oportet qui Pliniu[m] profitetur intelligere, tanto magis qui castigare. Hæc uerba significant Hermolaum magnam animaduersione[m] adhibuisse secundæ castigationum editioni. In hoc igitur loco < Locus Plinij emendatus.> ego numerum nummoru[m] deesse dico, sicut & in alijs quibusdam locis apud Plinium, qualis est ille libri decimiseptimi in principio de L. Crassi domo, & lib. xxxiii. de argento Carthagini imperato, ut in superioribus adnotauimus. Quare sic legendu[m] puto, Quòd ut eius temporis æstimatione in singulas amphoras centeni nummi statuantur, ex ijs tamen usura multiplicata semissibus, quæ ciuilis ac modica est, in C. Cæsaris Germanici filij principatu, anno centesimo sexagesimo singulas uncias uini constitisse nobili exemplo docuimus. ut sensus sit apertus hoc modo, & omnino extricatus, sicq[ue] Plinium locutum intelligamus, Quare si eius te[m]poris: uel sic, Verum si te[m]poris Opimiani æstima

Transcription: Translated (English)

He was deceived by a rash calculation. For when, by a reduction account, he had found that one hundred and sixty-six coins with eighty-two ounces had to be brought to a common unit, he at once admitted something unexamined because it pleased him. For he did not allow himself to doubt further, eager with confidence in a discovered calculation of interest: yet I fear to affirm this, lest it be too bold. For Hermolaus himself, writing to Antonius Calvus, a Venetian patrician, about his other edition, says: “The matter has indeed reached the end, but there is no day on which something is not added: now I have begun to deal slowly with the printers, so that, by design, you may be delayed, that it may remain longer in fermentation; fear nothing, we shall apply the diligence that you often complained I had omitted in the other edition.” And a little below: “I am undertaking much more work and labor than I had thought, because one who professes to understand Pliny ought to be acquainted with all things that are in heaven and under heaven, and much more so one who undertakes to correct him.” These words show that Hermolaus applied great attention to the second edition of the corrections. Therefore, in this passage I say that the number of coins is missing, as also in certain other places in Pliny, such as the one in the beginning of book seventeen, concerning the house of L. Crassus, and book thirty-three, concerning the silver imposed on Carthage, as we have noted above. Therefore I think it should be read thus: “Because, according to the valuation of that time, one hundred coins are assigned to each amphora,” yet from these, with interest compounded at half-pennies, which is civil and moderate, in the principate of Gaius Caesar Germanicus’ son, in the one hundred and sixtieth year, we demonstrated by a notable example that each ounce of wine cost. So that the sense may be clear in this way, and altogether disentangled, and thus we may understand Pliny to have spoken. Therefore, if of that time: or thus, But if of the time of Opimian wine the estima-

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET æstimatione in singulas amphoras centenos nummos statuas, ex his tamen usura multiplicata semissibus in C. Cæsaris principatu, anno centesimo sexagesimo, & reliqua. Verba sunt enim Plinij coniectura assequentis id quod dicit. Si, inquit, Consulatu Opimij unum illud cētenis num mis ualuit (id quod uerisimile est) & interusurij semissu[m] ratio habeatur, necesse fuit anno centesimo sexagesimo, quo tempore Pomponius coenam Caligulæ dedit, uncias uini singulas tot nùmis constitisse. Hermolaus hunc locu[m] castigans, duo uerba mutauit, illud quo fit, pro quod ut, & singulis pro singulas legens. Anno autem centesimo sexagesimo lego, sensu ita exposcente, & alioquin ab antiquo uno exemplari admonitus. Hic etiam periclitari libet, & aliquid comminisci, ut ineundæ huius rationis formam aperiamus, utq[ue] si nobis collimare non contigerit, post nos existat aliquis qui à scopo non aberret. sic enim artes consummatæ sunt, alijs super alios cõmentantibus: animorumq[ue] contetio ad eam tandè peruenit, quam Græci eustochiam, id est, animoru[m] uel oculorum intentione[m] no[n] aberrante appellant, nostri collimationem dixeru[n]t, quasi tragulam quædam perspicaciæ ad inuentionis scopulum li mis oculis intedentium. Quanqua[m] sunt qui collineatione[m] appellare eam malint, à lineis uisualibus in unum locum contentis. Hoc ueluti iure gentium utentes, post doctissimorum hominum sententias, & nostram in medium sæpe in hoc opere attulimus. Nec qui post nos sententiam dicturi sunt, assentiendi magis quàm censendi exemplum amplectentur, si operam prolixè literis impederint: alioquin chartarum inani dispendio tot libri noui sub præla quotidie mitterentur: id modò ne referat, Gallus an Italus sit qui ad scribendum animum appulerit. Quod non ideo

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND if you set the estimate at one hundred coins for each amphora, yet from this the interest, increased by half-units, in the principate of C. Caesar, in the one hundred and sixtieth year, and the remainder. For these are the words of Pliny, who by conjecture arrives at what he says. If, he says, in the consulship of Opimius that one cētens nummis was worth (what is probable) and if account be taken of compound interest at half a unit, it was necessary that in the one hundred and sixtieth year, when Pomponius gave a dinner to Caligula, each single ounce of wine should have cost so many coins. Hermolaus, correcting this passage, changed two words, reading illud quo fit instead of quod ut, and singulis instead of singulas. But I read anno autem centesimo sexagesimo, as the sense itself requires, and moreover being admonished by an ancient single exemplar. Here too it is pleasing to make a trial, and to devise something, so that we may disclose the form of this reasoning, and that if we do not happen to hit the mark someone may come after us who does not miss the target. For thus the arts are brought to perfection, one commenter building on another: and the competition of minds has at last advanced to that point which the Greeks call eustochia, that is, an intention of the mind or eye not deviating, which our people have called collimation, as it were a certain dart of acuteness toward the goal of discovery, the eyes of those aiming narrowly. Although there are some who prefer to call it collineation, from visual lines brought together into one place. Using this, as it were, by the law of nations, after the judgments of the most learned men, and our own, we have often brought it forward in the course of this work. Nor will those who after us are to give their opinions embrace an example more of approving than of judging, if they have prolonged their labor in letters: otherwise, with a vain waste of paper, so many new books would be sent each day to the press: it matters not at all whether it be a Frenchman or an Italian who has applied his mind to writing. Which not therefore

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. ideo dico, quasi hoc nobis instituto Italia literarum bonarum magistra interdixerit, quæ nulli non laudem suam benignitate summa, ut bona quoque sua impartit: sed nostratum hominum improbitas memoriæ semper obuersatur, cui nunquam satis uidebor respondisse: qui utinam ipsi tam Italos quàm Italiam amauissent: melius enim (ut arbitror) & nobis & honor suo cõsuluissent. Semusses igitur usuræ centum & L X. annorum, id est, centies sexagies seni nummi (ut Hermolaus dixit) nongentos sexaginta nummos efficiunt: quibus si sors addatur (quam ipse onusit) fiunt mille & sexaginta. Ita Hermolai ratio procedere non potest, cum sortis & usurarum ratio habenda sit. In amphora autem octo & quadraginta sextarios esse constat, & duodecim cyathos in sextario. quos numeros si inter se ducas, fiunt cyathi, quas uncias Plin. dixit, quin gēti septuagintasex. Si ergo apud Plin. sic legas, singulas uncias binis constitisse, & subintelligas nummis: quod fieri ex præcedentibus potest: duobus & nonaginta nummis maior erit numerus, quàm ut summa duplicata mille & sexaginta nummis ad unu[m] congruat. Summa enim cyathorum duplicata, mille centum & quinquagintaduo erit. Ita Plin. duobus & nonaginta nummis usuras auxerit. Quòd si usuras usuraru[m] reputemus, octauo quoq[ue] anno et quinto mese anatomismus renascitur, id est cētesimo & uno mese. quæ ratione centum annis usura subnascens, duodecies senos nummos peperit, id est duos & septuaginta, & sexaginta annis paulo minus duos & quadraginta, qui fiunt simul pro fænore iterato centum & quatuordecim. Ita Plinius exactè uidetur rationem supputasse. Anatocismu[m] autem usitatum fuisse antiquis notius est quàm ut ostendere necesse sit: quapropter fortasse non uini apud Pli- nium Anatocismus antiquis usitatus.

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PART I. BOOK V. That is why I say, as though Italy, mistress of good letters, had by this institution forbidden us this thing, which with the greatest kindness bestows its praise on all, and even shares its own good gifts: but the wickedness of our own men is always a hindrance to memory, and I shall never seem to have answered it enough. Would that they themselves had loved Italians as much as Italy; for better would they have provided, as I think, both for us and for their own honor. The half-interest, therefore, over one hundred and fifty years, that is, one hundred and sixty times six single coins, as Hermolaus said, makes nine hundred and sixty coins; to which if the principal is added, which he himself omitted, the total becomes one thousand and sixty. Thus Hermolaus’s calculation cannot stand, since account must be taken of both principal and interest. Now it is established that there are forty-eight sextarii in an amphora, and twelve cyathi in a sextarius. If you multiply these numbers together, you get the cyathi, which Pliny called unciae, amounting to seven hundred and seventy-six. Therefore, if you read Pliny thus, that each uncia cost two coins, and understand that “coins” is implied—which can be done from what precedes—the amount will be larger by two hundred and ninety coins than the doubled total of one thousand and sixty coins will fit. For the doubled total of the cyathi would in fact be one thousand one hundred and fifty-two. Thus Pliny seems to have increased the interest by two hundred and ninety coins. But if we reckon interest upon interest, in the eighth year and the fifth month anatocism is reborn, that is, in the one hundred and first month. By this method, in one hundred years the interest growing on itself produced twelve times six coins, that is, seventy-two; and in sixty years a little less than forty-two, which together make for repeated interest one hundred and fourteen. Thus Pliny seems to have computed the calculation exactly. That compound interest was customary among the ancients is better known than that it needs to be shown; for which reason perhaps not even in Pliny- Compound interest was customary among the ancients.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET nium, sed binis legendum est. Nam uini uerbum omnino in eo loco non congruit, ut superuacaneu[m] sic fiet ut sex- tarius quatuor & uiginti nummis constiterit, id est, so- lidis nostris uiginti, quod omnino magnum fuit precium, cum ea ratione amphora, quæ octaua pars est modij no- stratis, duodequinquaginta francicis cöstiterit, qui hodie quatuor & uinginti ducatis ualent: cum nemo nostra me moria apud nos binos modios uini pluris uediderit quan- tumuis cara annona. ita uini precium centum & sexagin- ta annis duodecies penè multiplicatum erat, cum singulæ amphoræ millenis cētenis quinquagenisbinis nummis uen- derentur, & tanti cyathus post tot annos uenditus est, quanti sub Opinio sextarius uendebatur. Hæc ratio etsi speciosa uidetur, tamen admittendam affirmare no[n] ausim. Adhuc enim ita ratio inita est, quasi non modò incolume uinum, sed etiam non imminutum fuerit. Nihil igitur ex amphora centenum nummum Plin. deperijssse centu[m] sexa- ginta annis existimauit, præsertim cum ad crassitudinem mellis asperi redactum esse dicat? Ego uerò ex uino no- stro coniectura[m] faciens, id uinum ad septimas minimu[m] par tes exuctum fuisse censeo: cui dispendio si nunc addas id quod intercidit, in alia atq[ue] alia uasa, semper etiam ipsa aliquid sorbëtia, trans fundendo, id quod tot annis necesse fuit, totiesq[ue] mutatis dominis & apothecis, uix decimam quanq[ue] anphoram post temporis tantam intercapedinem residuam fuisse credo, ut fortasse non binis nummis, sed uicenis legendum sit. id uerba ipsa Plinij mihi significa- re uidentur, cum inquit, Tantum pecuniarum detinent uini apothecæ: nec alia res maius incrementum sentit ad uicesimu[m] annum, maius ue ab eo dispendiu[m] non proficiete precio. Vina enim significat ad uicesimu[m] annum ita co[m]mo[n] dè uete

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G. BVD. OF ASH AND nium, but it must be read as binis. For the word vini in that place is altogether out of keeping, so that it would be superfluous; thus it would follow that a sextarius had cost twenty-four nummi, that is, twenty of our solidi, which was altogether a great price, since by that reckoning an amphora, which is the eighth part of our modius, had cost fifty-two francs, which today are worth twenty-four ducats. Yet no one in our memory has sold two modii of wine for more, however dear the grain supply. Thus the price of wine had, in 160 years, been multiplied almost twelvefold, since single amphorae were sold for 1,552 nummi, and after so many years a cyathus was sold for as much as under Opimius a sextarius was sold. Although this calculation seems plausible, I would not dare affirm that it is to be accepted. For it has thus far been calculated as though the wine were not only sound, but even not diminished at all. Therefore Pliny judged that nothing had been lost from an amphora in 160 years, especially since he says that it had been reduced to the thickness of coarse honey? But I, making a conjecture from our own wine, think that wine had been drawn off to at least one-seventh of its amount: if to this loss you now add what disappeared in transfer into one vessel and another, each vessel also itself absorbing something in the pouring, a thing that must have happened so many times over so many years, and with masters and cellars changed so often, I believe that scarcely a tenth part of an amphora remained after so long an interval of time, so that perhaps it should be read not as two nummi, but as twenty. The very words of Pliny seem to indicate this to me, when he says: “Wine cellars hold so much money: nor does any other thing experience greater increase by the twentieth year, nor greater loss if the price does not advance.” For he means wines up to the twentieth year are so commonly old ...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. dè ueterascere, ut usuras etiam semisses pensitare possint: sed si ultrà asseruentur, ut nullo precij augmento mirum in modum deminuantur. Sic igitur colligo, quasi ipsa per se caries congios octonos quos amphora capit, ad totidè sextarios cõtraxerit æuo ipso absorbente, deinde ut diffusionis & transuas asionis dispēdiu sextarios ad besses aut dodrantes redegerit, testis ipsis semper combibentibus. His duobus intertrimentis si specimina gustantibus data, iacturamq[ue] cauponationis heminariæ quadrantariæq[ue]; ad dideris, & quòd aliàs intercidit, quis iam addubitet ad ui cenos nummos precium in uncias extendere, quod semisses usuræ ad binos nummos & ultrà intenderat? Id quod si admittamus, sextarij singuli nummis ducenis quadragenis constiterunt: id est sexagenis denarijs. Qua ratione precium paulominus centum & uiginti partibus auctum est centu[m] & sexaginta annis. quod fortasse no[n] incredibile erit, si quis reputet quod minima aliqua mixtura (ut Plinius dixit) medicam[m]eta erant cæteris uinis com[m]endandis, ut portione per hoc magna exorptum uinum esse intelligamus: in quo exucto liquore uini uis remansisset incolumis & uiuida. Hoc quum admiratione dignum esset, ideo Plinius retulit, ita ut nobile exemplu[m] uenditi plurimo uini appellet. Id tam[m]e minus mirum facit piscis Mullus Romæ <Mulli piscis ingens preciu[m].> ab homine priuato octo millibus nummum emptus, id est, ducentis aureis nostris. Hoc enim creditu difficilius est, quàm amphoram uini præstantissimi & medicamentarij ducentis & octoginta octo aureis nostris uenisse. Tanti enim amphora supradicta ratione constitit. Hanc etiam opinionem adiuuare potest id quod Plinius libro X 11. inquit de Opobalsamo loquens his uerbis, Nec manifestior alibi fraus, quippe millibus denarium sextarij empti <Opobalsami precium.> V uendente

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PART V, BOOK V. about growing old, so that they can even pay half-interest: but if they are kept longer, they are diminished in a wondrous way, with no increase in price. Thus I gather that, as if by itself, decay has contracted eight congiis, which the amphora holds, into the same number of sextarii, time itself consuming them, and then, by the waste of pouring and transferring, has reduced the sextarii to two-thirds or three-quarters, the witnesses themselves always imbibing a share. If to these two losses you add that samples were given to those tasting, and the loss from tavern-keeping by the half-pint and quarter-pint measures; and what is otherwise lost, who would now doubt that the price has been stretched to twenty asses, when the interest on half-asses had risen to two nummi and beyond? If we admit this, each sextarius would have cost 240 nummi, that is, 60 denarii. By this reckoning the price was increased almost 120-fold in 160 years. This perhaps will not seem incredible if one considers that some slight admixture (as Pliny said) was used to enhance other wines, so that we may understand that a great part of the wine was thus drained away: in the liquid thus extracted, the force of the wine would have remained sound and lively. Since this was worthy of wonder, Pliny therefore mentioned it, so that he calls it a notable example of wine sold at a very high price. Something that makes it still less surprising is the fish mullet at Rome bought by a private man for eight thousand nummi, that is, two hundred of our gold coins. For this is harder to believe than that an amphora of the finest and medicinal wine should have been sold for 288 of our gold coins. For the aforesaid amphora cost that much by the above-mentioned reckoning. This opinion may also be supported by what Pliny says in Book X, section 11, when speaking of opobalsamum in these words: “No fraud is clearer elsewhere, since a sextarius bought for thousands of denarii” V, seller

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET uendente fisco, trecentis denarijs ueneunt. Si enim Plini[us] tempore, cum largior iam foetura succi eius erat, singuli sextaris synceri liquoris centenis aureis uendebantur (de nostris semper loquor) non magnopere mirum est inusitatae atque omni æuo inauditæ uetustatis uinum, quod medicamenti loco cederet, senis aureis uenum ijsse. Verùm illud ipse miror, quòd anno Opimiano, id est natali ipso uini Opimiani, Plinius singulis amphoris centenos nummos taxandos existimauit, qua ratione culeus nostrâs, id est sesquimodius Parisinus, tribus argenti libris ualuit, hoc est triginta aureis nostris. Quòd si eo anno omnium generum bonitas fuit in Italia, cuius tot uini nobilitates Plinius libro supradicto enumerauit: quonam modo fieri potest ut tanti amphora uenierit, præsertim cum feraces uites habuerit, ut idem autor tradit? Quippe in Gallia ut gelicidium, uredo, & sideratio sequens, & has coeli iniurias procella excipiens, summam caritatem inferant, id quod memoria mea non semel contigit: nemo tame[n] meminit hac in urbe modium uini, qui amphoras octo capit, pluris duo decim aureis uenire, duntaxat uernaculi. Tametsi hic habeamus omnium propè generu[m], id est albi, helui, & intensè rubentis, nigriq[ue], quæ nulli importatorum cedunt duntaxat quotidianæ usu mensæ, licet precio aliquantulum cedant nonnullis importatis, quæ strenuiora esse creduntur titillandis palatis. Vinosiorum hoc hominu[m] iudicio factu[m], qui uina nostratia, id est agri Parisini, mucrone obtusiore esse dictitant, nec satis lancinare linguas gustu seruido & acuto. < Parisini agri uina præstantissima sunt.> Alioquin sanorum iudiciorum consensu constat uina Fræcica, id est uineti Parisini, omnibus numeris bonitatis præcellere, tametsi halitu, ut illa externa, uertigne non cicant. Sed ne illa quidem aduentitia & caput tentantia quauis

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G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND being sold by the fisc, they are sold for three hundred denarii. For if, in Pliny’s time, when its sap had already come more abundantly to maturity, single sextarii of pure liquor were sold for one hundred aurei (I am always speaking of our own wines), it is not at all surprising that a wine of unprecedented age, unheard of in any age, which would serve in place of a medicine, should have been sold for six aurei. But what I myself wonder at is that in the year of Opimius, that is, in the very birth-year of Opimian wine, Pliny judged that each amphora should be valued at one hundred nummi, by which reckoning a culeus of ours, that is, a Parisian and a half modius, was worth three pounds of silver, that is, thirty of our aurei. But if in that year there was excellence of all kinds in Italy, whose many noble wines Pliny enumerated in the book mentioned above: how can it be that an amphora came to be sold for such a price, especially since, as the same author relates, the vines were fruitful? Indeed, in Gaul, as frost, blight, and the ensuing blast of the stars, and a storm following these injuries of the sky, bring about great scarcity, as has happened more than once in my memory: nevertheless no one remembers in this city a modius of wine, which holds eight amphorae, being sold for more than twelve aurei, and that only of homegrown wine. Although here we have almost every kind, namely white, pale, deep red, and black, which yield to none of the imported wines, at least for the everyday use of the table, though they may yield somewhat in price to certain imported wines, which are thought to be more stimulating to tickle the palate. This is the judgment of men who are more wine-loving, who keep saying that our native wines, that is, those of the Parisian district, are of blunter edge, and do not sufficiently rasp the tongue with a taste that is fervid and sharp. <The wines of the Parisian district are excellent.> Otherwise, by the consensus of sound judgments, it is established that the wines of France, that is, of the Paris vineyard, excel in every point of excellence, although in aroma, like those foreign wines, they do not fail. But not even those imported wines that go to the head in any way

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 675 quæuis inopia uini supradictum precium exceduht: quod de ijs intelligi nolo, quorum singulæ potiones uno conui= ctu dantur, qualia sunt Lusitanica, pseudocretica, & o= mnino quæ sapæ uice sumuntur, & pro Liberi bellarijs ce dunt. Verùm de precio uini audiamus Columellam sic di= centem libro 1 1 1. < Vini precium apud antiquos> Quippe ut deterrimi generis sint ui= neæ, tamen si cultæ sint, singulos utiq; culeos uini singula eorum iugera peræquabunt: utq; trecentis nummis quæ= dragenæ urnæ ueneant (quod minimu[m] precium est anno= næ) consument tam[m]e septem culei sestertium duo nullia & centum nummos. Ea porrò summa excedit usuram semis= sium. Atque hic calculus quem posuimus, Græcini conti= net ratione. Sed nos extirpanda uineta censemus, quorum singula iugera minus quàm ternos culeos præbent. Mini= mum precium annonæ Columella esse dicit cum trecenis nummis quadragenæ urnæ ueneunt, id est uiginti ampho= ræ. quod perinde est ac si dixisset, quum singulæ ampho= ræ quinisdenis nummis ueneunt. Si igitur uilissima anno= na uinum in amphoras quindecim nummis erat: existimo mediocri annonæ amphoram tricenis nummis uendi soli= tam, ut summa fuerit annonæ quadrageni quini uel quin= quageni nummi, dira & prodigiosa etiam sexageni, aut summum septuageni. Sed caritatis annonæ ac uilitatis ra= tio duplex. alteram copia & penuria moderatur: al= teram prima ultimaq; nota mercis facit. Huius igitur lo= ci explicatio sit in medio posita, ut pro captu cuiq; com= minisci quicquam liceat: ne in immensum excrescat hic liber, si lites litibus resoluere pergeremus. Esse enim hu= ius incepti eam rationem uidebam, ut si indulgere stylo uoluissem, connexa rerum series in altum sæpe relatura nos esset: ac nihilo secius tamen libens seci ut locum quen= V 2 dam

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 675 whatever shortage of wine exceeds the aforesaid price: which I do not wish to be understood of those drinks whose single portions are given at one meal, such as Lusitanian wine, pseudo-Cretan, and in general all that are taken in place of sapā, and that are served up for the dainties of Liber. But let us hear Columella speaking thus about the price of wine in book III. <The price of wine among the ancients> Even though vineyards be of the very worst kind, yet if they are cultivated, each jugerum of them will surely yield as much as a culeus of wine; and even if forty urnæ are sold for three hundred nummi, which is the minimum price of produce, seven culei will consume two hundred and one thousand sesterces. Moreover, that sum exceeds the interest on semisses. And this calculation which we have set down follows Græcinus’ method. But we hold that vineyards should be uprooted whose each jugerum yields less than three culei. Columella says that the minimum price of produce is when forty urnæ are sold for three hundred nummi, that is, twenty amphoræ; which is as if he had said that each amphora is sold for fifteen nummi. If therefore, when produce is at its very cheapest, wine was valued at fifteen nummi per amphora, I think that in a moderate price of produce an amphora was commonly sold for thirty nummi, so that the total would have been forty-five or fifty nummi in times of dear produce, terrible and prodigious even sixty, or at most seventy. But the reason for dear and cheap produce is twofold: one is governed by abundance and scarcity; the other is made by the first and last mark of the merchandise. Let the explanation of this place therefore be left in the middle, so that each person may be allowed to devise something according to his ability: lest this book grow to immensity, if we should keep on resolving disputes with disputes. For I saw that the purpose of this undertaking was such that, if I had wished to indulge my style, the connected series of matters would often have carried us higher; and yet none the less I gladly did so that a certain place might

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET dam ex eo libro Columellæ transcribere, propter insitam < De cultu vitiu.> ac peruulgatam opinionem inter nostros de uitium cultu, & eius agricolationis alea.1s igitur autor docere uolens uberrimum esse uinearum reditum, Atq[ue] ut omittam, inquit, ueterem illam felicitatem aruorum, quibus & antè iam M. Cato, & mox Varro Terentius prodidit singula iugera uinearum sexcenas urnas præbuisse: his certè temporibus & Nomentana regio celeberrima fama est illustris, & præcipuè quam possidet Seneca uir excelletis ingenij atq[ue] doctrinæ, cuius in prædijs uinearum iugera singula culeos octonos reddidisse plerunque compertum est. Nam illa uidentur prodigialiter in nostris Ceretanis accidisse, ut aliqua uitis apud te excederet uuarum numerum duum millium: ut apud me octingentæ stirpes insitæ intra biennium septenos culeos peræquaret: ut primæ uineæ centenas amphoras iugeratim præberent: cum præta & pascua & syluæ si centenos sestertios singula iugera efficiant, optimè domino consulere uideantur. Nam frumenta maiore quidem parte Italiæ quâdo cum quarto responderint, uix meminisse possumus. sic enim legitur. His uerbis Columella clarissimus autor rei rusticæ testatur nul lum genus agriculturæ aut prædij fructuosius esse uinea. < Arepennum.> Ostendimus suprà iugerum minus esse besse arepenni Parisini, quanquam Columel. libro v 1. dicat semijugerum à Gallis arepennam uocitari. Et idem autor censet extirpan dum uinetum esse quod minus tribus culeis præbeat in iugera, id est sexagenis amphoris. Varro lib. primo, In qua terra, inquit, iugerum unum denos & quinos culeos fert uini, quod quædam in Italia regiones? Sed ut has Varronis uineas raræ felicitatis omittamus, Senecæ uineas Columella octonos culeos ferre solitas tradidit, id est centenas & sexa

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET want to transcribe from that book of Columella, because of the ingrained < On the cultivation of the vine.> and widespread opinion among us about the cultivation of the vine, and the risk of that husbandry. Thus the author, wishing to show that the return from vineyards is very abundant, says, “And to omit,” he says, “that old prosperity of the fields, of which both before this M. Cato, and later Varro Terentius, reported that each iugerum of vineyard yielded six hundred urnae: in these times certainly the region of Nomentum is illustrious and most famous, and especially the estate possessed by Seneca, a man of excellent talent and learning, on whose vineyards each iugerum is commonly found to have yielded eight culei. For those things seem to have happened almost prodigiously in our Ceretan lands, that a vine with you would exceed the number of two thousand bunches of grapes; that with me eight hundred grafted stocks within two years would equal seven culei; that the first vineyards would produce a hundred amphorae per iugerum; since meadows and pastures and woods, if each iugerum yields a hundred sesterces, seem to be serving the owner best. For in the greater part of Italy, when have grains ever returned even the fourth part? We can scarcely remember. For thus it is read. By these words Columella, the most distinguished author on agriculture, testifies that no kind of farming or estate is more fruitful than the vine. < Arepennum.> We showed above that a iugerum is less than two-thirds of a Parisian arepennum, although Columella, in book v. 1., says that a half-iugerum is called by the Gauls an arepennum. And the same author thinks that a vineyard ought to be uprooted if it yields less than three culei per iugerum, that is, sixty amphorae. Varro, book one: “In what land,” he says, “does one iugerum bear ten and five culei of wine, as certain regions of Italy do?” But let us omit these vineyards of Varro’s rare good fortune; Columella reported that Seneca’s vineyards were accustomed to yield eight culei, that is, a hundred and sixt

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. & sexagenas amphoras in iugera. Quod quia raru[m] fuit, rursus ijs omisus alias uideamus quæ mediocres habebantur, id est quæ centenariæ erant, quinq[ue] culeos reddentes iugeratim. Vt igitur centenas amphoras, id est duodenos modios nostros & semodium, uinea mediæ notæ præbuerit, & singulis amphoris minimum annonæ precium statuamus, id est quinosdenos nummos: nulle ac quingentos nummos anniuersario uectigali reddidit. Quòd si medicerem annonam æstimare uelimus, hæc summa duplicabitur, ut sint ære nostro quinq[ue]; & septuaginta aurei coronati. Hodie ex iugero & triente Romano, id est iugero Parisino, si quis centenas amphoras annuatim ferret, id est duodecim modios nostros & semissem duntaxat uini non minimæ notæ, quam nostri familiarem appellant, hic Baccho litasse dictitaretur: rariq[ue] sunt in hoc agro qui tantum percipiant etiam infimæ notæ, & tamen apud Co lumellam hic reditus iugeri Romani mediocris inuenitur. quare planum fit, uinearum cultum apud nos non suopte uitio, sed cultoru[m], damnosum existimari. Quum enim hic serè rei rusticæ tractationem ignoremus, & qui nobis sodiunt & putant, omnia ex comodo suo faciant, fit plerunque ut nec exactè nec tempestiùè cultus uitium absoluatur, quum in urbe existentibus dominis, opus in agro fiat. Propterea Plinius libro decimooctauo, Profectò, inquit, opera, non impensa, cultura constat: & ideo maiores fertilissimum in agro oculum domini esse dixerunt. Atque ita loquor, quasi uinitores peritos habeamus, cum uix decimus quisq[ue] artem suam nouerit. Inde fit ut sumptus uineæ, fructum sæpe deuoret. quod tamen ne deterrimo quidem cultu ijs contingit, qui uitiferum solum eligere nouerunt: sed cum iam omnis collus campusq[ue] uitibus conuestiatur, V 3 necesse

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Part V. Book V. and sixty amphorae per iugerum. Because this was rare, let us pass over these examples and look at other vines that were reckoned moderate, that is, those which yielded a hundred amphorae, producing five culei per iugerum. Thus, if a vineyard of middling quality should yield a hundred amphorae, that is, twelve of our modii and a semodius, and if we set each amphora at the minimum price of grain, that is, fifteen coins, it brought in five hundred coins in annual rent. But if we wish to reckon grain at a moderate price, this sum will be doubled, so that it comes to, in our money, five and seventy crowned gold coins. Today, from one Roman iugerum and a third, that is, one Parisian iugerum, if someone should annually produce a hundred amphorae, that is, only twelve of our modii and a half of wine of no small quality, what our people call ordinary, this man would be said to have made sacrifice to Bacchus; and yet there are few in this district who gather even that amount of the lowest quality, although in Columella this return from the Roman iugerum is found to be moderate. Therefore it is clear that the cultivation of vineyards among us is thought harmful, not by its own fault, but by that of the cultivators. For since we here are nearly ignorant of rustic affairs, and those who assist us and are thought to understand them do everything for their own advantage, it happens for the most part that the fault in cultivation is never corrected precisely or in due season, since the owners are in the city while the work is being done in the countryside. For this reason Pliny, in book eighteen, says: Truly, cultivation consists not in expense, but in labor; and therefore the ancients said that the master’s eye is the most fertile thing in the field. And so I speak as though we had skilled vine-dressers, when scarcely one in ten knows his own trade. Hence it comes about that the cost of a vineyard often devours its yield. Yet this does not happen even under the worst cultivation to those who know how to choose vine-bearing soil: but when already every hill and plain is covered with vines, V 3 it is necessary

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET necesse est inscijs cultoribus plurima uineta non respo[n]dere, præsertim in hoc tractu in quo carbunculatio à gelicidio alternis propè annis sentitur. Quare cum à prima ger minatione usq[ue]; ad quintu[m] Nonas Maias (qui dies plerun= que ultimus est decretorius uitibus) gelicidium timeatur, et huic periculo exemptis iterum uis maior impendeat, quæ nullo non anno alicubi stragem infert, simul uredine ab æstu caniculæ, aut aquæ coelestis inopia uuæ sæpe re= torrescant: id quod cum hæc proderem, egregium prouen tum uinearum bona ex parte perdidit: nisi aut diligentia aut felicitas adiuet, est ferè quod expensum uitibus que= ribundi feramus. Quanta autem priscorum frugalitas, et quàm strenua fuerit diligetia in agricolatione, ex lectione Varronis et Columellæ in uniuersum patet, cuius ue= lut unum specimen illud annotasse satis erit, quod Varro libro primo de uinearum cultu loquens, ita inquit, Saser= na scribit satis esse ad iugera octo hominem unum. Et Co= lumel.lib. xiii. Nam ut amplissimas impensas uineæ po= scant, non tamen excedunt septem iugera unius operâ ui= nitoris. Hodie autem quotus quisq[ue]; uinitor tribus iugcri= bus sufficit? Ita fit, ut uineas non uinitoribus colendas lo= cemus, sed cultorum mancipibus. Propterea in agro Pari= sino uineta magno excoluntur, cum multis in locis Galliæ paruum sumptum quamuis feraces uites poscant. Quod et incuria dominorum, et ignauia uinitorum ita inuete= ratum est, ut constitui apud nos res rustica nequeat, rusti= cis unanimi conspiratione tuentibus quod à maioribus ac= ceperunt. Verum (ut ad Plinium redeam) si centenos num mos in amphoram statuamus anno Opimiano, et cætenas amphoras in iugerum, qui mediocris est prouentus Colu= mellæ, uideamus quonam tandem reditus euasurus sit: Cen= ties Rursus de uini Opimiani precio,

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET it is necessary that, because of ignorant cultivators, very many vineyards should not yield a return, especially in this region, where blight from frost is felt in alternate years almost every other year. Wherefore, since from the first germination until the fifth Nones of May, which day is usually the final decisive one for the vines, frost is feared, and after this danger has been escaped a greater force threatens again, bringing ruin somewhere every year without fail; while, too, through scorching heat from the dog days, or lack of rain from the sky, the grapes often wither: when I was writing this, an excellent crop of vineyards had been lost in large part. Unless either diligence or good fortune helps, there is scarcely anything from which we may, with the grapes, make a complaint of expense. But how great was the frugality of the ancients, and how energetic their diligence in agriculture, is made clear in general from the reading of Varro and Columella; and it will be enough to note just one example of this, namely that Varro, speaking in the first book on the cultivation of vineyards, says: “Saserna writes that one man is enough for eight iugera.” And Columella, book XIII: “For although vineyards require the largest outlays, nevertheless they do not exceed seven iugera by the labor of one vine-dresser.” But today, how many vine-dressers suffice for three iugera? Thus it comes about that we place vineyards not in the care of vine-dressers, but in the hands of hired cultivators. For this reason vineyards are cultivated at great expense in the Paris region, whereas in many places in France a small outlay is required even though the vines are fruitful. This has become so established, through both the negligence of owners and the laziness of vine-dressers, that rural practice among us cannot be set in order, the rustics unanimously maintaining what they have received from their forefathers. But to return to Pliny: if we set one hundred nummi to the amphora in the year of Opimius, and so many amphoras to the iugerum, which is Columella’s average yield, let us see what sort of return will finally emerge: one hundred times. Again, concerning the price of Opimian wine,

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ties centeni nummu, decem nullia nummûm fiunt, quæ nos ducentis quinquaginta aureis æstimare solemus: quo fit ut non immeritò (ut opinor) Pliniana exemplaria eo in loco suspecti postularim, quomodo & in alijs nonnullis locis feci, officio (ut nubi quidem uideor) studiosi hominis fun= ctus, qui in medium consulit. Nam illud Columellæ in loco à nobis antea citato, Nam frumenta maiore quidem parte Italiæ quando cum quarto respo[n]derint, uix meminisse pos sumus: cum quarto decimo legendum esse notius est, quàm dici debuerit, ex V arrone libro primo, cuius hæc uerba sunt, Quare obseruabis quantum in ea regione consuetu= do erit serendi, ut tantum facias, quantum ualet regio, ac genus terræ, ut ex eodem semune aliubi cum decem respon deat, aliubi cum quindecim, ut in Hetruria locis aliquot. In Sybaritano dicunt etiam cum centesimo redire solitu[m]. Nec murum id Italiæ tribui, cum Plinius tradiderit agru[m] Babylonium cum quinquagesimo foenore messes reddere, diligentioribus agricolis etiam cum cætesnio: de quo He= rodotus in primo ita inquit, ἐν ἐν ἔνημητη οἰκοπον ὑμικα ἀγα= ραθη ἐκφροειρη ἐσί ἐν βαθυληνίν χώρη, ὑπειπι ὑπικοσία ὑμικα ὑπα= ρατην ἀγαθολογη, ἐνδαρν ἐν ἀεισα ὑπτη ἰατητης, ἐκεινη ἐπι πικκοσία ἐκφροει. Id est, ad cerealem autem frugem usque= adeo bona est regio Babylonia, ut plerunque ducena red= dat: ubi autem bonitate sese ipsa uincit, ibi etiam ad trece na. Plinius lib. v. Libyphoenices appellantur qui Byzan= tium incolunt. ita appellatur regio ccl. millibus passuum per circuitu[m] fertilitatis eximiæ, cum centesima fruge agri= colis foenus reddente terra. Et lib. xviii. Tritico nihil est Tritici fertili- tas in Africa. fertilius. hoc enim natura ei tribuit, quonia[m] eo maximè a= lat homine[m]: utpote cum è modio, si sit aptu[m] solu[m], quale in Byzantio Africæ cæpo, cæteni quinquageni modj reddan V 4 tur:

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so that one hundred and ten nummi make ten nummia, which we are accustomed to estimate at two hundred and fifty aurei: from which it follows that I have not thought it unreasonable (as I believe) to mark the Plinian exemplars as suspect in that passage, as I have done in a number of other places as well, performing the duty, as it seems to me, of a diligent man who consults the common good. For that passage of Columella cited by us above, “For the crops of the greater part of Italy, when they have returned fourfold, we can scarcely remember”: it is clearer that it ought to be read “fourteenfold” than what ought to have been said, from Varro, book one, whose words are these: “Therefore you will observe how much custom of sowing there is in that region, so that you make as much as the region and the kind of soil is worth, so that from the same seed elsewhere it yields tenfold, elsewhere fifteenfold, as in some places in Etruria. In Sybaris they say it used even to return a hundredfold.” Nor is this attributed to Italy, since Pliny has reported that the Babylonian field returns harvests with fiftyfold interest; to more diligent farmers even with more. Of this Herodotus in the first book says as follows: “...” That is to say, the Babylonian region is so good for cereal crops that it generally returns two hundredfold; but where it surpasses even its own goodness, there it yields three hundredfold as well. Pliny, book V: “Libyphoenices are called those who inhabit Byzantium.” Thus the district is called, over a circuit of 250,000 paces, of outstanding fertility, the earth repaying the farmers with a hundredfold crop. And book XVIII: “Nothing is more fertile than wheat. For nature has granted this to it, because by it man is nourished most especially: for from one modius, if the soil is suitable, as in Byzantium and Africa, one hundred and fifty modii are returned.”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tur: cum centesimo quidè & Leontini Siciliæ campi fundunt, alijq[ue], & tota Betica, & in primis Aegyptus. Hoc dictum Plinij non conuenit cum uerbis Ciceronis superius à nobis citatis de agro Siculo, cum decimo reddente. Non hyperbolicè igitur dominus & deus noster in Euangelio Matthæi cap. XIII. fructum summum ad centesimâ frugem auxit. Verba Plinij lib. XVIII. hæc sunt à Theophrasto ad uerbum traducta, Babylone tamen segetem bis secant, tertiò depascunt, alioquin folia tantum fierent. Sic quoq[ue]; cum quinquagesimo foenore messes reddit exilitas soli, uerùm diligentioribus cum centesimo. Sic enim Hermolaus rectè emendauit. Theophrastus lib. VIII. de stirpi bus, & ἐν ἐπιμελων, ἐπιμελων. ἐν ἐπιμελων ὑποπονταχοα, ποίς ἐπιμελων, ἐπιμελων. Et tamen in antiquis exemplaribus & in impressis ante Hermolaum sic legitur, Sic quoq[ue]; cum quintodecimo foenore messes reddit exilitas soli, uerùm diligentioribus cum centesimo quinquagesimo. quod mirum est, cum ad uerbum Plinius locum Theophrasti uerterit, nisi quòd duo illa uerba, exilitas soli, apud Theophrastum non sunt, nec uidentur conuenire, cum Theophrastus pieram terram illam appellet, id est pinguem, & Plinius ipse præpinguem & densam, ut potius felicitas uel hilaritas uel quid simile, quàm exilitas legi de beat: & mirum sit Hermolaui hæc uerba ex Theophrasto agnouisse, cum exile solum contrariu[m] sit læto & afflueti. Quod aute[m] sequitur, Neq[ue] est cura difficilis, quàm diutissimè aquari gaudet, ut præpinguis & densa hubertas diluæ <Plinius locus.> tur, sic emedandu[m] censeo ex antiquo uno libro, quàm diutissimè aqua rigada. Theophrastus, ἐν ἐπιμελων ὑποπονταχοα, ποις ἐπιμελων ἐπιμελων, ἐπιμελων ἐπιμελων. πιεραρν ἀριθ ἐπαθ

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G. BVD. OF ASSE AND tur: with the hundredth indeed, and the fields of Leontini in Sicily yield, and others too, and all Boeotia, and above all Egypt. This statement of Pliny does not agree with the words of Cicero cited above by us concerning the Sicilian field, which returns a tenth. Not therefore hyperbolically did our Lord and God in the Gospel of Matthew, chapter XIII, increase the highest fruit to a hundredfold crop. The words of Pliny in book XVIII are these, translated word for word from Theophrastus; however, in Babylon they cut the crop twice, a third time they graze it down, otherwise only leaves would grow. So also, when the barrenness of the soil yields a fiftieth return, but to the more careful a hundredfold. Thus indeed Hermolaus corrected it properly. Theophrastus, book VIII, de stirpibus , and ἐν ἐπιμελων, ἐπιμελων. ἐν ἐπιμελων ὑποπονταχοα, ποίς ἐπιμελων, ἐπιμελων. And yet in the ancient copies and in the printed editions before Hermolaus it is read thus: So also, when the fifteenth return, the barrenness of the soil yields, but to the more careful with the hundred and fiftieth. which is strange, since Pliny translated the passage of Theophrastus word for word, except that those two words, exilitas soli , are not in Theophrastus, nor do they seem to fit, since Theophrastus calls that land pieram , that is, fertile, and Pliny himself calls it very fertile and dense, so that rather something like felicity or abundance or the like should be read than exilitas ; and it is surprising that Hermolaus recognized these words from Theophrastus, since barren soil is the opposite of rich and abundant. What follows, “Nor is the care difficult, for it enjoys being watered as long as possible, so that the very rich and dense abundance is diluted,” I judge should thus be emended from an old book: “as long as possible, when it is to be watered.” Theophrastus, ἐν ἐπιμελων ὑποπονταχοα, ποις ἐπιμελων ἐπιμελων, ἐπιμελων ἐπιμελων. πιεραρν ἀριθ ἐπαθ

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. id est, Cultus autem est, ut quamplurimo tempore resideat aqua, & multam herbæ materiâ faciat. pingue enim solum & den sum oportet rarum fieri. Idem Plinius capite sequenti, Si= milis ratio, sed felicitas maior Babyloniæ Seleuciæ, Eu= phrate atq[ue] Tigri restagnantibus, quoniam ibi rigandi modus manu temperatur. Alioquin etiam aquari uerbum hoc loco non conuenit. Cum de agro nostro, qui pinguis= simus esse uulgo dictitatur, agricolas multos interroga= rim, nunquam exculpere potui ut cum decima fruge red= dere semen faterentur, nisi siquando summa anni uberta= te id contigit, uel in nouali recens proscisso. Quo magis mira illa felicitas agrorum uideri debet: sed & in eo cul= pam aratorum nostrorum esse crediderim. nam Varro cum quintodecimo in Hetruria respondisse dicit, quum Columella uix cum quartodecimo respondisse memincrit: quod non effæto solo, sed negligentia agricolarum fa= ctum puto, qui à pristina diligentia iam Claudij Impe= ratoris uel Neronis tempore desciuerant, sub quo Colu= mella scripsit. Nostri aut tertio aut quarto sulco serunt: antiqui autem etiam quinto serebant. Plin. libro xviii. Quarto seri sulco Vergilius existimatur uoluisse. Spissius solum, sicut plerunq[ue] in Italia, quinto sulco seri melius est. At uerò Plinius Iunior de Tuscis suis loqués in quinto epi stolar. Tantis glebis tenacissimum solum cum prosecatur assurgit, ut demu[m] nono sulco perdometur. Verùm animad= uertenda Columellæ uerba supradicta. Cum prata (inquit) & pascua & syluæ, si centenos sestertios singula iugera efficiant, optimè domino consulere uideantur. Ex quibus uerbis conijci potest quantu[m] sestertius ualeret: quippe ho= die prata scimus & uidimus quæ annuos quinos Fræcicos atque Animaduertio dus locus.

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PART II. BOOK V. that is, Cultivation however, is that the water remain for as long a time as possible, and produce much vegetal matter. For a rich and dense soil ought to be made loose. The same Pliny, in the following chapter, says that there is a similar practice, but greater success in Babylonian Seleucia, where the Euphrates and Tigris overflow, because there the manner of irrigation is regulated by hand. Otherwise even the verb “to water” does not properly fit this place. When I asked many farmers about our own land, which is commonly said to be the richest, I could never get them to admit that, if they returned a tenth part of the crop, they recovered the seed, unless sometimes this happened in an exceptionally fertile year, or in newly broken-up fallow ground. How much more astonishing, then, must that happiness of the fields be regarded as; but I should believe the fault of our ploughmen lies in this too. For Varro says that in Etruria they replied with the fifteenth fold, whereas Columella remembers that they scarcely replied with the fourteenth; and I think this was caused not by the exhaustion of the soil, but by the negligence of the farmers, who had already departed from their former diligence in the time of Emperor Claudius or Nero, under whom Columella wrote. Our farmers sow either in the third or the fourth furrow; the ancients, however, sowed even in the fifth. Pliny, book XVIII. Virgil is thought to have meant that sowing should be done in the fourth furrow. A denser soil, as is usually the case in Italy, is better sown in the fifth furrow. But Pliny the Younger, speaking of his Tuscan lands in the fifth letter, With clods so tenacious is the soil when ploughed that it rises up, until it is at last subdued by the ninth furrow. Yet Columella’s words quoted above must be noted. When meadows, he says, and pastures and woods each yield a hundred sesterces per iugerum, they seem to provide the best advantage to the owner. From these words one may infer how much a sesterce was worth: for today we know and have seen meadows which yield annual five Fracicos and Observation a certain passage.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET atque eo amplius domino pensitare solita sint fæniseci in lustrum oblocata, ita ut commodè secum eo pacto putet actum. Atqui centum nummi æstimatione nostra duobus aureis & semusse ualuerunt. Sed quoniam diximus qualis fuerit reditus uinearum, restat ut uideamus quantum fue= < Precium uinea rum.> rit precium. Columella libro quarto, Vinitor licet sit em= ptus sex uel potius sestertijs octo millibus, cum ipsum so= lum septem iugerum totidem millibus nummorum par= tum, uineasq[ue] cum sua dote, id est cum pedamentis & ui= minibus, binis millibus in singula iugera positas duco. His uerbis Columella uineam conseri in singula iugera tribus millibus nummum significat: quibus si operam uinitoris addas, quatuor iam erunt nullia, sine usuris biennij semis= sibus quo uineæ nouella cessat. Hæ ducentos quadraginta nummos ualent. ita singula iugera amplius centenis aureis nostris conserebantur. Plinius uerò in eo loco ubi Opi= miani uini meminit, de arte colendæ uineæ loquens, In nostra (inquit) ætate pauca exempla consummatæ huius artis fuere: uerùm eo mirus onuttenda, ut noscantur e= tiam præmia, quæ in omni rem maximè spectantur. Sum= mam ergo adeptus est gloriam Acilius Stelenus è plebe Libertina, L x. iugerum non amplius uineis excultis in Nomentano agro, atque æquè quadringentis nummis uenundatis. Magna fama & Vetuleno Egilao, uel po= tius Aegialo perinde Libertino fuit in Campaniæ rure Linternino, maiorq[ue] etiam fauore hominum, quoniam ipsum Africani colebat exilium. sed maxima eiusdem Ste= leni opera Rhemmium Palæmonem aliàs Grammaticæ arte celebrem in hisce x x. annis mercatum D C. millibus nummum in eodem Nomentano, decimi lapidis ab Vrbe diuerticulo. Est autem usquequaque nobilitas uinetis per omnia

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE ET and furthermore they are accustomed to pay the landlord a fixed share of the hay for the leased term of five years, so that he may conveniently think the bargain made with him to his advantage. But since we have said what the income from vineyards was, it remains for us to see what the price was. <Price of vineyards.> Columella, in the fourth book, says: although a vine-dresser may have been bought for six, or rather eight thousand sesterces, when the land itself for seven iugera was obtained for the same number of thousands of sesterces, and the vineyards with their equipment, that is, with stakes and withes, were set down at two thousand for each iugerum, I reckon. By these words Columella indicates that a vineyard was planted at three thousand sesterces per iugerum; if you add the labor of the vine-dresser, there will already be four thousand, without interest for two and a half years, during which the young vineyard yields nothing. These amount to two hundred and forty denarii. Thus each iugerum was planted at more than one hundred of our aurei. Pliny, indeed, in the place where he mentions Opimian wine, speaking of the art of cultivating the vineyard, says: "In our age there have been few examples of this perfected art; yet they are so remarkable that even the rewards should be known, which in every matter are especially to be considered." Thus Acilius Stelenus, from the plebeian class of freedmen, gained the highest renown for ten iugera of vines cultivated in the district of Nomentum and sold for four hundred thousand sesterces. Great fame also belonged to Vetulenus Egilaus, or rather Aegialus, likewise a freedman, in the rural district of Campania near Linternum, and even greater favor among men, because he tended the exile of Africanus himself. But the greatest enterprise of the same Stelenus was the purchase of Rhemmius Palæmon, otherwise famous for the art of grammar, in these twenty years for six hundred thousand sesterces, on the same Nomentan property, at the tenth milestone from the city road. And throughout the whole of Italy, nobility is everywhere associated with vineyards.

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omnia suburbana, ibi tamen maxima, quoniam & ne= glecta per indiligentiam prædia perhauriat. Ac ne in pes= simis quidem elegantioris soli hæc aggressus excolere, non uirtute animi, sed uanitate. Quæ primo notata mira in illo fuit. Passinatas enim de integro uineas cura Stele= num imutatus, ad uix credibile miraculum perduxit, intra octauum annum c c c c. m. nummum emptori addicta pendente uindemia. cucurritq[ue] non nemo ad spectandas uuarum in ijs uineis strues, literis eius altiores, contra id pigra ciuitate sibi patrocinante. nouissimè Annæo Se= neca principatu traditionis ac potentiæ, quæ postremò nimia fuit super ipsum, Minimè utique muraturi Annæum tanto prædij eius amore captum, ut non puderet inuiso aliàs & ostento futuro tradere palmam eam emptis qua= druplicato uineis intra decimum ferè curæ annum. digna opera quæ in Cecubis Setinis que proficeret, quando & postea sæpenumero septenos culeos singula iugera, hoc est amphoras centenas quadragenas musti dedere. Ac ne= quis uictam in hoc antiquitatem arbitraretur, idem Cato denos culeos redire ex iugeribus scripsit. Hunc locum (ut arbitror) ita legebat Hermolaus, in quo ex pridem im= pressis tria aut quatuor uerba mutauit, ut uidere est in e= ius castigationibus: & cum prius c c c c. nummum lege= retur, ipse millibus rectè addendum censuit. Ego uerò hunc locum mendis adhuc scatere puto, & duobus in lo= cis ab Hermolao corruptum: quem quia emendari à me non posse uidebam, transmittendum diu censui: sed quoniam aliud exemplum non succurrebat, unde osten= dere id quod nunc agitur possem, consilium mutaui: ita tamen, ut obseruatis anxie antiquis exemplaribus, & addito quod comminisci potui, locum aliquanto magis

Transcription: Translated (English)

all the suburban estates, yet there the greatest, since by neglect through carelessness he may take full advantage of neglected lands. And not even in the worst parts of the better soil did he set out to cultivate these, not by strength of spirit, but by vanity. This was the first remarkable thing noticed in him. For having taken over the replanting of the vineyards from the ground up, with the care of Stelenus he brought it to a scarcely credible result, within the eighth year, the purchaser being bound for 400,000 sesterces while the vintage was still pending. And not a few ran to see the heaps of grapes in those vineyards, the letters higher than his own, against that sluggish city protecting itself. Finally, under the principate of Annaeus Seneca, as if by a tradition and power which in the end became excessive over him, certainly not to be wondered at in Annaeus, so greatly was he captivated by love of his estate, that he did not blush to hand over the palm, otherwise unseen and in future to be shown, to vineyards bought at four times the price within scarcely the tenth year of care. Works worthy to have prospered in the Cecuban and Setian vineyards, since even later very often each iugerum yielded seven cullei, that is, one hundred and forty amphorae of must. And lest anyone should suppose antiquity conquered in this matter, the same Cato wrote that ten cullei came back from an iugerum. I believe Hermolaus read this passage in such a way, in which he changed three or four words from the old printed texts, as can be seen in his emendations; and whereas previously it was read as 400,000 sesterces, he rightly judged that “thousands” should be added. But I think this passage still bristles with errors, and in two places it was corrupted by Hermolaus: since I saw that it could not be corrected by me, I long thought it should be omitted; but since no other copy was at hand from which I might show what is now being discussed, I changed my plan: yet so that, having carefully consulted the ancient copies, and adding what I could devise, the passage might be somewhat more

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET magis perspicuum minusq[ue]; mendosum referrem. Hermolaus in altera editione hunc locum declarare cupiens, Videtur (inquit) Steleni uinetum primo c c c c. nullibus uenisse, tum D C. nullibus mercante Palæmone, non à Ste leno, sed ab emptore primo: demum quadruplicato pre= cio comparatum à Seneca. Ego aliter censeo, quare sic legendum existimo, Sed maxima eiusdem Steleni opera Rhemmio Palæmoni aliàs Grāmatica arte celebri in hi= sce x x. annis mercato rus sexcentis millibus nummûm in eodem Nomentano: ex uetustissimo libro, in quo hæc per datiuum leguntur, Palæmoni & celebri, nec mercatu[m], sed mercatorijs, ex quo mercato rus legedum duco. Alioquin frustra Plinius dixisset in eodem Nomentano, si de uineto superiore ipse intellexisset. Maxima igitur fama fuit Pa= læmoni opera Steleni. Est enim opera septimus casus, non accusandi. nec Palæmon opera, id est agricolationes Ste= leni mercatus est: sed ad rus emendum opera Steleni usus est, qui iam documentum industriæ suæ ac solertiæ dede= rat uenudato uineto c c c. millibus nummûm. Sequitur, Est autem nobilitas uinetis (uel mercis, ut in omnibus an= tiquis legitur) per omnia suburbana, ibi tamen maxima, quoniam neglecta per indiligentiam prædia perhauriat. malim, ut in antiquis & pridem impressis legitur, paraue= rat, hoc sensu, quum aliàs uineta magno ibi uenirent pro= pter uicinitatem, tum illa maximè Palæmonis in precio e= rant, quia illa comparauerat negligentia dominorum coli desita, ex quo noualium uice censebantur, quod Plinius significat dicens eum uineas pastinasse, quod renouasse si= gnificat. uix tamen hoc congruit cum Columella libro quarto, quum in ponenda uite restibilis uineti ultimam conditionem esse censeat. Quare fortasse Plinius uanita= tem in Plintj locus. Pastinare quid sit.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON THE VINE AND I would render it more clearly, and less corruptly. Hermolaus, in the second edition, wishing to explain this passage, says: “It seems that Stelenus’ vineyard first came to nullibus, then for D C. nullibus was bought by Palæmon, not from Ste lenus, but from the first buyer; and finally it was acquired from Seneca at four times the price.” I think otherwise; therefore I judge it should be read thus: “But the greatest part of Stelenus’ estate was, among other things, sold to Rhemmius Palæmon, celebrated elsewhere for the art of grammar, for six hundred thousand sesterces in that same Nomentanum: from a very ancient book, in which these words are read in the dative, to Palæmon and celebrated, and not mercatu[m], but mercatorijs, from which I infer that mercato rus should be read. Otherwise Pliny would have said in the same Nomentanum in vain, if he himself had understood it of the upper vineyard. The greatest fame, therefore, was for Pa læmon through Stelenus’ work. For opera is the seventh case, not the accusative. Nor did he buy Palæmon’s opera, that is, Stelenus’ farm operations: but he used Stelenus’ work to buy the estate, since Stelenus had already given proof of his industry and ingenuity by selling a vineyard for c c c. thousand sesterces. It follows, “But nobility lies in vineyards” (or merchandise, as it is read in all the an cient writers) “throughout all the suburban districts, there however most especially, since neglect through carelessness strips away the estates.” I would prefer, as it is read in the ancient and long-printed editions, paraue rat, in this sense: when elsewhere vineyards were sold there for a great price on account of proximity, then especially those of Palæmon were in high price, because he had acquired them, the cultivation of which had been abandoned through the negligence of the owners, from which they were reckoned in place of new lands; which Pliny indicates when he says that he had planted vines, which means to renew them. Yet this scarcely agrees with Columella, book four, when in setting out a vine he judges the last condition of a restored vineyard to be necessary. Wherefore perhaps Pliny’s vanity in Pliny’s passage. What “pastinare” means.

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 685 tem in eo arguit, sed uanitatem in eo intelligo potius quòd uineas de integro pastinauit quasi restibile uinetum & cariosum, quum uineæ tantum neglectæ indiligentia cul= torum fuissent, nec repastinatione indigerent. Et inferius, Cura Stelenum agricolam imitatus. < Plinij loc.> lego, cura Steleni dum agricolam imitatur. sic enim antiqua habent exem= plaria. Et rursus inferius, Cucurritq[ue] non nemo ad spe= ctandas uuarum in ijs uineis strues, literis eius altiores pi= gra ciuitate sibi patrocinante. In pridem impressis, altio= ribus pigra in ciuitate, legebatur: sed Hermolaus illud in, expungendum censuit, & altiores legendum, hoc sensu, habuisse causam Palæmonem Grammaticum quamobrem agrorum curam literis anteponeret, cum ad id desidiam ciuitatis sibi patrocinantem uideret. Ego autem altiori= bus reponendum hoc modo censeo, Literis eius altioribus pigra uicinitate sibi patrocinante. hoc sensu, ut uicini quibus confines uineæ Palæmoni multo minus reddebant diligentia pari non excultæ, referrent causam tanti pro= uentus in doctrinam Palæmonis, qui Græmatica arte ce= lebris suit, Satyrici testimonio, qui inquit, -Cede Palæmon. Et rursus, -Odi Hanc ego, quæ repetit uoluitq[ue] Palæmonis artem. Meminit & Quintilianus. Huc pertinet illud eiusdem Plinij libro decimooctauo, Caius Furius Cresinus è ser= uitute liberatus, cum in paruo admodum agello largiores multo fructus perciperet, quàm ex amplissimis uicinitas, in inuidia magna erat, ceu fruges alienas pelliceret uene= ficijs: quamobrem à Sp. Alpino curuli die dicta metuens damnationem, cum in suffragium tribus oporteret ire, in= strumentum rusticum omne in forum attulit, & adduxit filiam ualidam, atque (ut ait Piso) bene curatam ac uesti= tam, ser

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 685 he reproves him for that, but I rather understand it as a vanity in him, in that he newly replanted his vines as though the vineyard were to be restored and decayed, whereas the vines had merely been neglected through the carelessness of the cultivators, and were in no need of replanting. And below, "Cura Stelenum agricolam imitatus." In Pliny's passage I read, "cura Steleni dum agricolam imitatur." For so the ancient copies have it. And again below, "Et cucurrit q[ue] non nemo ad spectandas uuarum in ijs uineis strues, literis eius altiores pi- gra ciuitate sibi patrocinante." In the earlier printed editions it was read, "altioribus pigra in ciuitate"; but Hermolaus thought that "in" should be removed, and "altiores" should be read, in this sense: that Palæmon the Grammarian had cause to prefer the care of fields to letters, since he saw that the idleness of the city was giving him patronage. But I think it should be restored as follows: "Literis eius altioribus pigra uicinitate sibi patrocinante." In this sense, namely, that the neighbors whose vineyards bordered Palæmon's, and which yielded far less by reason of being cultivated with equal negligence, referred the cause of so great a yield to the learning of Palæmon, who was famous for the art of Grammar, according to the testimony of the Satirist, who says, "Yield, Palæmon." And again, "I hate that art which repeats and would imitate Palæmon's skill." Quintilian also mentions it. To this belongs that passage of the same Pliny in book eighteen: Caius Furius Cresinus, freed from slavery, when from a very small plot of land he reaped much more abundant crops than his neighbors from their vast estates, was in great envy, as though he were attracting other men's crops by spells; wherefore, when Sp. Alpinus had summoned him before the curule tribunal, fearing condemnation, since the tribes were to go to vote, he brought out all his rustic equipment into the forum, and brought along his strong daughter, and (as Piso says) well cared for and well clothed, ser

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET magis perspicuum minusq[ue]; mendosum referrem. Hermolaus in altera editione hunc locum declarare cupiens, Vi= detur (inquit) Steleni uinetum primo c c c c. millibus uenisse, tum D C. millibus mercante Palæmone, non à Ste leno, sed ab emptore primo: demum quadruplicato pre= cio comparatum à Seneca. Ego aliter censeo, quare sic legendum existimo, Sed maxima eiusdem Steleni opera Rhemnio Palæmoni aliàs Gramatica arte celebri in hi= scce x x. annis mercato rus sexcentis millibus nummûm in eodem Nomentano: ex uetustissimo libro, in quo hæc per datiuum leguntur, Palæmoni & celebri, nec mercatu[m], sed mercatorijs, ex quo mercato rus legedum duco. Alioquin frustra Plinius dixisset in eodem Nomentano, si de uineto superiore ipse intellexisset. Maxima igitur fama fuit Pa= læmoni opera Steleni. Est enim opera septimus casus, non accusandi. nec Palæmon opera, id est agricolationes Ste= leni mercatus est: sed ad rus emendum opera Steleni usus est, qui iam documentum industriæ suæ ac solertiæ dede= rat uenudato uineto c c c. millibus nummûm. Sequitur, Est autem nobilitas uinetis (uel mercis, ut in omnibus an= tiquis legitur) per omnia suburbana, ibi tamen maxima, quoniam neglecta per indiligentiam prædia perhauriat. malim, ut in antiquis & pridem impressis legitur, paraue= rat, hoc sensu, quum aliàs uineta magno ibi uenirent pro= pter uicinitatem, tum illa maximè Palæmonis in precio e= rant, quia illa comparauerat negligentia dominorum coli desita, ex quo noualium uice censebantur, quod Plinius significat dicens eum uineas pastinasse, quod renouasse si= gnificat. uix tamen hoc congruit cum Columella libro quarto, quum in ponenda uite restibilis uineti ultimam conditionem esse censeat. Quare fortasse Plinius uanita= tem in Plinij locus. Pastinare quid sit.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASH TREE AND more clearly, though somewhat corruptly, I would report it. Hermolaus, in the second edition, wishing to explain this passage, says: “It appears that Stelenus’ vineyard was first sold for 400,000 sesterces, then for 600,000 by the merchant Palæmon, not from Ste- lenus, but from the first purchaser: finally, bought by Seneca at four times the price.” I think otherwise; therefore I judge it should be read thus: “But the greatest work of the same Stelenus was in connection with Rhemnius Palæmon, otherwise celebrated in the grammatical art, in these xx years, the land was sold for six hundred thousand sesterces in the same Nomentanum: from a very old book, in which these words are read in the dative, ‘to Palæmon and celebrated,’ and not ‘mercatum,’ but ‘mercatoriis,’ from which I infer that ‘mercatus’ must be read.” Otherwise Pliny would have said in the same Nomentanum in vain, if he himself had understood it of the upper vineyard. Therefore the greatest reputation was for Palæmon’s work by Stelenus. For opera is the seventh case, not the accusative. Nor did he buy Palæmon’s work, that is, the cultivations of Stelenus: rather, he used Stelenus’ work for buying the land, since Stelenus had already given proof of his industry and skill by selling the vineyard for 300,000 sesterces. It follows, “But nobility is found in vineyards (or in merchandise, as it is read in all the old texts) throughout all the suburbans; yet there it is greatest, because it drains neglected estates through carelessness.” I prefer, as is read in the old and long-printed books, “had prepared,” with this sense: since elsewhere vineyards there were sold at a high price because of the proximity, then especially Palæmon’s were at a high price, because he had acquired them when the neglect of the owners had ceased to cultivate them, from which they were reckoned in the place of fallow lands; which Pliny indicates when he says that he had “pastinated” the vineyards, which means renovated them. Yet this scarcely agrees with Columella, book four, when he judges that, in setting out the vine, the last condition of a restibile vineyard is to be observed. Therefore perhaps Pliny [means] vanity in Pliny’s passage. What “pastinare” means.

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 685 tem in eo arguit, sed uanitatem in eo intelligo potius quòd uineas de integro pastinauit quasi restibile uinetum & cariosum, quum uineæ tantum neglectæ indiligentia cul= torum fuissent, nec repastinatione indigerent. Et inferius, Cura Stelenum agricolam imitatus. < Pliniij loc.> lego, cura Steleni dum agricolam imitatur. sic enim antiqua habent exem= plaria. Et rursus inferius, Cucurritq[ue] non nemo ad spe= ctandas uuarum in ijs uineis strues, literis eius altiores pi= gra ciuitate sibi patrocinante. In pridem impressis, altio= ribus pigra in ciuitate, legebatur: sed Hermolaus illud in, expungendum censuit, & altiores legendum, hoc sensu, habuisse causam Palæmonem Grammaticum quamobrem agrorum curam literis anteponeret, cum ad id desidiam ciuitatis sibi patrocinantem uideret. Ego autem altiori= bus reponendum hoc modo censeo, Literis eius altioribus pigra uicinitate sibi patrocinante. hoc sensu, ut uicini quibus confines uineæ Palæmoni multo minus reddebant diligentia pari non excultæ, referrent causam tanti pro= uentus in doctrinam Palæmonis, qui Græmatica arte ce= lebris fuit, Satyrici testimonio, qui inquit, -Cede Palæmon. Et rursus, -Odi Hanc ego, quæ repetit uoluitq[ue]; Palæmonis artem. Meminit & Quintilianus. Huc pertinet illud eiusdem Plinij libro decimooctauo, Caius Furius Cresinus è ser= uitute liberatus, cum in paruo admodum agello largiores multo fructus perciperet, quàm ex amplissimis uicinitas, in inuidia magna erat, ceu fruges alienas pelliceret uene= ficijs: quamobrem à Sp. Alpino curuli die dicta metuens damnationem, cum in suffragium tribus oporteret ire, in= strumentum rusticum omne in forum attulit, & adduxit filiam ualidam, atque (ut ait Piso) bene curatam ac uesti= tam, fer

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. HIS LIB. V. 685 there is in that a fault, but rather I understand it as vanity, because he replanted the vineyards from the ground up, as though it were a vineyard to be renewed and rotten, whereas the vines had only been neglected through the carelessness of the growers, and did not need replanting. And lower down, “Cura Stelenum agricolam imitatus.” I read, “cura Steleni dum agricolam imitatur”; for so the ancient copies have it. And again lower down, “Cucurritq[ue] non nemo ad spe- ctandas uuarum in ijs uineis strues, literis eius altiores pi- gra ciuitate sibi patrocinante.” In the earlier printed editions, “altio- ribus pigra in ciuitate” was read; but Hermolaus thought that the word “in” should be deleted, and “altiores” should be read, in this sense: that Palæmon the grammarian had reason to prefer the care of the fields to letters, since he saw idleness of the city favouring him. But I think it should be restored thus: “Literis eius altioribus pigra uicinitate sibi patrocinante,” in this sense, that the neighboring people, whose vineyards adjoining Palæmon’s yielded far less by reason of their equal neglect of cultivation, would attribute the cause of such great produce to Palæmon’s learning, he being famous for the art of grammar, as the Satyric poet testifies, who says, “Cede Palæmon.” And again, “odi Hanc ego, quæ repetit uoluitq[ue]; Palæmonis artem.” Quintilian also mentions it. To this belongs that passage of the same Pliny in the eighteenth book: Caius Furius Cresinus, freed from slavery, when on a very small plot he obtained much larger crops than the neighboring lands from the most extensive estates, was held in great envy, as though he were drawing off others’ grain by sorcery; wherefore, fearing condemnation on the day set by Sp. Alpinus before the curule office, when it was necessary to go to the tribes for the vote, he brought all his farm equipment into the forum, and led forward his sturdy daughter, and (as Piso says) well cared for and dressed, fer

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tam, ferramêta egregiè facta, graues ligones, uomeres ponderosos, boues saturos: postea dixit, Veneficia mea Qui- rites hæc sunt, nec possum uobis ostendere aut in forum adducere lucubrationes, uigiliasq[ue] & sudores. omnium sententijs itaque absolutus est. Sic igitur uicinitas non na- uatæ in cultu operæ, sed doctrinæ cuidam reconditæ tri- buendam censebat uberiorem fructuum perceptione. Se- quitur, Vt non puderet inuiso aliàs & ostento futuro tradere palmam eam emptis quadruplicato uineis. Vbi in uetusto, alias regiones, & ostentaturo legimus: in alio, < Plinij locus.> ostentatur. quare legendum censeo, inuisuro alias regio- nes, & ostentaturo. ut intelligamus Palæmonè tanto pre- cio ea regione exactum, alium locum quæsiturum in quo ostentare precium industriæ suæ posset. Reliqua ita cor- rupta censeo, ut sensus commodè elici nequeat. Veniamus nunc ad id quod quærebatur, Si sexaginta iugera qua- dringentis nullibus uenierunt, quæ decem millibus aureo- rum à nobis æstimâtur: sex iugera mille aureis constiterût, ut in singula iugera cætenos sexagenossenos & semissem statuere debeamus. Si hoc precium ex Columellæ ratione æstimetur, non uideo cur summam laudem propter hoc a- deptus sit Acilius, quod Plinius inquit. Propterea suspe- ctum numerum habeo. nam & in quodam antiquo legi, L x. iugerûm non amplius uineis excultis in Nomentano agro, atque æquè numero uenundatis. ut fortasse sic Pli- nius scripserit, atque æquè numero festertium uenundatis. Quaratione summa laus fuit in singula iugera centenis millibus nummûm uineam uendidisse, alioquin non ma- gnopere creuisset precium, quod non conuenit cum cultu ruris alterius, quod quadruplicato intra decimu[m] uenditu[m] est, cuius etiam uindemia pendens quadringentis nullibus nummûm

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET so much, tools excellently made, heavy hoes, ponderous ploughshares, well-fed oxen: afterward he said, “These are my charms, O Romans, and I cannot show you or bring into the forum my late-night studies, vigils, and sweat.” By the judgment of all he was therefore acquitted. Thus the neighborhood thought that the greater return should be attributed not to labor expended in cultivation, but to a certain hidden skill. It follows: “So that he would not be ashamed to hand over the prize to the man who had bought the vines at four times the price, with another estate unseen and to be displayed later.” Where we read in the old text, “alias regiones, & ostentaturo,” in another, <Pliny’s passage.> “ostentatur.” Therefore I think it should be read, “inuisuro alias regiones, & ostentaturo,” so that we may understand that, Palæmon having exacted such a price for that tract, he would seek another place in which he could display the reward of his industry. I judge the rest so corrupt that a suitable sense cannot readily be drawn from it. Let us now come to the point that was asked: if sixty iugera sold for four hundred thousands, which is estimated by us at ten thousand aurei, then six iugera would have cost a thousand aurei, so that we must assign sixty-five and a half sesterces to each iugerum. If this price is estimated according to Columella’s reckoning, I do not see why Acilius obtained such high praise for it, as Pliny says. For that reason I suspect the number. For in one old manuscript I also read: “L x. iugerûm, no more than vines cultivated in the Nomentan district, and sold for the same number.” Thus perhaps Pliny wrote, “and sold for the same number of sesterces.” In that way the highest praise was that he had sold a vineyard for a hundred thousand coins per iugerum; otherwise the price would not have increased greatly, which does not agree with the cultivation of another estate, which was sold within ten times the amount, and whose hanging vintage was also worth four hundred thousands of coins

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 687 nummûm addicta est. Rus autem illud cuius Plinius mo= dum non posuit, centuriam intelligo: de qua Columella loquens ita inquit, Centuriam nunc dicimus (ut Varro < Centuria.> ait) ducentorum iugerum modum, olim autem ab centum iugeribus uocabatur centuria: sed mox duplicata nomen retinuit. Cato centuriam uitariam posuisse uidetur cen= tum iugerum, cum inquit habere oportere quindecim ma= cipia uinearum iugeribus centum. In oliueto modica cen= turia (inquit Varro) erat ducentorum iugerum. Ergo hic si centenariam uiueam intelligamus sexcentis sester= tijs emptam, singula iugera in suburbano senis millibus nummûn constiterunt, id est centenis quinquagenis aureis coronatis, & precio quadruplicato intra decimum an= num, sexcenis: in quibus diligenti cultu eousq; profectum est à Rhemnio, ut octauo anno uindemiam pendentem in iugera centenis aureis uendiderit: quod Plinius miracu= lum uix credibile dixit. ut enim octonos culeos in singula iugera statuamus, hoc est uicenos modios Parisinos, qui= nis aureis uindemia cuiusque modij constitit. Hæc tamen summa multo minor est superiore, si sexagies sestertium legamus, & rus centuriam fuisse intelligamus. De his ui= neis loquens Columella libro quarto, & Senecæ blandi= ens tunc potentia & autoritate apud Neronem præua= lenti, ita inquit, His certè temporibus & Nomentana re= gio celeberrima fama est illustris, & præcipuè quam pos= sidet Seneca uir excellentis ingenij atque doctrinæ, cuius in prædijs uinearum iugera singula culcos octonos red= didisse plerunque compertum est. Ego autem compertum habeo, in præfectura Parisiensi uineta esse quæ etiam hunc numerum excesserint in singula iugera nostra, quæ illic sunt maxima. Igitur quadruplicatu precium, quater & uicies

Transcription: Translated (English)

...is assigned to the money. But that farm size, for which Pliny did not give the measure, I take to mean a centuria; and speaking of this, Columella says, “We now call a centuria” (as Varro says, ) “a measure of two hundred iugera; but formerly it was called a centuria from one hundred iugera: afterwards, though doubled, it retained the name.” Cato seems to have set the viticultural centuria at one hundred iugera, when he says that there ought to be fifteen slaves for one hundred iugera of vineyards. In an olive orchard, a small centuria, says Varro, was two hundred iugera. Therefore here, if we understand a hundred-vine vineyard to have been bought for six hundred thousand sesterces, each iuger in the suburb cost six thousand denarii, that is, one hundred and fifty gold crowns, and with the price quadrupled within ten years, six hundred; and in these circumstances the cultivation advanced so far under Remnius that in the eighth year he sold the standing vintage on the iugera for one hundred gold crowns: which Pliny said was a miracle scarcely credible. For if we reckon eight culei for each iuger, that is twenty Parisian modii, the vintage of each modius came to five gold crowns. Yet this sum is much less than the previous one, if we read sixty times a million sesterces, and understand the farm to have been a centuria. Speaking of these vineyards, Columella in the fourth book, and flattering Seneca, whose power and authority were then prevailing with Nero, says: “In these very times the district of Nomentum is famous for its renowned reputation, and especially the estate possessed by Seneca, a man of outstanding genius and learning, in whose vineyards it has been found that each iuger has commonly yielded eight casks.” But I know from experience that in the Paris district there are vineyards which have even exceeded this number per iuger of our land, the largest there. Therefore, with the price quadrupled, four and twenty

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET & uicies festertiu[m] fuit, quod nummo nostro sexaginta mil lia aureorum ualet. ex quo apparet Senecam non frustra prædiuitem appellatum esse à Iuuenale. Nam & ipse a= pud Tacitum lib. XIII ad Neronem inquit, Quartus= decimus annus est ex quo spei tuæ admotus sum, octauus ut imperium obtines: medio temporis tantum honoru[m] at= que opum cumulasti, ut nihil felicitati meæ desit, nisi mo= deratio eius. Et paulum infrà, Ego'ne equestri & prouin ciali loco ortus, proceribus ciuitatis annumeror? Inter no biles & longa decora præstrentes nouitas mea enituit? Vbi est animus ille modicis contentus? Tales hortos in= struit, & per hæc suburbana incedit, & tantis agrorum spatijs tam lato foenore exuberat? Vna defensio occurrit, quòd muneribus tuis obniti non debui: sed uterque men= suram impleuimus: & tu quantum princeps tribuere amico posset, & ego quantum amicus à principe accipere. Mihi subueniendum est, cum opes meas ultrà sustinere non possim. In hoc uitæ itinere senex, & leuissimis quoq; cu= ris impar, præsidium peto. Iube opes meas per procura= tores tuos administrari, & in tuam formam recipi. quod temporis hortorum aut uillarum curæ seponitur, in ani= mum reuocabo. Verba sunt Senecæ ab amicis admoniti, quòd ab inimicis apud Neronem insimularetur, quasi in= gentes & priuatu[m] supra modu[m] euectas opes quotidie au= geret, ut Taciti uerbis utar. Instante igitur perniciè proui dens, ad principe[m] ultro adijt, immensi census cessione[m] factu rus, ut uitæ co[n]suleret: quod obtinere ei non licuit. Nunc si reputare uelimus quantæ fuerint illæ opes, audiamus Suil= lium Senecæ inimicum, & inter alia quoque exprobran= tem apud eundem autorem libro decimotertio his uerbis, Qua sapietia, quibus philosophoru[m] præceptis intra qua= driennium

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G. BVD. ON THE ASSE AND and twenty-five sestertii, which by our money is worth sixty thousand gold coins. From this it appears that Seneca was not called “very wealthy” by Juvenal without reason. For he himself also, in Tacitus, book XIII, says to Nero: “The fourteenth year is now since I was admitted to your hopes, the eighth since you obtained the empire; in the interval you have amassed such a store of honors and wealth that nothing is lacking to my happiness except moderation in it.” And a little further on: “I, born of equestrian and provincial rank, am numbered among the leading men of the state? Has my newcomer status shone forth among nobles and men distinguished by long services? Where is that spirit content with little? He lays out gardens of this sort, and moves through these suburban places, and with such broad revenues over so great stretches of land abounds? One defense comes forward: that I should not have resisted your gifts; but each of us filled the measure: you, as prince, how much you could bestow on a friend, and I, how much a friend could receive from a prince. I must be helped, since I cannot bear my means any longer. At this stage of life, old and even unequal to the slightest cares, I seek protection. Order that my property be administered by your agents and taken back into your control. Whatever time is set aside for the care of gardens or villas, I shall recall to mind.” These are the words of Seneca, when warned by friends, because he was being accused before Nero by enemies, as though he were daily increasing immense wealth and wealth beyond private measure, to use Tacitus’ words. So, when danger was pressing, he prudently went of his own accord to the prince, intending to surrender an immense fortune, in order to safeguard his life; but he was not permitted to obtain this. Now if we wish to consider how great those riches were, let us hear Suilius, Seneca’s enemy, also reproaching him, among other things, in the same author, book thirteen, in these words: “By what wisdom, by what precepts of the philosophers, within four years…”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. driennium regiæ amicitiæ ter millies sestertiu[m] parauisset? Romæ testamenta & orbos uelut indagine eius capi. Ita= liam & prouincias immenso foenore hauriri. His uerbis cum superioribus intelligimus Senecam magnos reditus ex agris & foenore pecuniæ habuisse. quòd si sestertium ter nullies quarto iam anno imperij Neronis quæsiuerat, ut Suillius dixit: quid existimemus eum habuisse octauo eiusdem imperij anno, quando orationem illam ad Nero= nem habuit? Ter nullies (ut alibi diximus) census fuit ma= ior Crassiano, hoc est septuagies quinquies centena nullia aureum huius temporis. Olim autem à censu notæ erant opes hominum, no[n] ut nunc occultæ. professio enim necessi tatis erat. Cæterum ex antedictis feracitas uinearum anti quarum declaratur, cum Plinius dicat, Ac ne quis uictam in hoc antiquitatem arbitraetur, idem Cato denos culeos redire ex iugeribus scripsit. & ut reditus opimus intelli= geretur, subdidit Plinius, Efficacibus exemplis non maria plus temerata conserre mercatori, non in Rubrum littus Indicum'ue merces petitas, quàm sedulum ruris larem. Sed tanta copia in Cecubis & Setinis Falernisq[ue]; no[n] fuit, quæ primæ autoritatis erant, ut ex Plinio & Columella nouimus. Nomentanus enim ager feracitate no[n] autoritate præstantiæ illustris erat. Propterea addidit ea uerba Pli= nius, digna opera quæ in Cecubis Setinisq[ue]; agris profice ret. Prodigio autem simile est, uitem unam, id est unam stir pem, excessisse uuarum numerum duorum millium, quod Columella dixit: & id dictu[m] de uite pergulari puto. Vnde idem alibi, In Albano generis Aminei uitis notas habui= mus, numero quidem perpaucas, uerum ita fertiles, ut in iugo singulæ ternas urnas præberent, in pergulis autem singulæ denas amphoras peræquarent. Nunc citetur lo= X cus

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PART I. BOOK V. How could he have amassed three million sesterces in four years of royal friendship? At Rome, wills and childless men were, as it were, caught by his net. Italy and the provinces were being drained by immense usury. From these words, together with the preceding ones, we understand that Seneca had large incomes from his estates and from lending money at interest. And if, in the fourth year of Nero’s reign, he had acquired three million sesterces, as Suillius said, what do we think he had in the eighth year of that same reign, when he delivered that speech to Nero? Three million sesterces (as we have said elsewhere) was a census greater than that of Crassus, that is, seventy-five hundred thousand aurei of our time. In former days, however, men’s wealth was indicated by their census, not hidden as it is now; for disclosure was a necessity. Moreover, from the foregoing it is shown how fruitful the vines of antiquity were, since Pliny says: “And let no one think antiquity has been surpassed in this matter; the same Cato wrote that ten culei were yielded from a iugerum.” And to make clear that the yield was abundant, Pliny added: “With effective examples, the merchant is not more likely to be lured by the sea, nor by goods sought on the Red Sea shore or the Indian coast, than the diligent household of the countryside.” But there was not such abundance in the Cecubian, Setine, and Falernian wines, which were of the first rank in authority, as we learn from Pliny and Columella. For the Nomentan field was distinguished not by authority but by fertility. Therefore Pliny added those words, fit work for the Cecubian and Setine fields. It is, however, almost a prodigy that one vine, that is, one stock, should have exceeded the number of two thousand clusters, as Columella said; and I think this was said of the pergular vine. Hence the same author elsewhere says: “In the Alban region we had vines of the Aminaean type, indeed very few in number, but so fruitful that on the trellis each would yield three urns, and on pergolas each would equal ten amphorae.” Now let the passage be cited

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET cus Plinij libro decimooctauo ubi de summa fertilitate loquitur. Ciuitas, inquit, Africæ in medijs sita arenis Syrtis petentibus Leptim, quæ magna uocatur Tacape, felici super omne miraculum riguo solo, ternis ferè passuum millibus in omnem partem, sons abundat, largus quidè, sed certis horarum spatijs dispensatus inter incolas. Palmæ ibi prægrandi subditur olea, huic ficus, fico punica, illi uitis. sub uite seritur frumentum, mox legumen, demum holus, omnia eodem anno, omniaq[ue] aliena umbra aluntur. Quaterna cubita eius soli in quadratu[m], nec ut à porrectis metiantur digitis, sed in pugnum contractis, quaternis denarijs ucundantur. Super omnia est, bifera[m] uitem bis anno uindemiare. Et nisi multiplici partu exinaniatur ubertas, pereant luxuria singuli fructus. nunc uerò toto anno metitur aliquid, constatq[ue] fertilitati non occurrere homines. Hactenus Plinius. Age ineamus rationem. quaterna cubita[m] plena & iusta in quadratum, hexapoda nostram faciunt, id est tricenossenos pedes: quæ mensura octingeties multiplicata[m], duodetriginta millia & octingentos pedes explet. Nos enim superius docuimus iugerum Romanum octingentas hexapodas habuisse. Sic fit ut iugerum Romæ num eius soli Africi duodecim millibus & octingentis sestertijs nummis constiterit: quæ ære nostro trecentis & uiginti aureis coronatis ualent. & tamen ita ratione[m] subduximus, quasi plena cubita fuerint. Magna est hodie opinio agri nostri suburbani, qui uliginem contrahit à colluui urbis. holeribus & acetarijs & raphanis & legumini bus seritur, & interim pergulis circunuestitur, ne hyeme quidem nisi sæuissima cessans: sed pretiu[m] eius, ut arbitror, ad tertiam partem illius Africani non accedit. Vnum aute[m] restat dicendum, quod consultò in finem operis dilatum est

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASSE AND of which Pliny speaks in the eighteenth book, where he discusses the highest fertility. “A city,” he says, in the midst of the sands of Africa, seeking the Syrtes, near Leptis, called Tacape the great, with a delightfully irrigated soil beyond all marvel, for nearly three miles in every direction, abounds in springs, plentiful indeed, but distributed among the inhabitants at fixed hours of the day. There the palm is followed by the larger olive; after this the fig; after the fig, the pomegranate; then the vine. Beneath the vine wheat is sown, then legumes, and finally vegetables, all in the same year, and all are nourished by another’s shade. Four cubits of that soil, measured in a square—not as with outstretched fingers, but with the hand clenched into a fist—yield four denarii. Above all, the vine that bears twice a year is harvested twice annually. And unless fertility be drained by manifold offspring, the individual fruits perish through luxuriance. Now, indeed, something is gathered throughout the whole year, and it is clear that men cannot keep pace with fertility.” So far Pliny. Come, let us work out the calculation. Four full and proper cubits in a square make our hexapod, that is, thirty square feet; multiplied eight hundred times, this fills thirty-two thousand eight hundred feet. For we have shown above that a Roman iugerum had eight hundred hexapods. Thus it comes about that one Roman iugerum of that African soil cost twelve thousand eight hundred sesterces; which in our money amounts to three hundred and twenty gold crowns. And yet we have made the calculation as though the cubits were full. Great today is the reputation of our suburban land, which draws moisture from the filth of the city. It is sown with herbs, salad plants, radishes, and legumes, and in the meantime is surrounded by trellises, never ceasing even in winter unless the weather be most severe; but its price, I think, does not reach a third part of that African land. One thing remains to be said, which has been deliberately postponed to the end of the work

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PARTIB EIVS LIB. V. 691 est, ut in mentione domini nostri fastigium operi imponatur. Matthæi decimo legitur, [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] 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[n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n]

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB EIVS LIB. V. 691 it is so that, in the mention of our Lord, the crowning of the work may be placed. In Matthew 10 it is read, [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] 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bub_gb_2Iqok-Lv-wcC-page-699.png

Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET annis inferre in Capitolium iussit, ita ut antea Hierosolymorum templo pendebant. Intelligimus ergo id quod in Exodo dicitur, typum fuisse tributi quod Iudæis à Roma nis iniunctum est. non enim primùm à Vespasiano id factum est, sed ab Augusto, qui censum imperauit Iudæis Cyrino præside. Vespasianus autem no[n] in Iudæa tantum hoc tributum indixit, sed Iudæis ubi terrarum cumq[ue] age rent. Didrachmum igitur denos obolos Hebraicos ualebat, sed duodeuos Atticos: nec didrachmum in singulos patres familiarum, ut Liranus censuit, hoc est in capita familiarum, sed in singulos homines statutu[m], quomodo olim semisclus in numerum homium, id est uiritim, non domesticatim constitutus, in eos quidem qui maiores uiginti annis essent. quod perinde est, ac si binas operas in sacra publica conferre iuberentur. na[m] drachma merces est diurna, ut suprà docuimus de denario diurno loquentes, cuius fit Stater. mentio Matthæi uicesimo. Stater igitur tetradrachmus erat, ut & antea dictum est. Nunc igitur in hac mentione stateris, æstimentur, si fieri potest, diuitiæ hominis unius priuati, quantum meminerim, maximæ. Pythius is est Bithynius, quem Herodotus in v 1 1. prodidit Dario Persarum regi uitem auream & platanum donauisse: posteaq[ue] Xerxi Darij filio, quum in Græciam infesto exercitu tendens Cænis urbe Phrygiæ iter faceret, obuiam profectu[m], Regem ipsum atque omnem eius exercitu[m] hospitio suscepisse, xeuijsq[ue] magnificis donauisse, pecuniam etiam in id bellum præbiturum se pollicitum. quam pollicitationem admiratus Xerxes, astantes percunctatus est quis nam hominum esset Pythius, quamq[ue] pecunijs abundas, qui hoc ultro spopondisset. Cui quum resposum esset, illum esse Pythium, qui patrem eius Darium uisendo illo munere uitis ac Tributum Iudaicum. Diuitiæ Pythij memorabiles.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. Of the ass and he ordered it to be paid each year into the Capitol, just as before they paid it to the temple of Jerusalem. Thus we understand that what is said in Exodus was a type of the tribute which was imposed on the Jews by the Romans. For it was not first established by Vespasian, but by Augustus, who ordered a census of the Jews under Quirinius as governor. Vespasian, however, imposed this tribute not in Judea only, but on the Jews wherever in the world they might be living. A didrachm, therefore, was worth ten Hebrew obols, but twelve Attic obols; and the didrachm was not assessed on each father of a family, as Liranus thought, that is, on heads of households, but on each individual person, as was once the half-shekel established for the number of men, that is, individually and not by households, indeed on those who were over twenty years old. This is as if they were ordered to contribute two days’ labor to public sacred rites. For a drachm is a day’s wage, as we above showed when speaking of the daily denarius, of which a stater is made mention in Matthew chapter 20. Therefore a stater was a tetradrachm, as has already been said. Now then, in this mention of the stater, let the wealth of one private man, if possible, be estimated, as far as I remember, the greatest. This is Pythius the Bithynian, whom Herodotus in book V recorded as having presented to Darius king of the Persians a golden vine and a plane tree: and afterwards, when Xerxes the son of Darius, marching with his hostile army against Greece, was making his way through the city of Cænæ in Phrygia, he came out to meet him, received the king himself and his whole army into hospitality, and gave them magnificent gifts, promising also that he would provide money for that war. Xerxes, amazed at this promise, asked those standing by who Pythius might be, and how rich in money was the man who had thus voluntarily pledged this. And when it was answered him that he was Pythius, who by that gift of the vine had shown favor to his father Darius, and Tribute of the Jews. Memorable wealth of Pythius.

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 693 ac platani aureæ donauisset, ac tum quoque nihilominus hominum ditissimus secundum regem esset: rursus admiratus Xerxes, & ad Pythiu[m] co[n]uersus, sciscitari coepit quàm ingentis pecuniæ fiducia ad pollicitatione illa[m] uenisset. Ad ea Pythius, Cum ad mare, inquit, Græciæ descendere te au-dissem, statim opum mearu[m] rationem inire aggressus sum. < Pythius Bithynius.> I am tum enim in animum induxeram pecuniâ tibi dono dare in bellum id gerendum. Subducta igitur ratione, argenti quidem talenta duo millia, auri uerò myriadas quadringentas, staterum Daricorum septem millibus minus habere me comperi: quæ tibi dono dare statui. Mihi aute[m] uictus ex mancipijs & agricultura suppetet. His uerbis Xerxes delectatus, Vt tecu[m], inquit, paria faciam, pro hac liberalitate hospitem te meu[m] facio: quadringetas uerò myriadas nummum de meo explebo datis tibi chiliadibus septem, ut quadragies centenis millibus Daricorum stateru[m] nihil desit. Proinde quæ hactenus possedisti, possideto, me mentoq[ue] talem te semper præstare. hæc enim te facientem, nec in præsens, nec in futurum poenitebit. Hæc sunt enim uerba Xerxis apud Herodotum, [quod] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] 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Transcription: Translated (English)

and had presented him with a golden plane tree, and even then he was nevertheless the richest man next to the king: Xerxes, amazed once again, and turning to Pythius, began to inquire how great a sum of money had given him confidence to make that promise. To this Pythius said, “When I heard that you were descending to the sea of Greece, I immediately set about reckoning my resources. For I had then made up my mind to give you money as a gift for waging that war. After drawing up the account, I found that I possessed two thousand talents of silver, but in gold four hundred myriads, less seven thousand Daric staters; this I decided to give you as a gift. My livelihood, however, would be maintained from my slaves and agriculture.” Delighted by these words, Xerxes said, “So that I may treat you as an equal, I make you my host in return for this generosity: I will myself make up the four hundred myriads of coin by adding to you seven thousand in gifts, so that nothing may be lacking to the forty million Daric staters. Therefore keep what you have hitherto possessed, and remember always to show yourself such a man. For if you act thus, you will have no cause to regret it, neither now nor in the future.” These are the words of Xerxes in Herodotus,

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET conuiuas totidè potorijs uasis, mutantè uasa cu[m] ferculis, saginasse? quota uerò illæ ipsæ (neq[ue] enim de regibus loquor) portio fuerit Pythij Bythinij, qui platanum aurea[m], uitemq[ue] nobilem illâ Dario Regi donauit: Xerxis copias, hoc est septies L X X X V I I I. millia excepit epulo, stipendium quinque mensium frumentu[m]q[ue] pollicitus, ut è quinq[ue] liberis senectuti suæ in delectu unus saltem concederetur? In antiquis exemplaribus legitur, Mille millia hominum excepit. V terque autem numerus mendosus esse uidetur ex Herodoto, qui peditatum Xerxis ex Asia contractum, ter et uicies centena millia hominu[m] fuisse dicit præter seruitia et frumentatores, præter classem, cuius magnu[m] numerum facit. Hunc igitur numerum hominu[m] Pythium hospitio suscepisse uerisimile est, quoniâ tætas copias terrestres habuit Xerxes quum in Phrygia[m] uenit. Na[m] posteaquam Hellespontum transijt, numerus exercitus seruitijs et comitatu supra quinquagies auctus est, ut in superioribus dictum est quum de choenice loqueremur. Sed Plinius fortasse Herodotu[m] autorem non secutus est, sed Trogum, qui Xerxem ex regno suo septingenta hominum millia coegisse dicit, et trecenta ex auxiliaribus. Quare Plinius scripsisse existimari potest septies octoginta millia, ut subintelligatur centena uerbum, ut supra docuimus, ut sit septies centena octoginta octo millia. Quod si ex Herodoto restituere placet, sic legendu[m], Decies septies octoginta millia. Nam Herodotus præter peditatum etia[m] octoginta millia equitum fuisse auctor est. Cum aute[m] Plinius dicat Pythium quinq[ue] mensium stipendium et frumentu[m] exercitui Xerxis pollicitum esse quinq[ue] filiorum suoru[m] nomine, ut tantum uni uacationem militiæ impetraret, existimo quadragies centena millia stateru[m] Daricoru[m] tanto exercitui

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET did he feed his guests with as many drinking vessels, changing the vessels together with the courses? But what share, in truth, did those same men have (for I am not speaking of kings)? What portion belonged to Pythius the Bithynian, who gave the golden plane tree and the noble vine to King Darius; who received Xerxes’ forces at a banquet, that is, seven times 58,000, promising five months’ provision of grain, in order that from among his five children at least one might be granted exemption in his old age by selection? In ancient copies it is read, “He received a thousand thousand men.” But that triple number seems to be a corruption from Herodotus, who says that Xerxes’ infantry, gathered from Asia, amounted to three hundred and twenty thousand men, besides servants and provisioners, besides the fleet, of which he gives a great number. It is therefore probable that Pythius entertained this number of men, because Xerxes had such a force of land troops when he came into Phrygia. For after he crossed the Hellespont, the number of the army, with servants and attendants, was increased more than fiftyfold, as was said above when we were speaking of the choenix. But Pliny perhaps did not follow Herodotus as his source, but Trogus, who says that Xerxes gathered seven hundred thousand men from his own kingdom and three hundred thousand from auxiliaries. Therefore Pliny may be thought to have written “seven times eighty thousand,” with the word “hundred” to be understood, as we showed above, so that the total is seven hundred and eighty-eight thousand. But if one wishes to restore it from Herodotus, it should be read thus: “Seventeen times eighty thousand.” For Herodotus also states that, besides the infantry, there were eighty thousand cavalry. Since Pliny says that Pythius promised five months’ pay and grain to Xerxes’ army in the name of his five sons, so that he might obtain exemption from military service for only one, I think that four hundred thousand Daric staters

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. citui in stipendium & frumentum coëmendu[m] sufficere in quinq[ue]; menses potuisse. Vt igitur minimum numerum se= quamur, id est septingenta nullia, fac ut singuli in mensem ternos aureos coronatos acceperint: hac ratione in singulos menses stipendium uicies semel cætenis millibus stetit, quæ summa quinquies ducta ob quinque menses, centies quinquies centena nullia efficit. His equitatus stipendium addendum, quibus trecenta millia auxiliarium addere nuc nolui, quia nondum contracta erant auxilia, quæ post transitum Hellesponti sese Persis adiunxerunt ex Macedonia, Thessalia, Epiro & Græcia. Nunc igitur de stateribus Daricis uideamus. Stateres quidam Alexandrei, quidam Darici, quidam erant Philippei. Sed stater aureus minam argenti ualebat. Pollux, [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [ n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] [n]o[n] 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Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. which was sufficient for pay and for buying grain for five months. Therefore, if we follow the minimum number, that is, seven hundred thousand, assume that each man received three gold crowned staters a month: by this reckoning, in each month the pay for the whole army came to twenty-one thousand of the remaining thousands, which sum, multiplied five times for the five months, amounts to one hundred and five thousand thousand. To this the cavalry pay must be added; I now did not wish to add three hundred thousand auxiliaries, because the auxiliaries had not yet been assembled, the forces that after the crossing of the Hellespont joined the Persians from Macedonia, Thessaly, Epirus, and Greece. Now then let us look at the Daric staters. Some staters were Alexandrian, some Daric, some Philipic. But a gold stater was worth a mina of silver. Pollux,

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET πιχιλια πιακοσπια εξηκνητα. ὑδὲ πῶνες ὑδὲ γγδος ὑδὲ ἐφεκδος τῶν πιάκνητα μνῶν ἐγιων καὶ εξηκνητα, πεντακοσπια απαχμαι καὶ εξηκνητα. Atqui centu[m] & uiginti stateres fiunt tria millia trecetæ sexaginta. Fænus autem terrestre sesquisextu[m], tri gintatriu[m] minaru[m] & sexaginta, quingetæ fiunt drachmæ et sexaginta. < Stater Cyzicenus Atticus & Persicus.> His uerbis apparet staterè Cyzicenu[m] paulo= minus tribus aureis coronatis ualuisse: sed Atticos stateres & Persicos Cyzicenis uberiores multo fuisse & pòdere & indicatura conijciendu[m] est, & præsertim Persicos, cum Babylonium talentum ephectam proportionem ad Atti= cum habuerit. Stateres autem aureos hic intelligimus ex ijs quæ sequuntur, etia[m] si Pollux stateris appellatione non magis aureum quàm argenteum intelligendum censuerit. Sed notanda uerba Demosthenis, Tria nullia trecetæ sex= aginta. Et rursus, Trigintatrium minarum & sexaginta. Vbi drachmas subintelligi uoluit, communi more loquen= di apud Græcos, ut apud Romanos nummi intelliguntur, ut alibi sæpe diximus. Quomodo autem apud Romanos argentea nomismata drachmalia signabantur Athenien= sium imitatione, & aurea didrachma erant, sic apud Athe nienses & Persas & Macedonas stateres aurei geminato pondere signabantur, hoc est octonis drachmis. certè no= misma unum hoc triennio argenteu[m] uidi, cuius index erat λυσιμά χασπλέως, Lysimachi Regis. uerum pondus tunc non examinaui, nec alioquin nummum magnopere co[n]si= derandum duxi, quòd nihil tum harum rerum cogitarem, quas in hoc opere tractaui: quare nec mihi oblatu[m] merca tus sum, taetsi nomismatu[m] huiusmodi studiosus propter an tiquitate[m]. Hoc aute[m] anno quu[m] anxiè perquirere et ter qua[m] terq[ue]; argento repedere paratus essem, in tertias quartasq[ue]; manus peruenisse co[n]peri, et tade[m] hinc exportatu[m] sed quu[m] ab

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF AS AND ET two thousand five hundred sixty. and so on; and likewise, and likewise, and likewise of the one hundred and fifty minas, two thousand and sixty, five hundred drachmas and sixty. For one hundred and twenty staters make three thousand three hundred and sixty. But the interest on land, at one-sixth, of thirty-three minas and sixty, makes five hundred drachmas and sixty. < Cyzicene, Attic, and Persian stater.> From these words it appears that the Cyzicene stater was worth a little less than three crowned gold pieces; but the Attic and Persian staters must be judged to have been much richer than the Cyzicenes, both in weight and in value, and especially the Persian, since the Babylonian talent had a proportion of one-eighth to the Attic. By staters of gold here we understand those that follow, even if Pollux thought that by the term stater no more than a silver coin was meant than a gold one. But the words of Demosthenes are to be noted: Three thousand three hundred and sixty. And again, Thirty-three minas and sixty. Where he wished drachmas to be understood, according to the common manner of speaking among the Greeks, just as among the Romans coins are understood, as we have often said elsewhere. And just as among the Romans silver coins were marked as drachmas in imitation of the Athenians, and gold ones were didrachms, so among the Athenians and Persians and Macedonians gold staters were stamped with double weight, that is, with eight drachmas. Certainly I have seen one silver coin of this kind in these three years, on which was the inscription λυσιμά χασπλέως, of King Lysimachus. But at that time I did not examine the weight, nor did I otherwise think the coin much worth considering, because I was then thinking of none of the matters treated in this work; for which reason I neither bought it when it was offered to me, although I was fond of coins of this kind because of their antiquity. But this year, when I was earnestly searching and was ready to pay three or four times as much in silver, I found that it had passed into a third or fourth hand, and at length had been exported from here, but when...

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 697 ab ijs percunctarer, qui maximè meminisse uidebantur, quantum ponderis traheret, aiebat unus se existimare se= mutiale nomisma fuisse. Id ille nuhi facilè persuasit, quòd alter maius etiam pondus meminisse se dicebat: & ea nuhi magnitudo nomismatis oculis obuersabatur, quæ (ut mini mum) æquaret denariu[m] Mediolanese[m]. Rescuii etia[m] à ter tio, in cuius tunc manu esset, id est, cui ipse id dono dedisset (in quartam enim manum uenerat) sed uidere nuhi postea non contigit. Siue autem stater is fuerit, siue non, Daricus tamen stater no[n] minus denis aureis nostris ualuit, id est, ar genti muna, qua ratione fit, ut quadragies centena nullia Daricorum, quadringenties centena nullia coronatorum ualuerint. Nunc igitur apparet Pythium Bithynium no[n] modò septingentis & octoginta millibus, sed planè decies centenus nullibus atq[ue] adeo decies septies cætenis, et equi= tatui præterea & classi stipendium & frumentum suppe ditare in quinque menses potuisse. Hic obiter nonnihil di cendum de militari stipendio: cuius modus cum parum an= tehac statui potuisset, historia Corneli[us] Taciti Romæ nu= per edita restitutis aliquot libris, nobis occasionem dedit & ansam aliquid de eo explicandi. < De stipendio militari.> Stipendium militare quo tempore institutu[m] fuerit, Liuius libro quarto ab Vr= be condita docet de Anxuris expugnatione loquens, his uerbis, Oppidum uetere fortuna opulentum tres exerci= tus diripuere, eaq[ue] primum benignitas imperatorum ple= bem Patribus conciliauit. Additum deinde omnium maxi mè tempestiuo principum in multitudinem munere, ut ante mentionem ullam plebis Tribunorum'ue decerneret Senatus ut stipendium miles de publico acciperet, cum an te id tempus de suo quisque functus eo munere esset. Ni= hil unqua[m] acceptum à plebe tanto gaudio traditur. Idem X 5 paulum

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART IB. BOOK V. 697 When I was inquiring of those who seemed to remember it best how much it weighed, one said that he thought it was a semicircular coin. This he easily persuaded me of, because another said he remembered an even greater weight; and that size of coin was present to my eyes, which at the least would have equaled a Milanese denarius. I also investigated from a third person whose hands it had then been in, that is, to whom he himself had given it as a gift (for it had come into a fourth hand), but I did not afterward get to see it. But whether it was a stater or not, a Daric nevertheless was worth no less than ten of our gold coins, that is, an argenti muna, by which calculation it comes about that forty hundred thousand Darics, four hundred hundred thousand crowned coins, were worth. Now therefore it is clear that Pythius the Bithynian was able to supply not only seven hundred and eighty thousand, but plainly ten hundred thousand, and indeed seventeen hundred thousand, and moreover pay and provisions to cavalry and fleet for five months. Here a little must be said by the way about military pay: since its measure could not have been established long before, the history of Cornelius Tacitus, recently published at Rome with several books restored, has given us occasion and an opening to explain something about it. <On military pay.> Military pay At what time it was instituted, Livy, in the fourth book From the Founding of the City, tells in speaking of the capture of Anxur, in these words: “The town, rich in the prosperity of former days, was plundered by three armies, and this was the first instance in which the kindness of the commanders won over the common people to the senators. Then was added, in a gift to the multitude most timely of all from the leaders, that before any mention whatever of the people or the tribunes, the Senate should decree that the soldier receive pay from the public treasury, whereas up to that time each man had performed that service at his own expense. Nothing is ever reported to have been received by the common people with greater joy.” The same X 5 a little

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET paulum infrà, Postremo indicto iam tributo, edixerunt etia[m] Tribuni auxilio se futuros, si quis in militare stipendium tributum non contulisset. Patres bene coeptam rem persecueranter tueri. conferre ipsi primi. & quia nondum < Aeris grauis tempus. > argentum signatum erat, æs graue plaustris quidam ad ærarium conuehentes, speciosam etiam collationem faciebant. His Liuij uerbis apparet cur æra merere mulites dicantur, curq[ue] ærarium dictum sit, ab ære scilicet graui, nondum arg[umen]teo nummo percusso. Inde illa locutio apud Liuium in sexto ab Vrbe condita, Inde rem creditori palam populo soluit, libraq[ue]; & ære liberatum emittit, de < Libra, & ære liberare. > Manlio loqu[enti]es. Tacitus uerò libro primo ab excessu Augusti, de seditione Pannonica loquens, quæ circa initium principatus Tyberij contigit, ita inquit, uerba seditione[m] agitantium referens: Qua[n]do ausuros exposcere remedia, nisi nouum ac nutantem adhuc principem precibus uel ar mis adirent? Satis per tot annos ignauia peccatum, quòd tricena aut quadragena stipendia senes, & pleriq[ue] truncato ex uulneribus corpore tolerant. Ne dimissis quidem finem esse mulitiæ, sed apud uexillum retentos, alio uocabulo eosdem labores perferre, ac si quis tot casus uitæ superauerit, trahi adhuc diuersas in terras, ubi per nomine agrorum, uligines paludum, uel inculta montium accipiant. Enimuero militiam ipsam grauem, infructuosam, denis in diem assibus animam & corpus æstimari. Hinc uestem, arma, tentoria, hinc sæuitiam Centurionu[m], & uacationes munerum redimi. at hercule uerbera & uulnera, duram hyemem, exercitas æstates, bellum atrox aut sterilem pacem sempiternæ: nec aliud leuamentum, quàm si certis sub legibus militia iniretur, ut singulos denarios mererent, sextusdecimus stipendij annus finem afferret, ne ultra sub uxillis

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. On the payment of the army and the treasury a little below. Finally, when the tax had already been imposed, they also proclaimed that the Tribunes would give their support if anyone had not contributed the tax for military pay. The Fathers, to protect the well-begun measure, pressed it forward with good will. They themselves were the first to contribute; and because silver coin had not yet been struck, < Heavy bronze at that time. > some, conveying heavy bronze in carts to the treasury, made an impressive contribution as well. From these words of Livy it is clear why soldiers are said to earn bronze pay, and why the treasury is called aerarium, namely from aes grave, since silver coin had not yet been struck. Thus that expression in Livy, in the sixth book From the Founding of the City: “Then he publicly settles the debt to the creditor before the people and sends him away freed by weighing-out and bronze,” of Manlius speaking. Tacitus, however, in the first book On the Aftermath of Augustus, speaking of the Pannonian mutiny, which occurred around the beginning of Tiberius’ reign, says this, reporting the words of those stirring up the rebellion: “When would they dare to demand redress, unless they approached the still new and unstable princeps with prayers or arms? For so many years enough has been committed through cowardice, that old men endure thirty or forty campaigns, and most with bodies mangled by wounds. Even after discharge there is no end to soldiering, but they are kept under the standard and bear the same labors under another name; and if anyone has survived so many dangers of life, he is still dragged off to distant lands, where under the names of fields, marshes, or barren mountains they are received.” Indeed, military service itself is said to be burdensome and unprofitable, with soul and body valued at ten asses a day. From this the clothing, arms, and tents, then the harshness of the centurions and exemptions from duties are purchased off. But by Hercules, beatings and wounds, severe winters, exhausting summers, fierce war or barren peace are everlasting; and there is no relief except if military service were entered under fixed laws, so that they should earn a denarius each, and the sixteenth year of service would bring an end, so that they would not go on beyond the under the standards

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 699 uexillistenerentur, sed ijsdem in castris præmium pecunia solueretur. An Prætorias cohortes, quæ binos denarios acciperent, quæ post sedecim annos penatibus suis redda= tur, plus periculoru[m] suscipere? Et paulò post, Responsum est à coccione, mandata esse Clementi centurioni quæ per= ferret. Is oritur de missione à sedecim annis, de præmijs si nitæ militiæ, ut denarius diurnu[m] stipendiu[m] foret, ne ueterani sub uexillo haberetur. Et rursus de instaurata seditione lo quens, 1gitur uolutatis inter se rationibus placitu[m], ut epi= stolæ nomine principis scriberentur, missione[m] dari uicena stipendia meritis, ex autorari qui senadena fecissent, ac re= tineri sub uexillo cæteroru[m] immunes, nisi propulsandi ho stis. His uerbis apparet ueteranos milites aliquado tricena stipedia implere solitos, aliquado quadragena, aliquado uicena: nec ullu[m] tepus perpetuò statutu[m] fuisse. Simul uete ranos militia exautoratos no[n] statim missione[m] adipisci soli tos, sed indulgentiore militia sub uexillis retineri quo ad præmia et colonias acciperet. ex quo planius intelligitur id quod Tranquil. in T yberio scribit, Atq[ue] etia[m] missiones ueteranoru[m] rarissimas fecit, ex senio morte[m], ex morte co[m]pe[n] dium captans. Veru[m] ut supradictis T aciti uerbis intelligi= mus denos asses diurnu[m] stipendium militare fuisse, ita eade[m] uerba hoc significare uidentur, denarium maius stipendiu[m] assibus Denis fuisse: ut fortasse hoc adiuvare id possit quod superius hoc eode[m] libro diximus de denario quem Vitru= uius sedecim assibus ualuisse tradidit Augusti tempore: quanquam olim signato statim argento denarius decem assibus ualuisset. Quam rursus opinionem euertere uide= tur Plinij dictum libro x x x i i i. his uerbis, Postea An nibale urgente, Quinto Fabio, Maximo Dictatore asses unciales facti: placuitq[ue] denarium sedecim assibus permu= tari

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 699 were not to be kept under the standards, but in the same camps the reward was to be paid in money. Was it the Praetorian cohorts, which received two denarii, which were to be restored to their households after sixteen years, that took on more dangers? And shortly after, the answer was given by the coccio, that orders had been given to Clement, the centurion, to carry them. This concerns discharge after sixteen years, the rewards of faithful service, so that a denarius should be the daily stipend, and that veterans should not be kept under the standard. And again, speaking of the renewed mutiny, it was then agreed, after they had weighed the arguments among themselves, that letters should be written in the prince's name, that discharge should be granted to those who had served twenty campaigns, that those who had done thirty should be exempted, and that the rest should be retained under the standard, except for those immune from duty when repelling the enemy. From these words it appears that veteran soldiers used at times to complete thirty campaigns, at times forty, at times twenty: and that no fixed term had been established in perpetuity. At the same time, veterans dismissed from military service were not accustomed to obtain discharge at once, but were retained under the standards in a more indulgent service until they received rewards and colonies. From this it is more clearly understood what Tranquill. writes in Tiberius, namely, that he even made discharges of veterans very rare, seeking gain from old age, from death, from death compensation. But as from the above words of Tacitus we understand that ten asses was the daily military stipend, so these same words seem to signify that the denarius was a greater stipend than ten asses: and perhaps this may be aided by what we said above in this same book about the denarius, which Vitruvius reports was worth sixteen asses in the time of Augustus; although formerly, when silver was first coined, the denarius had been worth ten asses. On the other hand, that opinion seems to be overturned by Pliny's statement in book xxxiii, in these words: “Afterwards, when Hannibal was pressing hard, under Quintus Fabius Maximus as dictator, asses were made of one ounce; and it was decided that the denarius should be exchanged for sixteen asses.”

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tari quinarium octonis, sextertium quaternis. Ita Respub. dimidium lucrata est. In militari tamen stipendio semper denarius pro decem assibus datus. Hoc igitur lectores ui= derint, ac statuerint pro suo quisc[ui] captu, aut arbitratu, quando id summam rei à nobis compertæ & explicatæ labefactare non potest, ut alibi diximus. Milites aute[m] Ro= <Stipeudium> manos diurno stipendio denarium meruisse, congruit cum < militare. > eo quod ex Thucydide scripsimus de classiario nulite, qui suo ministriq[ue]; nomine binas drachmas merebat apud A= thenienses. Tricenæ drachmæ, id est stipendium menstruu[m], tribus aureis coronatis ualebant. Centuriones uerò du= plex stipendium, & equites triplex merebant. Quare Li uius lib. VII. ab Vrbe condita, Aequè, inquit, impotês po= stulatum fuit, ut de stipendio equitum (merebant autem triplex ea tempestate) æra demerentur, quòd aduersati co[m] iurationi fuissent. Hac ratione Liuij equites nouenos no= stros coronatos merebant in mensem: nunc nostri octonos & semissem merent. Prætoriani autem nulites duplex sti= pendium merebant, qui castra circa urbem habebant, quasi stipantes principem. Erant enim & Prætoriani mi lites, & cohortes urbanæ, quod Tranquillus his uerbis si gnificat de Augusto loquens, Legauit Prætorianis mili= tibus singula nullia nummum, cohortibus urbanis quin= genos, legionarijs trecenos nummos. Licet igitur hinc æstimare opulentiam imperij Romani sub Augusto, qui quatuor et quadraginta legiones sub signis prouinciatim dispositas habuit, cu[m] unaquæq[ue]; legio munima æstimatione in annuo stipedio ducena millia aureum coronatorum fer ret, etiam sine equitum stipendio. Denæ enim cohortes quingentariæ in legionibus erant, & centuriones duplex stipendium habebant. Au[n]ctum autem postea nulitum sti= pendium

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE AS AND tari quinarium at eight each, a sesterce at four each. Thus the Republic gained half. In military pay, however, a denarius was always given for ten asses. Let readers therefore judge this for themselves, and decide according to their own understanding or judgment, since this cannot weaken the main point of the matter, which we have established and explained, as we have said elsewhere. That Roman soldiers earned a denarius a day in pay agrees with what we wrote from Thucydides about the classiarius milite, who earned two drachmas under his own name and that of his assistant from the Athenians. Thirty drachmas, that is, monthly pay, were worth three gold coronati. Centurions, indeed, earned double pay, and horsemen triple. Therefore Li vius, book VII, Of the Founding of the City, likewise says that an unreasonable demand was made, that the pay of the horsemen should be reduced (for they then earned triple), because they had opposed the conspiracy. On this reckoning Livy’s horsemen earned our nine coronati per month: now ours earn eight and a half. The Praetorian soldiers, however, earned double pay; they had their camp around the city, as though surrounding the prince. For there were both Praetorian soldiers and urban cohorts, which Suetonius indicates in these words when speaking of Augustus: he bequeathed to the Praetorian soldiers a thousand sesterces each, to the urban cohorts five hundred each, and to the legionaries three hundred each. From this, therefore, one may estimate the wealth of the Roman Empire under Augustus, who had forty-four legions stationed provincially under their standards, since each legion, at the smallest estimate, in annual pay would amount to two hundred thousand gold coronati, even without the pay of the horsemen. For there were ten cohorts of five hundred men in the legions, and the centurions had double pay. And later the soldiers’ pay was increased

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 701 pendium fuisse ex eo apparet, quod Tranquillus ait in Domitiano, Addidit & quartum stipendium muliti au= reos ternos. Hæc uerba significare uidentur, sub Domi= tiano quartum incrementum mulites accepisse. Sed Tran= quillus dubium id nobis reliquit, utrum menstruos aureos, an potius annuos intelligamus. Ego tamen men= struos intelligo. Milites etiam præter pecuniam anno= nas & sagula & frumentum interdum accepisse legi= mus apud historicos, & præsertim apud Lampridium in Alexandro. Non me præterit Flauium Blondum libro sexto Romæ triumphantis hæc aliter tradidisse, sed ei no[n] assensus sum. Hæc ut libro nostro tumultuariè adderem, me compulit Franciscus Deloinus, iudicum unus centena= riæ famigeratæq[ue] curiæ: qui, ut est inter iuris peritissimos antiquarum rerum studiosissimus, huius loci Taciti Cor= nelij tempestiuè me admonuit, quum altera fortè editione liber noster ad hunc locum impressus esset: ut si postridie admonitus essem, locum nullum hæc additiuncula inuen= tura capacem sui fuerit. Librum apud nos attulerat uir literarum sacrarum professor facundissimus, omnium que bonorum autoru[m] conquisitor & indagator sagacissimus, Guilielmus Paruus, ages in comitatu principes, sacerq[ue] (ut ita loquar) oricularius eius. Eum libru[m] Deloinus cu[m] ab eo utendu[m] rogasset, aut iure potius amicitiæ præcupidè sum= psisset (unus enim tatu[m] apud nos erat) me quoq[ue] ipsi ambo legere eum uoluerunt, ut in aliqua libri hiulca parte id quod de stipedio militari Tacitus scripserat, adsuerem. HAEC ferè sunt quæ de re numaria mensurisq[ue]; dici potuerut: cuius rei semina se libasse Hermolaus Barbarus longè ingenio nobis doctrinaq[ue] multiplici præstans, in glossematis illis gloriatus est quæ in Pliniu[m] edidit gloriæ suæ Epilogus hui[us] operis. Hermolaus Barbarus.

Transcription: Translated (English)

It appears to have been a payment from the fact that Tranquillus says, in Domitian, “He added a fourth stipend for the soldiers, three gold pieces.” These words seem to signify that under Domitian the soldiers received a fourth increase. But Tranquillus has left it doubtful for us whether we should understand monthly gold pieces or rather annual ones. Yet I understand them as monthly. We also read in the historians, and especially in Lampridius in Alexander, that soldiers received, besides money, grain rations, cloaks, and sometimes grain. Nor is it unknown to me that Flavius Blondus, in the sixth book of Romæ Triumphantis, has related these things differently; but I did not agree with him. That I should add these things in somewhat disorderly fashion to our book was urged upon me by Franciscus Deloinus, one of the judges of the renowned hundred court; and he, as one most learned in the laws and most devoted to antiquities, timely reminded me of this passage in Tacitus the Cornelian, when perhaps our book had been printed in a second edition as far as this place: so that if I had been warned the next day, this little addition would have found no place capable of receiving it. A most eloquent professor of sacred letters and a most diligent collector and investigator of all good authors, Guilielmus Paruus, had brought the book to us; he was, so to speak, the prince’s sacred orator. Deloinus, having asked to use the book from him, or rather having eagerly taken it up by right of friendship, since there was only one copy among us, they both wanted me also to read it, so that I might add in some gap of the book what Tacitus had written about the military stipend. These are nearly the things that could be said about money and measures; among the seeds of this subject Hermolaus Barbarus, far surpassing us in talent and in manifold learning, seems to have touched upon it, as he boasted in those glosses which he published on Pliny, for the glory of his own name. Epilogue of this work. Hermolaus Barbarus.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET suæ segetem ac materiam: quem tamen autorem sic quoq[ue] ad nos peruenisse dico, ut seminarium laudum studiosis omnibus in eo quotidie renascatur, etia[m] si ille primitias decerpsit. Sed quum ipse multa de talento, sestertio et libra, colligentis quidem more, no[n] deligentis, comemorasset, Poterà, inquit, plura, sed quæ carptim cursimq[ue] uelut semina materiæ difficilimæ libauimus, dilato in aliud tempus ple niore commentario, sufficiant. Mihi uerò ille farraginem autoritatum diuersissima tradentiu[m], imò (ut plane dicam) segetum antipathiam miscuisse uidetur, et in unum semina dissidentia confudisse, ex quibus frugem aliquam bonam quonam modo sperare potuerit et promittere, non intelligo, aliorum autem erit iudicium. Nos commentationis ab eo promissæ, sed erronea (ni fallor) indagine incho atæ, cæcas et perplexas ambages, à capite rem exorsi, ita explorasse uidemur, et à limine statim introrsus perspex Etas luculentis uestigijs remeabiles fecisse, ut in meadros potius digressionu[m] insinuasse (sic enim res ferebat) quàm in Labyrinthum quendam disputationis, iudicari debeamus. Deprehensi aliquibus in locis hæsimus, uel uerius substitimus, nusquam tamen aut flexu præuaricationis, aut saltu reticentiæ uel obliuionis, aut deniq[ue] præcipitio temeritatis elapsi, ponderum et mensurarum tractatione[m] ita explicauimus, ut res natura inter se cognatæ, nominum etiam communionem et ueluti gentilitatem agnoscerent. Quid tum (dicat aliquis) doctioribus igitur te præse rendum censes? Siquidem uni tibi hanc operam uindicas in commune nauatam. In hoc uno ego uerò: cæteris in rebus ijs libens cedo, quibus omnia propemodum debeo. Sic sua hactenus cuiusq[ue] fuit in reparatione Latinæ linguæ palma. Hoc ius non modo æqualium nostrorum, sed etiam

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASH AND his harvest and material; yet I say that the author has come down to us in such a way that in him a seedbed of praise is daily reborn for all lovers of learning, even though he gathered the first fruits. But when he himself had said many things about the talent, the sesterce and the pound, indeed in the manner of one collecting, not selecting, he said: There could be more, but let what we have gathered in passing and rapidly, as it were the seeds of a very difficult subject, be enough, the fuller commentary being deferred to another time. But to me he seems to have mixed together a hodgepodge of authorities handing down the most diverse things, or rather, to speak plainly, an antipathy of crops, and to have confused discordant seeds into one, from which in what way he could have hoped for and promised some good harvest, I do not understand; that, however, will be the judgment of others. We, starting from the head of the matter, have seemed to examine the commentary promised by him, but begun, if I am not mistaken, by a mistaken inquiry, its blind and perplexing windings, and from the threshold at once have looked within and, by clear traces, made our way back, so that we ought rather to be judged to have wandered into the meanders of digressions (for the matter almost required it) than into some labyrinth of disputation. Caught in some places we halted, or rather stopped; yet nowhere did we slip either by a turning of deceit, or by a leap of silence or forgetfulness, or finally by the headlong rush of rashness; in the treatment of weights and measures we explained the matter so that things related to one another by nature might acknowledge even the fellowship and, as it were, kinship of names. What then, someone may say, do you think yourself to be preferred to the learned? Since you claim this task as your own, though it has been carried out for the common good. In this one matter, indeed I do; in all other things I gladly yield to those to whom I owe almost everything. Thus far has each man had his own palm in the restoration of the Latin language. This right belongs not only to our equals, but also

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. etiam posteritatis erit: neque uerò prærepta unius aut al= terius rei gloria, commentandi quoque in posterum ma= teria consumpta, quæ adhuc larga superest. Hoc tantum resert, quòd clariorum quidem illi aut plurium palma= rum decora tulerunt: ego fortasse inter exigua ingenia qualibet acquiescere palma & debeam & possim. sed a= lios ita uelim animatos esse, nostros præcipue, quoru[m] ma= ximè gratia hoc opus suscipiendum duxi, ut maximum quodque decus sic in medio positum esse putent, ut inge= nium tantum & diligentiam referre, non genus & coe= lum putet sic fiet ut in huius laudis curriculo Italia omniu[m] gentium magistra, lampadem (quod aiunt) Galliæ no[n] tra dat, sed commodet: aut tradat quidem, sed fiduciariam uel precariam, uel potius det utendam usu nobis & illis promiscuo. Quid ni enim speremus quod alijs non nega= tum est qui longius remoti sunt? Rumpantur licet Misopatrides. patrides, id est, patriam ciuesq; suos exosi: natura Gallos hac dote non fraudauit, tametsi huius ætatis moribus, uel paucorum hominum uitio qui rerum arbitrium tenent, fa ctum est ut literaru[m] bonarum studium nihil ad reipublicæ moderamen pertinere uideatur. Remp. semper appellare institui, abusiuè fortasse, in qua plurima ad priuatam uti litatem referri existima[n]tur. Propter quod uidemus eò iam maiestatem publicam decidisse, ut censu ciues opibus que multo magis, quàm sensu & probatismoribus ceseantur. Hinc illa stulta ac ridenda quorundâ reputatio, qui nulla prosus arte memorabili imbuti, ob uulgares quidem ut a= pud Romanos facultates, ut apud nos propemodum prin cipales, non se modò copiosos, sed etiam (si dijs placet) beatos arbitrantur: quum si ad Romanos modulos diuitis appellatione[m] metiamur, perpaucos hodie norimus præter primores <Coparatio diuitiaru[m] nostri temporis cum antiqua opulentia.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

even for posterity: nor has the glory of one man or another been snatched away, nor has the material for writing in the future been exhausted, though much still remains in abundance. This much only is different: they indeed carried off the prizes of more illustrious or more numerous wreaths; I perhaps, among modest talents, ought and am able to be content with any wreath whatever. But I would wish others to be so inspired, especially our own countrymen, for whose sake chiefly I judged this work ought to be undertaken, that they may think every kind of distinction is set before them in such a way that it depends only on talent and diligence, not on birth and climate. Thus it will come about that in this race of praise Italy, teacher of all nations, will not hand on the torch, as they say, to France, but lend it; or indeed hand it on, but as a trustee or borrower, or rather give it for use in common to us and them alike. For why should we not hope for what has not been denied to others who are more remote? Let the Misopatrides burst. Patrides, that is, those who hate their fatherland and their fellow citizens: nature has not deprived the French of this endowment, although by the manners of this age, or by the fault of a few men who hold power over affairs, it has come about that the study of good letters seems to have nothing to do with the direction of the republic. I have always been accustomed to call it the Republic, perhaps abusively, in which very many things are thought to be referred to private advantage. For this reason we see public authority already fallen so low that citizens are judged much more by wealth than by sense and proven character. Hence that foolish and laughable reputation of certain men, who, though imbued with no memorable art whatever, because of vulgar possessions indeed, such as among the Romans, and among us almost princely ones, think themselves not only wealthy but also, if you please, happy; whereas if we measure by the Roman standard the name of rich man, we should today know very few besides the leading men. <Comparison of the wealth of our time with ancient opulence.>

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET primores procerum, quorum census centies & quinquagies sestertium æstimetur. At tantam summam Pallas homo libertinus accepit, idq[ue] decreto Romani senatus, ob id quod referendum ad curiam censuisset de foeminis quæ se seruis co[n]cubitu miscuissent: eaq[ue] relatione statutu[m], ut quæ ignaro domino ad id prolapsa probaretur, in seruitute sui consensisse uideretur: cuius rei autor[um] Tacit[um], Pliniumq[ue] oratorem habemus. Idq[ue] Senatus consultum postea à lustiniano principe sublatum est septimo libro sui Codicis sub titulo de senatus consulto Claudiano. Quis autem hodie eorum qui aurum metiri, non numerare dicuntur, uel etiam qui pala uersare aureos grummulos dictitantur, du centies sestertium habere creditur? At Aesopus tragædus post coenas illas luxu stupendo memorabiles, tantundè hæ redi filio reliquit, unde margaritas ipse sorbendas co[n]uiuis apposuit non mediocris precij. Age Curio Tribunus Ple. non ne sexcenties sestertium æris alieni habuisse memoratur? quod perinde est ac si nunc dicas, quindecies centena millia aureorum. tanti tamen & pluris Cæsar ciuis adhuc Romanus, nondum Dictator, in Gallia res gerens, conciones eius ad populum licitatus est, & redemit. Paulus Consul Romanus mille & quingentis talentis eidem Cæsari eodem tempore autoritatem sui Consulatus addixit, ea demum lege, ut Rempublicam exagitanti patientiam accommodaret. Iam Senatores Romanos qui defecti facultatibus dicerentur, quingena quotannis sestertia solitos accipere à principibus co[n]stat, queis honestam (sic enim aiebant) paupertatem tolerare possent innocenter. Nunc uerò quotus quisq[ue] tantum habet pensitationis annuæ, si paucos gentiliu[m] regis excipias? Contrà Nero perditis iam rebus, Senatum Rom. co[n]git centies sestertium sibi

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND the foremost of the nobles, whose wealth is estimated at one hundred and fifty million sesterces. Yet such a sum was received by Pallas, a freedman, and that by decree of the Roman Senate, because he had judged that a proposal should be brought before the curia concerning women who had mixed themselves in intercourse with slaves: and by that proposal it was established that whichever woman was proved to have fallen into such a relationship without her master’s knowledge would be regarded as having consented to her own servitude. For this matter we have Tacitus and the orator Pliny as authorities. And that senatorial decree was afterward abolished by the emperor Justinian in the seventh book of his Code, under the title on the senatus consultum Claudianum. But who today among those who are said to measure gold, not count it, or even among those who are said to turn gold pieces with a spade, is believed to possess two hundred million sesterces? Yet Aesopus the tragedian, after those banquets memorable for astounding luxury, left as much again to his son, at which banquets he himself served pearls to be swallowed by the guests, at no small price. Come now, was Curio, the Tribune of the Plebs, not remembered to have had a debt of six hundred million sesterces? which is the same as if you were now to say fifteen hundred thousand gold pieces. Yet so much, and more, did Caesar, still a Roman citizen and not yet dictator, while conducting affairs in Gaul, bid for and buy his addresses to the people. Paulus the Roman consul, at the same time, assigned to the same Caesar, for fifteen hundred talents, the authority of his consulship, on the condition, in the end, that he should lend patience to a man harassing the republic. It is well known that the Roman senators who were said to be ruined in their fortunes used to receive five hundred sesterces each year from the princes, so that they might endure an honorable poverty, as they used to say, without shame. But now, indeed, how many have such an annual stipend, except a few among the kings of gentiles? On the other hand, Nero, when matters were already desperate, collected from the Roman Senate one hundred million sesterces for himself

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 705 sibi quotannis pensitare: quam summam sine stupore me= minisse iam nemo potest. Mitto quòd Ciceroni oratori, qui semper à Romanis tenuis existimatus est, superficies ædium Senatus consulto non minoris quinquaginta nulli= bus aureum nostrorum æstimata est, & uillaticum ædifi= cium pluris quàm duodecim. Seneca etia[m] uir philosophus, ut ex eius monumentis apparet, sed rerum actui summo præpositus à Nerone, quadriennio ter millies sestertium quæsuiit, quod certè necesse est ut fidem scriptis eius & autoritatem deroget. Si enim scripta eius æstimetur: nemo unquam animosius calcasse diuitias, & pauperiem securam adstrictius eo amplexus fuisse uidebitur. Tarius Rufus (quod penè omisi) infima natalium humilitate Consulatum militari industria meritus, circiter mille sestertium liberalitate Augusti congestum agris coëmundis exhaustit, ut autor est Plin. libro XVIII. Quo in loco millies legendum est. Seneca autor est Lentulum Augurem eodem Augusto principe quater millies suum uidisse, quanti hodie decem primoru[m] Galliæ patrimonia esse uix possunt, etiam quanti plurimo uenire possunt æstimata. Ab hoc numero principem tantum & generu[m] eius eximo, cui alio qui regnum debetur, si regi superstes fuerit. Quo[n]nam modo igitur beatos existimare possumus, qui omneis cogitationes suas, omneis animi sensus, omnes uitæ actiones, omnia publica priuataq[ue] officia, et uiuendi deniq[ue] moriendiq[ue] rationem ad cumulandas opes referunt, quæ in priuatis hodie fortunis esse non nisi despicabiles possunt? Vnum tantum genus hominum excipi necesse est, quod omnium ipsum generum minimè esse exceptum oportebat. Hi sunt sacerdotes, quos nunc ferme solos secundum reges & principes opuleutos esse cernimus, & plurimum opibus tribuere: X quod

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART IV. BOOK V. 705 to pay annually for himself: a sum the memory of which now no one can recall without astonishment. I pass over the fact that Cicero the orator, who was always regarded by the Romans as of modest means, had the frontage of his house, by decree of the Senate, valued at no less than fifty thousand of our gold coins, and his country house at more than twelve. Seneca also, although a philosopher, as appears from his monuments, yet placed in supreme charge of affairs by Nero, amassed three hundred million sesterces in four years, which certainly must detract from the credibility and authority of his writings. For if his writings are taken into account, no one will ever seem to have trodden riches more boldly underfoot, or to have embraced carefree poverty more closely than he. Tarius Rufus, too, whom I almost omitted, a man of the lowest birth who by military industry won the consulship, spent the fortune of about a thousand sesterces, accumulated through Augustus’ generosity, on buying land, as Pliny attests in Book XVIII. Here one should read “a million.” Seneca states that Lentulus the Augur, under the same prince Augustus, saw his own fortune amount to four million, a sum which today the patrimonies of ten leading men of Gaul can scarcely equal, even when assessed at the highest price they could fetch. From this number I exclude only the prince and his son-in-law, to whom otherwise a kingdom is owed, if he should survive the king. By what reasoning, then, can we consider those blessed who refer all their thoughts, all the feelings of their mind, all the actions of life, all public and private duties, and finally the whole art of living and dying, to the accumulation of wealth, which in private fortunes today can be nothing but despicable? Only one class of men must be excepted, though of all classes it ought least of all to be excepted. These are the priests, whom now we see to be almost the only ones rich after kings and princes, and to give the greatest weight to wealth: X this

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Exclamatio in ambitione, ac dinundinationem quæ in cre andis Pontificibus & coenobiarchis grasfatur. quod genus unum reges inter amicos habet, in quo se suamq[ue] admirentur potentiam fortunatricem. Nulla enim æquè parte uitæ beatores ipsis mortaliu[m] esse licet. Hic mihi quæ menuni uidiq[ue] reputanti, exclamare subit, Miseram te simul et fortunatam Franciam? tu ut maiorum placita Senatus consultis sacrosanctis confirmata, tot annoru[m] usu comprobata, ambitione nunc scelerata antiquare contendas? et singularem prærogatiuam Pontificatui summo non eblanditam, non expressam, non emendicatam, sed maiorum nostrorum merito postulatam, exoratam, repensam, ut tibi uni iure prisco, à maiorum gentium potificibus prodito, in rerum sacrarum constitutione utiliceret, nunc indultæ legis abusu festines ire perditum? Vnde igitur tibi frontem peculiarem illam sanctionem citandi, quæ tu tantopere gloriare uelut decore quodam religionis? Vnde autem libertatem aut fiduciam Christianissimam te uocandi, si non quæ religione eximium nomem, legemq[ue] pietatis tuæ testem comparasti, eadem religione tu ipsa retinere uis? O plaudendum erratum hostibus tuis illis, qui hoc tibi felicitatis, regniq[ue] fortasse palladiu[m], uelut coelo delapsum munus inuident, quo uel ablato uel intercidente tu perinde utiq[ue] fortunata esse non potes. Vide quæso ne te nimiu[m] terrigenus illis credas, quos ob id gigates appellauit antiquitas, qui titulosas amplitudines architectantes, Aloidarum exemplo theomachiam meditari uidentur. Nam ut illi immanium spirituum homines Pelion Ossæ aduoluentes, ut Homerus prodidit, et ijs rursus Pindum et Othrin Lapitharum sedem subuehentes, in coelum tandem scandere, et superis uim affirre cogitabant: sic isti pontificatus et antistitia alijs alia adaggerantes, ipsa struc incodita rerum malè cohærentium, uim inferre superis sacrisq[ue] canonibus quos Palladium regni Franciæ, Sæctio pragmatica. Gigantes terrigenæ.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET An exclamation against ambition and the sale of benefices, which rages in the creation of bishops and abbots. That kind alone has kings among its friends, in whom they admire themselves and their fortune-making power. For in no part of life is it permitted to mortals to be more blessed than they are. Here, as I reflect on what I have seen and heard, I am moved to exclaim: “Unhappy and yet fortunate France, are you now to seek, by wicked ambition, to abolish the ordinances of your forefathers, confirmed by sacred decrees of the Senate and approved by the use of so many years? And that singular prerogative of the Supreme Pontificate, not courted, not extorted, not begged for, but deservedly demanded by our ancestors, sought, and requited, so that it might be useful to you alone by ancient right, handed down by the pontiffs of former nations in the ordering of sacred things—will you now, through abuse of the granted law, hasten to bring it to ruin? Whence then do you take that special assurance for citing that sanction, of which you boast so greatly as of some ornament of religion? Whence, moreover, do you take the freedom or the confidence to call yourself Most Christian, if not from that which, by religion, you have acquired as an exceptional name and as the witness of your piety and your law, and which by the same religion you now seek to retain for yourself alone? O applauded mistake by your enemies, who envy you this happiness and, perhaps, the palladium of the kingdom, as though it were a gift fallen from heaven, without which, if it is taken away or lost, you can in no way remain fortunate. Beware, I beg you, lest you trust too much to those earthborn men, whom antiquity therefore called giants, who, building towering masses, seem, after the example of the Aloidae, to be plotting war against the gods. For as those men of monstrous spirit, piling Pelion upon Ossa, as Homer has handed down, and then again moving Pindus and Othrys, the dwelling of the Lapithae, thought at last to climb into heaven and use force against the gods, so these men, heaping one thing upon another in the pontificate and hierarchy, by a structure of discordant and ill-joined things are attempting to use force against the heavenly powers and the sacred canons.” Palladium of the kingdom of France. Pragmatic Sanction. Earth-born giants.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. quos patres innocentia præditi suaserunt, meritò dictitan tur. Horum quosdam nec prudentia nec doctrina comendabiles uir quidam acer apud nos quum uideret, dicere haud infacetè solebat, absurdos oportere esse choragos illos, aut certè dissolutos, qui Herculis Titanumq[ue] personas uenustulis Cupidinibus temere & sæpe accommodarent. Harum enim rerum culpam à capite & uertice Christiani nominis publicus consensus arcessit, qui nisi rectè constitutus sit, inferiora ab eo membra morborum causas trahunt. Quare in uotis esse hominu[m] piorum idetidem uidemus statim atq[ue] illa indignitas oculis obuersatur, ut aut columen ecclesiæ componat Prouidentia, aut certè aliud commodius & congruentius fastigium reponat. Idq[ue] meritò in uotis est. Columine enim uitioso uel infirmo, teclu[m] ædis sacræ aut corruat necesse est, aut foedè collabefactetur: tum subinde turbinibus & procellis omnia intus pateant, errorum nebulae subeant, decumbentibusq[ue] pruinus interiora frigeant, ut ne ignis quidè ille charitatis æternus ultrà manere possit. Neq[ue] uerò me latet ipsa domus fundamenta in petram firmissimam artifici manu iacta, nulla ui posse conuelli uel subrui, non æria, non terrena. Nam ne operis quidem compages diuina illa quidem manu coagmentata, ullo disturbari machinamento potest: sed decor operis in aspectu & expolitio emendata non manent, ex quibus autoritas ut ædibus, sic ædi comparatur. Nunc autem pietas & religio huius ædis ædituæ magno uocifera tu queruntur eam proportionem asseruatam non esse, quâ architectonicæ manus primùm modulatæ sunt: id quod ea put esse constat dedecoris luculenti. Huius inconcinnitatis causam homines ad Mercuriu[m] referuit institore, qui ia[m] inde ex quo lum[m]e mundi regere, et auriga summi currus esse 1 2 coepit, Alludit ad ignem Vestæ.

Transcription: Translated (English)

those fathers who were endowed with innocence are deservedly said to have persuaded it. When a certain sharp-witted man among us saw some of these, whom neither prudence nor learning could commend, he used to say, not without wit, that those stage-managers must be absurd, or at any rate reckless, who would rashly and often fit the persons of Hercules and the Titans to pretty Cupids. For the blame for these things the public consensus of the Christian name lays hold, from the head and crown; and unless that is rightly established, the lower members draw from it the causes of disease. Therefore we continually see it in the wishes of godly men, as soon as that indignity meets the eye, either that Providence should restore the pillar of the church, or else set in its place another, more convenient and more fitting summit. And this is rightly to be wished for. For with the pillar faulty or weak, the roof of the sacred house must either fall, or else be shamefully shaken down; then, with storms and tempests, everything inside is laid open, the mists of errors come in, and as the cold settles, the inward parts grow chill, so that even that eternal fire of charity can no longer remain. Nor indeed is it unknown to me that the very foundations of the house, laid by an artificer’s hand upon the firmest rock, can by no force be torn up or undermined, neither heavenly nor earthly. For not even the fabric of the work, though joined together by that divine hand, can be disturbed by any machine; but the beauty of the work as seen and its polished finish do not remain, from which authority is obtained for the building, just as for the shrine. Now, however, piety and religion, the guardians of this shrine, loudly complain that the proportion by which the architect’s hands were first measured out has not been preserved; and this is clearly recognized as a glaring disgrace. Men refer the cause of this disharmony to Mercury the hawker, who, from the time he began to govern the light of the world and to be the charioteer of the highest car, has been... alluding to the fire of Vesta.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET coe[ss]it, non ut olim Phaëthon, quum se in currum lumino= sum sustulisset, conflagrationem orbi intulisse, sed tene= bras potius teterrimas offudisse dictitatur: at inde factum < Vulgus sacerdorum fraudatur ære dominico ab ijs qui pollent autoritate & potêtia.> esse constat, ut in castris sacrosanctis plerunque nihil re= ctè atque ordine constitutum esse uideatur. Primum uix decimus quisque ordines ducentium decumana porta in= gredi existimatur: deinde laxissimè quidam tendentes, uix gregario militi locum uesligialem relinquunt. Adde quòd nec manipulos recensere, nec cohortes ipsi concenturiare nouerunt. Quid quòd plures stationes obtinent, qui uni satis esse nequeunt? Quid si etiam omnes eas deserentes, longissimè per urbes expatiari uidentur, hostilis ipsi in= cursus & populationum securi? nec minus stipendia illis procedunt, quàm si ab statiuis pedem trâsuerum non di= scederent. Iam illud cuiusmodi esse dicemus, quòd qui plu= rium uicem gerunt, ij immunes plerunq[ue]; solent esse, ut ne < Vitem tenètes Centuriones, milites in opere faciundo & castris munie dis cōtinebât.> uitem quidem saltem centurialem in speciem teneant, cu= ius metu munifices in opere milites contineant? Quid, qui perpetuam immunitatem habent, regum & principum latera indecorè stipates, æterna animi destinatione à sta= tiuis castris domini emansitantes? qui, si disciplina castro= rum ualeret, pro castris ipsis uigiles excubare deberent. Hæc fierent, si in augustali ordines & uacationes no[n] uæ= nirente? si non atra inauspicataq[ue]; Celæno contactu suo soe= dissimo res purissimas atq[ue]; sanctissimas quotidie cōtamina ret? Etenim per Christu[m] ipsum sacerdotij conditore[m], utru[m] qui scelerata porta in ecclesiâ castrensem irrupisse se sciuit (de quibusdam loquor, non de plurimis) in ecclesiam o= uantem & coelestem admissum iri se putant? num commer= cium aliquod superis esse sperant cum ijs qui cothurnatis flagitijs se sacraq[ue]; Christiana conscelerare non timent? Proinde

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET is said to have run in, not, like Phaëthon of old when he had raised himself into the shining chariot, to have brought conflagration upon the world, but rather to have cast most dreadful darkness over it: yet from this it is clear <The common people of the priests are cheated out of the lord's money by those who are powerful in authority and influence.> that in the sacred camps for the most part nothing seems to be properly and orderly arranged. First, scarcely every tenth man is thought to enter by the decuman gate among the ranks of those who are leading them; then some, pitching their tents most loosely, scarcely leave a foot’s space for the common soldier. Add that they neither know how to number the maniples nor to marshal the cohorts themselves. What of the fact that more men hold stations than can properly suffice for one? What if, abandoning all these posts, they seem to roam far and wide through the cities, safe from enemy incursions and plundering? And no less do their stipends go on as if they never departed a step from the camps where they were stationed. What, now, shall we say of the fact that those who take the place of many are for the most part exempt, so that <Centurions holding the vine-rod used to keep the soldiers at work and to fortify the camp.> they scarcely even hold the vine-rod of a centurion in appearance, by whose fear the wealthy soldiers may be restrained in labor? What of those who enjoy perpetual immunity, crouching indecorously at the sides of kings and princes, and by an everlasting bent of mind deserting their master's camp? If military discipline were in force, they ought to be keeping watch for the camp itself. Would these things happen if in the august order there were no absences and exemptions? If the dark, ill-omened Celaeno did not daily contaminate by her most filthy touch things most pure and most sacred? For, by Christ himself, the founder of the priesthood, can those who know that they have burst in through the criminal gate into the church camp—of some I speak, not of the many—think that they will be admitted into the rejoicing and heavenly church? Do they hope for any intercourse with the blessed on high, they who do not fear to defile themselves and the Christian rites with their outrageous crimes? Therefore

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. Proinde uideamus quidnam habet simile hodiernus anti= stitum status, & sacræ ciuitatis procerum, cum Christo ciuitatis eius conditore, & comitatu ipsius. Non ne tu si= mul ut in uniuersum cleri nostri faciem cultumq[ue] consi= deraris, dicere cogeris sp[eci]osam (ut ita dicam) p[ro]p[ter]onso nun= cium remisisse, suasq[ue] ipsum sibi res eam habere iussisse? Ille paupertatis assertor, & ærumnosorum signifer, co= horte etiam pullata semper stipatus erat: hi opibus cir= cunfluentes, & delicijs ccioq[ue] torpidi, conspicui in aula uolunt esse sericato lautoq[ue] comitatu atq[ue] inter hos (si su= peris placet) hieroduli quidam uidentur, homines sacræ seruituti mancipati, quos ne in publicum quidem prodire moribus deuotorum conuenit, nisi operam interim reli= gioni & pietati nauare uideantur. Ille cum nihil posside= re uius est, tum suos omnes asseclas omnium fortunarum possessione deiecit: hi unde illi deiecti sponte decesserant, quum eorum sint successores, uelut interdicto recupera= torio opulentam etiam bonorum possessionem reposcunt. Auspice igitur Mercurio contracta sponsalia, non pro= nuba pietate, nec charitatem nec reverentiam coniugij sa= crosancti retinent, nec ad frugem aliquam bonam saluta= remq[ue] perueniunt. Age quænam tandem ipsi causa se sa= crosanctos esse uolunt? nempe quòd homines insignibus Christi amecti, inter arma orthodoxa inuiolabiles ferè semper fuerunt: non aliter atq[ue] caduceatores hodie palu= dati inter acies sancti commeant. Si igitur gestamina & exuuiæ Christi sacrosanctos cos ac reveredos faci[n]t, no[n] ne cultus & habitus Christicolas absonus profanos cos facit, quod quidem in ipsis est? O stulta hominu[m] opinionem. At qui si ueneranda cruce quasi claua Herculis alexicaci, si lituo summoueri se turba ab eis æquis animis patitur, pullata X 3 iuxta

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PART V. So let us see what resemblance the present condition of the bishops, and of the nobles of the holy city, bears to Christ, its founder, and to his retinue. Will you not be forced to say, when you consider at once the appearance and dress of our whole clergy, that, as it were, the splendid messenger has been sent away, and that he himself has been ordered to keep his own affairs to himself? He, the champion of poverty and the standard-bearer of the wretched, was always attended by a black-clad band; these, overflowing with wealth and sluggish in indulgence and luxury, desire to be conspicuous at court with a silken and splendid retinue, and among them there seem to be, if it please you, certain hieroduli, men devoted to sacred servitude, who ought not even to go out into public according to the habits of the devout, unless they appear meanwhile to be devoting their efforts to religion and piety. He, since he possessed nothing, also stripped all his followers of the possession of all fortunes; these, as successors of those who had departed of their own accord after being dispossessed, claim back even the rich possession of goods, as though by means of a recoverable action. Thus, with Mercury as sponsor of the marriage contract, not with pious matchmaking, they preserve neither love nor reverence for the holy sacrament of marriage, nor do they arrive at any good and wholesome way of life. Come now, what is the reason they want to be regarded as sacred? Surely because, being adorned with the emblems of Christ, they have been almost always inviolable amid orthodox arms: just as today heralds, in their military cloaks, pass safely between the battle-lines. If, then, Christ’s insignia and spoils make them sacred and revered, does not a dress and manner of life at odds with Christians make them profane, at least in so far as that depends on them? O foolish opinion of men. Yet if the crowd patiently allows itself to be pushed aside by them as though by the venerable cross, like the club of Hercules the averter of evil, if by their lituus it allows itself to be removed in good spirits, then, clad in black, along with them...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET iuxtà & purpurata, si magistratibus & honoribus fungê= tes, fæces eis ciuiles & prætextas summittût, & quidem cum summa animi æquitate, ampliora utique ea insignia existimare debebant, quæ Teletarches ipse Christus ceri= monijs suis consecrauit, & quibus etia[m] sceptræ regu[m] sum= mitti nonnunqua[m] constituit, quàm fastum luxu conspicu[m], qui proceres tantum & potentatus decet, & quo uno su= spici se maximè diuites à plebecula uolût. Quòd si cæteri hominum ordines exemplo ab eis prodito exuere dei reue rentiam & pontificale obsequium in animum induceret, consecratæq[ue] à maioribus patrimonia, sacrosancta non haberent, nec piaculum esse putarent eos uiros uiolare quos Christus dominus noster delicias suas appellauit: quid istis tandem fieret, queis citra culturam & semetem (ut aiunt) omnia nasci uidemus? Erubescant igitur aliquando, eru= bescant inqua[m], & caueant ne animos saltem militareis & feroces exoluant religione: & quando quidem ipsi sacra profanis permiscuerût, uideant etia[m] etiamq[ue], ne eoru[m] licê= tiam uulgus hominum, albam (ut dicitur) amussim esse in= terpretetur, quæ discrimen sacri profaniq[ue] sustulisse iam uidetur. Sed quandò in opulentia regia & reditibus opi= mis summa eorum felicitas sita est: quæro quo tande[m] titulo ea se possidere credant? neq[ue] enim quolibet titulo fructus suos faciunt. Atqui ut omnia genera rerum legitimè quæ= rendarum recenseant, nullum (ut opinor) aliud inueni[n]t quo iustè atq[ue] innocenter hæc possidere possint, quàm pro donato. At hoc titulo possidenti, non satis est rem sibi esse donatam opinari, sed reuera donatâ esse oportet: alioquin eam usu facere suam ipse non potest, quum titulo careat. Mitto quòd, siquid mei iudicij est (ut utar antiquo uerbo sententiam dicentium) hæc non eis donata dici debent, sed fideicem

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND next to the purple, if they hold magistracies and honors, let them be given civil and praetextae robes, and indeed with the greatest fairness of mind; they ought certainly to think those insignia the greater, which Christ himself the Teletarches consecrated with his ceremonies, and by which he also ordained that the scepters of kings should sometimes be lowered, rather than that conspicuous show of luxury, which befits only the great and the powerful, and by which alone the rich most of all wish to be admired by the common people. But if the other orders of men, by the example handed down by them, should be led to cast off reverence for God and take priestly obedience into their minds, and should not regard as most sacred the patrimonies consecrated by their ancestors, nor think it a sacrilege to violate those men whom Christ our Lord called his delights: what then would become of these men, from whom we see that all things are born, as they say, without cultivation and of themselves? Let them therefore blush at last, let them blush, I say, and beware lest they at least strip their military and fierce minds of religion: and since they themselves have mixed sacred things with profane, let them also see to it that the common people of men do not interpret their license as, so to speak, a white rule, which seems now to have taken away the distinction between sacred and profane. But since their highest happiness lies in royal opulence and rich incomes, I ask by what title at last they think they possess these things? For they do not make their fruits theirs by just any title. And yet, if one should recite all the kinds of things to be acquired lawfully, they find none other, as I think, by which they can justly and innocently possess these things, than as a gift. But for one possessing by this title, it is not enough to suppose that the thing has been given to him; it must in fact have been given: otherwise he cannot make it his own by use, since he lacks title. I pass over the fact that, if I have any judgment at all (to use the ancient word of those who speak their opinion), these things ought not to be said to have been given to them, but as a fideicom-

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. Fideicommissum, uerbu[m] est iuris. fideicommissa: quod uerbum non modò fidem bonam, sed etiam necessitatem rerum restituêdarum agnoscit. id quod si non in omnia, certè in ea sacerdotia ualet, quæ fiducia contracta aut deferuntur aut conseruntur. Sed quoniam prisca iam seueritas uetustatem non posse perferre credi= tur, ut id quod dictum est prætereâ, certè peculiari se ti= tulo seu fideicônussum seu donatum tenere non negabu[n]t. Quod si fateantur, num etiam tum fructus ita suos faciet, ut & helluari, & obliguire, & per luxum profusissimu[m] absumere ex animi sui uel libidine uel sententia possint? Nisi uerò no[n] peculiare esse potest, quod à domino seruus, & clericus seruus accipit, in coloniam ipse dominicâ sua sponte ascriptus. Accipit autem in Francia, aut à domino protinus, paracleto suffragatore, quod rarum est, aut à summo domuni atriensi, quod frequenter euenit. Quod au= tem secus quæritur, id est sacrilega indicatione, id à præ= done possessum, in ius transire non potest. sic fit ut nihil peculij habeat quod non sit profectitium, & ut calenda= rium facilitare debeat, & diurnum. nisi si fortasse antistitu[m] actus lege Euangelica tabularum conficiendarum necessi= tate solutus potest esse, quum antistes aut coenobiarcha nunquam officio persunctus esse uideatur antequâ omnia p[er]esa familiæ exegit accurate. Neq[ue] enim antistites promi coni penus domunicæ consentur esse, & summæ rei fami= liaris dispesandæ præesse, & non uniuersi actus cui præ= sunt, ratio ad nummu[m] eis constare debet. Na[m] quòd placita maiorum, inferiores & minutulos actus pontificalis libe= ralitatis & muneris esse uoluerunt, id ideo factum esse cla rum est, quòd ut uicariorum olim errata atrienses præ= stabant, sic ob illorum isti tenentur uel perperam uel ne= gligêter transacta, usque adeo ut eorum reliquam[m]eta, eoru[m] X 4 fide sed/

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. Fideicommissum is a word of law. fideicommissa: a word which acknowledges not only good faith, but also the necessity of restoring things. That which if not in all matters, certainly in those offices applies, which by trust are contracted or conferred. But since the old severity is now believed not to be able to endure antiquity, so that what has been said further, certainly they will not deny that it is held under a special title, either as a fideicommissum or as a gift. And if they admit this, will the fruits then be so their own that they may both gorge themselves, and forget, and by the most lavish luxury consume them, according to the whim or judgment of their own mind? Unless indeed that cannot be private property, which a slave receives from his master, and a cleric-slave, being himself enrolled into a colony by his master’s own will. In France, however, he receives it either directly from the master, with a paraclete as advocate, which is rare, or from the chief steward of the household, which often happens. But what is sought otherwise, that is, by sacrilegious designation, cannot pass into law, since it is possessed by a plunderer. Thus it comes about that he has nothing of his peculium that is not profectitious, and that he ought to facilitate the calendarium and the diurnum. unless perhaps an antistes, by the Gospel law, can be freed from the necessity of drawing up accounts, when it seems that an antistes or coenobiarcha has never fulfilled his office before he has carefully exacted everything from the family entrusted to him. For neither are bishops thought to have a store of household goods to be consumed, and to preside over the administration of the whole domestic estate, and the account of all the acts over which they preside ought not to be brought down to the last coin. For as the decisions of the ancients wished the lesser and more minute acts to be a matter of pontifical liberality and office, this was clearly done because, just as once the stewards were answerable for the mistakes of the vicarii, so now these are held responsible for those of theirs, whether carried through wrongly or negligently, even to the point that their remaining remnants, their X 4 faith and

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET fide stare credatur grauissimis ab autoribus. Quoni[n]a uerò hæc meminisse nequeunt qui bonâ partem ætatis inter auli cos agunt omni lege solutos (etiam si legitimam ipsi per= sonam ad standum in eo conuentu maioru[m] instituto habe= re nô putantur) de summo sanè iure decedamus, & de suo ac domestico & contubernali tantu[m] actu, tabulas eos pro= ferre postulemus. Fac igitur (quoniam id mediocre est) in paginam acceptorum decem esse millia aureorum relata: quantulam igitur eius summæ partem expensam domino ferre possunt, qui nihil aut parum in usus pios uertunt? Age recitentur expensorum nominâ, prob superi immor= tales, in cupedias, in delicias popinales, & in luxum men= sarium, in equitium numerosum & elegans, in instrumen= tum lautum episcopij, in supellectilem, in uasa argentea, in uestem stragulam & peripetasmata, in stipendium co= hortis honorariæ sericatorum & calamistratorum, in a= uiarium uenaticum & accipitrarios, in ucnationis ministe rium instrum[en]tumq[ue], in serculorum structores, in scurras, in ludios, in acroamata, in thymelicos, in eos quos à cauillis habent & à uoluptatibus, in deliciarum mille nomina. Adde etiam, si placet, in aleam, & in ea denique quæ non nisi subdititio nomine in rationes referuntur, & quæ ijs contribu[n]tur quæ seriatos oblectant, & animi causa uel morigeris uel aliter obsequiosis expensantur. In his nomi= nibus ita consumptâ acceptorum summam inuenies, ut uix decima pars in erogationes pias & in rem dominicâ su= persit. Et hactenus ita loquor homo obliuiosus, quasi in li= bros coëmundos nihil attribuatur, & in eos quos anti= stites nostri (credo) à studijs habere solent. Certè multi sunt eiusmodi, multi inqua[m] sunt, queis omnino decebat bo nis interdictu[m] esse, & curatores ut furiosis dari, aut aliàs mente

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE ET is believed by the most serious authorities to stand firm in good faith. Since, however, those who spend the better part of their lives among courtiers, free of all law, cannot remember these things—even if they themselves are not thought to have a legitimate person to stand in that assembly by the institution of the elders—let us, departing from the highest strictness of law, and concerning only their own domestic and household dealings, require that they produce their account-books. Suppose then, since that is moderate, that in the page of receipts there are entered ten thousand gold pieces: what part, then, of that sum can they possibly show as expended on the master, who put nothing or little toward pious uses? Come, let the items of expenditure be read aloud: by the immortal gods, on delicacies, on tavern pleasures, and on table luxury; on a large and elegant horse-breeding establishment; on the equipment and fine furnishings of the bishopric; on household goods; on silver vessels; on bedding and tapestries; on the pay of an honorary retinue of silk-clad and curled men; on a hunting aviary and falconers; on the equipment and apparatus of hunting; on makers of stools; on jesters; on actors; on musical entertainments; on dancers; on those whom they keep for buffoonery and for pleasures, on a thousand names of delights. Add also, if you like, on gambling, and finally on those things which are entered into the accounts under a fictitious name only, and which are assigned to things that amuse the leisurely, and expended for the sake of pleasing either the accommodating or others similarly compliant. In these items you will find the whole sum of the receipts so consumed that hardly a tenth part remains for pious expenditures and for the lord's property. And so far I speak as a forgetful man, as though nothing were assigned to the purchase of books, and to those which, I believe, our prelates are accustomed to have from their studies. Certainly there are many such men—many, I say—who by all rights ought to be forbidden from good things, and to be given curators as if they were madmen, or otherwise in mind

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. mente captis. id quod nullo iure pontificio satis cautum esse mirum est. Ecquæ enim esse maior dementia potest, quàm si seruus per nequitiam peculium dilapidet à domi= no profectum seuerissimo, qui uitæ & necis horrendæ li= beram potestatem habeat? Quomodo igitur belluones sa= cri patrimonij, paria cum rationibus domini facient ad extremum, qui nihil nunc pensi habere uidentur quo mi= nus amplissimorum sacerdotiorum reditus in delicias & nugas & fastum ab eo ordine abhorrentem prodigant? atque ita prodigant, ut non sibi tantum damnosi & exitia biles esse, sed etiam conspicua luxurie periculum & er= rorem contuentibus creare uideantur? Nam qui eos nec dei nec legum uident esse metuentes, sensim & ipsi ple= runq[ue]; sacræ legis exuunt reuerentiam. Nisi uerò putamus prægrades à maioribus nostris uberesq[ue] possessiones, non modò gentilitijs hæreditatibus detractas, sed etia[m] iuri hu= mano & commercio exemptas, ut libidini & uolu[n]tati sacerdotali seruirent: opimaq[ue]; prædia optimo eos iure ac nulli uestigalia tenere uoluisse, eorum ut asseclis cincinna tulis prælautoq[ue]; cultu nititibus stipendia pensitarent: aut prædia & prætoria coëmpta magno, atq[ue] ædificata, pro= pinquis relinquueret? Dominus noster è prouincia iamiam decessurus palàm uociferatus est se uiam esse & ueritate[m]. num igitur aut ipse aut eius è uestigio sequaces, hæc ex= pla prodiderunt? nuncubi in ea uia quam inierunt, harum rerum uestigia reliquerunt? Ecquando autem hæc uesti= gia in montem ferre sacru[m] uisa sunt? postremò ecquis hanc uiam secuit, eorum quidem quos decreta pontificia inter diuos referendos esse censuerunt? Verum (ô superi boni) quonam modo Christi imitatores esse possunt, qui & pa= rens ipse charitatis, & assertor summittentium se animo= rum X S

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. for those taken captive in mind. It is surprising that this is not sufficiently provided for by any pontifical law. For what greater madness can there be than if a slave, through wickedness, squanders the peculium that has come from a master most severe, who has the free power of life and dreadful death? How then will the devourers of the sacred patrimony, at the end, compare accounts with their lord, who now seem to have no regard for anything whereby they may waste the revenues of the most ample priesthoods on luxuries and trifles and pomp abhorrent to that order; and waste them so that they seem to become not only ruinous and destructive to themselves, but also to create for observers a conspicuous danger and example of luxury and error? For when those are seen to fear neither God nor laws, they themselves, little by little, usually strip off reverence for the sacred law. Unless indeed we suppose that our ancestors intended broad and rich possessions, not only withdrawn from hereditary holdings but also exempt from human law and commerce, to serve the priestly desire and pleasure; and that fertile estates, by the best right and subject to no tribute, were to support those who, together with their followers, shine with curling locks and over-polished dress, paying out their stipends; or that they would leave estates and palaces, purchased at great cost and built, to their relatives? Our lord, just about to depart from the province, openly cried out that he was the way and the truth. Did he then, or those following in his footsteps, betray these examples? Have they anywhere along the way they have taken left the traces of such things? And when were these traces ever seen to bear up to the sacred mount? Finally, who has ever followed this way, among those whom pontifical decrees judged worthy to be numbered among the gods? But indeed, O good heavens, in what manner can they be imitators of Christ, who is himself both the parent of charity and the defender of humble spirits X S

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET rum fuit, si familiæ domini benignè non faciunt, aut si animo sublinueta eminere super cæteros et suppici omni modo gestiunt? O religionem neglectam, ò mores cuersos & præposteros. Hi fæctores & cupedinarios, & luxus uolu ptatisq[ue] institores adiuvant, quos frugalitatis & continentiæ autores esse decebat, ut domestica parsimonia quæsitis, egentium & destitutorum multitudini opitulari possent. Quòd si ij qui profana patrimonia uel hæreditate uel iusto mancipio acceperunt, conficiendarum rationum lege non sunt soluti (id enim responsis eorum cauetur qui diuini iuris prudentes fuisse perhibentur. nec ratione caret. Nam quis nostrum non precariò possidet quicquid habet, & uectigale possidet? Sed nos exitiabili errore ducti, aduentitia nobis omnia esse credimus, & omni præstatione libera, quæ ticulo quocunq[ue] ciuili parauimus.) Si igitur profanæ faculatæ, & omni religione puræ, ita tamen affectæ sunt primigenio iure, & ita in fide summa positæ reru[m] omnium conditoris, qui quiduis quocunq[ue] tempore pignerari pro potestate potest (ut unicuiq[ue] mortaliu[m] accepti de beat & expensi ratio apud deum constare, nisi nexum ad extremum uult inire) quid ijs fiet seruis nequam, qui nihil non habent peculiare, & nulla non in parte peculij conturbare noscuntur? utrú uerba pro rebus creditori eidem & domino sperant se reddituros? At is nomina se exacturum foeneratoria acerbitate prædixit. Nunc autem homines centesimo comute seroces, opibusq[ue]; æmulis regiæ opulentiæ, maxima tum pecunia miseri appellabuntur. Num igitur debita tunc transcribere licebit, aut expromissores dare? quos? Nullus enim præstò erit qui expensum sibi aliq[ui]d ferri uelit, eoru[m] quidem quibus dominus fide sua dari iussu: nec dominus acceptu[m] feret, quicquid non in pias aut honestas

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON THE BEING OF THE ASSEET is there reason, if the members of a household do not act kindly, or if they are puffed up in mind and strive in every way to rise above the rest? O neglected religion, o perverted and upside-down morals. These men aid the makers and hucksters, and the purveyors of luxury and pleasure, who ought rather to be the authors of frugality and continence, so that by domestic thrift they might be able to help the multitude of the poor and destitute. But if those who have received profane property, whether by inheritance or by lawful purchase, are not released from the law of rendering accounts (for this is safeguarded in the replies of those who are said to have been skilled in divine law, nor is it without reason. For who among us does not possess as a loan whatever he has, and possess it as subject to tribute? But we, led astray by ruinous error, believe that all things are adventitious to us, and free from every charge, which we have acquired by whatever civil title.) If therefore profane fortunes, though pure from all religion, are nevertheless held under the first law, and thus placed in the highest trust of the creator of all things, who can at his power pledge whatever he wishes at whatever time (so that an account of receipt and expenditure ought to stand before God for every mortal, unless he wishes to enter into bondage at the last), what will become of those worthless slaves who possess nothing that is not peculiarly their own, and who are known to throw everything into confusion in every part of the household goods? Do they hope to return words for things to the same creditor and master? But he has declared that he will exact names with usurious harshness. Yet now men are to be called miserable on the hundredth interest, and rich in wealth rivaling royal opulence, when they are most in need. Will it then be allowed to transfer debts, or to give guarantors? Whom? For no one will be present who wishes anything to be entered to his account, indeed those to whom the master has ordered it to be given on his security: nor will the master accept it as received, whatever is not for pious or honorable purposes

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 713 stas erogationes expensum est, atq[ue] in rem suam uersum, et in pauperum. Age quonam tandem modo rationes suas domino approbabu[n]t, qui omnia uel pleraq[ue]; non Christo, non paracleto, non sanctis innocentibusq[ue] suffragijs, sed Mercurio, sed commercio, sed sacrilegæ ambitioni acce= pta retulerunt? Restat ut uel alogistiâ meditentur, si obtineri in eo iudicio potest, aut addicti ut protinus non ducâ tur, sed trahantur. O' Cimmerias huius uitæ tenebras, quæ plerunq[ue]; trans nebulâ præsentis sensus non cernit. Fit au= tem nescio quomodo ut mens humana uel aulicis deleni= mètis uel uoluptarijs titillata, ultra id no[n] prospiciat quod adest, uel quod instat. Intestinos enim oculos præstringu[n]t fulgetræ quædam micantes imaginariæ felicitatis, quæ per assentationu[m] (ut ita dicam) nubila, salutationumq[ue] illibera liu[m], eliduntur, in illa rapida tempestate tollentis eos fortu= næ. Accedunt ambitio et cupiditas oculoru[m] meræ suffusiones, quæ ueras reru[m] species eos uidere non sinu[n]t, imagines ludibundas oculis obtendentes, uisus ludificatriculas. Qui si ad secessum studioru[m] annos saltem uitæ iam uergentis ac decluius co[m]pararent, atq[ue] oraculoru[m] conspicilijs sacroru[m]q[ue]; speculaminu[m] uterètur: futura sanè ut præsentia certissime contuerentur. Supradicti uerò erroris germana est præte= ritoru[m] obliuio surrepens. Etenim qui futurâ animoru[m] con ditione non prouidentes, in delicijs uitæ præsentis libèter acquiescunt (si tam[m]e in hac uitæ deliciæ esse possunt) ij me= munisse nequeunt arbitrum eundè et creditorem deum ex edicto suo perpetuo ius dicturu[m] esse interminatum, ut Cas sianam quidem sententiam horrere debeamus, nisi planè stupidi et capti mète simus. Nam quum edictu[m] tot præco nijs tam minacibus proditu[m], tot actuarijs exceptu[m], tot scri bis ta[m] grauibus perscriptu[m], tot testibus classicis obsignatu[m] habea

Transcription: Translated (English)

These expenditures have been spent and turned to his own use, and to the use of the poor. Come now, by what means at last will those who have returned accounts of almost everything, not to Christ, not to the Paraclete, not by the suffrages of the holy and innocent, but to Mercury, to trade, to sacrilegious ambition, approve their accounts to the Lord? It remains that they either devise some sort of alogisty, if that can be obtained in that judgment, or, being condemned, that they be not led away at once, but dragged. O Cimmerian darkness of this life, which for the most part does not see beyond the mist of present sense. And it happens, I know not how, that the human mind, either charmed by courtly blandishments or tickled by pleasures, looks no further than what lies before it or what presses upon it. For certain flashes, glittering images of imagined happiness, assail the inward eyes and, so to speak, through the clouds of flattery and unrestrained salutations, are dashed down in that swift storm of fortune that carries them away. There also come ambition and greed, mere dazzle of the eyes, which do not allow them to see the true appearances of things, holding up playful images before the eyes and deceiving the sight. If only they would spend at least the years of their life now leaning toward decline and decay in the seclusion of study, and make use of the spectacles of oracles and holy outlooks: they would certainly behold future things as clearly as present ones. The sister of the aforesaid error, however, is the creeping forgetfulness of things past. For those who, not looking ahead to the future condition of souls, willingly rest in the delights of the present life—if indeed these can be called delights of life—cannot remember that God, both judge and creditor, is by his decree to pronounce perpetual sentence, so that we ought to dread Cassian’s opinion, unless we are utterly stupid and captive in mind. For when such an edict has been issued with so many, so threatening proclamations, received by so many officials, written down by so many grave scribes, sealed by so many authoritative witnesses, it has...

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET habeamus & probatum (quorum etiam partim non dubi tarunt capite cauere quæ repromisit dominus, aut intermi natus est, partim omnibus fortunis oppositis fide sua esse iusserunt) quid causæ est quin scientes prudentes q[ui] impingamus in offensionem eius à quo prouocatio non est, sicut nec apud eum deprecatio, simul ac in iudicium uentu est? imò uerò quid aliud quàm uiui uidentes q[ui] (ut dicitur) ab hoste teterrimo obtorta gula trahimur? Cur igitur nos hæc ueritatis inuolucra, maiestatem etia[m] sapietiæ, si ad ma[n] num aspicias, præferentia, quasi uisa quædam per nebula[m], ut aiunt, primi somni concepta, despicari pergimus? nisi uerò hæc despicari non uidemur, qui iustitiæ diuinæ seueritatem non timemus, tum illis tot oraculis intetatam quotidie lectitandis, tum rerum euentibus prodigiosis & minacibus districtam, ad quæ non animaduertimus, nimirum tanquam ad inculcatas sanctiones antiquatæ iam legis aut obsoletæ auribus occallescentes. sed scilicet hoc illud est, omnis rationes nostras in benignitate & misericordia herili repositas habemus. Hac spe determina mancipia hilariter uitam ac nequiter agimus. Quin igitur accingimur ad eam benignitatem quoquo modo prouocandam? V idea[m] mus per superos immortales, ne contemptus hic sit potius diuinitatis, quàm meditatio quædam ueniæ consequendæ. Commenta certè sunt ista ueteratoris spiritus, qui primæ noxæ suasor & impulsor, in hanc errorum Odysseam genus humanum deduxit. quanquam impudens est aiq[ue] improba nostra hæc deprecatio, non causam perorandam meditantium, sed dissolutam misericordiam oscitanter implorantium: qui quidem ex uinculis scelerum & delictoru[m] unicuique nostrum causam esse dicendam sciamus, iudiciumq[ue] semel subeundu[m] prouocatione abscissa. Nunc quan= dò

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET we have it and it has been proved (some of whom did not even hesitate, by taking refuge in capital punishment, to trust what the Lord promised or threatened, and others, with all their fortunes set against it, commanded themselves to his faith): what reason is there why we, knowing and deliberate, should rush into the offense of him from whom there is no appeal, just as there is no pleading with him once we come into judgment? Nay rather, what else are we than living men who (as they say) are dragged, with our throats twisted, by a most dreadful enemy? Why then do we continue to despise these veils of truth, which even bear the majesty of wisdom, if you look at them closely, as if they were some sights seen through a mist, or, as they say, conceptions of first sleep? Unless indeed we seem to despise them because we do not fear the severity of divine justice, both daily reading those innumerable oracles threatening it, and the prodigious and menacing outcomes of events by which it is reinforced, to which we pay no attention, as though to repeated sanctions of an already antiquated law or of one grown obsolete and hardened in the ears. But indeed this is the point: we have all our calculations resting on the master’s kindness and mercy. With this hope slaves spend life cheerfully and wickedly. Why then do we not gird ourselves to provoke that kindness somehow? Let us see, by the immortal gods, lest this contempt be more an insult to divinity than a meditation on obtaining pardon. Surely these are the inventions of an old deceiver, who, being the persuader and instigator of the first sin, led the human race into this Odyssey of errors. Although this entreaty of ours is shameless and wicked, not the pleading of a case by those who meditate, but the lazy imploring of a slack mercy: for indeed we know that, out of the bonds of crimes and offenses, a case must be brought against each of us, and that the judgment must once be undergone, with appeal cut off. Now when

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 717 dò unumquenq[ue] blandiri ignauiæ ac iniquitati suæ iuuat, uideamus quo iure, qua actione, qua formula cernere eam hæreditatem possimus, quam Christus dominus noster te= stamento illo suo in procinctu nuncupato, sequacibus sui reliquit. Si quis, inquit, uult post me uenire, tollat crucem suam. Hæredes suos futuros tollere crucem quemq[ue] suam, & se sequi è uestigio iussit: alioquin indignos hæreditate sua pronunciauit. Quibus uerbis quid aliud agit, nisi eis qui in album æternæ prouidentiæ referendi sunt, præscri= bit, ut per ea uestigia quæ ipse inter mortales agens im= pressit, æternam beatitudinem inuestigandam habeant, ut per huius seculi ærumnas atq[ue] inculpatæ uitæ salebras ad summam tranquillitatem & securitatem transeant? quæ legitima pars est hæreditatis quam Christus ipse famuliæ suæ sponondit, & adeundam reliquit. Hanc hæreditatem si summo & legitimo iure (quod ius quatuor tabularum < Quatuor Euâ- gelia significat> appellare possumus) adire iam nequimus (quandoquidem diuorum & beatorum reliquias quasi ossa gigantum he= roumq[ue] miramur, quorum similes nullos edunt ætates iam effætæ) at certè libentes faciamus ut formula quadam in= dulgentiore æternam bonorum possessionem aut petamus, aut postulemus. Id enim sanè esto perinde ac si legitimo & antiquo iure inter hæredes censeremur, siue summum ius dominus, id est euangelicu[m], seculis infirmioribus re= misit, siue potius ita nuc credi ex usu uitæ delicatioris est. Sed uideamus quæso ut secundum tabulas bonorum posses sionem petamus, quadoquidem nec iniustas eas tabulas nec inductas aut irritas esse nouimus. Neque uerò bonorum possessores crimus aut hæredes, & non commoda incom= modaq[ue] hæreditaria iure in nos transibunt, siquidem bo= norum appellatio in utranque partem ualet, etiam indul= gentiore

Transcription: Translated (English)

…it helps each one to flatter his own sloth and wrongdoing, let us see by what right, by what action, by what formula we may discern that inheritance which Christ our Lord, in that testament of his made as he was about to go into battle, left to his followers. “If any man,” he says, “will come after me, let him take up his cross.” He commanded each one of his future heirs to take up his own cross and follow him in his footsteps; otherwise he declared them unworthy of his inheritance. By these words, what else does he do except prescribe to those who are to be enrolled in the register of eternal providence that, by those footsteps which he himself, while living among mortals, marked out, they are to seek out eternal blessedness, so that through the hardships of this life and the roughness of an unblemished life they may pass on to perfect tranquility and security? This is the lawful portion of the inheritance which Christ himself promised to his household and left to be entered upon. If we can no longer enter upon this inheritance by the highest and lawful right — which right we may call that of the Twelve Tables <the Four Gospels signify this> — since we now marvel at the remains of the divine and blessed as at the bones of giants and heroes, men like whom our already exhausted ages produce none, at least let us gladly see to it that by some more indulgent formula we may seek, or claim, the eternal possession of goods. For this would surely be as though we were counted among the heirs by lawful and ancient right, whether the Lord, that is, the Gospel, has remitted the highest right to weaker ages, or whether rather it is now to be believed so in the interest of a more delicate way of life. But let us see, I ask you, whether we may claim possession of goods according to the tables, since we know that these tables are neither unjust nor introduced or void. Nor indeed shall we be possessors of goods, or heirs, and the advantages and disadvantages of inheritance will not pass to us by right, since the term “goods” has force in both directions, even in the more indulgent sense.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET gentiore iure, quod prætorium uocant. Ita fit ut nec hæredes esse Christi, nec bonorum possessores queamus, si præsentis uitæ delicijs perfrui laboramus. < Alludit ad ea testamēta quæ rumpunt agnatione postnumoru[m] hæredu[m].> At nos uelut agnatione quidam infirmioris naturæ, & posthumæ licentiæ, nec iam eam legem ferentis quam deus immortalis san guine Christi sui charissimu[m] sanxit, testamentum diuinum & æternum ruptum iri, nobis diro errore persuademus, aut irritum tandem quo quo modo factum iri. < Rumpitur testamentu[m], si liberi prætereatur in eo: hoc est nisi nominatim hæredes aut exhæredes fiant.> Quasi uerò dominus idem & pater ad hæreditate[m] impios liberos seruosq[ue] contumaces admissurus sit, nec alios olim obsequentiores & bonæ frugi quæ siturus, in quos caducas partes transcribere hæreditatis suæ possit. tametsi id testamētum quonam modo rumpi potest, quum in eo nullus præteritus sit? etiam si primis certis pauperes instituti sunt, & ab eodem gradu exhæredes facti diuites sarcinis præpediti. Quare qui supplicia impiorum cuitare, & superum præmia mereri concupiunt: hoc uidere debent, & præcipuè antislites, quibuscum nunc nobis res est, ne per redundanteis opes uitam delicatam traducant: sed ut seruatoris nostri exemplo, qui ærumnosam suis uitam præscripsit & indigam, sarcinas & ipsi suas mulis (ut dicitur) Mariannis conuchant: quod nihil aliud esse puto, quàm inter cruciatos & surciferos dominu[m] signiferum è uestigio sequi. Huc adde charitatem comitem fidelissimam, digitum transuersum à uiro bono non discedentem. adde animi æquitatem in spem semper intentam, quasiq[ue] uiatici largam benignamq[ue] suppeditatricem: iam intelliges nullum esse hoc mollius uchiculum, etiam si per prærupta & confragosa, uiu[m] nobis ineunda sit. Quis autem hæc reputans, compotes eos mentis existimare possit, qui quum uni potificatui uix queant satis esse, alterum etia[m] addere uel plureis non dubi

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET with a better and more generous right, as they call it, the praetorian one. So it comes about that we can be neither heirs of Christ nor possessors of the goods, if we labor to enjoy the pleasures of the present life. < He alludes to those testaments which are broken by the agnation of posthumous heirs.> But we, as it were by agnation of a weaker nature and of posthumous license, and no longer bearing that law which the immortal God has sanctioned with the most precious blood of his Christ, persuade ourselves by a dire error that the divine and eternal testament will be broken, or at least somehow rendered void. < A testament is broken if children are passed over in it; that is, unless they are expressly made heirs or disinherited.> As though the same lord and father were about to admit impious children and stubborn servants to the inheritance, and not rather choose others once obedient and of good repute, into whom he may transfer the lapsed portions of his inheritance. And yet how can that testament be broken, when in it no one has been passed over? even if, at first, the poor were instituted as heirs by fixed appointment, and from the same rank the disinherited were made rich, laden with burdens. Therefore those who desire to avoid the punishments of the impious and to earn the rewards of heaven ought to consider this, and especially the bishops, with whom we are now dealing: that they should not pass their lives in luxury from overflowing wealth, but that, following the example of our Savior, who prescribed for his own a laborious life, and one unworthy of them, they too should load their baggage onto their Marian mules, as the saying is; for I think this is nothing other than, among the tortured and the hangers-on, to follow close behind the Lord as standard-bearer. Add to this charity, the most faithful companion, never departing a handbreadth from a good man; add evenness of mind, always intent on hope, as though a plentiful and kindly provider of provisions for the journey: then you will understand that there is no kinder little vehicle, even if our path must be taken through precipitous and rugged places. But who, reflecting on these things, could think those men to be in their right mind who, when they can scarcely be enough for one bishopric, nevertheless add another, or even several, and do not

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 719 dubitant? Quis non mente captos sacerdotes iudicare, qui modum utriusq; paginæ nullum esse arbitrantur, quu[m] ipsi maximè inita atque subducta ratione actum suum domino probare teneantur? At nunc pontificatui coenobiarchiam quasi coniugem adiungere, tam solenne apud nos coepit esse, ut mancus pontificatus aut cælebs alioquin esse uideatur, perinde atq; si semiuirum coniugem esse co[n]tendas, qui uxori pellicem non admouerit. Ego enim hæc in plerisque sacerdotibus tam inter se dissidere censeo, quàm coniugem et pellicem in hominibus profanis, etia[m] si de hac re iurisprudentium antiquorum responsa annos ferre, ut dicitur, hæc ætate non uidètur, mundo iam præcipiti. Quanquam quid aut confidentius admitti aut amentius potest, quàm eum diem non extimescere, quo dominus noster sententiâ laturus est de cuiusq; meritis, ijsde[m] ipsis conscriptis et assidentibus, et uitæ dissimilitudinem istis exprobrantibus, quos potestatis in nos suæ autores nobis laudant? In quo admirari subit hominum uæcordiam, uel dirum quendam furorem, qui successorio iure putant ad se à Christi pedissequis potestatem, non etiam sanctitatis et co[n]tinentiæ et submissorum spirituum necessitatem, transmissam et dela tam. Enimuero palmariu[m] illud, credo, apud deum inuentu[m], fiducia co[n]tracta antistitia retinendi, quæ inter se aliàs col liduntur titulis dissidentibus: uidelicet quasi perpetuæ fiduciæ non instar plenum habeant tituli legitimi, quod ad frue[n]da quide[m] sacerdotia pertinet, aut quasi impostura fieri possit diuinitati. Quid enim refert, mādati, an negocio rum gestoru[m], an quasi ex contractu teneantur, cum utraq; actio, bonâ fide agnoscere debeat? Proh dei hominu[m]q; fide[m], gratu[m] id esse prouidet[i]æ creda[m], ut qui uirile[m] operâ implere non uidètur, ter aut quater, et ultrà antistites appelletur? et qui < De iure successorio tractatus est in Pædectis, sub titulo de successor, edie. > < Alludit ad actiones bonæ fidei. >

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PARTIB. HIS BOOK V. 719 Do they hesitate? Who would not judge priests to be out of their minds, when they think that there is no limit to either side, since they themselves are especially bound to prove their conduct to their lord by careful and exact reckoning? But now to add a cloister superior to the episcopate, as though it were a spouse, has begun to be so customary among us that an impaired episcopate, or one otherwise celibate, seems to exist in vain, just as if you were to maintain that a half-man is a spouse, if he has not attached a concubine to his wife. For I consider these things in most priests to differ from one another as much as wife and concubine do among secular men, even if, in this matter, the responses of the ancient jurists seem not to carry weight in this age, as it is said, when the world is already rushing to ruin. And yet what can be admitted more confidently or more madly than not to fear that day on which our Lord will pronounce sentence concerning each person's merits, with these same men written down and standing by, and reproaching those very people for a manner of life unlike their own, whom they praise as the authors of their power over us? In this I am moved to marvel at the folly of men, or rather at a certain dreadful madness, who think that by hereditary right the power has passed and been handed down to them from Christ's attendants, but not also the necessity of holiness, continence, and humble spirits. Indeed, that most notable thing, I believe, has been found in God's sight: the confidence of retaining an episcopate acquired by contract, things that otherwise collide with one another because of conflicting titles; namely, as though legitimate titles do not fully possess the same standing as a perpetual trust, which indeed pertains to the enjoyment of priestly offices, or as though deceit could be committed against divinity. For what difference does it make whether they are bound by mandate, or by the management of affairs, or as though from contract, since in either case the action ought to be acknowledged in good faith? By the faith of God and men, I believe that Providence looks kindly on this, that one who does not seem able to fulfill a man's work is nevertheless called a bishop three or four times, and even more; < A treatise on the law of succession is found in the Digest, under the title On Successors. > < It alludes to actions of good faith. >

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET & qui tres ciere sacros canones nequeunt, ternis sæpe li= tuis turbam doctorum summoueat? Illi ne ut fiduciaria le= gitimis antistitia coniungant, quasi in hominum penuria singuli multorum prouincias obire nunc cogantur, quum tot graues uiros, doctrina & moribus comendabiles, pri= morum (ut ita dicam) digitorum suetu ursino more uitam tolerare uideamus? Præclarum uerò exemplum, et in uni= uersum ad religionis orthodoxæ decus atq[ue] incrementum pertinens, homunculos bonarum artium ignaros, titulo= sis & multorum uersuum appellationibus insignes habe= ri & augustos: quum interim docti uiri, ac uitæ sanctoris ornamentis præditi, puris nominibus nuncupati, ac capite tantum censi, cum sugillatione cultus diuini, egêtes uitam transigant? Profectò si uerè res humanas æstimare posse= mus, nos magis mōstrificos istos esse quàm Geryones illos in fabulis decantatos iudicaremus. Concionator quidam perlepidus & facetus cauillari non pridè ita eos solebat, ut diceret huiusmodi istos sibi uidere, quales sunt quæ in ædibus sacris mutulares statuæ pilis aut columnis impo= nuntur. ut enim illic simulachra quæda uelut oneri ceden= tia uidemus, quæ uel mutulorum uicem sustinent, uel ex= tra abacos mutulorum proiecta sunt, eamq[ue] specie intuen ti præbent, ut magnopere niti operi ferendo atq[ue] insuda= re uideantur, quù re uera sensu sint carentia, ac nihil ipsa facie nitentiùs saxeam adiuvent firmitate: ita Atlantes istos sanctos summis scapis columnaru[m] in fano domini superpo sitos, titulosa quidè illa amplitudine, appellationumq[ue] ma iestate, uenerandoru[m] senum instar sanctitatemq[ue] præferre moris est, speciemq[ue] luculentam præbere grauissimoru[m] pa= trum, sanctuariu[m] domini fulcientiu[m], & uerò coelum (ut ita dicam) sustinentiu[m]. Stupidam autem eoru[m] ignorantiâ, aut incuriam

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET and who, though the most sacred canons cannot be so easily altered, can with threefold often, as it were, letters drive away a crowd of doctors? Do they not, by joining fiduciary offices to lawful episcopal ones, act as though, in a shortage of men, each were now compelled to administer the provinces of many, when we see so many grave men, commendable for learning and morals, living a life to be endured in a bear-like manner, as it were, with the use of the first fingers? A splendid example indeed, and one that in general tends to the honor and increase of orthodox religion: that men ignorant of the liberal arts should be held in esteem and regarded as august because of swollen titles and multiword appellations, while learned men, adorned with the ornaments of a saintly life, being called by plain names and counted only by head, should pass their lives in poverty, to the disparagement of divine worship? Surely if we could truly estimate human affairs, we should judge that we are more monstrous than those Geryones celebrated in fable. A certain very witty and pleasant preacher not long ago used to jest about them, saying that such men seemed to him like those figures which are placed in sacred buildings on pillars or columns as corbels. For just as there we see certain images, as it were yielding to the burden, which either take the place of corbels or are set out beyond the corbels, and present such an appearance to the viewer that they seem to be straining greatly and sweating under the task of bearing the load, when in reality they are devoid of sense and add nothing to the stonework except by the firmness of their own face; so these holy Atlases, set upon the highest capitals of the columns in the Lord’s temple, do indeed, by that titlesome grandeur and the majesty of their designations, have the custom of appearing like venerable elders and of seeming to display the sanctity of most grave fathers supporting the Lord’s sanctuary and indeed sustaining, so to speak, heaven. But their foolish ignorance, or negligence

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 721 incuriam dissolutam intuetibus, patere nihilo eos utiliores statuis lapideis esse, quod admunia quidem sacrosancta piè ac religiosè obeunda pertinet, simul ac maiestatem legis diuinæ inter homines religiosè & accuratè conseruandam, quod firmamentum est ipsum maximum ædium diuinarum. Proinde ut monstra hominum immania antiquitatis sensus nunquam coelo delapsa esse censuit, sed terrigenas eos & poëtæ & sacri uates appellauerunt, ut gigantum nomen < Gigantes.> indicat, & ad perniciem mortalium editos esse perhibuerunt, eorum internecionem aut diuinæ ipsi potentiæ, aut heroicis ærumnis ideo dedicantes: ita nos precari sperareq[ue]; debemus summum quendam pontificem cum Senatu purpurato quamprimum extiturum, qui diuino numine instinctus, cum ob alia in re ecclesiastica constituenda promerita, tum uerò ob hunc ipsum laborem, Herculis Alexicaci appellatione nobilitari uelit. Quin & ipsum iam esse credere fortasse debemus. etenim qui nunc summæ rei Christianæ præest, lætis auibus renunciatus, tantam etiam alioquin expectationem sui excitauit, ut insignem omnino ac nobilem facturus pontificatum suum clarissimis institutis putetur. At uerò istos esse gigates elogio grauissimo illius sapientis apparet, qui in Parabolis symbolicis inquit, Vir qui aberrauerit à uia iustitiæ, in conuentu gigantum requiescet. At nos uiam iustitiæ eam demum esse diximus, quâ Christus nobis præiuit inter mortaleis ages. Ipse enim præmonstrator fuit uia serentis in coelum. Ipse eorum fuit Hercules portetorum, quæ ne uirtus quidem heroica conficere aut superare potuit. Porrò gigatum pedes in draco num uolumina desijsse fabulæ tradiderunt: quo figmento prisci significare uoluerunt, nihil rectum istos homines, nihil arduum cogitare, sed omneis eorum actus, omneis ani- Z mi

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 721 to the careless eye, it is clear that they are no more useful than stone statues, since it concerns the holy duties themselves, which must be performed piously and religiously, as well as the majesty of the divine law, to be preserved among men with reverence and exactness, which is the greatest bulwark itself of the house of God. Accordingly, just as antiquity never judged that the monstrous beings of men had fallen from heaven, but the poets and sacred prophets called them earth-born, as the name of the giants < Gigantes.> indicates, and reported that they were produced for the destruction of mortals, dedicating their extermination either to divine power itself, or to heroic labors for that reason: so we ought to pray and hope that some supreme pontiff, together with the purple-robed Senate, will soon appear, who, inspired by the divine will, both for other merits in establishing church affairs, and especially for this very labor, may wish to be distinguished by the title of Hercules Alexicacus. Nay, perhaps we ought even to believe that he is already such a man. For indeed he who now presides over the whole Christian commonwealth, announced by auspicious birds, has also aroused so great an expectation of himself in other respects, that he is thought likely to make his pontificate notably and nobly illustrious by the most splendid institutions. But that those men are giants is evident from the very grave saying of that wise man, who in the symbolic Proverbs says, “The man who has strayed from the way of justice shall rest in the assembly of giants.” But we have said that the way of justice is none other than that by which Christ went before us among mortal ages. For he was himself the forerunner, the way leading to heaven. He himself was the Hercules of those portents, which not even heroic virtue could accomplish or overcome. Moreover, legends have handed down that the feet of the giants ended in the coils of dragons: by which fiction the ancients wished to signify that these men thought nothing upright, nothing lofty, but that all their actions, all their souls- Z mi

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET mi sensus humili serpere, uel uerius deorsum uergere ad inferos. Hæc dedecora, hæc mo[n]stra, ex religione recta & clarissima, & in coelum semper intenta, tolli, cum optimus quisq[ue] hodie & grauissimus primi, secundi, & ultimi sacer dotum ordinis poscit, & hoc unum in uotis habet, tum uerò interest exempli in uniuersum, rectè atq[ue] ordine constitui rem clericam & ecclesiasticâ, ne reliqui ordines in posterum tam grauiter opin[n]etur de ordine sanctissimo sacer dotu[m], cuius omnia facta, dicta, significata, magnopere pertinent ad exemplum. Atqui necesse est ut nostræ memoriæ antistitum licetia luxu diffluens & conspicua, stultitiâ pri scis exprobret, qui disciplinæ tenaces euangelicæ, uoluptæ tem ac diuitias procul summouerunt à contubernio suo: aut ut eorum sanctimonia impietatis istos insimulet ac ma[n] nifestos reddat, qui fortunæ magis quàm ueritati litare cu[m] pientes, religionem orthodoxam (quantum in eis fuit) in insulas relegarunt deliciaru[m] nescias. Quis enim est hodie quin sciat & prædicet eò seueritatem ecclesiasticâ, sanctitatem, maiestatem decidisse, ut quos disciplinæ exactores esse seuerissimos oportebat, omniumq[ue] officioru[m] arbitros & præitores ad pietatem religionemq[ue] pertinentiu[m], ij remissiorem uitam & licentiæ atq[ue] incuriæ plenam non modò amplecti, sed etiam souere tueriq[ue] uideantur? Hosce autem homines quis credat, quum hoc faciant, fidem bonam rectamq[ue] agnoscere? Quin & eò iam uenisse nos puto (dicam enim quod sentio) ut sine culpa fortasse is cessare nequeat, qui neglecta constituturus, conuulsa restituturus, incondita digesturus ab omnibus existimatur. Fit enim mirè interdum, ut publica expectatione, bonorumq[ue] & grauiorum opinione futuri, maior multo grauiorq[ue] persona summos honores gerentibus imponatur, quàm ut munere suo

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET my sense to creep humbly, or rather to incline downward to the infernal regions. These disgraces, these monsters, from right and most clear religion, and always intent upon heaven, must be removed, since the best and most serious today, both of the first, second, and last order of priests, ask, and have this one thing in their vows; then indeed the matter of example is of universal importance, that the clerical and ecclesiastical state be rightly and orderly established, lest the remaining orders in future should think so gravely of the most holy order of priests, whose all deeds, words, and signs greatly concern example. Yet it is necessary that the license of our memory's bishops, flowing in luxury and conspicuous, should be reproached by the folly of the ancients, who, holding fast to evangelical discipline, have put pleasure and riches far away from their company: or that their sanctity should accuse these men of impiety and make them manifest, who, desiring to sacrifice more to fortune than to truth, have (as far as in them lay) banished orthodox religion to the islands, ignorant of delights. For who today does not know and proclaim that ecclesiastical severity, sanctity, and majesty have fallen so far that those who ought to be the strictest exactors of discipline, and the arbiters and overseers of all duties pertaining to piety and religion, appear not only to embrace a more relaxed life and one full of license and negligence, but even to support and defend it? But who would believe that these men, while doing this, recognize good and right faith? Nay, I think that we have now come to the point (for I will say what I feel) that perhaps he cannot without blame cease, who is thought by all to be the one to set right what has been neglected, restore what has been overturned, and put in order what has been confused. For it often happens wonderfully that, by public expectation and by the opinion of the good and serious as to what will come, a far greater and more serious office is imposed on those who bear the highest honors, than that they should with their function

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. suo translatitia industria obeundo persuncti esse uideantur. Quis aute[m] nescit haud ita pridem selectos lapides sanctuarij, ita uel dispersos uel disiectos fuisse, ut collapsa ecclesiæ maiestate, ipsa iam dei sposa ueluti fidei coniugalis oblita, no[n] modò à sponso diuertisse, sed etiam nullo pudos ris respectu, per triuia, per plateas euagari licenter uideretur, merereq[ue] prouinciatim? Quis pastores ipsos ueluti fugitiuos, non dico gregis desertores, sed etiam factos abactores non meminit? Quid? ipsos præsulum coryphæos non'ne ita præposterè se atq[ue] impurè gessisse uidimus, ut quos ad compositi decoriq[ue] status habitum & specie[m] formare chorum decebat, & eam saltatione[m] docere quæ emmelia dicta est ab emendati motus & pacati compositiq[ue] co[n]cinnitate, pyrricham illi ipsi (o summam indignitatem) præire, id est armatam, non dubitarent, à sanctitate prorsus ordinus abhorrentem? Ita ne uerò qui ad sacra & spiritalia certamina prodeuntium summu unctores erant, & qui tum pij fortasse belli autores esse debebant pro aris et finibus sacris in profanos & impios populos decernedi: ijsdem ipsi Ianistæ Christianarum uirium uideri malueru[n]t, ut ad internecionem nominis sacrosancti inter se conflige rent? Quum hæc igitur ita euenisse constet, atq[ue] eas res ab illis fuisse gestas, ut alter uir ingeniosior quam religiosior, de calice iræ domini, alter uir uehemens & acer, etiam de furoris bibisse hausisse que uisus sit, uterque autem dum animo suo nimium obsequitur, fas nefas que miscuisse, hic eo amplius pollutorum sacrorum religione au gustum & sacrosanctum uerticem obstrinxisse compertus sit: consentaneum est utique, ut Leo, qui diuino (ut cre dimus) numine, illis de medio sublatis, & fortasse de coelo tactis, subinde in locum eorum suffectus est: is nunc orbe propemodum tranquillo, & composito, archi- tectonica Z a Leo, decimus. Cöpellat duos pontifices, qui bus successit Leo decimus.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART IV. BOOK V. They seem to have been carried out by a kind of borrowed industry. For who does not know that not long ago the chosen stones of the sanctuary were so scattered and dispersed that, the majesty of the Church having fallen, even the bride of God herself, as if forgetful of conjugal fidelity, seemed not only to have turned away from her bridegroom, but also, with no regard for modesty or respect, to be wandering freely through crossways and public squares, and to be begging throughout the provinces? Who does not remember the pastors themselves, as it were fugitives—not to say deserters of the flock, but even become its plunderers? What? Have we not seen the very leaders of the bishops so perversely and impurely behaving, that those whom it was fitting to shape into a chorus, suited to a disciplined and graceful state of dignity and appearance, and to teach that dance which is called emmeleia from its orderly, measured, and composed grace, they themselves dared to lead, to wit the pyrrhic, that is, the armed dance—O the greatest disgrace—utterly repugnant to the holiness of their order? Was it really so, that those who went forth to sacred and spiritual contests were the chief anointers, and who then perhaps ought to have been authors of a pious war, contending for altars and sacred boundaries against profane and impious peoples, preferred to appear as Janissaries of Christian strength, so that they might fight among themselves to the destruction of the most holy name? Since, then, these things are clearly known to have happened, and that those deeds were done by them, so that one man, more ingenious than religious, seemed to have drunk from the chalice of the Lord’s wrath, another, a vehement and fierce man, even to have drained from the cup of fury, and both, while indulging their own spirit too much, mixed right and wrong together; while this one, moreover, is found to have bound the august and sacrosanct head with the religion of polluted rites: it is indeed fitting that Leo, who by divine power (as we believe), after they had been removed from the midst, and perhaps struck down from heaven, was afterwards appointed in their place—he now, with the world almost tranquil and settled, Leo X. Calls to account the two pontiffs whom Leo X succeeded.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tectonica iam ratione dominici diuersorij maiestatem instaurare laboret priscis etiam modulis aut certè pristinis adhibitis. nam & ipse suffectus statim nutantem sanctuarij co[m]pagem celeri manu stabiliuit. sic enim res nata ferebat, ut structoru[m] manibus adhibitis, præsentissimi consilij tibicine fulciret, atq[ue] ordinis interim amplissimi co[n]cordia ueluti confibularet. Proh superi immortales, qui status ille fuit, qui decor rei clericæ, quæ religionis reueretia, quum omnia propè in hoc orbe, quà sacra, quà profana, uæ cordiæ frenis regerentur, fatali inclinatione mundi? quu[m] primigeniæ noxæ suas, or; à Christo quondam deiectus animoru[m] possessione, imò uerò scissa gaudens discordia palla, ultro citro commeans, furoris faces utrobiq[ue]; suggereret, & Romæ quasi in arce religionis incendiu[m] miseret? & hinc senatus stultitiæ & temeritatis (ut ingenuè fatear) illinc peruicaciæ inusitatæ ac fanaticæ frontem fronte co[n]terentes, ut ille prophetes inquit, decreta futilia impiaq[ue]; perscriberent in æde Bellonæ coacti? quu[m] cleri magister sanguinarius, effractis timoris diuini repagulis, feras (ut ita dicam) in populum, contumacem illum quidem (neque enim inficias eo) sed tamen populum domini, immutteret, & Gallorum partes earumq[ue] fautores diris execrationibus deuouens, scelere plusquam tragico orbem penè totu[m] religione solutum, in deuotos co[n]citaret? Id quod cum in religionem à populo (ut assolet) & pia nobilitate traheretur: mirum est quòd ij qui decretis utrinq[ue] interfuerat, uel eorum autores fuerant, religione alligari sese no[n] intelligebant: qui uti nam iam planè exoluti sint, tanto pietatis uulneri cicatrice nuc obducta Leonis prudetia. Enimuero si (quod omi[n]ari nolim) religionis ipsi uertici aliquid acciderit, uel sacri senatus pius ille impetus ita rela[n]guerit, ut extemporali semiru[m]

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET with the art of building now laboring to restore the majesty of the lordly lodging with due measure, even with ancient models, or certainly the old ones, having been employed. For he himself, once appointed, at once with swift hand stabilized the swaying fabric of the sanctuary. For thus did the state of affairs almost require it, that, with the hands of the builders applied, he should support it with the beam of the most immediate counsel, and meanwhile, as it were, fasten together by the concord of the most distinguished order. O immortal gods, what a condition that was, what dignity of the clerical estate, what reverence for religion, when almost all things in this world, both sacred and profane, were ruled by the reins of propriety, under the fatal inclination of the world? when, after his original guilt, he, once cast down by Christ from the possession of souls, nay rather rejoicing in a torn cloak of discord, going back and forth, on both sides would supply torches of madness, and at Rome, as it were in the citadel of religion, would set up a fire? And here, with the senate’s foolishness and rashness (to confess it frankly), there, with an unprecedented and fanatical stubbornness butting forehead against forehead, so that, as that prophet says, they were compelled to write futile and impious decrees in the temple of Bellona? when the master of the clergy, bloodthirsty, the bars of divine fear broken through, would incite the beasts, so to speak, against the people, that indeed stubborn people (for I do not deny it) yet still the people of the Lord, and, devoting with dreadful curses the party of the French and its supporters, with a crime more than tragic would stir up almost the whole world, already freed from religion, against the devoted? That this, when it was by the people (as is usual) and by the pious nobility drawn into religion: it is strange that those who had taken part in decrees on either side, or had been the authors of them, did not understand that they were bound by religion: if indeed now they are wholly loosened, and no scar is now drawn over so great a wound of piety, the prudence of Leo. But truly if (which I would not wish to presage) anything should happen to the very summit of religion, or if that pious impulse of the sacred senate should so flag, that in extemporaneous halves

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 723 semiruti fani reconcinnatione acquiescere in animum in= duxerit, nec sartum ac tectum cōtubernium domini præ= stare ad prisci perpetuiq[ue] edicti formulâ contenderit (dun taxat quantum ferre ratio huius ætatis potest, neque enim ad uiuum ulcera in corpore tam delicato resecanda ceseo) quid aliud quàm inani expolitione, aut tectorio quodam speciosi cōcilij, perlucentem ruinam interlitam esse teme= rarius rumor cauillabitur? Cuiusmodi culpam reprehesam esse ab Ezechiele scotino uate puto, capite decimotertio oraculorum suorum. Quid uinea domini? non ne ita dege= nerauit in labruscas, ut primo quoq[ue] tempore repassinan= da uideatur, & ex situ & carie negligentiæ, pastino quo= dam restituenda césuræ? Certè manum poscit ipsa & fla= gitat solertis & industrij uinitoris, qui palmutes fructua= rios & munifices à pampinarijs & inanibus interno= scat. Nam quum uel inscitia uel incuria pampinatorum, maxima adhuc quæque uitis ita in materiem inanem fron= desq[ue] eluxuriauerit, ut agricolæ non fructui, sed stirpi= bus consuluisse uideantur: factum est ut immunes pampi= ni plurimis singuli statuminibus non modò impedati, sed etiam impediti, omnia latè occuparent, uitibus que rectè exputatis & frugiferis locus in uinea non esset, aut ita certè locus præumbratis esset, ut statumine eas uel nullo uel infirmo uinitores adminicularentur, nec fructus eorum in solem prodire, & exemplo esse posset. Atque in hac deformitate culturæ, & penuria fructuarioru[m] palmi= tum, subsidiarij nuc rari submuttutur, qui quidem spem cer= ta[m] proximi foetus polliceri existimetur. Hæc igitur animad uertere etia[m] etiamq[ue] summum domini uillicum necesse est, et fale canonicæ césuræ ad eum modu[m] circu[m]cidere quæ una= quæq[ue] stirps ferre posse uideatur, ut in restibili uineto eam faciem Z 3

Transcription: Translated (English)

If he has resolved to be content with the rebuilding of a half-ruined shrine, and does not contend that the sound and complete dwelling of the master must be preserved according to the form of the ancient and perpetual edict, at least as far as the reason of this age can bear—for I do not think that wounds in so delicate a body should be cut back to the living flesh—what else will rumor too rashly cavil, but that the shining ruin has been smeared over with empty polishing, or with some kind of stucco of a showy council? I think such blame is reproved by the prophet Ezekiel of Scythia, in the thirteenth chapter of his oracles. What of the Lord’s vineyard? Has it not so degenerated into wild briars that it seems, at the first opportunity, to need pruning again, and, from neglect’s decay and rot, to be restored by some kind of clearing? Surely it calls for and demands the hand of a skillful and industrious vine-dresser, who can distinguish fruit-bearing and generous shoots from leafless and empty ones. For when, through either ignorance or negligence of the pruners, the greater part of the vine has grown so luxuriantly into useless wood and leaves that the farmers seem to have cared not for fruit but for the stock itself, it has come about that the harmless shoots, in great number, not only hindered but even obstructed by the many supports, occupied everything widely; and after the vines had been properly pruned and were fruitful, there was no place in the vineyard, or at least such a place was shaded, that the supports could not or only weakly help them, nor could their fruit come out into the sun and be an example. And amid this deformity of cultivation, and the scarcity of fruitful shoots, even the subsidiary nut-bearing shoots are now rare and unheard-of, though they are thought to promise a certain hope of the next crop. Therefore the master’s chief steward must also take note of these things, and must cut back with the canonical sickle, according to the measure that each stem seems able to bear, so that in the restored vineyard that appearance may be maintained

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET facie agnoscamus, quæ no[n] abhorre dicatur ab ea forma quam dominum eiusq[ue] operarios uineæ colendæ prudetes olim instituisse notum est. Neque non eadem deformitas in agricolatione cernitur, et cæteris in partibus famuliæ domini. Iam primum latifundia ijs uillicis commuttutur, quorum delicatæ manus et ociosæ, callo nunquam obduruerunt stiua in sulco tenenda præsularis disciplinæ. Deinde operarum decurias in agrum inductas uidemus partim liberè licenterq[ue] spatiantes, partim opus arbitrarium nullo sub monitore facienteis. Horrida uerò culturæ facies, quu[m] in centuriali foecundoq[ue] aruo uides grandiores glebas obiacentes, ac scamna quædam cruda nullo uomere iterata doctrinæ probabilis, quæ agricola remissus et præuæricator trahmusit insubacta. Eiusmodi esse scimus sacerdotes quosdam primarios omnium artium imperitos et rudes, nullo animi ornamento excultos, nulla crate reru[m] aduersaru[m] aut molestaru[m] aut laboris occatos et subactos, ut ad frugè aliquam bonam uitæ sanctoris perueniret, qualesq[ue] Homerico uerbo inertia terræ pondera nos appellare possumus. Hic est enim ferme habitus, hæc simulitudo quorudam sacerdotum, de quibus nuc loquimur, qui in circunflueti opulentia saginati, ocoiq[ue] ac securitate marcentes, et uelut in coeno uoluptariæ uitæ luxusq[ue] redundantis obruti, ut inertes in aruo sulci qui limo obducti sunt, ne semen quide[m] sibi creditum reddu[n]t, nedum fructum afferunt cum foenore multiplici. Deus immortalls, cuiusmodi antistites eos esse, aut sacerdotes dicemus? quid animu[m] habere, quid pensi et cogitationis credemus? qua[m] æternoru[m] bonorum segetè ipsi ex hac sui aliorumq[ue] cultura demessum ire sperant? Laudet ipsi unum tantum harum reru[m] autorem, eorum quidem qui publica religione consecrati leguntur, et ego

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET let us acknowledge from the appearance itself, which may not improperly be said to differ from that form which it is known that its lord and the prudent workers of the vineyard formerly established for cultivation. Nor is the same deformity not seen in agriculture, and in the other parts of the lord’s household. First of all, the large estates are entrusted to those bailiffs whose delicate and idle hands have never grown calloused by the plough-handle to be kept in the furrow by the discipline of the overseer. Then we see gangs of laborers brought into the field, some wandering about freely and licentiously, others doing work at will, with no overseer making them attentive. But the rugged aspect of cultivation, when you see in a fertile and centuriated field larger clods lying about, and certain raw strips, not gone over again by any plough, left unbroken by the sound doctrine, which a negligent and dishonest farmer has dragged through uncultivated land. We know that such are certain leading priests, ignorant and uncultured in all the arts, adorned by no accomplishment of mind, worn down and trained by no net of adverse or troublesome things or of labor, so that they may come to some good fruit of the life of a saint; and such as, in Homer’s word, we may call the burdens of idle earth. For such is almost the condition, such the likeness of certain priests, about whom we are now speaking, who, fattened in surrounding wealth, wasting away in ease and security, and as though sunk in the mire of a luxurious life and overflowing excess, like idle furrows in a field that have been covered with mud, do not even return the seed entrusted to them, much less bear fruit with a manifold increase. Immortal God, of what sort are we to say those bishops to be, or priests? what mind what thought and consideration do we think them to have? what harvest of eternal goods do they themselves hope to reap from this cultivation of themselves and others? Let him praise only one author of these things, one indeed among those who, consecrated by public religion, are accounted and I

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 727 & ego dabo manus. Inserorum ne igitur supplicia plebe= culæ terricula esse credût, & ea quæ de æterna beatitudi= ne scripta sunt, argum[en]ta theatrica? Quam spem aute[m] tan= dem salutis habere possunt, qui e[ss]u sint principes sacerdo= tes, & in puppe gubernacula tenetes, meridie in scopulos impietatis impingunt? & quum splendore uitæ prælucere familiæ domunicæ debeant, errors illi nobis & hallucina= tionis caliginem tetram ob oculos offundût? At qui in hac ætate quidqua[m] à uia ueritatis deflectere, nihil aliud esse pu= to, quàm impingere in scopulum meridie, id quod inquit Esaias sacrorum uatum Homerus. Etenim per deu[m] perq[ue] ueritatem ipsam, possunt ne aliquo tempore mortales co= gnitam magis ueritatem, amplius compertam atque co[m]pre= bensam tenere, manibus etiam palpare, & ad manum con tueri, quam nobis habere diuinitus contigit post omnium erroru[m] præstigias explosas, post redditam religioni ortho doxæ plena[m] tranquillitatem? Heu pietas, heu prisca fides. maiores illos nostros senatus & equitu[m] populiq[ue]; consensu co[n]secratos, & inter diuos relatos, certa & explorata ueri tatis persuasione dimouere nemo ne admotis quidè et exer citis cruciatibus potuit, quum tam[m]e adhuc omnia errorum caligine permuxta uiderentur, nec ea fide abducere, in qua[m] semel sacramento dicto uenerant, cum omnia adhuc pas= sim bellis intestinis arderent. Nos in ueritatis contuber= nio nati, uberibus sapientiæ lactati, in gremio (ut ita di= cam) doctrinæ supernæ educati, sed delicijs secularibus coaliti & deprauati, ad solem co[n]niuemus, oculos caligan= teis ad nebulas detorquentes, quas è terra inferneq[ue] exor= tas ipsi non ignoramus. Qui si ueritatem satis animaduer= teremus, non ipsam modò mortalium contubernalem dum sacris operantur, sed quæ se totam nobis indulget hau= riend Z 4

Transcription: Translated (English)

& I myself will yield. Shall we therefore think that the punishments of hell are but bugbears for the common people, and that the things written about eternal blessedness are stage-tricks? What hope of salvation, at last, can those have, who are the chief priests, and, seated at the helm, dash by midday upon the rocks of impiety? And while they ought to shine before their households with the brightness of life, do they cast before our eyes the errors of darkness and thick hallucination? But I think that in this age, to deviate in any way from the path of truth is nothing else than to run upon a rock at midday, as Isaiah, the Homer of the sacred prophets, says. Indeed, by God and by Truth itself, can mortals at any time hold any truth more known, more fully discovered and comprehended, than that which we have been granted by divine favor, after the tricks of all error have been driven out, after complete tranquility has been restored to orthodox religion? Alas, piety; alas, ancient faith. Those of our forefathers, consecrated by the agreement of senate, knights, and people, and enrolled among the gods, no one could move from the firm and assured persuasion of truth, not even with tortures applied and prolonged, though at that time everything still seemed mixed with the darkness of error, nor could he draw them away from that faith into which, once the oath had been pronounced, they had entered, although all things were still everywhere burning with civil wars. We, born in the company of truth, nourished at the breasts of wisdom, brought up, so to speak, in the lap of heavenly doctrine, but grown together with and corrupted by the pleasures of the world, blink at the sun, turning our eyes toward the clouds, which we ourselves know to have risen from earth and from below. If we were to observe truth sufficiently, not only the companion of mortals while they engage in sacred rites, but that which wholly offers itself to us to be drawn upon,

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET riendam, in cordisq[ue] recessus penitus admittendam sanctifico illo crustulo quo animos humanos ueritas ipsa Christus quotidie pigneratur et uedicat: superi boni quàm ex alta contemplationis specula fastum et opulentiam non ia secularem, sed uix etiam lustralem cõtemnemus? Quàm ridiculos esse istos, quàm nuseros iudicaremus, qui immaneis titulos suspicientes, optimos propemodum maximos appellari sese gestiunt? Sed quis iam sacris operantium satis hoc agere, satis inquam uidetur? ut antiquo uerbo sacrificali loquar. Equidem magnopere ipse admirari soleo, cum me in penetralia animaduersionum abstrusi, tantam humani animi acrimoniam tam uchementer hebescere ad ueritatem comprehendedam, et memoria tenedam. Quum enim humanarum legum sanctiones uel minantes supplicia, uel spondentes præmia, ita uel hortando uel uetando imperij sui maiestatem retinere uideamus, ut strenuissimus quisq[ue], uel æterni nominis cupidissimus, præ cupiditate rescrendi præmij uel palmaris uel compendiarij, rationem propemodum nullam temporariæ lucis habere existimetur: prudentissimus autem quisq[ue], ac sui amatissimus, ita minacibus edi etis obtéperet, ut non nisi uæcordes homines, aut lucis tædio capti, in fraudem quoquo modo capitale incidant: quî fieri posse dicemus ut tot Christianæ legis capita homines sanæ mentis pro nihilo penè ducant? Quippe cum humanæ leges quæ quidem aliquid uetent, nunaces tantummodo esse soleat, siquid secus dolo malo admissum sit: lex charitatis et innocentiæ, qua nemo no[n] æquali sorte tenetur, no[n] minis modò horrendis, et inauditis antea, sed etia[m] præmij et operæprecij centuplicata pollicitatione, atque adeò sexcentuplicata sancta est: et nihilo secius mens humana spiritualibus auribus capta, pollicitationes iuxta atque inter

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET to be welcomed, and to be admitted deep into the recesses of the heart, I consecrate that holy crust by which Truth itself, Christ, daily is pledged and distributed among human souls: how much, O supreme Good, from the high watchtower of contemplation should we despise pomp and wealth, not merely worldly, but scarcely even fit for a festival? How ridiculous should we judge those to be, how foolish, who, gazing up at immense titles, are eager to be called by the greatest of names? But who among those engaged in sacred things now thinks it enough to do this, enough, I say, in the ancient sacrificial phrase? Indeed, I myself am often greatly amazed when I, led into the inner chambers of reflection, see such sharpness of the human mind so powerfully dulled in grasping and remembering the truth. For since we see the sanctions of human laws, whether threatening punishments or promising rewards, so preserve the majesty of their authority, whether by exhorting or by forbidding, that whoever is most vigorous, or most desirous of an everlasting name, because of his desire for a reward, whether a garland or some more immediate gain, is thought to have scarcely any regard for temporal life; and since whoever is most prudent and most devoted to himself so obeys threatening edicts that only senseless men, or those wearied by life, fall in some way into a capital offense: how shall we say it is possible that so many articles of the Christian law are held by men of sound mind to be almost nothing? For although human laws, insofar as they forbid anything, are merely threats if anything contrary has been committed with evil intent, the law of charity and innocence, by which no one is held to an unequal lot, is sanctified not only by dreadful and previously unheard-of penalties, but also by the promise of a hundredfold reward and recompense, and indeed of six hundredfold reward; and yet the human mind, caught by spiritual ears, receives the promises just as it does the intermediate...

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 729 interminationes diro stupore publicè priuatim que transmutit. Videlicet sic natura comparatu est ob capitale prin cipum parentum admissum, ut cordatissimi ad sensu perce pta mortales, ad intelligibilia, atq[ue] in spe aut expectatio ne posita, ex cordibus similes sint. Quod futurum prouidens uates deo plenus, in funebri carmine, quas threnodias < Threnodix.> uocant, quum funere elatam ecclesiæ maiestatem in uniuersum queribunda uoce cecinit, tum sigillatim animæ cuius que Christiano sacramento initiatæ, huiuscemodi multam lamentatus est. Ait enim ecclesiam, uel animam huma nam, quæ quondam diuinæ disciplinæ tenax, templum domini dicebatur, et scamnu pedum eius (quippe cuius mores et instituta è uestigio sequebatur) obrepente sensim rerum caducarum desiderio, de coelo ita esse detractam, ut quæ prius in rerum æternarum contemplatione coelesti uitæ præsumpta, inter superos agere uidebatur, et in imaginaria diuinitatis intelligentia acquiescere, nunc coelo delapsam, in caligine multiplici erraticorum affectuum esse mersam, propemodum ut dominus in obliuionem sui sanctuarij uenisse uideatur: ac ne id quidem modò, sed etia[m] regnum hierarchicum, et principatus eius atque ordines muri sicè distinctos descriptos que cuertisse, aut certè ipsa contaminasse: eorum etiam castella ac propugnacula disturbasse, cornu principatus confregisse, et brachium suu[m] quod prius ei porrigebat ad hostem propulsandu[m], retrorsus reduxisse, postremò in eo regno omnia uasta igni flam nis que reddidisse. Quibus uerbis mysticè exauditis, quid aliud quàm Christum intelligimus, ut ecclesiæ, ita animæ sacris suis initiatæ sponsum, insensum eidem sponsæ, ex contubernio ipsam suo depulisse, id est ex innocentiæ et sanctitatis statu, atque adeò ex editissimo theoriæ gradu igno Z 5

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 729 with dreadful astonishment he openly and privately inflicted threats of utter ruin. For thus is nature so constituted, that because of the capital offence committed by princes and fathers, mortals who perceive sensible things with understanding, and who rest in things intelligible and in hope or expectation, are alike in their hearts. Foreseeing what would come to pass, the prophet, full of God, in a funeral song—those they call threnodias —when with mournful voice he sang of the majesty of the Church borne forth to burial and lamented throughout, then, in detail, he bewailed a grievous complaint of each soul initiated by the Christian sacrament. For he says that the Church, or the human soul, which once, while steadfast in divine discipline, was called the temple of the Lord and the footstool of his feet (since it followed his ways and institutions closely), had little by little, as desire for perishable things crept in, been drawn down from heaven, so that she, who had formerly seemed to dwell among the heavenly beings in contemplation of eternal things, upheld by heavenly life, and to rest in an imagined understanding of divinity, now, fallen from heaven, lay submerged in the thick darkness of wandering affections; almost as though the Lord himself had come into forgetfulness of his sanctuary. And not only that, but also the hierarchical kingdom, and its principalities and orders, distinct and set out as walls, he had overturned, or at least polluted; he had shattered their castles and bulwarks, broken the horn of principality, and drawn back his arm, which had formerly stretched out to repel the enemy; and finally in that kingdom he had left everything desolate by fire and flames. By these words, understood mystically, what else do we take them to mean than Christ, the bridegroom of the Church, just as of the soul initiated into his sacraments, having driven that bride from his fellowship, that is, from the state of innocence and holiness, and indeed from the highest degree of contemplation igno...

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ignominiosè deiecisse, quasi stupri compertam? atque eam ob rem illico factum esse, ut hostiles copiæ peruigiles excubias agentes, ecclesiæ uel animæ præsidia satellitio diui no uacua nactæ, pro arbitrio suo irrumperent, & præsidaria manu in potestatem redacta, arce etiam religionis potirentur, uel animi principatu? Ita quum principes ordines hierarchiæ, & mentis atque intellectus humani principatum, aduersarij humanæ naturæ potentatus uelut in deditionem acceperint, à quibus nûc res summa uel ecclesiæ uel animæ magna ex parte regitur, quu[m] subeunte rerum fluxarum amore, pietas et ratio depulsa, rerum perdiderint habenas: quid superest, nisi ut ambitione & cupi ditate et libidine omnia utrobiq[ue] ardere uideantur? Quas ob res Threnodus ille uates lamentabili cærmine dolorem suum testatur, multiplici tropo orationis inculcatum. Do let enim atque mæret ipse salutem comploratam generis humani sibi uideri, ob fractam ab clero huius ætatis tesseram (ut ita dicam) hospitij atque amicitiæ, inter diuinam pridem humanamq[ue] naturam in aræ cruciatæ Christi sanguine confarreatæ, unde adorem æternam sperare morta libus, & in coelestium collegium cooptari licebat, si iure gentium stetissent quod Christus promulgarat. Ecquis est autem obsecro, qui si statum ecclesiæ, motum, flexum, habitum, affectiones denique corporis & animi, & sessiones ipsas æstimet, quales non pridem uidimus, ullam rationem haberi oraculorum, aut omnino sacrorum monumetorum iudicet? quasi uerò non monodias ueras in funus animarum entheus ille uates, sed planè nænias effatus sit. No[n] pontificiam iurisdictionem ita degenerasse cernimus ex charitate prisca, ut ubi æqui boniq[ue] & benignitatis sinus solebat esse, ibi litiu[m] officina capturarumq[ue] improbioru[m] nunc esse

Transcription: Translated (English)

G.BVD. [has] ignominiously cast it down from the ass, as though its shame were discovered? And for that reason it immediately came about that hostile forces, keeping watch with sleepless sentries, finding the church, or the defenses of the soul, empty of the bodyguard of the divine, broke in at will; and, the garrison having been reduced into their power by armed force, they also seized the citadel of religion, or of the principality of the mind. Thus, when the leading orders of the hierarchy, and the principality of human mind and understanding, have surrendered as it were into the hands of adversaries of human nature, by whom now the whole matter, whether of the church or of the soul, is in great part governed, since, with love of fleeting things taking over, piety and reason having been driven out, they have lost the reins of affairs: what remains, except that by ambition and greed and lust everything on both sides seems to be burning? For which reasons that lamenting prophet attests his sorrow in a mournful song, pressed home by manifold tropes of speech. He grieves, indeed, and mourns, because the salvation of the human race seems to him lost beyond recall, on account of the charter (if I may so speak) of hospitality and friendship broken by the clergy of this age between divine and human nature, once joined together on the altar of Christ crucified by his blood, from which it was permitted mortals to hope for eternal worship and to be admitted into the fellowship of heaven, had they stood by the law of nations that Christ had promulgated. But I ask, who is there, if he considers the state of the church, its motion, bending, posture, and finally the affections of body and mind, and even the very sessions, such as we have lately seen, who will judge that any regard is paid to oracles, or indeed to sacred monuments at all? as though that inspired prophet had truly uttered not genuine dirges for the funeral of souls, but mere nursery rhymes. Do we not see the pontifical jurisdiction so degenerated from ancient charity, that where once there used to be the bosom of fairness and kindness, there is now a workshop of lawsuits and of the more shameless exactions of the greedy?

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 731 esse uideatur? Inde illa formularum aucupia, & rituu pontificiorum cautiones ad circûscribendam famuliam domini co[n]cinnatæ. Inde mulctarum compêdia præsulibus enata, acceptorum paginas luculenter augêtia. Indidem sacrile gæ nudinæ earum rerum quæ in commercio humano sine piaculo esse non possunt. Mitto nunc tesseras no[n] modò ue niales, sed etiam uenales, impunitatem scelerum, & solu= tionem sacrarum legum sordida benignitate largientes. Itaq[ue] sacrosanctos canones melioribus annis factos, ut ijs uelut regulis uitæ clericorum dirigeretur, et uelut patrum præscriptis posteri formarentur, iam in amusseis plumbeas euasisse quis non uidet? quales olim fuisse canones Lesbiæ structuræ tradit Aristoteles. Nam ut canones plumbei & molles non structuram operum tenore æquabili dirigunt, sed ex structorum commodo & libidine flexiles, structuræ accommoda[n]tur: sic canones pontificij ex usu ecclesiæ anti stitum flexibiles plumbei & cerei facti sunt, ut iamdiu in= stituta maiorum & sanctiones pontificiæ no[n] moribus re= gendis usui esse, sed (propemodum dixerim) argentariæ fa ctitâdæ autoritatem accom[m]odare uideantur. Quotus enim quisq[ue] qui gratias factas annalium legu[m], & collidentium inter se sacerdotiorum æstimarit, uacationes istas legum, & no[n] solutiones uocarit: nec istos no[n] una aut altera lege aut munere, digna aliqua de causa, sed planè sacram[en]to solutos esse co[n]tenderit? Hæc cum finiu[m] Christianorum lucu= lentis dispedijs expiata sæpe sciamus fuisse historaru[m] testi= monio, numune no[n] obscurè iram suam in suos disting[itu]te: nurum est sanè, atque utinam non dirum, quòd sacrosan= cti potentatus solutos se esse omni lege confidunt, pro= ptereæ q[ui] institutis potificijs principes sacris inaugurati, è coelo iura petu[n]t, ne de maioribus quidem sceleribus capitis cau

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 731 does it seem to be? Hence those snares of formulas, and the cautions of pontifical rite, devised to circumscribe the service of the lord. Hence the shortcuts of fines, sprung up for the bishops, clearly swell the pages of receipts. From the same source, sacrilegious shops of those things which in human commerce cannot be without impiety. I say nothing now of tickets not only venal, but also saleable, bestowing immunity for crimes, and the discharge of sacred laws with sordid generosity. Therefore the most holy canons, made in better years so that by them as by rules the life of clerics might be directed, and so that posterity might be formed as by the precepts of the fathers, who does not now see that, in the balance, they have turned into leaden things? Such, Aristotle tells us, were once the canons of Lesbian construction. For as leaden and soft canons do not direct the structure of works by an even line, but, pliant according to the convenience and will of the builders, are adapted to the structure: so the pontifical canons, made flexible in accordance with the usage of the church and the convenience of the bishops, have become leaden and waxen, so that the institutions of the ancients and pontifical enactments now seem no longer to serve for governing morals, but rather, I would almost say, to accommodate authority to the making of money. For how many are there who have reckoned the favors done in the annual laws, and the priesthoods clashing among themselves, as exemptions from laws, and not as discharges? And who would contend that these men are released, not by one law or another or by some office, for a worthy cause, but plainly by sacrament? Since we know that these things have often been expiated with bright divisions among Christian peoples, as the testimony of histories shows, it is not obscure that divine wrath is distinguished against its own people: and it is indeed strange, and would that it were not dire, that the most holy powers trust themselves to be free from every law, therefore those princes, initiated by pontifical institutions into sacred offices, seek their rights from heaven, so that not even concerning the greatest crimes of capital...

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET causam dicentes. Miseri ipsi quidem, si apud supremu[m] di= scaptatorem nutiore transigi conditione censent: scelesti & deplorati, si illic omnino no[n] disceptari sperant. Qui si aliquando recordari possent diuino tribunali apparere toruum illud satellitium Minois & Rhadamanthi, poenas, furies, crinnyas & alastoras, eas ipsas animas captantes, quas in reatum impulerunt: certè quamvis animo excæcati & uæcordes, tam[m]e toto corpore cohorsceret. Solenne tamen regibus Fraciæ ferè fuit, rerum suarum summam ijs hominibus credere, quorum secus uel consulta uel admissa ipsi uindicare nequeant. Nostra ætas uidit unum in rerum actu summo liberóq[ue]; præfectum, qui à uinea domini procul agens, rationes imperij nostri ex sentetia ani mi sui perputabat, inscitè aut incommodè circuncidens: in quo actu aulicum omne ministerium ei subseruiebat. Hic uir quidem haud improbus fuit, animiq[ue]; haud degeneris, sed regendis fatis intentus, anginarium pyrum uorauit: unde Franci propemodum stragulati, ne queri quidem aut expostulare sunt ausi, quoad inter aulicos simul & uiuos agere ille desijt: qui etiam ipse cum in opulento fastu sese ingurgitauisset, haustum inde calicem erroris patriæ exitiabilis, nonnullis suorum amicorum successorumq[ue] propinauit: cuius utinam manibus omniumq[ue] supradictorum summus ille iudex secus admissorum gratiam ad extremu[m] fecerit. Sedenim (quod dicere coeperamus) status ciuitatis orthodoxæ è sede seueritatis & disciplinæ conuulsus, manum quædam Pæoniam poscit, ut aptè & placidè in eam reponatur, luxataq[ue] ecclesiæ mebra in artus suos aliquando redeant: sic fiet ut principes ecclesiæ no[n] auro obrÿzo, non argentea supellectili, non opimis obuentionibus, non numerosis titulis opum suarum magnitudinem metiatur, quæ

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE DUBIOUS MATTER and those speaking of the cause. Wretched indeed would they be, if they think that in the presence of the supreme judge the matter is conducted under a harsher condition; wicked and miserable, if they hope that there it will not be judged at all. If they could at times remember that before the divine tribunal there stands that grim train of Minos and Rhadamanthus, punishments, furies, crinnyas and alastoras , those very spirits seizing those whom they drove into guilt: certainly, though blinded in mind and reckless, it would nevertheless restrain the whole body. Yet it was almost the custom of the kings of France to entrust the sum of their affairs to those men whose counsels or deeds, if otherwise, they themselves could not call to account. Our age saw one man placed in the highest and most free administration of affairs, who, acting far from the vineyard of the lord, weighed the affairs of our empire according to the judgment of his own mind, cutting them up foolishly or inconveniently; in this act all the courtly ministry served him. This man was indeed not wicked, nor of a degenerate spirit, but intent on governing fates, he swallowed an unhealthy pear: whence the French, almost choked, did not even dare to complain or protest, until he ceased to act among the courtiers and the living alike; and he himself too, once he had drenched himself in opulent pride, poured out from it a cup of error, disastrous to his country, and handed it to some of his friends and successors. May the supreme judge, in the case of him and of all the aforementioned, show favor for offenses committed otherwise, if only at the end. But now, as we were beginning to say, the condition of the orthodox commonwealth, torn away from the seat of severity and discipline, calls for a certain Paeonian hand, so that it may be set back into place properly and calmly, and the dislocated limbs of the church may one day return to their own joints: thus it will happen that the princes of the Church will measure their greatness not by gold refined in the fire, not by silver plate, not by abundant revenues, not by numerous titles, but by the magnitude of their wealth, which

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 733 quæ gazas regum prouocare, nô diuitias priscorum anti= stitum æmulari uidentur, sed bonis interioris hominis, sed copia doctrinæ, sed ijs animæ Christo desponsæ dotibus, quæ in cordis scriniolis tanquam in gazophylacijs mysti= ci sani conduntur. Etenim qui ad superos uiam non modò affectare, sed etiam alijs sternere munireq[ue]; uolunt existima ri, quiq[ue]; id omni titulo omniq[ue]; functione munerum suoru[m] profitentur: ij Christum diuinitatis emissarium, ac salutis humanæ sponsonisq[ue]; magnificæ sequestrem, necesse est ut sequantur, qui eam uiam primus secuit & aperuit: & se= quantur, si non euestigio, ut maiorum illi gétium pontifi= ces olim fecerunt, at certè prospectu quàm longissimo, mo dò ne obliquo, aut etiam diuersissimo: Hæc uia cum unicæ sit (una est enim tantum ueritas) eâ quoquo modo ingre= diendu[m] nobis est. nam & ipse præmonstrator supernè de= lapsus, non modò illac ire, sed etiam uenire eos iussit, quos in numeros æternos delectus sui retulit. Nuc uerò cum ab hac uia principes nostri orbis ordines profani iuxtà atq[ue]; initiati diuersissimè expatientur, quid inde sequatur, ne= mo præter eos non uidet: qui & oculis & auribus capti sunt, nec oraculorum prædicta, nec concionatorum moni ta exaudientes. Quæ (malum) autem insania est hanc er= rori publico indulgere patientiam? < In prauos Christi asseclas epi- scopos.> Ego ne ut credam fi= dem eos bonam agnoscere, qui sub exuuijs domini nostri, aram & sacra tenètes, & ipsum denique dominu[m] ex oscu= lantes, eiusdem ipsius placita & instituta floccipendant, eisq[ue] è diametro opposita pugnantiaq[ue]; amplectantur? As= seclæ & comites Christi dum inter homines agebat, qui= bus ille decedens è prouincia, uelut compertæ fidei mini= stris prouincias detulit, quoad in illis fuerunt, nauicula= riam solicitam factitantes, & procellis agitati, nihil sui habuisse,

Transcription: Translated (English)

which seem not to challenge the treasures of kings, nor to emulate the riches of the ancient priests, but the goods of the inner man, but abundance of doctrine, but those gifts of the soul betrothed to Christ, which are stored in the little chests of the heart as though in the treasuries of a sound mystic. For indeed those who wish not only to aspire to the way to the heights, but also to lay it out and make it passable for others, and who profess this under every title and every function of their offices: they must needs follow Christ, the emissary of divinity and the mediator of human salvation and of noble marriage, who first cut and opened that way; and follow him, if not in his very footsteps, as those pontiffs of the elder nations once did, yet certainly with the longest possible outlook, provided only it be not oblique, or even wholly divergent. Since this way is unique—for there is but one truth—it must be entered by us in whatever manner. For even the one who showed it from above, having descended, commanded not only that they go that way, but also that they come, whom he numbered among his elect for eternity. But now, since the princes of our world, both the profane orders and the initiated, are most differently estranged from this way, what follows from this no one sees except those who are blinded both in eyes and ears, hearing neither the predictions of oracles nor the admonitions of preachers. What madness, then, is this—to indulge such tolerance toward public error? <Against bishops, corrupt followers of Christ.> Am I to believe that they acknowledge the faith as sound, who, under the garments of our Lord, holding the altar and the sacred rites, and finally kissing the Lord himself from their lips, nevertheless make light of his own ordinances and institutions, and embrace those things directly opposed and contrary to them? The followers and companions of Christ, while he lived among men, to whom, on departing from the province, he entrusted the provinces as to ministers of proven faith, while they remained in them, busied themselves anxiously with seamanship, and, tossed by storms, had nothing of their own,

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET habuisse, nihil unquam sibi possedisse traduntur. Istos autem qui illorum prouincijs successerunt, eade cum illis potestate præditos (id quod ipsi gloriabudè prædicat) prob superi, non pudet argentariam facere, opulentiamq; redundantem omni ope uendicare & cumulare. At ab huiuscemodi bonoru[m] possessione illi inter diuos relati eoru[m] ipsoru[m] autores cupide se abdicabant, disciplinam ipsi parentis sapientiæ & ueritatis consertis (ut aiunt) digitis retinetes. Ecquid autem esse abhorrentius, & magis dissentiens ab innocentia & simplicitate discipulorum Christi potest, quàm sacerdotem ad altare sacra facere, & interim comutatum eius sericatum, comptulum, calamustratum, uersicoloribus insignem, machæra succinctum, altera manu capulo ferri subnixum, altera accipitrem gestantem, sanctuarium domunicu[m] stipare, & oberrare mensæ sacræ summoto clerico ministerio, gesticulatione gaudentem proteruæ & profana? At huiuscemodi spectaculi indignitatem oculis sæpe detortis exorbere obmurmurantes cogimur. Itaque eò iam indignitatis atque insolentiæ uetum esse populus < Hieronomi.> uociferatur, ut quos hieronomos esse decebat, hoc est sacræ disciplinæ & institutionis magistros & exactores, autores ipsi fuerint dissoluendæ atque explodendæ continentiæ. Vnum eius rei remedium præsentissimum esse certum est, si in constituenda aliquando re clerica & ecclesiastica, opimorum redituu[m] circu[m]fluentia ad certum quendam modum decentemq; circuncidatur, pro captu & dignatione cuiusque, isonomia quadam decenti & commoda longo interuallo relata, ad rationem geometricam, quæ ius optimatum regitur. Hæc enim sentina de grauans exhaurienda est omnino primo quoq; tempore, ne sacrosancta nauis pessum eat tandem, coorta quada[m] tempestate ma iore.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. ON MONEY AND they are said to have had nothing ever owned by themselves. But those who succeeded to their provinces, being endowed with the same power as them—as they themselves proudly proclaim—are, shame on them, not ashamed to engage in money-changing and to claim and heap up overflowing wealth by every means. Yet those men, once counted among the gods, eagerly renounced such possession of goods, retaining the teaching of their father’s wisdom and truth with fingers, as they say, interlaced. And what could be more abhorrent, and more at variance with the innocence and simplicity of Christ’s disciples, than a priest performing sacred rites at the altar, while in the meantime his hair is curled, his clothes silken, neat, and crimped, marked out in many colors, girt with a sword, with one hand braced on the hilt of iron and the other carrying a hawk, bustling about the sanctuary and the house of God, with the clerical ministry set aside, delighting in shameless and profane gesticulation? Yet we are often compelled, with eyes averted, to endure and mutter at the indignity of such a spectacle. And so the people cry out that the vice and insolence have now gone so far, in the matter of the hieronomi , that those who ought to be hieronomi , that is, masters and enforcers of sacred discipline and instruction, have themselves become the authors of the dissolution and overthrow of continence. One most immediate remedy for this is certainly that, when the ecclesiastical and church order is at last established, the abundance of rich revenues should be cut down to a certain and fitting measure, according to the capacity and standing of each, with a decent and convenient equality maintained over a long interval, in proportion, as it were, to a geometric rule governed by the law of the best men. For this foul cesspool must be drained away altogether at the earliest opportunity, lest the most holy ship at last go down, once some greater storm has arisen.

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Transcription: ATR-1

iore. Hoc autem Leonem decimum pontificum uerticè, & symphoniacorum domini chorostatem, præstare, cum moribus eius & doctrinæ, tum uerò auspicijs initi ab eo pontificatus conuenit: ut & ipse & amplissimus purpuratorum patrum Senatus, taquam in naui Apostolica iam expeditiore sedentes, canere turbæ nauticæ celeusma uideantur. Absit enim, absit inqua[m], ut quod de Iulio siue iure, siue iniuria creditum est, superis eum & mortalibus sucum factitare cogitasse, & concilij obtetu frustrari bonoru[m] & sapientium expectationem piam, id de eo quoque suspicemur pontifice maximo, qui difficilimo tempore, & rebus propemodum perditis & profligatis, omnium senioru[m] suffragijs renunciatus esse dicitur, prærogatiua tribu doctrinæ suffragantium, & indoli magnæ spei atq[ue] pontificiæ, idq[ue] ijs comitijs in quibus nec uitium ullum obuenisse fama est, nec obnuciationem ullam extitisse, aut intercessionem cuiusquam, quæ conspiranti patrum uoluntati posset quoquo pacto incommodare. O præsentissimam uim numinis, quam suffragia ineutes patres (ut upeantur) reuerendissimu[m], hausisse repentè credutur. Verùm id præcipuè homines tum stupebat, morem tato interuallo relatum seruamdi de coelo: atq[ue] id eo tempore, quu[m] id minimè futuru[m] quius existimaret. Adde quòd eius est, si cuiusqua[m], pontificij iuris constitutio, qui literarum studium quod iamdiu à publica quidem beneficentia per pontificum inscitiam incuriamq[ue]; frigebat, memorabili in omne æuum exemplo excitatum ire dictitatur. Atqui ego hunc decimum, claris olim rebus actis decumanum fore spero: quandoquidem ueteres omnia decumana, magna esse censuerunt. Is igitur cum deo beneuolente labantè sacrosancti ordinis maiestatem confirmabit, & priscum decus ac dignitatem clero popu

Transcription: Translated (English)

I therefore think that this Leo X, supreme pontiff and ruler of the choir of the symphonic singers, is shown both by his character and learning, and indeed by the auspices with which the pontificate begun by him agrees: so that he himself and the most distinguished Senate of the purple-clad fathers, as though seated now in the more serviceable Apostolic ship, seem to be singing the sailors’ call to the crowd on deck. For far be it, far be it, I say, that what has been believed, whether rightly or wrongly, of Julius—that he thought to make merchandise of things divine and human, and under the pretext of a council to frustrate the pious expectations of the good and the wise—should also be suspected of that supreme pontiff, who, in the most difficult time, and with affairs all but lost and ruined, is said to have been proclaimed by the votes of all the cardinals, the privilege of learning being granted by those who voted, and a great and pontifical promise of character; and this in those elections in which, as report says, no fault occurred, nor any rejection, nor any opposition by anyone that could in any way hinder the unanimous will of the fathers. O most present power of the godhead, which the fathers entering upon the vote (as I hope) will suddenly be believed to have drawn from the most reverend one! But above all men then marvelled at this: that the custom of so long an interval should be preserved from heaven; and that at a time when hardly anyone would have thought it at all possible. Add to this that it is, if it belongs to any man, the constitution of pontifical right, which is said to have stirred up the study of letters—long indeed grown cold through the public neglect, owing to the ignorance and carelessness of the pontiffs—by a memorable example to endure for all ages. And so I hope that this Leo the Tenth, who once carried out illustrious deeds, will be a truly “tithe” among men: since the ancients judged all things of the tithe to be great. Therefore, with God’s good will, he will confirm the majesty of the sacred order, which has been wavering, and restore to the clergy and the people the ancient splendor and dignity.

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET populoq[ue] restituet. Verumenimuero ut redeam ad id quod dicere institueram, quu[m] translatitij & penè vulgares pri= scæ ætatis census, ingetes hodie & penè inusitati existimè tur, mundo iam uergente ad pauperiem, ego demissi animi & angustæ mentis esse arbitror, toto (ut dicitur) pectore incumbere ad comparâdas opes, quum ea in re gloriâ aut famam in posterum nemo possit assequi, ac ne uoluptatem quidem nisi per transennam sentire. Nam ut hians auari= tia ingentia lucra cum summa deuorat uoluptate, sic ra= ptim deuoratorum saliua n[ost]uquam in os recursat: ut cibus etiam suauissimus in ingluuiem tràsmissus inexplebilè, nul lo delectat edètem regustatu: quo fit ut auaritiam ferè in= tendi uideamus pro portione quæstus. Quare in literatæ innocetia, ut olim, ita hodie, & uerioris uoluptatis et soli= dioris gloriæ maius & copiosius argumetum esse censeo. Siquidem homines ingenio medioci præditi, in sapientiæ inquirêda omnibus uestigijs monumentorum quæ maiores reliquerunt, quum in dies maiora ea inueniant, atque im= pressiora, uoluptate quoq[ue] sensim fruuntur acriore, etiam si inuëtis illis haudquaquam acquiescant: quum rerum hu manarum captus implere auidam mentem intelligendi ne= queat. eademq[ue] est ratio unicuique in memoria ingenij sui atq[ue] industriæ prodenda, qua nulla hodie nec eminentior nec diuturnior potest esse gloria. Auæris aute[m] & quæstua rijs quid aliud immodici quæstus faciunt, nisi curaru[m] acer= uum anxietatumq[ue] exaggerant: adeò qui magnarum opu[m] congeries struunt, malorum quoque sibi & perturbatio= num (ut diunt) liadas pariunt. Erant igitur philopluti diuitiarum amore perditi, quos Christus ut Crassianos no[n] Christianos limine suo repulit: uitæ suæ institutum admi= rentur si lubet ut beatum. Studium etiam literarum irri= deant

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND will restore it to the people. But to return to what I had set out to say: since translated and almost common censuses of the ancient age are now thought to be immense and almost unusual, the world already tending toward poverty, I judge it to be the mark of a depressed spirit and a narrow mind to apply oneself with all one’s heart, as the saying is, to the acquiring of wealth, when in that matter no one can attain either glory or lasting fame, nor even pleasure except through a passing glimpse. For just as greed, gaping wide, devours great gains with the greatest pleasure, so the saliva of what has been hurriedly devoured never returns into the mouth: likewise even the sweetest food, once passed into the maw, gives no satisfaction when tasted again by the eater, because of its insatiable nature; hence we see greed increase almost in proportion to profit. Therefore, in literary innocence, as in former times, so also today, I consider there to be a greater and richer source of truer pleasure and sounder glory. Indeed, men of mediocre ability, in seeking wisdom by every track left in the monuments our ancestors have bequeathed, since they find in them things ever greater and more impressive day by day, also enjoy by degrees a keener pleasure, even if they by no means rest content with those discoveries: for the capacity of human affairs cannot satisfy a mind eager to understand. And the same reason holds for everyone in seeking to hand down the memory of his own talent and industry, a glory than which none today can be either more eminent or more lasting. But what do the avaricious and profit-seeking men gain by excessive profit except a heap of cares and an accumulation of anxieties? Indeed, those who build up great piles of possessions also beget for themselves, as the saying goes, piles of evils and disturbances. Therefore the wealth-loving were the ones ruined by love of riches, whom Christ repelled from his threshold as Crassians, not Christians: let them admire the pattern of their own life, if they wish, as blessed. Let them also mock the study of letters.

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 737 deant ut inane & iciunum, duntaxat no[n] quæstuosum, quæ Philologia nuncupatur. Nos enim nobis persuasimus, ijs incrementorum gradibus quibus multi hodie ad summas opes uel honores summos ungulis (ut dicitur) omnibus arrepentes euadunt, ascensum in coelum non arduum esse, ut uulgò dictitatur, sed præcipitem potius, ac uergentem deorsum. Mitto quòd Christus pauperum se uindicem & assertorem, diuitum reiectorem frequenti concione professus est. No[n] dico quòd interpoli humanitate per Christi sa cramentum, post eiuratum mundi fastum in purifica per= fusione lustralis eius aquæ, qua natura humana sibi nata= libusq[ue] restituitur, alia prorsus studia hominum esse co[n]ue= nit, quàm ut ad temporarium aliquod bonum spectare ui deantur. Ista non ad normam ueritatis, non ad exemplum Christi, non ad canonem uitæ per innocentiam agendæ nunc exigimus: scimus hanc rationem licentia temporum ita explosam esse, ut aures iam non habeamus ferendæ ue= ritati. Vt omnia hæc transmittam: non'ne etiam sensus hu= mani iudicio longè uidentur aberrare, qui titulosis nomi= nibus aucti, & nomenclatura uel honorum uel sacerdo= tiorum uel prædiorum feroces, quasi his cothurnis fortu= næ in uiros prægrandes euaserint, pusilli tamen esse quæ= siq[ue] ridiculi grallatores uulgò intelliguntur, utpote qui nullis aut paucis bonis suis atque animi locupletes esse no scantur? Atqui hoc ferè huius ætatis fert co[n]ditio in Fr[ati]ciæ præcipuè, ut homines singulari ignorantia præditi, sæpe etiam ingenti luxu perditi, summis ac multis honoribus præditi sint. Nam & illi ipsi si aut oculis aut mente quo= quo modo cernere germanam huius uitæ beatitudine[m] pos sent, uerasq[ue] diuitias, baud dubiè suam sortem defleret ut inopem & egentem. Cuius rei inter prudenteis compertæ. A a & confesse

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 737 they may make it empty and unsubstantial, and at any rate not profit-seeking, which is called Philology. For we have persuaded ourselves that by those steps of advancement by which many today, seizing with all their claws (as the saying is) at the highest riches or the highest honors, escape, the ascent into heaven is not arduous, as the common saying goes, but rather precipitous and tending downward. I pass over the fact that Christ has publicly professed in frequent discourse that He is the defender and champion of the poor, the rejecter of the rich. I do not say that, refined by the humanity of Christ’s sacrament, after renouncing the pride of the world in the purifying effusion of that lustral water, by which human nature is restored to itself and to those born from it, the pursuits of men ought to be altogether different, than that they seem to aim at some temporary good. We do not now demand these things according to the rule of truth, nor according to the example of Christ, nor according to the canon of a life to be lived in innocence: we know that this way has been so exploded by the license of the times that we no longer have ears to bear the truth. To pass over all these things: do not even the human senses seem far to stray from judgment, when, swollen with pompous titles and fierce with a nomenclature of honors or priesthoods or estates, as though by these buskins of fortune they had escaped into the stature of great men, they are nevertheless understood to be small and almost ridiculous strollers, inasmuch as they are known to be rich in no or few goods, either of their own or of the mind? And yet this is almost the condition of this age, especially in France, that men endowed with singular ignorance, often also ruined by enormous luxury, are endowed with the highest and many honors. For if they themselves, either with their eyes or in mind, could in some way perceive the true blessedness of this life and true riches, they would without doubt lament their lot as poor and needy. This fact has been found among the prudent and acknowledged. A a & confesse

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET & confessæ, autorè tamen laudabo tum scriptoru[m] omniu[m] opiniosissimum, tum rerum humanaru[m] æstimatorem callentissimum. Nam ut Tiresias olim Thebanus, qui utru[m]q[ue] humanitatis sexum uicissim habuisse traditur, idoneus iu= dex esse uisus est apud quem Iupiter & Iuno disceptaret Solomon. utrius sexus maior esset uoluptas: sic Solomon, qui ditissi= mus ide[m] sapientissimusq[ue] fuisse eologij sacri autoritate cre= ditur, unus est (ut opinor) omnium qui hoc possit rectissi= mè iudicare, & in cuius sentetiam pedibus omnes ire de= beamus. At is in eo libro qui autore incerto (ut multi opi= nantur) inscribitur Sapientis sapientia Solomonis, ita de sapientia loquens cap. (ut opinor) septimo inducitur, An= tiquiorem eam sceptris habui, ac solio regio: & diuitias nihil esse duxi cum ea comparatas. Et rursus, Venêre au= tem mihi bona omnia unà cum illa, & innumarabilis opu lentia in manibus eius. sic enim uerti debuit ille locus: etia[m] si honestas pro opulentia eo in loco & alibi in eodem li= bro sæpenumero legatur. magis mirum est totum cum li= brum admirabili ac recondita doctrina plenum, ab igna= ro interprete uersum esse. quo apparet quantam ignomi= niam irrogarint diuo Hieronymo ij qui eam traductione[m] eius esse asserunt. Ignorantiæ autem interpretis omnino hoc tempore, hac literarum claritate, hoc pontifice non ferendæ, unum aut alterum dare specimen satis erit. Pri= mùm in eodem capite ita legitur, προπῶν άλλαρὰς, καὶ μετα= τολὰς κατῶν, ἐνιαστῶν καυλᾶς καὶ ασέρων θεῶς. Dedit, in= quit, mihi deus ut scirem solstitioru[m] uicissitudines, & mu= tationes temporu[m], annoru[m] orbes, & stellarum situs. In ea autem editione, quam ignari literaru[m] Græcaru[m] sacrosan= ctam esse cõtendunt, ut iure recepto comprobatam, ita le= gitur, Vicissitudinum permutationes, & cõsummationes temporu[m]

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET although I confess it, I shall nevertheless praise the author, both as the most opinionated of all writers and as the most skilled estimator of human affairs. For just as Tiresias of old, the Theban, who is said to have successively possessed both sexes of humanity, seemed a fitting judge before whom Jupiter and Juno might dispute with Solomon which sex had the greater pleasure: so Solomon, who is believed by the authority of sacred scripture to have been both richest and likewise wisest, is, in my opinion, the one man among all who can judge this matter most rightly, and to whose opinion we all ought to defer. But in that book which, according to an uncertain author (as many think), is entitled The Wisdom of Solomon, he is introduced speaking thus of wisdom, in chapter seven, I think: “I esteemed her more ancient than scepters and the royal throne, and I counted riches as nothing compared with her.” And again: “All good things came to me together with her, and innumerable wealth in her hands.” For thus that passage ought to have been translated, even if in that place and elsewhere in the same book honesty is often read in place of wealth. It is more astonishing that the whole book, filled with admirable and hidden doctrine, should have been rendered by an ignorant translator; from which it is clear what great disgrace those have inflicted on St. Jerome who assert that this translation is his. But it will be enough to give one or two examples of the translator’s ignorance, which in this age, with this brilliance of learning, under this pope, is by no means to be tolerated. First, in the same chapter it is read thus: προπῶν άλλαρὰς, καὶ μετατολὰς κατῶν, ἐνιαστῶν καυλᾶς καὶ ασέρων θεῶς. “God,” he says, “gave me to know the alternations of the solstices and the changes of the seasons, the circles of the years, and the positions of the stars.” But in that edition, which those ignorant of Greek letters contend is sacred and established by lawful acceptance, it is read thus: “The permutations of alternations, and the consummations of times”

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. temporum, & morum mutationes, diuisiones temporum & anni cursus, & stellarum dispositiones. Ex quibus uer bis nullus sensus cohæres elici potest. quid enim moru[m] mu tationi cum temporu[m] co[n]summatione? Quis autem no[n] per= cipit interprete[m] præter absurda[m] interpretatione[m], & cæsu= rarum confusionem, etia[m] æquiuocatione deceptu[m] in uerbo tropon, quod sola accentus distinctione solstitioru[m] & mo rum significat? Apud Originem v 1 1. homilia in Leuiticu[m], quæ ab Hieronymo uersa esse dicitur, ita legitur, Permu= tationu[m] uicissitudines, & co[n]uersiones temporu[m], anni cir= culos, & stellarum dispositiones. Sequitur in eade[m] editio= ne: Vim uentoru[m], & cogitationes hominu[m], Παληνομις ου= θηπων: quod ego sermocinationes uertissem, hoc est dispu tandi rationes. Quid? illud quale est capite secundo, ubi Epicureoru[m] sententia reprehenditur, qui interitu[m] animæ cu[m] corpore asserebant: in qua sententia Plinius Secudus fuit. οπι αυτοχεδιως εκενηθων, και μετὰ ταυτα ἔσομεθα μ[.]ς ουχ υπαρχαντες. οπι καπνος μι πνοῦ ἐν ἐισην μὴν, και θλίχος αυτη= της ἐν κινησει καρδιας μὴν, ου αυτοθεαδιτος τήρα κατα= σταί ου μα. id est, Quia temere geniti sumus, & posihac erimus uelut non existentes: quoniam fumus est spiritus in naribus nostris, & modica scintilla in motu cordis nostri, qua extincta corpus euadet in cinerem. Interpres noster uel ignorantia, uel supina emendandi exemplaris inertia lapsus, ita translulit, & cum securi sacri interpretes ita le gunt: Quoniâ fumus afflatus est in naribus nostris, & ser mo scintillæ ad commouendu[m] cor nostrum, quia extinctus cinis erit corpus. uidelicet quasi non δλίχος αυτης, sed δι λόγος, autor libri scripsisset. Illud non minus ridiculum capite duodecimo, Deuoratores sanguinis, & autores pa rentes animarum in auxiliatarum perdere uoluisti. Vbi A a 2 autores

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART II. OF HIS BOOK V. changes of times and manners, divisions of times and the course of the year, and the arrangements of the stars. From these words no coherent sense can be drawn. For what has the change of morals to do with the consummation of times? And who does not perceive that the interpreter, apart from an absurd interpretation and a confusion of clauses, was also deceived by the ambiguity of the word tropon, which by a mere distinction of accent signifies both solstices and manners? In Origen, book 1, homily on Leviticus, which is said to have been translated by Jerome, it is read thus: Vicissitudes of changes, and turnings of times, circles of the year, and dispositions of the stars. In the same edition follows: The force of winds, and the thoughts of men, Παληνομις ουθηπων: which I would have rendered “discourses,” that is, reasons for disputing. What of that passage in the second chapter, where the opinion of the Epicureans is refuted, who asserted the destruction of the soul together with the body, in which opinion Pliny the Younger was also found: οπι αυτοχεδιως εκενηθων, και μετὰ ταυτα ἔσομεθα μ[.]ς ουχ υπαρχαντες. οπι καπνος μι πνοῦ ἐν ἐισην μὴν, και θλίχος αυτη=της ἐν κινησει καρδιας μὴν, ου αυτοθεαδιτος τήρα κατα=σταί ου μα. That is, “Because we were rashly brought forth, and afterwards we shall be as if not existing: for our spirit is smoke in our nostrils, and a small spark in the motion of our heart, which once extinguished the body shall pass into ashes.” Our interpreter, whether through ignorance or through sloth in correcting the exemplar, translated it thus; and with security the sacred interpreters read it thus: “For smoke is the breath in our nostrils, and the speech of a spark to move our heart, because, when extinguished, the body will be ashes.” As though the author of the book had written not θλίχος αυτης, but δι λόγος. No less ridiculous is that in chapter twelve: “Thou didst will to destroy the devourers of blood, and the authors, parents of souls, in the auxiliaries.” Where A a 2 authors

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET autores pro obtruncatores uersum est ignoratia linguæ. nî idem significat quod , licet aliqua[n]do autorem significet. Eodem capite, Tu aute[m] dominator uirtutis cum tranquillitate iudicas, & cu[m] magna reueretia disponis nos. . Sic uerti uere potuit, Tu potentiæ imperitans, ex bono & æquo iudicas, & cu[m] multa indulgentia regis nos. Quis enim unquam epijciâ tranquillitate[m] uertit? Hæc obiter adnotata sufficiu[n]t ad id quod nunc agimus. Sed Solomon rursus de sapientia loquès capite VIII. eiusdem libri, , id est, Initiatrix est enim scientiæ Dei, & inuentrix operum eius. qui locus itidè oscita[n]ter ab interprete trasactus est. Froinde si Solomon omniu[m] rerum humanarum diuinarumq[ue] intelligentissimus, sapientiam initiatricem scientiæ dei operumq[ue] eius inuestigatricem appellauit, & regia[m] opulentiam præ sapientiæ possessione aspernabilem esse dixit, atq[ue] etiam cum sapientia omnia bona sibi obuenisse quasi comitatum eius affirmat: quanto magis compendij studium posthabere debemus studio literaru[m]? siquidem hoc studiu[m] perducere nos ad intelligentiâ sapientiæ potest. Intelligentia autem admiratione[m] ciere solet, & admiratio desiderium eius inuestigandæ. at inuestigatio adptionem parit, & adeptio (ut quidam uocant) fruitionem. ita fructus adptionis beatos facit, in suprema sorte humani fastigij co[n]stitutos, quam Democritus Euthymiam uocauit, quasi dicas felicè & rectam animi constitutione[m]. cuius hanc summâ maximè esse dico, ut res omneis sensiles & caducas altissimamente calcemus, intel ligibiles

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET the turning of “authors” into “executioners” comes from ignorance of the language. for it means the same thing, although sometimes it signifies “author.” In the same chapter, “Thou indeed, ruler of power, judgest with tranquility, and with great reverence disposest us.” This could truly have been translated: “Thou, ruling over power, judgest according to good and right, and with great indulgence governest us.” For who ever translated ἐπιείκεια as “tranquility”? These remarks made in passing are enough for what we are now dealing with. But Solomon again, speaking of wisdom in chapter VIII of the same book, , that is, “For she is the initiatrix of the knowledge of God, and the discoverer of his works,” a passage which likewise has been translated carelessly by the interpreter. Therefore, if Solomon, most intelligent of all human and divine matters, called wisdom the initiatrix of the knowledge of God and the investigator of his works, and said that royal wealth was to be despised in comparison with the possession of wisdom, and further affirms that with wisdom all good things came to him as though as her companion: how much more ought we to put the pursuit of brevity after the pursuit of letters? since this pursuit can lead us to the understanding of wisdom. But understanding is accustomed to arouse wonder, and wonder the desire to investigate it. But investigation gives birth to attainment, and attainment (as some call it) to enjoyment. Thus the fruit of attainment makes men blessed, set in the highest rank of human eminence, which Democritus called Euthymia, as if you were to say a happy and upright constitution of the mind. Of this I say that the greatest thing is that we trample most deeply underfoot all sensible and perishable things, intelligible

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 741 ligibiles & æternas semper animo uolutemus. Id enim de mum est humani sacram[en]ti intelligentia[m] tenere, quum ani mum celsum & sublimem in reru[m] humanarum æstimatio= ne, demussum & supplicè in æterni boni postulatione ser= uamus. Hæc illa est humilitas, apud priscos posita ignomi= niæ loco, à Christo autem autore manans: cuius propria est illa functio in animo, ut quisq[ue] optimè sese noscat: quod dictum antiquitas ueritatis imprudens, < Nosse se-ipsum.> autori tamen deo consecrandum putauit. De hoc animi habitu cum innocetia coniuncto dici illud uerissimè potest, Ingrediturq[ue] solo, & caput inter nubila condit. Sperati porrò summi boni atq[ue] etiam promissi pignus hic nullum maius habere possumus, quàm illam euthymiam, donum haud dubiè diuinum, quo uitam illa[m] coeleste[m] quo= dammodo præsumunt quibus id diuinitus datum est: qui orbis est ex omnibus numeris humanæ felicitatis aptus, in sese semper uergens, id est in bona & sua & animi, non in externa pronus: aliud nec principium nec finem alium quærens in hoc seculo quidem, quàm in sese diuinitus positum. Hæc est in uitæ humana summi boni medulla, quam ueluti thesaurum in sacrario sapientiæ conditum, tot philosophorum classes omnem lapidem molientes (ut. est in prouerbio) inuenire nequiverunt. Existimabant enim non ex deo, sed ex sese ita aptum sapietem esse, ut in eo planè situm esset an ipse talis esset. Nos aute[m] ex sacris monumentis accepimus arbitrium tantum nostri iuris esse, < Liberum arbitrium.> rectam autem firmamq[ue] animi constitutionem muneris esse diuini, sed ita promiscui, ut nulli rectè atq[ue] ordine id pe tenti negetur. Huius summi boni formam habitumq[ue]; de= < Summu[m] bonu[m].> scribens ille sapientum (ut ita dicam) Plato, in parabolis ita inquit, Beatus homo qui inuenit sapientiam. Longitu= do A a 3

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PART V. BOOK V. 741 Let us always keep in mind things that are intelligible and eternal. For this is truly to hold the understanding of the sacrament of man: when we preserve the mind high and lofty in the estimation of human affairs, and humble and submissive in the seeking of the eternal good. This is that humility, placed among the ancients in the rank of disgrace, but flowing from Christ as its author; whose proper office in the soul is that each one know himself best: which saying antiquity, ignorant of the truth, <Know thyself.> yet thought should be consecrated to God as its author. Of this state of mind, joined with innocence, that saying may most truly be spoken, And he enters upon the plain, and hides his head among the clouds. Moreover, as a pledge of the highest good hoped for, and also promised, we can have no greater one here than that euthymia, beyond doubt a divine gift, by which those to whom it has been given by God in some measure anticipate that heavenly life: that condition which is fitted in all respects to human happiness, ever turning into itself, that is, toward its own good and that of the soul, not inclined to outward things; seeking in this world neither another beginning nor another end than that which has been divinely placed within itself. This is the very marrow of the highest good in human life, which, like a treasure stored in the shrine of wisdom, all the companies of philosophers, beating every stone (as the proverb goes), have been unable to find. For they thought that a sage is not so fitted by God, but by himself, that it wholly depended on whether he himself was such a man. But from the sacred records we have learned that free choice alone belongs to our own right, <Free will.> but that the right and firm constitution of the mind is a gift from God, yet so commonly bestowed that it is not denied to anyone who rightly and in order seeks it. Describing the form and habit of this highest good, that philosopher (so to speak), Plato, says in parables: Blessed is the man who finds wisdom. Longitu= A a 3

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do dierum in dextera eius, & in sinistra illius diuitiæ & gloria. Ex quibus uerbis patet beatitudinem huius seculi in inuentione sapientiæ à prudentibus positâ esse. nec immerito. Longitudo enim uitæ atque anni uiuendi in dextera eius, & in sinistra eiusdem opulentia & gloria. Qui= bus uerbis Solomon significauit sapientiam & bonorum æternorum conciliatricem esse, quam ipse uitam appellat: & eorum bonorum quibus hæc uitæ censetur, quæ in si= nistra sapientiæ eiusdemq[ue] dei esse dicuntur, ut autor est <Anthypophora illis respondens qui literarum secularium studium dânant, ut nihil pertinens ad ueram philosophiâ.> Aretha in Apocalypsim hunc locum enarrans. Atenim hæc de sapientia in confesso sunt apud omneis qui se pro= batæ & ueræ persuasionis tenaces uideri uoluit. quis enim negare audeat quæ oraculoru[m] instar habent? Sed quæ nos hodie studia literarum uocamus, nihil eò pertinent. Quid enim literis priscis cu[m] studio sapientiæ, quæ à Christo genus ducit? Quare sapietiæ oracula in re nostra[m] uertere no[n] possumus: quibus per Mæandros multiplices secularium scriptorum discendi curriculum auspicantibus, ad nullam unquam metam labor euasurus est, ac ne ad legitimâ qui= dem aliquam aut frugiferam scientiam peruenturus: quip pe qui numerosæ aut disertæ orationis aucupio sensus o= mneis accommodantes, in luto semper hæremus lectionis illecebrosæ & blandientis, ex eorum (ut arbitror) nu= mero, quos grandiloquus ille uates Ezechiel cap. XXIII. Chaldæorum pigmentis & Babyloniorum lenocinijs ni= mium captos esse testatur, earum rerum usu animum pol= luisse uociferans, rebus que diuinis commentandis atque animaduertendis ineptum reddidisse. Quo loco ego ascé= sores equorum appellatos ab eo esse suspicor, qui eloquentiam uel metricam uel onerosam atque oratoriam, figu= ris que distinctam, nimuopere concupiscu[n]t, oratione pro= sa &

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in her right hand are length of days, and in her left hand riches and glory. From these words it is clear that the blessedness of this world consists in the finding of wisdom by the prudent. Nor is it without reason. For length of life and years to live are in her right hand, and in her left the same abundance and glory. By these words Solomon signified that wisdom is the means of obtaining both virtue and eternal goods, which he himself calls life; and of those goods by which this life is reckoned, which are said to be in the left hand of wisdom and of God himself, as the author of the Anthypophora responds to those who condemn the study of secular letters as though it were nothing relevant to true philosophy. Arethas, explaining this passage in the Apocalypse, says that these things about wisdom are admitted by all who wish to appear steadfast in approved and true belief. For who would dare deny what have the force of oracles? But what we today call the study of letters has nothing to do with this. For what has ancient literature to do with the study of wisdom, which takes its origin from Christ? Therefore we cannot turn the oracles of wisdom to our own purpose: those who begin the course of learning through the many winding channels of secular writers will labor on to no final goal at all, nor will they even reach any lawful or fruitful knowledge; for while we accommodate all our minds to the pursuit of numerous or eloquent discourse, we always remain stuck in the mud of seductive and flattering reading, among the number of those, I think, whom that grandiloquent prophet Ezekiel in chapter XXIII testifies to have been too much taken with the perfumes of the Chaldeans and the allurements of the Babylonians, declaring that by the use of such things the mind is polluted and made unfit for contemplating and considering divine matters. In that passage I suspect that he meant those called horse-riders, who desire above measure eloquence, whether metrical or burdensome and oratorical, distinguished by figures, and prose speech and

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sa et pedetri non contenti sensamentis et coceptus sim pliciter indicare. Huic inertis segnitiæ patrocinio atque anthyphoræ nunc ut obiter respondeam, symbolicum illu[m] concionatorem excitabo, qui cap. v 11. concionis suæ ita inquit: Lustraui uniuersa animo meo, ut scirem, et co= siderarem, et quærerem sapientiam et rationem, et ut cognoscerem impietatem stulti, et errorem imprudetium. uel ut Græcè legitur, Circuiui ego et cor meu ut cogno= scerem et considerarem et quærerem sapientiam et cal culum, et ut cognoscerem impij amentiam et molestiam, et erraticum circuitum. < Quonu[m] modo philosophi ratione studioru[m] instituere debeant.> Dico igitur eos qui ad philos= phiam hodie studium suum collaturi sunt, sapientius esse facturos, si non à rudimentis literaru[m] statim ad eam tran= sierint, sed uelut gnaui ac strenui indagatores, per omnia omnis que disciplinæ monumenta sapientiam uestigaue= rint: no[n] ut ij solet hodie, qui sapientia[m] quæstui habere in= stituentes, temporis compendia sequuntur doctrinæ dispere[n] dio, quæ numerosissima pars est studentium in omni gene re disciplinæ. Vt enim aues in locum arduum subuolatu= ræ, non à solo protinus eum locum rectis lineis petunt, sed uolatu uerticoso eò commodius euadunt et facilius: sic animus humanus ad contemplationem sapientiæ melius per cochleam iustæ disciplinæ scandere et intelligentius potest, quàm si protinus ab infimo genere doctrinæ ad summum genus discendi compendio euaderet, scansilem disciplinaru[m] seriem transiliens. < Solomon Encyclopædiâ no[n] uit.> Hoc modo Solomon ency= clopædiæ gyro lustrasse se omnia ingeniorum monumen ta significat, ut ego quidem interpretor: nos'que hortari uidetur, ut per omnia philosophiæ secularis et priscæ do= gmata, uestigia sapientiæ siqua sunt (ut certè mulia sunt) colligere non grauemur, ac lucum saltumq[ue] opacum et A a 4 abstru

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and not content to indicate the meanings and concepts simply. To this patronage of inert sloth, and now to answer briefly the anthypophora, I shall call forth that symbolic preacher, who in chap. v. 11 of his sermon says thus: “I have traversed everything in my mind, that I might know, and consider, and seek wisdom and reason, and that I might know the impiety of the fool and the error of the imprudent.” Or, as it is read in Greek: “I myself and my heart went round, that I might know and consider and seek wisdom and calculation, and that I might know the madness of the impious and vexation, and the wandering circuit.” <How philosophers ought to be trained by a methodical course of studies.> I say therefore that those who today intend to devote their studies to philosophy would act more wisely if they did not at once pass from the rudiments of letters to it, but rather, like diligent and energetic investigators, tracked wisdom through all the monuments of every discipline: not as those usually do today, who, setting out to have wisdom for profit, pursue shortcuts in time to the ruin of learning, which is the very largest part of students in every kind of discipline. For just as birds that are to rise to a lofty place do not at once seek that place from the ground in straight lines, but by a spiral flight more conveniently and more easily attain it; so the human mind, for the contemplation of wisdom, can better and more intelligently climb by the spiral staircase of proper discipline than if it were to escape at once from the lowest kind of learning to the highest by a shortcut, leaping over the ascending series of disciplines. <Solomon did not escape encyclopaedic learning.> In this way Solomon signifies that he surveyed everything in the circuit of encyclopaedic learning, as I interpret it; and he seems to exhort us not to shrink from gathering, through all the doctrines of secular and ancient philosophy, whatever traces of wisdom there may be (and certainly there are many), and from the dark grove and pathless leap to...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET abstrusum in quo ipsa stabulatur magistra, iusta & perpeti indagine accurataq[ue] cingamus. sic fiet ut quum ad studia sanctiora & monum[en]ta sacrosancta peruenerimus, & uelut ad cubile ueritatis & sapientiæ propius accesserimus, iacentem quidem illam, sed inuolutam, certius agno scamus. Hac uia & ratione cum & commodior est & certior sapientiæ indagatio, tum uerò quum ad speculandam ipsam ex edito euaseris, uberior est multo constantior que contemplatio: nec tam facilè de gradu intelligentiæ & persuasionis certæ deijcietur, qui molli ascensu & anfractuoso euascrit, quàm is qui rectà per arduum assilijt uel arrepsit. Etenim per deum immortalem, quid aut præstantius esse ad doctrinæ maiestatem putamus, aut ad compertæ ueritatis fiduciam firmius & stabilius, quàm quum per infima mediaq[ue] studia ad culmen speculaminu[m] < Sectæ philoso phorum.> subuectus sis, nosse uel angustas porticus, in quibus Stoici sessitando & soritas aceruando ærumnosas contriuerunt ætates: uel excipulas amoenas ab illo uersuto animarum aucupe in hortis concinnatas, in quibus Epicureorum animi omni abstersa religione, uoluptate ad extremum uitæ deleniti sunt: uel erraticas & expatianteis ambulationes Peripateticorum, qui tantam uim disserendi in nugis consumpserunt: uel denique copiam ubertatem que dicendi in Academia illa à Platone nobilitata, odoranda tantum, non etiam tractanda aut propius aspicienda ueritate profusam? ut nunc eos omittam qui nihil constituendo, & de omnibus addubitando, annos bonos perdirerunt, quasi in Labyrintho philosophiæ commentandum esse constituissent. Sed quando harum rerum omnis que priscæ doctrinæ cognitio, uel oratione prosa uel metrica traditæ, sine Latinæ linguæ peritia comparari non potest,

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Let us therefore, with careful and continual investigation, encompass the hidden thing in which that mistress herself dwells. Thus it will come to pass that, when we have arrived at the holier studies and the most sacred monuments, and have as it were come nearer to the resting-place of truth and wisdom, we shall more surely recognize her as lying there indeed, but wrapped in coverings. By this way and method, the search for wisdom is both more convenient and more certain; and when you have climbed up from it to contemplate wisdom itself from on high, your contemplation is far richer and far more steadfast. Nor is one who has ascended by a gentle and winding path so easily cast down from the level of assured understanding and conviction as one who has leapt or clambered up the steep road directly. Indeed, by immortal God, what do we think to be either more excellent with regard to the majesty of learning, or firmer and more stable for the confidence of established truth, than when, having been borne up through the lower and intermediate studies to the summit of speculation, you have come to know either the narrow porticoes in which the Stoics, sitting and piling sorites upon sorites, wore away their troubled lives; or the pleasant retreats laid out in gardens by that crafty hunter of souls, in which the minds of the Epicureans, all religion having been wiped away, were at last softened by pleasure toward the end of life; or the wandering and roving walks of the Peripatetics, who consumed so much power of argument on trifles; or finally the abundance and richness of speech in that Academy made famous by Plato, a truth to be only smelled at, not handled or more closely inspected, poured forth? And now I pass over those who, establishing nothing and doubting everything, wasted many good years, as though they had determined that philosophy must be commented on in a labyrinth. But since all knowledge of these matters and of ancient learning, whether handed down in prose or in verse, cannot be acquired without skill in the Latin language,

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potest, quæ etiam ipsa Græcæ linguæ adiunctione fit lon= gè admuniculatior: hic discendi cursus certis mansionibus distinctus sit necesse est, quarum modum & rationem uel homunum propositum, uel ingenium, uel fortuna tempe= rat. Quare qui hunc orbem doctrinæ quodam rectæ ra= < Encyclop[ædia]dia.> tionis circino ita circunscripserit, ut uel augere uel con= trahere pro re nata, aut ingenij captu, aut uitæ denique instituendæ necessitate nouerit: is si intra eum orbem ita includat eloquentiam, ut per omneis eius partes æquali= ter fusam teneat, quasi in corpore sanguinem: is demum mihi uidebitur ad sapientiam inuestigandam uberrimum quoddam uiaticum atq[ue] etiam amplissimum attulisse. Ne= < Eloquentia.> que nunc de eloquentia illa mirifica loquor rerum omniu[m] tractandarum arbitra, quam fusiorem esse amplioremq[ue] uolunt quàm ut ulla circuncurrente linea præstitui aut definiri possit. Hoc ego instrumentum philosophiæ ex opibus (ut ita dicam) Chaldæorum atque Aegyptiorum coactum, præstantius esse arbitror ad uitam hanc etiam per uoluptatem (honestam quidem & probabilem) tran= sigendam, quàm diuitiarum cumulos quamlibet opulen= tos, no[n] Stoicis ipsos consectarijs, sed aulicis (ut nouimus) auctarijs aceruatos: adde etiam (si placet) & ad futu= ram uitam per gloriam illam adipiscendam: quæ mortuo= rum apud posteros memoriam in perpetuum renouat, cu[m] in manibus hominum libri eorum semper uersentur ui= uantq[ue], id est ingeniorum morumq[ue] simulachra tempore non peritura. Contrà autem diuitiæ etiam Persicarum aut Lydiarum æmulæ, quum in uita uel auæris anxiam so licitudinem, uel profusis ignomuniam, liberalibus etiam interdum stultitiam ab assentatoribus pariant: quid post mortem conferunt, nisi si (quod rarum est) in pias largi= tiones A a s

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can, which is made all the more helpful by the very addition of the Greek language: this course of study must necessarily be divided into certain stages, the measure and method of which are regulated either by the proposed aim, or by ability, or by circumstances. Therefore, whoever has so marked out this whole circle of learning by the compass of right reason, that he knows how either to enlarge or to contract it as circumstances require, or according to one’s capacity, or finally according to the necessity of shaping a life: if he then includes eloquence within that circle in such a way that he keeps it spread equally through all its parts, like blood in the body, he will seem to me to have brought a most fruitful and even most ample equipment for the search after wisdom. Nor am I now speaking of that marvelous eloquence, mistress of all subjects to be treated, which they want to be so extensive and so broad that no enclosing line can be set beforehand to define it. This instrument of philosophy, forged (so to speak) from the resources of the Chaldeans and the Egyptians, I judge to be superior for living this life even in pleasure (honorable indeed and respectable) than heaps of wealth, however abundant, piled up not by Stoic followers themselves, but by courtly, as we know, accumulators; and add also, if you please, for attaining the future life through that glory which forever renews the memory of the dead among posterity, since their books are always in men’s hands and live on—that is, as images of minds and characters not destined to perish with time. On the other hand, wealth, even when rivaling Persian or Lydian riches, when in life it produces for the greedy anxious care, or for the spendthrift disgrace, and even sometimes for liberal men folly at the hands of flatterers: what does it contribute after death, unless perhaps, which is rare, to pious acts of generosity A a s

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abstrusum in quo ipsa stabulatur magistra, iusta & per- peti indagine accurataq[ue] cingamus. sic fiet ut quum ad studia sanctiora & monum[en]ta sacrosancta peruenerimus, & uelut ad cubile ueritatis & sapientiæ propius accessse- rimus, iacentem quidem illam, sed inuolutam, certius agno scamus. Hac uia & ratione cum & commodior est & cer tior sapientiæ indagatio, tum uerò quum ad speculan- dam ipsam ex edito euaseris, uberior est multo constan- tior que contemplatio: nec tam facilè de gradu intelligen- tiæ & persuasionis certæ deijcietur, qui molli ascensu & anfractuoso euaserit, quàm is qui rectà per arduum assi- lijt uel arrepsit. Etenim per deum immortalem, quid aut præstantius esse ad doctrinæ maiestatem putamus, aut ad compertæ ueritatis fiduciam firmius & stabilius, quàm quum per infima mediaq[ue] studia ad culmen speculaminu[m] subuectus sis, nosse uel angustas porticus, in quibus Stoic si sessitando & soritas aceruando ærumnosas contriue- runt ætates: uel excipulas amoenas ab illo uersuto anima- rum aucupe in hortis concinnatas, in quibus Epicureo- rum animi omni abstersa religione, uoluptate ad extre- mum uitæ deleniti sunt: uel erraticas & expatianteis am- bulationes Peripateticorum, qui tantam uim disserendi in nugis consumpserunt: uel denique copiam ubertatem que dicendi in Academia illa à Platone nobilitata, odoranda tantum, non etiam tractanda aut propius aspicienda ue- ritate profusam? ut nunc eos omittam qui nihil constituen- do, & de omnibus addubitando, annos bonos perdide- runt, quasi in Labyrintho philosophiæ commentandum esse constituissent. Sed quando harum rerum omnis que priscæ doctrinæ cognitio, uel oratione prosa uel metri- ca traditæ, sine Latinæ linguæ peritia comparari non potest,

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Let us surround with just and thorough, careful investigation that abstruse place in which the teacher herself dwells. Thus it will happen that when we have come to the holier studies and sacred monuments, and as if to the very couch of truth and wisdom have drawn nearer, we shall more surely recognize her, though lying there wrapped up. By this way and method the inquiry after wisdom is both more convenient and more certain; and indeed when you have climbed up from a height to contemplate it, the contemplation is much richer and more steadfast: nor will he be so easily thrown from the level of understanding and firm persuasion, who has ascended by a gentle and winding rise, as he who has leapt or scrambled straight up the steep. For, by immortal God, what do we think is either more excellent for the majesty of learning, or more firm and stable for confidence in discovered truth, than when, borne up through the lower and middle studies to the summit of contemplation, one comes to know either the narrow porticoes in which the Stoics, by sitting and piling up sorites, wore away their wretched lives; or the pleasant little retreats arranged in gardens by that crafty bird-catcher of souls, in which the minds of the Epicureans, with all religion wiped away, were at last coddled by pleasure throughout life; or the wandering and roaming walks of the Peripatetics, who squandered so much power of discourse on trifles; or finally the abundance and richness of speech in that Academy made famous by Plato, truth poured forth only to be smelled, not also handled or looked at more closely? Thus I now omit those who, by establishing nothing and doubting everything, wasted good years, as though they had decided that philosophy must be worked out in a labyrinth. But since the knowledge of all these matters and of ancient doctrine, handed down either in prose or in verse, cannot be acquired without knowledge of the Latin language,

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potest, quæ etiam ipsa Græcæ linguæ adiunctione fit lon= gè adiuniculatior: hic discendi cursus certis mansionibus distinctus sit necesse est, quarum modum & rationem uel homunum propositum, uel ingenium, uel fortuna tempe= rat. Quare qui hunc orbem doctrinæ quodam rectæ ra= tionis circino ita circunscripserit, ut uel augere uel con= trahere pro re nata, aut ingenij captu, aut uitæ denique instituendæ necessitate nouerit: is si intra eum orbem ita includat eloquentiam, ut per omneis eius partes æquali= ter fusam teneat, quasi in corpore sanguinem: is demum mihi uidebitur ad sapientiam inuestigandam uberrimum quoddam uiaticum atq[ue] etiam amplissimum attulisse. Ne= que nunc de eloquentia illa mirifica loquor rerum omniu[m] < Eloquentia.> tractandarum arbitra, quam fusiorem esse amplioremq[ue]; uolunt quàm ut ulla circuncurrente linea præstitui aut definiri possit. Hoc ego instrumentum philosophiæ ex opibus (ut ita dicam) Chaldæorum atque Aegyptiorum coactum, præstantius esse arbitror ad uitam hanc etiam per uoluptatem (honestam quidem & probabilem) tran= sigendam, quàm diuitiarum cumulos quamlibet opulen= tos, no[n] Stoicis ipsos confectarijs, sed aulicis (ut nouimus) auctarijs aceruatos: adde etiam (si placet) & ad futu= ram uitam per gloriam illam adipiscendam: quæ mortuo= rum apud posteros memoriam in perpetuum renouat, cu[m] in manibus hominum libri eorum semper uersentur ui= uantq[ue]; id est ingeniorum morumq[ue]; simulachra tempore non peritura. Contrà autem diuitiæ etiam Persicarum aut Lydiarum æmulæ, quum in uita uel auæris anxiam so licitudinem, uel profusis ignomuniam, liberalibus etiam interdum stultitiam ab assentatoribus pariant: quid post mortem conferunt, nisi si (quod rarum est) in pias largi= tiones Ad 5

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can, which even by the addition of the Greek language becomes all the more closely joined together: this course of study must of necessity be marked out by fixed stages, the measure and method of which either the aim of the individual man, or his natural capacity, or fortune regulates. Wherefore he who shall have so bounded this whole sphere of learning by a kind of compass of right reason, that he knows how either to enlarge or contract it as circumstances demand, according to the grasp of genius or finally the necessity of forming one’s life: if within that sphere he so includes eloquence, that he holds it spread evenly through all its parts, as blood is through the body, then at last he will seem to me to have brought a most fruitful and indeed very ample provision for the search after wisdom. Nor do I now speak of that marvelous eloquence, mistress of all things to be handled, which they wish to be broader and more extensive than that it can be preassigned or defined by any enclosing line. This instrument of philosophy, gathered, so to speak, from the resources of the Chaldeans and Egyptians, I judge to be superior for passing through this life even with pleasure—honorable indeed and respectable—than heaps of riches, however abundant, piled up not by Stoics, whose own purses are empty, but by courtiers, as we know, and increase-seekers; add also, if you please, for attaining the future life through that glory which forever renews the memory of the dead among posterity, while their books are ever in men’s hands and live on—that is, images of their minds and character, not perishing with time. By contrast, riches, even the rivals of the Persian or Lydian kings, since in life they either breed in the avaricious anxious care, or in the prodigal shame, and sometimes even among the liberal a foolishness encouraged by flatterers: what do they contribute after death, unless, if it should happen rarely, to pious gifts Ad 5

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tiones erogationesq[ue] nusericordiæ exhauriantur? Omn[u]m (ut opinor) diuitum, Croesi & Midæ nomina multo de= cantatissima fuerunt: at ille calamitate & summo atque ignominioso uitæ discrimine magis quàm diuitijs incla= ruit: hic auribus asininis non aureis insignibus innotuit. < Croesus & Midas otacustæ.> Ex eo enim in prouerbium uenit, quòd multos otacustas, id est auricularios & emussarios haberet, rumorum capta tores, & sermonu[m] delatores, cuiusmodi habere solet prin= cipes mali, qui stimulante conscientia securi esse nequeu[n]t. < Pythius Bithynius. Diuitias eleuat.> Pythius Bithynius longè ditissimus hominum priuatoru[m] suisse memoratur, de quo superius diximus: is tamen muni ficentia inusitata magis quàm opibus celebratus est, qui platanum aurea[m] uitemq[ue]; illam insigne Dario Regi dona= uit: Xerxis copias, id est supra decies centena nullia ho= minum epulo suscepit, & insuper frumentum & stipen= dium exercitui quinque mensium pollicitus est, ut maxi= mo ex quinque filijs uacationem mulitiæ impetraret. Ob quam postulationem à Xerxe indignante hac poena bar= barica mulctatus est, filium ut suum occisum in duas par= tes dissectum asspiceret, cum inter ambas corporis partes ab utraque uiæ parte disiectas exercitus pertransiret: quæ calamitate maximè, Pythius fortasse nobilitatus est. Qui igitur fieri potest ut diuitiæ felices in hac uitæ possessores sui faciant, aut nobiles in postremum? Mihi quidem diui= tiæ nihil aliud quàm tragicum choragium uidentur esse, ad usum temporariæ scenæ à fortuna accommodatum. Quid enim esse dicas aliud uitam administratiuam, & in publico rerum actu positam, quàm scenam quandam ho= minum personatorum, operam suam & industriam po= pulo ostentantium, ludos (ut ita dicam) edente diuina pro= uidentiæ: Hoc igitur choragio, si rectè atq[ue] ordine actum quisq[ue]

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. On Almsgiving and Giving Away How can the funds and expenses of mercy be exhausted? Of all the rich, as I think, the names of Croesus and Midas were the most celebrated; but the former became famous more for calamity and for the highest and most disgraceful peril of life than for riches; the latter became known by asses’ ears rather than golden emblems. < Croesus and Midas, eavesdroppers. > For from this it came into a proverb, because he had many eavesdroppers, that is, listeners and spies, gatherers of rumors and betrayers of conversation—such as wicked princes are accustomed to have, who, conscience pricking them, cannot be secure. < Pythius the Bithynian. He diminishes riches. > Pythius the Bithynian is remembered to have been by far the richest of private men, of whom we spoke above; yet he was celebrated more for an unusual generosity than for his wealth, for he gave to King Darius that famous plane tree and the golden vine. He received Xerxes’ forces, that is, more than ten hundred thousand men, at a banquet, and moreover promised grain and pay for the army for five months, in order that he might obtain exemption from military service for his eldest of five sons. For this request, angering Xerxes, he was punished with this barbarous penalty: he was made to watch his son, killed and cut in two parts, while the army passed between the two halves of the body, separated on either side of the road. By this calamity Pythius was perhaps made even more renowned. How then can it be that riches make their possessors happy in this life, or noble in the end? To me, indeed, riches seem to be nothing other than a tragic stage-display, fitted by Fortune for the use of a temporary stage. For what else would you say political life is, and a life placed in the public conduct of affairs, than a kind of stage of masked men, displaying their labor and industry to the people, while divine Providence, so to speak, provides the spectacle? Therefore, with this display, if each one has acted rightly and in due order...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 747 quisque suum peragant. sin secus eueniat, futurum esse dico ut malè ac damnosè cum eis fortuna egisse uideatur, quæ ut choragus temerarius & præposterus, eam ipsis personam imposuit, uel impegit potius, cui ferendæ non erant. Eorum igitur qui honestiores personas gerunt, cum plurimos in actu suo conturbare uideamus (ut apposito uerbo utar) eorum tædem errata nedum reliquamenta præstent necesse est ij uelut fortunæ ac temeritatis ministri, qui nulla publicæ charitatis ratione ducti, quum eos promouerent, fide sua etiam ipsos esse iusserunt. Sic enim fert ratio supremi ac posthumi ratiocinij, etiam si iu re moribus constituto fide eorum esse non solent apud homines. Tandem autem appello non seculum unum & alterum, sed lustrum unum fortasse aut summùm tria. Vita enim in potentatu diuturna esse non solet. Tandem igitur ratio cuiusque functionis & actus à Christo summo diuinicatis (ut ita dicam) institore, & generis humani creditore atque etiam foeneratore centesimario reposcetur. Etiam si Galliæ moribus (proh misera populi conditio) omnia atriensium errata, conturbamenta, reliqua, atque secus admissa, & quæcunque promi condi præmordent, suffurantur, compilant & interuertût, mediastini luunt. Na[m] quum sint ipsi ad omnia mandata non modò expositi, sed etiam dicto audientes, quicquid actores uel uicarij, promi uel suppromu non modò delirarint uel conturbarint, sed etiam quicquid acciderint, circunciderint, suppilaueerint, tametsi respublica ab ipsis actoribus idoneis & locupletibus suum seruare possit, tamen præstare solent. Et si peculium non habent (ô morem iniquissimum) nexum statim ineunt. sic magnis reis apud nos licet ob noxam plebem dedere, & alijs super alias pecunijs imperatis succidaneâ De magistratibus, & ijs qui indignos promouent.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART II. BOOK V. 747 let each man carry through his own part. If the contrary happen, I say that it will appear that fortune has dealt with them badly and to their hurt, which, like a rash and disorderly choragus, imposed that role upon them, or rather thrust it upon them, which they were not fit to bear. Therefore, those who bear more honorable characters, when we see that they disturb many in their own action (to use the word that fits), it is necessary that their mistakes, nay even their leftovers, be furnished by those men as it were by servants of fortune and rashness, who, led by no consideration of public charity, when they promoted them, also ordered them to be bound by their own good faith. For such is the reckoning of the supreme and posthumous accounting, even if, by law and custom established, their good faith does not usually count among men. But in the end I am speaking not of one age and another, but perhaps of one lustrum, or at most three. For life is not usually long in power. In the end, therefore, the account of each office and act will be demanded by Christ, the supreme, divinely ordained, if I may say so, entrepreneur and creditor, yes, even money-lender at one hundred per cent, of the human race. Even if, according to the customs of France (alas, the miserable condition of the people), all the errors, confusions, leftovers, and irregular acts of the aldermen, and whatever things bite at the storing and dispensing of provisions, are stolen, plundered, and diverted, the underlings pay the penalty. For since they themselves are not only available for every command, but also obedient to orders, whatever the actors or deputies, the distributors or sub-distributors, have not only raved or thrown into confusion, but also whatever they have happened to cut off, clip away, or pilfer, although the republic could preserve its own properly through the actors themselves, who are suitable and well supplied, still they are wont to make good the loss. And if they have no private property (oh, the most unjust custom), they are at once thrown into bondage. Thus among us, for a crime, it is permitted to hand over the common people on behalf of the great offenders, and to impose one sum of money after another, with a substitute debt. On magistrates, and those who promote the unworthy.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET succidaneam culpæ suæ subdere. Expeditius enim id esse uisum est, quàm aut reos istos cothurnatos, aut eoru[m] fortunas pignerari: qui si crimen fateri aut culpam agnoscerere cogerentur, sacra utique opertanea in uulgus efferrentur, quibus nemo non initiatus esse solet eorum qui nutu[m] oculi summa quæque circuagunt, quiq[ue] linguis sauere no= runt in articulo, aut diris obstreper ejs quibus collibuit. Quæ causa fuit ut nonnulli aliquando inter reos recepti, patronos potentes inuenerint, à quibus impendenti supplicio et penè præsenti erepti, quæsitores etia[m] ipsos subinde fortunis euerterunt. O magnam, ô beatam, ô memorabilem gloria[m] illius Briarei, qui non modò legibus reos, et populi uotis, sed etiam loui et summæ curiæ raptim potuit excutere. Ob id (credo) facinus rectè manes eius co[n] ditos existimare debemus. Is ille fuit cui nullum unquam fortuna præter summum et ultimum obsequiu[m] negauit, quem Quæstorum ærarij natio ut deum Aesculanu[m] summa ueneratione coluit. Eius enim præsentissimo numine seruati sunt non pridem mancipes argentariam factitantium, quum ob repentinas quorundam diuitias opulentissima factio inuidia summa flagraret. Vt autem luculætius potentiæ suæ specimen ederet, reis primùm ampliatis, mox codicillos ueniales nouo exemplo inuito ac frem[m]eti principi extudisse dicitur, atque ita formulâ temperasse, ut nec deprehensi rei crimen agnoscere cogerentur, et iudices rei co[n]pertæ et co[n]uictæ, summi illius Curionis amicos, inter reos in posterum recipere uetarentur. Quo uelut euer riculo omnium delationum atq[ue] animaduersionum, tantâ impunitatis fiduciam feroci hominu[m] generi instaurauit, ut legibus hodie non teneri ea factio existimetur, cui princeps omnia co[n]credidit, ut pro qua sponsor semel et pro= bitatis

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET to put a substitute guilt in place of his own. For it seemed easier than either to pawn these high-booted defendants, or their fortunes: for if they were compelled to confess the crime or acknowledge the fault, the secret rites would certainly be brought out into the open before the crowd, rites with which every one is usually initiated among those who, by a wink of the eye, turn all things upside down, and who know how to hiss in a moment, or to drown out with curses those whom it has pleased them to assail. This was the reason that some, once admitted among the accused, found powerful patrons, by whom, saved from the sentence hanging over them and almost already upon them, they in turn often ruined even the inquisitors themselves in their fortunes. O great, O blessed, O memorable glory of that Briareus, who could not only snatch the accused from the laws and from the people's wishes, but even from Jupiter and the supreme court! For this deed, I believe, we ought rightly to think that his shades were buried. He was the man to whom Fortune never denied anything except total and final obedience; the man whom the tax-collectors of the treasury honored with the greatest reverence as though he were the god Aesculanus. For by his most immediate divinity were saved not long ago the dealers who ply the silver trade, when, because of the sudden wealth of certain men, the richest faction was burning with the deepest envy. But that he might display his power more conspicuously, after the defendants had first been broadened, it is said that he next extorted venial slips, by a new precedent, against the will and to the rage of the prince, and so fashioned the formula that neither were the detected defendants compelled to acknowledge the crime, nor were the judges, when a case had been fully established and proved, allowed in future to admit among the accused the friends of that supreme Curio. By this sort of demolition of all denunciations and punishments, he restored such confidence in impunity to that savage race of men that today it is thought that faction is not bound by the laws, to which the prince entrusted everything, for which he once stood surety and for whose probity

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 649 bitatis ex promissor interuenit petasatus ille Curio. Iure igitur moribus nostris constituto, non modò magnis reis, sed etiam sceleratissimis licet sordes suas in caput populi & in oculos ordinum excutere, atque eo amplius feras in plebem immittere, si earum frenutum in cauea sustinere nequeant: quo nullum unquam atrocius scelus Nero dici= tur excogitasse, nec tamen peregisse. Quid enim est aliud feras in plebem immittere, quàm Volones profligatissi= mos, nullo stipendio, sed fide tantum autoratos, per rura palâteis, bacchanteis, grassanteis, plebeculam tributis ex= haustam obterenteis, circumagere: nisi uerò eos circum= agere non uidentur, qui stipendio fraudatis (ô scelus ter capitale) liberum permittunt diripiendi arbitrium. At ue= rò iure perpetui edicti, quo edicto ad summum tribunal propediem ius dicetur, noxa caput sequetur. certè ordinu[m] ductores qui causas rerum male gestarum haud ita pride[m] dederunt, non modò addicti fortasse, sed etiam uincti da= buntur stygijs lictoribus, Gordijq[ue] nodo constricti, id est eo scelere quod ante diem extremum soluendum non cu= rauerint. Hi sunt enim ipsi qui noxam luculentam nocuis= se noscuntur, quos nunc plebis suspirantis miserescere non subit. qui, si leges ualerent in aulicos, actus utique eorum quos potentiæ suæ ampliandæ præficiunt institores, aut quos trâsueri ipsi acti propinquitatis amore promouent, noxis omnibus solutos liberosq[ue] præstare co geretur. Nuc quu[m] impune id faciunt, potentiæ suæ blandi[n]tur, nec qua[m] tumuis in rebus secularibus co[n]siderati, uidere hoc mentis oculis hebetibus & noctuinis que[n]t, uersura[m] se facere in= genti dispendio. Deus enim fortunatis hilaritate[m] sæpe, co[n] sceleratis & impijs impunitate[m] sæpissime foeneratur. Hoc est cur gaudeant, cur felicitate & potentia sua fruantur maximi

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 649 from the city, from the promisor, there intervened that hooded Curio. Rightly therefore, with our customs established, not only the great accused, but even the most wicked are allowed to shake their filth onto the head of the people and into the eyes of the orders, and all the more to let wild beasts loose on the plebs, if they cannot hold their bridled fury in the cage: than which no crime ever more monstrous is said to have been devised by Nero, and yet not carried out. For what else is it to let wild beasts loose on the plebs, than to drive around the most ruined Volones, enlisted with no pay, but only on trust, through the fields, roaming about, raging, trampling the little people exhausted by taxes, and roaming about: unless, indeed, those do not seem to drive them around who, by defrauding the enlisted men of their pay (oh crime three times capital), allow them free license to plunder. But truly, by the law of a perpetual edict, by which edict justice will soon be pronounced at the highest tribunal, the guilt will follow the head. Certainly, the leaders of the orders who recently gave accounts of affairs badly managed will be handed over, not only perhaps condemned, but also bound to the Stygian lictors, and constrained with the Gordian knot, that is, by that crime which they have not cared to undo before the last day. For these are the very men who are known to have caused clear harm, whom now it does not occur to pity, though the plebs sighs. Who, if the laws had force against courtiers, would certainly be compelled to make free and clear of all guilt the agents they appoint to extend their own power, or those whom they themselves, moved by the affection of kinship, promote. Now, since they do this with impunity, they flatter their own power, and although in worldly matters they are very prudent, they cannot with dim and owl-like eyes see this, that they are making a reversal at great loss. For God often rewards the fortunate with cheerfulness, and most often the wicked and impious with impunity. This is why they rejoice, why they enjoy their happiness and power most

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET maximè curiones Franciæ, quamobrè sese sortemq[ue] suam illam splédidam admirentur, & nos ciuili iure uiuenteis, atque in ordinem redactos, ex edito ipsi loco & legibus inaccesso despiciat. Quidni enim sibi placeant, quibus di= uinitus datum est ut boni iuxta ac mali meriti homines quos uisum sit, in illas Macaron insulas euocet quasi in coloniam suam, quas ipsi beatorum putat sedem esse per= petuam? Insulas istas ego actus primarum & secudarum partium in rerum publicarum administratione esse ceseo, in salo & iactatione ambitionis & cupiditatis sitas. Hac enim ratione tatum hominum beatores esse possunt, ut Fa uonio incosulti fauoris quos uelint uel homines uel famu= lias ex obscuris natalibus in locum illustrem sinuatis uelis prouehant: contraq[ue] quos oderint, aut qui eorum placitis & institutis incommodi esse uideatur; Aquilone quodam trasuerso procul ab emporio honorum disijciat, aut omni aura efferentis sese famæ suppressa, in uadis destitutos co= senescere sinant: & uerò si maior aliqua eos transuersos egerit offensio, insigni aliquo naufragio fortunis omnibus ut euertat. Dictata sunt ista aulicæ iurisprudentiæ, quam curia illa profitetur, non summo iure, non ex æquo & bo no iudicans, sed iure moribus illis constituto, atque ciuili aduerso ex diametro: cuius tame interpretes sunt maximè curiones & coryphæi, ad quorum mores & placita auli= ci quidam recocti iuris illius consultissimi responsa sua tem perant. Huius curiae illud esse institutum dicitur, ut de re= bus omnibus sacris, profanis, bellicis ac pacatis restringatur, de paucis ex consilij sententia statuatur: ut in maximo= rum curionum nô modò sententiam, sed etiam nutum ac uolutatem eatur: nec pedibus tatum traseatur, ut olim fie ri solebat in Romano Senatu, sed & manibus & uultu assension

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET especially the French courtiers, for why should they not admire their own splendid lot, while they despise us, living under civil law and reduced to order, from their lofty place and inaccessible laws? For why should they not be pleased with themselves, to whom it has been divinely granted that they may summon, as it pleases them, men of good as well as bad merit into those Macaron islands, as if into their own colony, which they themselves think to be the perpetual seat of the blessed? I judge these islands to be the stages of the first and second parts in the administration of commonwealths, situated in the sea and in the tossing of ambition and greed. For by this method only can those men be said to be blessed, who, with the favor of a favourable breeze, may promote, as they wish, men or families from obscure birth into a conspicuous place under their swelling sails; and on the contrary, those whom they hate, or who seem inconvenient to their opinions and institutions, with some contrary north wind may be cast far away from the market of honors, or, with every breeze of rising fame stifled, may let them languish and grow old stranded in the shallows; and indeed, if some greater offense drives them sideways, they may overturn them with some notable shipwreck, along with all their fortunes. These things are dictated by the courtly jurisprudence which that court professes, judging not by the highest law, nor according to equity and good conscience, but by a law established by those customs, and civil law directly opposed to it; of which, however, the chief interpreters are especially the courtiers and leaders, to whose customs and preferences certain courtly men, seasoned by long practice in that law, adapt their most learned responses. It is said that the institution of this court is such that all matters sacred, profane, military, and peaceful are confined within limits, and that few things are decided on the advice of the council; that the judgment, not only the sentence, but also the nod and will of the greatest courtiers, is followed; and that one does not merely pass with the feet, as used to happen in the Roman Senate, but also with the hands and with the face, assent

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 751 assensioni atq[ue] etiam assentationi scitè asseruiatur. Illud sanè memorabile post aliquot hosce annos contigisse di= cunt, ut quum ferè omnia decreta per discessionem facta sint de rebus quidem arduis, nullum tamè per dissensionem aut diuisionem sentetiarum factum sit. usqueadeo uel pe= darij in sentetiam principum translire didicerût, uel ipsi potius sententiaru[m] principes c[on]cendi ansam co[n]sultis præ= ciderût. Quo minus miremur tam claros exitus rerum no= strarum extitisse, quas in superos & mortales mirificè su= scepimus. Superi boni, quàm erit illustre, quàm splendidu[m], quàm memorabile ad posteritatis opinionem, rebus bene co[n]sultis à quibusdam qui sese utriusq[ue]; uertices iuris existi mari uolebat, factum esse, ut liberi parentem, in officiosum quidem, sed parètem tamen, & g[ene]s pictatis amantissima, summa[m] arcem sedemq[ue]; religionis inuaderet? ob idq[ue]; pia= culum maiestatem clarissimæ prouinciæ, pristinos que spi ritus, subitò dei numine decidisse, ut Galli abstersa præsen tis animi crista, lepores esse sibi galeati uideretur, plusq[ue]; in calcaribus spei quàm in ensibus poneret? E quidè haud libens summum in rerum administratione locu[m] mereri ue lim, si tantu[m] ipse munus quoquo modo obire possim, ut si= mile aliquod dedecus aut portetum auspicijs meis accidis se aliquado proderetur. Præstare enim arbitror nome[m] uiri probi & honesti memoriæ prorsus eximi, quàm malè & incômodè posteris innotescere. En propter quod ciuilis ui tæ tranquillitatem, studiorum amoenitatem, & denique ui tæ æternæ contemplationem posthabere debeas, ut in oculis uel auribus unius prouinciæ, per theatrum aulicum, eum strepitu comitum clientumq[ue]; transuehare, aduersis sæpissime cuneis, gradibus, & orchestra. tametsi ut maxi= mè secundo populo te ostentes, tamen si trascuntis gloriæ spectes De conditione in aula præpo tentium. Per cuncos po pulus, per gra= dus equites, p[er] orchestrâ sena tus intelligen= dus.

Transcription: Translated (English)

It is skillfully maintained that assent and even flattery are sought after. That notable thing, they say, happened after some of these years: although almost all decrees have been made by division, in serious matters nevertheless no decision has been made by dissension or by division of opinions. So much so that either the lower ranks have learned to pass over into the opinion of the leaders, or rather the leaders themselves, by prudent counsel, have cut off any occasion for conflict among opinions. Hence we should not wonder that such splendid outcomes of our affairs have arisen, which we have wonderfully undertaken against gods and mortals. Good gods, how illustrious, how splendid, how memorable it will be for the judgment of posterity, that when matters were well considered by certain men who wished to be thought the very summit of both kinds of law, it came about that a child attacked its parent, a parent indeed dutiful, yet still a parent, and a family most devoted to piety attacked the highest citadel and seat of religion? And on that account, through a crime against majesty, the spirit of the most distinguished province and its former vigor suddenly fell away by the will of God, so that the Gauls, the crest of their present spirit being wiped away, seemed to themselves to be hares wearing helmets, and to place more hope in their spurs than in their swords. I certainly would not gladly wish to deserve the highest place in the administration of affairs, if I myself could in any way carry out only that much duty, so that some similar disgrace or ruin might be shown to have happened under my auspices. For I judge it better for the name of a good and honorable man to be wholly removed from memory than to become known to posterity badly and inconveniently. See, for the sake of this you ought to set aside the tranquility of civil life, the charm of study, and finally the contemplation of eternal life, so that, in the eyes or ears of one province, you may be carried through the courtly theater with the din of companions and clients, and very often amid hostile ranks, steps, and the orchestra. Although, as much as possible, you may show yourself to the approving crowd, nevertheless if you look to the glory of the passing moment. On the condition of those in the court of the powerful. By the throng the people are to be understood, by the steps the equites, by the orchestra the sena te.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET spectes celeritatem, hoc quidna[m] est aliud, quàm ueluti plau sum inanem per transennam mereri? Nam ut illud nutta[m], quòd grandi plerunq[ue] ætate, quòd uersatili scena, quòd lus brico ac præcipiti ferè proscenio prodeunt, certè quu[m] alij actores recenti gratia flagrates subierunt, necesse est exa cti ueteres ut facessant in cuneos aut in ordines, aut inter theatricum ministerium turpiter ut subseruiant. At istis de cælo sic deturbatis, confestim tartarus ipse Bis patet in præceps tantum, tenditq[ue] sub umbras, Quantus ad æthereum cæli suspectus Olympum. Etenim quum Latinè loquentium consuetudo eos olim in cælo esse diceret, qui omnium ore celebrarentur præpotentia, uel rerum egregiè gestarum gloria: ego quidè tragicos istos reges & temporarios, quum ex flagrâtissimæ gratiæ præcipitio decidirunt, in tantum frigus delabi ui= deo, ut penè exemptos ex memoria credas, è numeris que expunctos hominum nominatoru[m]. Ita fit ut in tartarum ri < Frigere in au- la.> gentissimum ruisse uideantur, cum ij qui nullo iam famæ plausu excipiutnr, Latinè frigere dicâtur. Quanta est autem eorum sublimitas, quanta eorum admiratio, quâtusq[ue] omnium suspectus, quum uelut fortuna succollante tolluntur: altero tanto maior est deorsum altitudo, quum ab eadem ipsa destituti, insultatium oculorum co[n]iectu (sic enim euenire ijs assolet) uelut quodam fascino exarescere uidentur. Tot enim niseros homines oculorum radijs lancinari necesse est, quot in hominum ipsi aspectus obuiam incurrerint, dum quisq[ue] ob præteritam obseruantiam non liberam, sed obnoxiam, poenas sibi deberi insolentiæ putat. Sed fateamur sanè, ut sunt humana, eos esse felices: tantummodo hoc exigamus, ut actus ipsi suos rectè ac decorè peragant, & quisque eorum uideat quid sui sit muneris, quam personam

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND if you are looking at speed, what else is this than, as it were, to win a vain applause through a peephole? For that observation—that they usually come forth in advanced age, with a changeable stage, with a slippery and almost precipitous proscenium—certainly, when others, aflame with fresh favor, have taken their place, the old performers must needs make way, or stand among the benches, or in the rows, or else serve shamefully in the theatrical underlings. But when these have thus been toppled from the sky, straightway Tartarus itself Opens twice over, plunging only into the depths, And stretching toward the shades, As high as the gaze toward heaven’s etherial Olympus. For since the custom of those who speak Latin used once to say that those are “in heaven” who are celebrated by everyone’s voice, by reason of supreme power or by the glory of outstanding deeds: I indeed see these tragic kings and men of the hour, when they have fallen from the very blaze of favor, sinking into such a chill that you would think them almost erased from memory, and struck out from the rolls of men’s names. Thus it comes about that they seem to have rushed into a vast Tartarus <To grow cold in the court.> when those who are now greeted by no applause of fame are said in Latin to “grow cold.” And how great is their loftiness, how great their admiration, and how great the gaze of all upon them, when they are lifted up as though fortune were supporting them on her shoulders: so much greater is the height downward, when, abandoned by that very support, they seem to wither under the staring eyes of onlookers, as though by some kind of enchantment (for so it usually happens to them). For as many wretched men as they themselves run into before the gaze of others, so many must they be lacerated by the rays of eyes, while each person, remembering a past respect that was not free but obliged, thinks insolence deserves punishment from him. But let us frankly admit that, as human things go, they are fortunate: only let us demand this, that they carry out their own parts rightly and decorously, and that each one see what belongs to his duty, what role

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 753 personam sustineat, quantum ab ea oneretur. Nunc autem cum ita mores inclinatos esse uideamus, partim ut ambitio & cupiditas, partim dissoluta disciplina grauitatem & ho nestatem è medio sustulerint, quis eos felices existimare possit? Nam quomodo non miser esse potest, qui in cothur no uel prætexta uel comitis personam uel supparasitantis induit, ut latus cingere maximi Curionis, & officiosus esse potetibus uideatur? At hoc factitari ab ornatissimo quoq[ue] uidemus, ut qui id no faciat, is aut absurdè uerecudus esse, aut refractarius, aut aduersis placitis prouidentiæ natus existimetur. Quid qui in pontificio cultu, & sacrosanctæ dignationis habitu scurrileis actus imitantur, & uelut in tragico amictu mimos & planipedes actitant? (nam id ita usitatum est, ut qui paulo modestiores sunt, & decori retinentes, ij & alijs inuisi sint, & magnam laudem à nobis hac una uirtute mereantur) num etiam illos felices esse di= cemus? Neq[ue] uerò alienam ipsi personam, ab illoq[ue] suo fastigio abhorrentem libetes & cupidi induunt, & eos sortis suæ aut pœnitet aut pudet, & non sunt planè miseri. Et hi sunt, quos hodie propemodum solos diuites esse diximus. Ita patet quid sequatur, si paulo argutiores esse pergamus. Linguis enim fauere necesse est, cum ad sacrosanctos uetum est. Quare, multo mihi fortunatius esse corum institutum uidetur, qui literis se toto, quàm qui opibus dederunt comparandis, duntaxat quibus Solomonis uotiliceat esse compotes, ut nec malesuada egestate eousq[ue] urgeantur, quò secus de uirtute atque honestate iudicent: nec rursus diuitijs redundantibus in cogitationes uanescant erraticas aut impias. Nam quum literarum peritia ad oblectationem frui, & uitæ per uirtutem ac decus agendæ tanquam instrumento B b uti

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PART I. BOOK V. 753 how much a person bears of it, and how much it burdens him. But now, since we see morals so inclined downward, partly because ambition and greed, partly because relaxed discipline, have removed gravity and honesty from the midst, who could think them happy? For how can he be other than miserable, who puts on in the cothurnus or the praetexta, the role of a companion or of a flattering attendant, so that he may seem to gird himself at the side of the great Curio, and to be attentive to those in power? Yet we see this practiced by every kind of distinguished man, so that whoever does not do it is thought either absurdly bashful, or stubborn, or born against the counsels of providence. What of those who, in pontifical dress and in the habit of sacred dignity, imitate clownish acts, and as it were in tragic attire play the mime and the street-acrobat? (For this is so customary that those who are a little more modest and keep to decorum are both hated by others and win great praise from us for this one virtue.) Shall we say that even those are happy? And indeed they do not willingly and eagerly put on another person’s mask, one abhorrent to their own station; and they either regret or are ashamed of their lot, and are not entirely miserable. And these are the ones whom today we have said are almost the only rich men. Thus it is clear what follows, if we continue to be a little more subtle. For tongues must be yielded to, when one is forbidden to speak sacred things. Therefore, the institution of those seems to me far more fortunate who give themselves wholly to letters than of those who devote themselves to acquiring wealth, at least insofar as they may be able to enjoy Solomon’s blessing, so that they are neither pressed by destructive poverty to such a point that they judge otherwise concerning virtue and honesty, nor again, with wealth overflowing, fade away into vain or impious thoughts. For since skill in literature serves for enjoyment, and for living life through virtue and dignity, as it were as an instrument to be used... B b to use

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET uti solent: tum eo amplius post huius uitæ cursum memoriam sui in æuum prorogare hac eadem facultate possunt. Quanquam hæc fortasse nauci facienda ducerem, nisi etia[m] præstantis doctrinæ adminiculis uti bonos & graueis uiros ita existimarem, ut contra temerarios casus celsi semper & recti esse pergerent, & aduersus fortunæ infestioris impetus animo præsentiore co[n]firmarentur, sicut ad humanas iniquitates eosdem ita se co[n]positos collectos q[ui] tenere par est, ut quicquid obuenerit, uelut decretum prouidentiæ æqui boni faciant. < Quis tenor studiorum tenendus sit.> Est autem is tenor studioru[m] mea[m] sententia tenendus, ut à carceribus discendi per spatiosum illud stadium disciplinarum quæ liberales dicu[n]tur, ad metam secularium literarum perueniant, & in flexu ne committant, ut aut acquiescendum esse, aut diutius hærendum putent, sed quò curriculum totum peragant, rursus à meta[m] ad carceres & ad emissarium, denuo aliud spatium no[n] currant, sed ingredi[n]tur & incedant: quod pronu[m] iam ipsum est, & spei bonæ plenu[m], salubrisq[ue] uoluptatis. etenim cu[m] in eo est spatio exhausti ia[m] laboris orbicularis fructus præsentarius, quu[m] uelut indagine cinctam ueritatem teneb[u]t, tum etiam multo maius præmium futurum æternumq[ue] speratur. < Basilius & Nazianzenus & alij Christianarum partium antesignani.> Est enim ea demum uera ratio philosophandi, non fallacem studiorum amoenitatem, non inane nomen beatitudinis persequens, sed recta & honesta uia ueram & solidam gloriam haud inauspicatò petessens. Hanc uia[m] quæ rendæ doctrinæ summu[m] illud par amicitiæ Gregorius & Basilius Græci, & eorum ætati suppares Hieronymus & Augustinus cu[m] tenuissent, & ante eos omnes Cyprianus & Lactantius, & deinde Hilarius, alijq[ue] multi antesignani partium Christianarum, maiorumq[ue] g[ene]tium theologi, quorum hodie responsis ad interpretationem diuini iuris utimur

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET as they are accustomed: then, all the more, after the course of this life, they can prolong the memory of themselves into eternity by this same faculty. Although perhaps I would think these things of little importance, unless I also considered good and serious men to make use of the aids of outstanding learning in such a way that they would continue, against rash accidents, to be always lofty and upright, and against the assaults of harsher fortune to be strengthened with a more present spirit, just as against human injustices they should be so disposed and gathered together that they hold fast to one another, so that whatever may happen they may take it as if decreed by providence for the good and the fair. <What course of studies should be followed.> Now this course of studies, in my opinion, should be followed: from the starting gates of learning, through that broad stadium of the disciplines which are called liberal, they should come to the goal of secular letters; and at the turn they should not fail to imagine that either they must stop, or remain longer, but, in order to complete the whole course, they should again go from the goal to the starting gates and to the outlet, not run over another space anew, but enter and proceed: for this itself is already favorable, and full of good hope, and of wholesome delight. For when in that space the fruit of labor, once spent, is immediately available, when they hold truth, as it were enclosed by a net, then also a far greater reward is hoped for, one that will be future and eternal. < Basil and Nazianzen and others, leaders of the Christian party.> For this is indeed the true method of philosophizing: not pursuing the deceptive pleasantness of studies, not the empty name of blessedness, but seeking, by the straight and honorable path, true and solid glory, not without good omen. This path of learning was held by Gregory and Basil, Greeks, and by Jerome and Augustine, their contemporaries, together with those who came before them, Cyprian and Lactantius, and then Hilary, and many others, leaders of the Christian party and theologians of the greater nations, whose responses we now use for the interpretation of divine law

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. utimur, ad extremum iudicio iam solido ad sacrosanctum ipsi studium sapientiæ, quasi ad buleæ Themidis oracula uenerunt, quam consiliatricè Latinè appellare possumus. Scire enim auebāt homines ingeniosi quo modo uiâ inire possent ad propositum finem, quasi in patriam ferentem, quam ciuitatem amplissimam esse constat nomine Vrano- polin, superis homunibusq[ue] communem, dūtaxat qui nihil in se impiè aut perfidè admiserint. In ea porrò regia[m] esse sapientiæ, quam prouidentiam antiqui Latini, ut Græci pronæcam uocitare uoluerunt: in qua numeris omnibus scientiæ atq[ue] intelligentiæ beatissimæ animi humani simul cum omni ministerio & stipatu diuinitatis fruuntur, cum ordinibus illis scilicet cælestibus inenarrabili ratione de- scriptis. Hos Esaias prophetiæ decus, argentum & auru[m] suum ad Christi obsequium cultumq[ue] testatur attulisse: quo uerbo tum rerum intelligentiam nullo errore concre- tam, sed ad puritatem excoctam, tum eloquentiæ nitorem splendoremq[ue] significat. Has enim illi prisci opulentas fa- cultates in scribendis eloquendis que rerum diuinarum enarrationibus consumperunt. Verùm hoc ijs probare non possumus, qui ignorantiæ patrocinantes, eloquen- tiam ut curiosam, à sacrisq[ue] studijs alienam, recusant, ob id semper inuisam inertiæ, quòd forulis omnibus antiquæ bibliothecæ excutiendis, ac diu multumq[ue] discendo, nul- lum ad quæstum ab ingenuis comparatur. At nos philo- sophiam argentea supellectili sacris operantem, augu- stius & amplius sapientiæ litare contendimus, quàm si sa- mijs aut plumbeis sacra libamina auspicetur & perege- rit. Quis enim in sacris, fictilibus uasis aut stanneis usus est, quum idem ipse argēteo instrumēto nō careret? Illud uerò rursus summopere uide[n]dum, ne quod sanctuario do- mini Bb 2

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART II. OF IT. BOOK V. we use, at last, now firmly established judgment, with regard to the most holy study of wisdom itself, as though they had come to the oracles of the sacred vault of Themis, which we may aptly call in Latin the counsels of the goddess. For men of intelligence desired to know by what means they might enter upon the way leading to the intended end, as to a homeland; a city, as is well known, most vast in name, Uranopolis, common to gods and men alike, provided only that they have committed nothing impious or treacherous in themselves. In it, moreover, is the royal seat of wisdom, which the ancient Latins, as the Greeks wished, called providence: in which, with every number of knowledge and of blessed understanding, human souls together enjoy all the service and retinue of divinity, along with those heavenly orders described by an unutterable plan. Isaiah, the ornament of prophecy, testifies that they brought their silver and gold to the service and worship of Christ; by which word he signifies both a knowledge of things, refined free from every error and purified to perfection, and the brilliance and splendor of eloquence. For those ancient men spent these rich gifts in writing and eloquently expounding accounts of divine things. But this we cannot prove to those who, giving patronage to ignorance, reject eloquence as too curious and foreign to sacred studies, and therefore always hated by idleness, because by rummaging through all the shelves of the ancient library, and by long and much study, no profit is obtained by gentlemen. But we contend that philosophy, serving sacred rites with silver vessels, pays worship to wisdom more augustly and more fully than if it were to begin and complete the sacred libations with tin or lead. For who has ever made use of earthen or pewter vessels in sacred rites, when he himself lacked no silver implement? One thing, however, must again be most carefully considered, lest anything belonging to the Lord's sanctuary...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET mini usui esse potest, id in simulachra impietatis co[n]sletur, aut in usus uoluptatis, aut alioqui ne inquietur. Quocirca ego miserabilem eorum esse sortem contenderim, qui quum magnam iam partem laboris exantlauerint, uel in flexu acquiescunt, ut diximus, quasi pensum encyclopædiæ confecerint: uel diutius adhærescunt in humanioribus literis, animo iam senescente, nimio utiq[ue] uenustatis eloquentiæ, ac leporis amore capti & irretiti, eorum planè similes, qui apud Homerum in diuerticulo uiæ ad patriam <Ad Lotophagos hærere.> ferentis, aut Lotophagorum sodalitate, aut Sirenum catu deleniti, patriæ meminisse no[n] possunt. Nam quid est aliud < Vlyxes.> socios nauim in patriam tendentem egressos, Vlyxis in patriam festinantis, & uiæ peragendæ semper instantis, reminisci noluisse, quàm in uitæ huius seculi uoluptatem illectricem saluti prætulisse? Vlyxes autem nobis quidam fuerunt, ij quos antè diximus, orthodoxæ persuasionis, id est collimantis philosophiæ uindices, non palliati illi quidem Vlyxes, sed pastophori, qui multa & uaria eruditione, ut temporibus quisq[ue] suis, imbuti, quu[m] omnia penè genera philosophandi partim pererrassent, partim præterijssent, salutem suam tandem anxiè sociorumq[ue] perquirebant: quæ nihil est aliud quàm aditus in patriam. Talis enim statim Vlyxes ille decantatus describitur à poëta. < Polytropus.> Atq[ue] ut ille uir heroici spiritus, & polytropus ab eodem Homero dictus, id est multifaria ingenij dote, multiplici morum cognitione, uersatiliq[ue] solertia præditus, inferos adijsse dicitur: sic qui in coelum mente scandere, ad plenamq[ue] contemplationem diuinarum rerum cuadere cogitat, commodius mihi facturus esse uidetur, si uenienteis annos in rerum humanarum intelligentia bona ex parte co[n]triuerit, & maturo iam sacris disciplinis ingenio, ad uerâ philosop

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET if it can be used for the least purpose, whether it is dedicated to images of impiety, or to uses of pleasure, or otherwise that it may not remain idle. For this reason I would contend that their lot is miserable, who, when they have already borne the greater part of the labor, either rest at the turning point, as we said, as though they had completed the task of an encyclopedia; or else cling too long to the humane letters, with their mind already growing old, captivated and ensnared by an excessive love of eloquence and grace, plainly like those who, in Homer, at the crossroads of the road leading to their native land <To linger among the Lotus-eaters.> were charmed either by the company of the Lotus-eaters or by the band of Sirens, and could not remember their homeland. For what else is it < Ulysses.> than that the comrades who had left the ship bound for their native land, and Ulysses himself hurrying toward his country and always pressing on to complete the journey, were unwilling to remember, and preferred the seductive pleasure of this life of the age to salvation? But for us, there were certain Ulysseses, those whom we mentioned before, the defenders of orthodox persuasion, that is, of philosophy tending to the goal; not those masked Ulysseses, indeed, but pastophori, who, imbued with much and varied learning, as each in his own time, when they had wandered through and partly passed over almost all kinds of philosophy, were at last anxiously seeking their own salvation and that of their comrades: which is nothing other than the entrance into their native land. For such is how that famed Ulysses is immediately described by the poet. < Polytropus.> And just as that man of heroic spirit, called by Homer himself polytropus, that is, endowed with manifold gifts of talent, with a many-sided knowledge of character, and with versatile resourcefulness, is said to have descended to the underworld: so he who thinks to ascend in mind to heaven and to attain the full contemplation of divine things will seem to me to act more advantageously if he has spent his coming years in a good part on the understanding of human things, and with a mind already matured for sacred disciplines, to true philosop

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 757 philosophia se cu[m] omni comm[m]etandi apparatu co[n]tulerit. Quod mihi perinde esse uidetur, atq[ue] si quis ex Floralium spectaculo ad Eleusinia mysteria transeat, & ueluti immi gret. Quicquid enim à uetustate sacrorum nostroru[m] ex= orte discimus, id ego prægredientem ac præcurrentem di= sciplinam esse iudico, ad ueram & theologicam philoso= phiam nos deducentem. Et eam ob rem à Græcis propæ= deumata dicta, id est ea documenta quæ præsciscere nos o= portet priusquam accedamus ad rerum grandiorum arca narumq[ue] cognitionem. Hoc porrò labore exhausto, uelut confecto sex dierum labore, tum demum sabbatismum do mino dicare moribus Christianis conuenit, & sanctuariu[m] sapientiæ iam seriatos adire. Ibi uidere est historiam mi= rificam, euentus uarios, carmina plusquam heroica & co= thurnata, conciones panegyricas, orationem figuratam ac uersicolorem, tropis distinctam, & formis sententiaru[m], o= mninoq[ue] locutionem humano captu augustioru[m] atq[ue] sub= limiorem. Adde symbola Pythagoricis multo argutiora, dicteria sentetiosa scotinis inuolucris sensuum implicata, ut profanas aures fugiant, ambagesq[ue] omne genus multi= pliciter inuolutas. Quid dicam omnem rerum naturam no[n] humano, sed diuino ingenio indicata[m] & apertam? omneis hominum mores, omneis sensus humanos brutosq[ue] expli= citos? res omnino capaces præstantissimarum mentiu[m], di= gnasq[ue] quibus non modò toto (ut dicitur) pectore incum= bere, sed etiam quibus illiuescere toto corpore atq[ue] inta= bescere debeamus. Huius ultimæ & summæ commentatio= nis maiestati, poëtica & oratoria oratio, copiáq[ue] omnis disserendi, eloquendiq[ue] ratio, concedat necesse est, ut huma ni captus altitudo ingenij fasces diuinis summittat monu= mentis & oraculis. Et quidem ita se fecisse uir summæ do= Bb 3 etrinæ Memorabilis locus. Minores ma= gistratus Ro= mæ maiorib[us] obuiam proce dentes, fasces suos summitte bant.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PART I. OF ITS BOOK V. 757 philosophy has associated itself with all the apparatus of commemoration. This seems to me to be the same as if someone were to pass from the spectacle of the Floralia to the Eleusinian mysteries, and as it were to enter them. For whatever we learn from the antiquity of our sacred rites, I judge to be a discipline that goes before and runs ahead, leading us to true and theological philosophy. And for this reason the Greeks called them propedeutica, that is, those lessons which we ought to learn beforehand before we approach the knowledge of greater and hidden things. When this labor has now been completed, as if the work of six days were finished, then at last it is fitting, according to Christian custom, to dedicate the sabbath rest to the Lord, and to enter the sanctuary of wisdom, now arrayed for the feast. There may be seen a marvelous history, various events, poems more than heroic and tragic, panegyrical discourses, language figurative and many-colored, distinguished by tropes and by forms of thought, and altogether a style of expression more august and more sublime than human understanding. Add to these Pythagorean symbols, far more subtle, sententious sayings wrapped in dark coverings of meaning, so that they may escape profane ears, and all manner of tangled and manifold obscurities. What shall I say of the whole nature of things, revealed and made plain not by human but by divine intellect? Of all human habits, all senses, both human and brute, laid open? Things altogether fit for the most excellent minds, and worthy of being not only applied to with the whole heart, as the saying is, but also of being steeped in them with the whole body and of being consumed with longing. To the majesty of this final and highest commentary, poetic and oratorical speech, and indeed the whole abundance of discourse and eloquence, must necessarily give way, so that the loftiness of human talent submits its fasces to divine monuments and oracles. And indeed so a man of highest learning has done. Bb 3 etrinæ Memorable passage. The lesser magistrates at Rome, when they came out to meet the greater ones, lowered their fasces.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Gregorius Nazianzenus. Ærinæ Gregorius Nazianzenus clara uoce testatur: cu= ius autoris exemplum imitari percupidè debemus, ne lite= raru[m] cognitione secularium quasi bacillo arundineo nixi, in ueritatis cognitione & uiæ philosophicæ progressu grauiter concidamus. Sed citetur testimonium locupletis= simi autoris ueritatis, et in literis secularibus in primis eru diti: qui uelut in literis diu multumq[ue] negotiatus & feli= citer, inueto tande[m] unione, & summu[m] boni tessera, per agrâ di fine[m] facere co[n]stituit, eumq[ue] liceri fluxarum rerum con= teptu, atq[ue] in eo uno postea acquiescere. Sic aute[m] ille ait, Munor [e]n[im] filior[um] [n]o[n]ne loqvor[um] pl[us], [n]o[n]us Autolim [n]o[n]n[us] te [n]o[n]u[m] illa[m] [n]o[n]n[us] e[ss]e[m] Autolim [n]o[n]n[us] te [n]o[n]u[m] illa[m] [n]o[n]n[us] e[ss]e[m] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] Sola fuit cordi nobis facundia, quantam Orbis eo a manus simul, occiduusq[ue] co[n]e[n]git Tractus, & illustres Græcorum gloriæ Athenæ: Sed simul ac tandem multo peperisse labore Contigit, ante pedes Christi afflictam ipse reliqui. Cedit enim summi sermoni numinis omne Humanæ mentis uarium ac uersatile uerbum. Quibus uerbis intelligimus uirum illum summo ingenio præditum, summè studio literaru[m] deditu[m], multam ac diu= turnam operam eloquentiæ & poëticæ dedisse: ad quaru[m] rerum amorem tota mente ferebatur: sed quum tandem ue= nisset ad studium sacræ philosophiæ, & sacramentum sa= lutis humanæ intelligere coepisset, cuius fuit unus Chri= stus interpres & antistes, illico ipsum illa omnia litera= rum ornamenta in conspectum domini abiecisse, uidelicet agnosc

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET Gregorius Nazianzenus. Gregory Nazianzen speaks clearly concerning this: we ought eagerly to imitate the example of this author, lest, relying in the knowledge of secular letters as on a reed-like staff, we should grievously fall in the knowledge of truth and the progress of the philosophical life. But let the testimony of a most learned author of truth be cited, one especially well versed in secular letters: who, as one long and happily engaged in letters, having at last found the union, and the token of the highest good, resolved to make an end by this ascent, and thereafter to rest in that one thing alone, with contempt for fleeting things. Thus, then, he says, Munor [e]n[im] filior[um] [n]o[n]ne loqvor[um] [pl]us, [n]o[n]us Autolim [n]o[n]n[us] te [n]o[n]u[m] illa[m] [n]o[n]n[us] e[ss]e[m] Autolim [n]o[n]n[us] te [n]o[n]u[m] illa[m] [n]o[n]n[us] e[ss]e[m] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [Chri]stianos [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] [n]o[n]n[us] Only eloquence was dear to us, as much as the world together, with the west gathered by its hands, and the illustrious Athens, glory of the Greeks: but as soon as at last it was granted, after much labor, to have borne fruit, I myself laid it down, afflicted, before the feet of Christ. For to the speech of the highest divinity yields every varied and changeable word of the human mind. By these words we understand that that man, endowed with the highest genius, devoted most intensely to letters, gave much and prolonged labor to eloquence and poetry: toward the love of these things he was carried with his whole mind: but when at last he came to the study of sacred philosophy, and had begun to understand the sacrament of human salvation, of which Christ alone was the interpreter and priest, immediately he cast all those ornaments of literature before the Lord, namely, acknowledg

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 759 agnoscentem & animaduertentem, quicquid in literis Græ cæ philosophiæ ac philologiæ uidisset, longè id abesse à diuinis oraculis, atque à sermone ipsius diuinæ sapientiæ. Sacra enim scripta omnem haud dubiè elocutione mentis < De sacrosanctis scriptis.> humanæ uincere intellexit, quâlibetq[ue] figuris distinctam orationem, ac multiplici eloquio elaboratam, tamen præ diuini sermonis ui ac fulgore obscurari atque elanguescere. Ego quidem certè in ea sum opinione, ut existimè tropos oratorios multo sublimiores efficacioresq[ue] in sacra lectione inueniri, quàm in priscorum Græcorum Latino= rum'ue monumentis: posseq[ue] oratoria[m] phrasim fieri ea le= ctione multo locupletiorem. Sed id persuaderi ijs uix po= test, qui humanorum scriptoru[m] lepôre ac suauitate capti, horridi statim & refractarij styli lectione deterrentur. Neque uerò concinnitatem eloquentiæ in sacrosanctis li= bris requirere, sed uim sublimitatemq[ue] sententiarum con= sectari debemus: etiamsi haustos inde sensus, in scripta ue= nustiora transferre, & pigmentis externis reddere floridiore, nec ius nec fas prohibet. Præstantissimæ enim gem mæ, argento potius crassiusculo quàm auro includuntur obryzo, ne thecæ nitentis aspectus, quoquo modo perti= nere aut accedere ad æstimationem tam pretiosæ rei uidea tur. Et alioqui deus arcere profanos uoluit ab oraculis suis, qui orationis pigmeta, & elegatiæ lenocinia, no[n] sen= sus arcani & mystici nucleum eliciendu[m] putant. Hic autem existit illa Theophrasti querela de breuitate uitæ, quæ ue= lut in tyrocinio philosophiæ sanctioris flagrates animos destituit. I aprimu[m] Talthybius ille coelestis Esaias præco nio urbano & elegati, ac figuris illuminato, aduëtantis sa pientiæ & ueritatis sacramentu[m] uociferas, sacrisq[ue] (ut ita dicam) leporibus diuinisq[ue] salibus códitus & iucudus, à quo tandem Bb 4

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 759 recognizing and observing that whatever he had seen in the writings of Greek philosophy and philology was far removed from divine oracles and from the speech of divine wisdom itself. For he undoubtedly understood that the sacred writings surpass human expression in every respect, and that however ornate a discourse may be, however distinguished by figures and worked out with varied eloquence, it is nevertheless eclipsed and made faint by the force and brilliance of divine speech. For my part, I am certainly of the opinion that rhetorical tropes are to be found much more lofty and effective in sacred reading than in the monuments of the ancient Greeks or Latins; and that rhetorical style can be made much richer by such reading. But this can scarcely be persuaded to those who, captivated by the charm and sweetness of human writers, are at once deterred by the reading of a rough and stubborn style. Nor indeed ought we to seek polish of eloquence in the sacred books, but rather to pursue the force and sublimity of the thoughts; and even if it is not unlawful or forbidden to transfer the meanings drawn from them into more elegant writings and to render them more florid with external ornaments. For the most precious gems are set rather in somewhat coarse silver than in pure gold, lest the gleam of the setting should seem in any way to compete with or approach the estimation of so valuable a thing. And besides, God wished to keep profane people away from his oracles, since they think not of drawing out the hidden and mystical core of the sense, but of the ornaments of speech and the seductions of elegance. Here, too, is that complaint of Theophrastus about the brevity of life, which, as though in the very apprenticeship of a more sacred philosophy, leaves fervent minds without support. At first that celestial Talthybius, Isaiah, with urban and elegant proclamation, and illuminated by figures, cries aloud the sacrament of wisdom and truth as it approaches, and, seasoned with sacred charms and divine wit, so to speak, and delightful, from whom at last Bb 4

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET tandem satis explicari per totam uitam potest? Hunc sequi Hieremias. tur (ut ita appellé) Idæus, Troiæ captiuitate fatidico præ conio atque lamentabili municipibus suis pronuncians: cuius explicatio mirificam quandam enarrationem com[m]entationemq[ue] poscit. Hos duos sequitur numerosa turba uatu (quos salutigeros propriè appellare possumus) res coelestes entheis rapsodijs effata humano captu omnino maioribus. Horum enim uocibus altiloquis quidem & canoris, sed parum in hoc mundi strepitu exauditis, humanæ conditionis sacramentum prouidentia in omne æuum deprædicauit. In uniuersum autem sacros illos uates camænas quasdam altiores esse dixerim, arcana coelestia per sa tyram cantitantes, eorumq[ue] uaticinia eôdem pertinentia, citharam quandam augustam esse & coelestem, paracleti plectro uarios in modos numerosq[ue] pulsatam, cuius psalmata percipere eorum est demum, qui aures à cantu profano feriatas, quod rarum est, sacrisq[ue] carminibus initiatas habent atq[ue] dicatas. Iam uerò ipse trismegistus (sic Solomonem uoco) antistes sapientiæ, germanæq[ue] philosophiæ pærens, non ne tribus libris cum eo qui sapientia Solomonis inscribitur, omnia philosophiæ placita figuratè complexus est? Ita philosophum ab incunabulis instituens, ut affectibus ad obsequium redactis, mentem tandem in arce Mineruæ, & in ipsius (ut ita dicam) contubernio sapientiæ iam sese indulgentis benignius collocet. Id est autem summum bonum, quod annos plus mille humana philosophia omnibus indagans naturæ uestigijs, non antè, quàm sese indicante sapientia & prodente, inuenire potuit. Sed parentem eius penè omisi lyricum illu uatè omni quamlibet heroico uate longè sublimiore: cuius poëmata humanaru[m] diuinarumq[ue] reru[m] descriptione argumetosa, ipsum (ut ita dicam)

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASH AND can it finally be sufficiently explained through the whole of life? Let Jeremiah follow this one. There is, as I may so call him, the Idæan, proclaiming to his fellow townsmen with prophetic forewarning and lamentation the captivity of Troy: the explanation of whom requires some marvelous narrative and commentary. These two are followed by a numerous crowd of prophets (whom we may properly call bearers of salvation), uttering heavenly things in inspired songs, altogether beyond human grasp. For by their voices, lofty indeed and melodious, but little heard amid the tumult of this world, Providence has proclaimed the sacrament of human condition for all ages. In general, then, I would say that those sacred prophets are somewhat higher than the Muses, singing the hidden things of heaven in satire, and that their prophecies, tending to the same end, are a certain august and heavenly lyre, struck with various modes and rhythms by the plectrum of the Paraclete, whose psalms are perceived only by those who have ears, rare as it is, made vacant from profane song and initiated and dedicated to sacred hymns. And now, truly, the very Trismegistus, by which I mean Solomon, chief priest of wisdom and the parent of true philosophy, has he not, in three books and in the one entitled The Wisdom of Solomon, figuratively gathered together all the teachings of philosophy? Thus he trains the philosopher from the cradle, so that the passions being reduced to obedience, the mind at last may be placed more kindly on the citadel of Minerva, and in the company, as it were, of wisdom itself now willingly resting there. And this is the highest good, which human philosophy, searching for more than a thousand years through all the tracks of nature, could not find before wisdom showed and revealed itself. But I have almost omitted its parent, that lyric prophet, far more sublime than any heroic poet, whose poems, rich in the description of human and divine things, even it, as I may say

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. dicam) Mercurium interpretè postulant: quem ego Christum interuentorem diuinæ atq[ue] humanæ naturæ propriè esse ceseo, coelitus ipsum ad genus hoc mortale delapsum, mandataq[ue] coelestia deferentè humanitatis habitu. Hic est enim sermo, hoc uerbu[m], hæc ratio, quibus diuinitatis principium summu[m], arcana sacramenta mortalibus enarrauit: quo etiam ipso antè usus erat idem pater uniuersi architecto, naturæq[ue] conditore: ob idq[ue] à summo Euangelista Logos Græco uerbo uocatus est. Ecce tibi in sermone (ut aiunt) ipsa sapientia, quæ genus humanum næuo illo primæuo inustum, purifico rore uelut aquula smectica, id est emaculatoria, lauit, atq[ue] è còditiôe obnoxia, Orciq[ue] adeo longo nexu & mancipio exemptum, natalibus restituit. Hæc libris quatuor didascalicis (quæ Euagelia uocantur) bona ex parte figuratis, philosophia[m] quam olim Socrates è cælo in terrâ deuocarat, è terra rursus in cœlu[m] supraq[ue] cælos omneis erigit. Etenim quæ ille symbolicus concionator ambagiose & allegorice de sapientia dixerat, ipsa de sese sapientia proloquitur apertè & luculêter, tametsi gryphos illa quidem interim ex cœlesti symposio allatos mortalibus proposuit, cæterum nectar ambrosiamq[ue] magnoperedolentes. Atq[ue] ut olim Prometheus igne æthereum è cælo Mineruæ usus còsilio rapuisse dicitur, hominibusq[ue] dedisse: sic dei sapietia ignem æternum charitatis humano generi com[m]unicauit, cuius scintillas quasda[m] pseu dophilosophia in disputationum suarum somutibus asseruabat, è Iudæa utiq[ue] quasi è ciuitate cœlesti quoquo modo petitas. Hunc ignem æternum nostra ætas extinctum atque etiam oppressum penè uidit, ædituorum sanctuarij non tantum negligentia, sed etiam uecordia. Christus autem, id est ueritas & sapientia, uelut Ianus qui= dam Bb 5 Christus Ianus geminus.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. (so I say) they require Mercury as interpreter: but I judge Christ to be truly the mediator of divine and human nature, himself descended from heaven to this mortal race, bearing heavenly commands in the form of humanity. For this is the speech, this the word, this the reason, through which the highest principle of divinity revealed hidden mysteries to mortals: by which very same means the father of the universe, the craftsman and creator of nature, had previously made use; and for that reason the highest Evangelist called him by the Greek word Logos. Behold, in the word, as they say, wisdom itself, which washed the human race, marked with that primal stain, with purifying dew, as with a medicinal wash, that is, a cleansing one, and, freed from its condition of bondage, and indeed from the long chain and servitude of Orcus, restored it to its birthright. These things, in four didactic books (which are called the Gospels), for the greater part set forth in figures, philosophy, which once Socrates had brought down from heaven to earth, raises again from earth to heaven and above all the heavens. For what that symbolic preacher had said obliquely and allegorically about wisdom, wisdom itself speaks about herself openly and clearly, although in the meantime she presented to mortals certain riddles brought from the heavenly banquet, yet strongly smelling of nectar and ambrosia. And as once Prometheus is said, by Minerva’s counsel, to have stolen heavenly fire from heaven, and given it to men: so the wisdom of God communicated to the human race the eternal fire of charity, whose certain sparks pseudo philosophy was preserving on the summits of its disputations, taken from Judaea, as it were from a heavenly city, in whatever way possible. Our age has seen this eternal fire almost extinguished and even suppressed, not only through the negligence of the guardians of the sanctuary, but also through their madness. But Christ, that is, truth and wisdom, like some Janus double- Bb 5 Christus Ianus twofold.

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET dam geminus, utriusq[ue] naturæ particeps, utrunque testa= mentum diuinitatis, instrumentumq[ue] utrunque indagandi summi boni coniunxit, finem æui prisci cum principio re nouati mundi connectens, dierumq[ue] ipse antiquorum in= staurator, innocentiæ ferme priscæ mortales restituit. I am uerò sapientiam sequitur è uestigio suus ille hypophetes Paulus, uir ad unguem diuinæ manus factus, atq[ue] inter o= mnes ueritatis emissarios lectissimus, eius fani sapientiæ < Templu à Solomone conditum typus fuit ecclesiæ constituendæ.> architectus, cuius forma symbolica graphide antistes ille sapientiæ Solomon quondam deliniarat. I demq[ue] sacra sæ pientiæ ijs gentibus impertiuit, quæ antiquissimo decre= to mysterijs arcebantur ut indignæ ac profanæ. Hic est qui classico prædicandæ ueritatis edictum alterius natalis in Asia & Græcia tam strenuè & sublimiter, quàm clarè atq[ue] exaudibiliter promulgauit, ut qui mundi aut dæmo= nis mancipio hæreditario tenebantur, uelut altero matris enixu ingenui nasceretur, priscaq[ue] noxa soluti. Quid ille liber unus Euangelij Ioannis? non ne sacrarium penè to= tum ueritatis continet? Hic est ille seruus domini recepti= tius, qui sapientiæ ipsi super coenam incumbens, haustam diuino numine sapientiam, inenarrabili libello posterita= ti tradidit. Eiusdem Apocalypsin, id est annales reru[m] no= dum gestaru[m], quid aliud q[uæ] Parcaru[m] cōmentaria esse cen= seas? Illic enim effusa uaticinia omne[m] serie[m] fatoru[m], omnia prouidet[i]æ calendaria in posteru[m] continet, etia[m] si Oedipo (ut aiunt) cōiectore indiget. I ob aute[m] alumnus ille sapien tiæ, institutione[m] sacroru[m] cōtinet athletaru[m]: qui liber unus dramaticus ueluti spectaculum quoddam uisendum est, phi losophus consummatus & absolutus edens specimen sui. In eo fortuna plagis multiplicibus sæuiens, æquanimitas nusquam instanti urgenti que aduersariæ manus dans ac succumb

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET as a twin-born pair, a sharer in either nature, he joined both covenants of divinity and both instruments for seeking the highest good, connecting the end of the ancient age with the beginning of the renewed world, and himself the restorer of the days of old, restoring mortals, as it were, to the innocence of former times. And in very truth, wisdom is followed in his footsteps by that his hypophetes Paul, a man made to the very fingernail by the divine hand, and among all the heralds of truth most select, the architect of that sanctuary of wisdom <The Temple built by Solomon was a type of the church to be established.> whose symbolic form that chief of wisdom, Solomon, once had outlined with his pen. He likewise bestowed sacred wisdom upon those nations which, by an ancient decree, were kept back from the mysteries as unworthy and profane. He it is who, with the trumpet-call of truth to be proclaimed, published in Asia and Greece the ordinance of a second birth so strenuously and sublimely, and so clearly and audibly, that those who had been held in the hereditary bondage of the world or of the devil were born, as it were, through another mother’s travail as freeborn men, and released from their ancient guilt. What of that one book of the Gospel of John? Does it not contain almost the whole sanctuary of truth? This is that more intimate servant of the Lord, who, reclining at wisdom’s own supper, handed down to posterity in that unutterable little book the wisdom he had drawn from the divine spirit. And his Apocalypse, that is, the annals of things not yet accomplished, what else do you judge it to be than the commentary of the Fates? For there, in outpoured prophecies, it contains the whole sequence of destinies, all the calendars of providence for the future, even if it requires an Oedipus, as they say, to interpret it. And Job also, that pupil of wisdom, contains an instruction of sacred athletes: that one book is to be viewed, as it were, as a dramatic spectacle, exhibiting a consummate and perfected philosopher giving proof of himself. In it Fortune, raging with manifold blows, nowhere yields to the pressing hand of the opposing force and succumbs

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 763 succumbens, uelut in campo tolerantiæ & aduersitatis, infestissime committuntur. Quo ex agone tandem æquus animus uelut hieronices, certamunis uictor uerè sacri, ago= nothetæ dei iudicio meruisse præmium pronunciatur. Iam libri quinq[ue]; Mosis (ut rem à capite, quod dicitur arcessamus) cum sapientiæ architecturâ, atq[ue] opificis naturæ primordia, temporis incunabula, uitæ tyrocinium continet, rursus lustrationem orbis, sacroru[m] cerimoniarumq[ue] ritus, religionisq[ue]; natales & pietatis mirificè descriptos: iuris etiam gentium clementa, legumq[ue] fundamenta co[m]plectuntur, quibus humani mores diuinitus conformati sunt: tum uerò in illis prouidentia[m] planè est agnoscere, ex altissimo sinu diuinitatis se proferente[m], summi etia[m] boni adipiscendi ratione humano generi indulgentissimè exordiente[m]. Certè quidem Geneseos liber historiam quædam admirabilem refert, & ænigmaticam pollicitatione[m] prouidentiæ, augustioris cuiusdam fastigij natalem hominibus, immortalitatemq[ue]; beatissimam mortalibus parturientis. In his autem libris res arcanæ, à profanisq[ue]; mentibus abhorrentes, ita proditæ sunt diuina solertia, ut ad prosopopæiarum ueritatem, figurarum nouitate[m], affectuum mirifica[m] expressionem, accederet sublimitas sententiarum atq[ue] sensuum gemina tergeminaq[ue]; diuinis ingenijs interpretum enucleanda. Super omnia uerò est beatæ iamiam futuræ uitæ, si sapimus, securitatisq[ue] sempiternæ, & summo bono acquieturæ æstimatio, mirificè illa quidè in ijsde[m] multifariamq[ue]; sed è medio sumpto sermone adumbrata. Tanta spe interim animos tamq[ue]; certa perfundes ac pignerans, duntaxat fide bona lectitantium, res omneis ut temporarias cal care tantisper despicereq[ue]; cogat. His alijsq[ue] sacrosanctæ disciplinæ monumetis (nonnulla enim prætereo prudes) uidere

Transcription: Translated (English)

falling as in a field of endurance and adversity, they are most fiercely contended. From this contest at last the equitable mind, as though in a sacred victory, is proclaimed by the judgment of God to have merited the prize of a true champion. Now the five books of Moses, if we begin from the head, as they say, contain the fabric of wisdom and the first principles of the works of nature, the cradle of time, the apprenticeship of life, again the purification of the world, the rites of sacred ceremonies, and the origins of religion and piety described in a marvelous way: they also embrace the elements of the law of nations and the foundations of laws, by which human customs have been divinely formed: then indeed in them providence is plainly to be recognized, emerging from the highest bosom of divinity, and beginning most graciously for the human race the means of attaining the highest good. Certainly the book of Genesis sets forth a history that is wondrous and an enigmatic promise of providence, bearing for humankind the birth of a certain more august dignity, and bringing forth for mortals immortality and most blessed happiness. But in these books the hidden things, and those abhorrent to profane minds, are thus brought forth by divine ingenuity, so that there is joined to the truth of personifications, the novelty of figures, and the marvelous expression of emotions, the sublimity of sentences and meanings, requiring the unfolding of divine intellects by interpreters. Above all, moreover, there is the estimate of the security of the blessed life soon to come, if we are wise, and of everlasting safety, and of that which will rest in the highest good, marvelously indeed depicted in those very books and in many ways; but by speech taken from the middle, as it were, dimly outlined. Meanwhile, with such and so great hope you pour into and pledge, for the faithful reader alone, so certain a confidence that all temporary things should be trampled underfoot and for a little while despised. By these and other monuments of the sacred discipline (for I pass over some prudently) to see

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET uidere est per nebula[m] captushumani ingenij, quæ præmia eos maneat, qui calcatis fortunis teporarijs & caducis, in expectationem summi boni spes omneis rationes q[ui] contulerunt. Sed quum tot ansas certissimæ doctrinæ nobis dederit prouidetia, mirum est quòd sapientiam tenere quasi lubricam, fluxam, euanidam, non possumus. Quid igitur in causa esse dicamus? utru[m] quòd spes præseruida in diem longiore sibi stipulari nequit, at sapientia labores & molestias repræsentans, præmia & lætitiam in futurum pollicetur? an potius quòd acreis sensus ad sensu percepta & concreta, hebetes ad intelligibilia & abstracta nobis natura dedit? Primum hoc dico, studij sapientiæ fructum etiam non aspernandum in hac uitæ repræsentari. Deinde summi boni expectationi non magis annos quàm annum, nec dies quàm diem, nec horas quàm horam cedere, ut ui= ceuersa (ô præcipitem & abruptu[m] uitæ situm) summi mali timori atq[ue] horrori. Semper etiam nos excubare ipsa sapientia iussit, & ad omne momentu[m] dici & noctis, accersentis nos fati præstolari uadimonium. Vt autem his copijs doctrinæ sacræ in corde hominis instructis, & tanquam in procinctu stantibus no[n] regna, non potestates, no[n] diuitiæ comparantur aut administrantur: sic omnes animi sensus suapte natura petulantes & contumaces, ita ad ob sequium rationis rediguntur, ut homo pacem & constantiam secum seruare possit: quod summum ipsum esse bonu[m] quum philosophia priscæ in uniuersum censuit, tum uerò Christus sapientiæ autor, parens & co[n]stitutor, extremu[m] elogium condens, legati loco quam amplissimi comitatui suo reliquit. Quâta igitur animi alacritate, quàm strenuè, quàm constanter incumbere ad supradictorum librorum lectionem debemus, & eo amplius ad eorum philospho= rum < Tranquillitas animi.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET to see, as though through a mist, what the prizes are that await those who, having trampled underfoot the temporary and fleeting fortunes, have directed all their efforts toward the expectation of the highest good. Yet since Providence has given us so many supports for the surest doctrine, it is a wonder that we cannot hold wisdom, as it were, slippery, unstable, and fleeting. What then shall we say is the cause? Is it because hope, being very warm, cannot secure for itself something for a longer day, whereas wisdom, representing labors and troubles, promises rewards and joy for the future? Or rather because nature has given us keen senses for things perceived by the senses and concrete things, but dull ones for things intelligible and abstract? First, I say this: the fruit of the study of wisdom is not to be despised even when presented in this life. Next, the expectation of the highest good does not yield more to years than to a year, nor days than to a day, nor hours than to an hour, so that vice versa (oh, how precipitous and abrupt is the condition of life) there is fear and horror of the highest evil. Wisdom itself has also always commanded us to keep watch, and at every moment of day and night to await the summons of fate, which calls us. But as for these supplies of sacred learning, once furnished in the heart of man and, as it were, standing in readiness, neither kingdoms nor powers, neither riches, can be acquired or administered; so all the feelings of the mind, naturally wanton and obstinate, are brought into obedience to reason, so that a man may preserve peace and constancy with himself: which the ancient philosophy judged to be the highest good in general, and indeed Christ, the author, parent, and establisher of wisdom, making the final pronouncement, left to his company as the most ample bequest, in the place of a legation. With what eagerness of spirit, then, with how much vigor, how steadfastly, must we apply ourselves to the reading of the above-mentioned books, and even more so to the reading of those philosophers < Tranquillitas animi.>

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Transcription: ATR-1

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 765 rum, qui amplis suis disertisq[ue] commentationibus, res figu rarum inuolucris conditas, in lucem eruere pijs enarratio nibus scriptionibusq[ue] contenderunt? Nam quicquid labo ris in literis & studijs secularibus consumpserimus, eius laboris largissimum fructum in illa lectione demetemus, si quidem desecato (ut dicitur) ingenio, si perpurgata m[anu]ete, si lotis denique pedibus ad id studium accessserimus. Illud enim literarum studium, ut rudimentu[m] discendi existima= re debemus, hoc ut progressum & fastigium. & quide[m] ex hoc scientiæ fonte perenni atq[ue] inexhausto, quamuis ma= gnifica, quamuis copiosa, quamlibet sublimis manare po= test oratio, si modo nobis stipendia quidem implere in u= troq[ue] eorum studio c[on]tigerit, in hoc uerò demum præmia sperare operæ nauatæ & emeritæ. Quid autem [con]tilitia scripta ad intelligentiam sacrosanctæ doctrinæ conferat, malo quum alijs, tum diuo Hieronymo credi ad magnum tunc oratorem Romanum scribenti, quàm mihi hoc arro= gare, ut demonstrare nitar. Tum primum aute[m] peruenisse nos ad illam euthymiam, philosophiæ antiquæ ut decanta tam, sic incognitam sentiemus, animos (ut ipsi aiebant) hu manos beata undiq[ue] securitate imbuentem, quum fiduciæ compertæ ueritatis, laborum omnium rationem constare nobis intelligimus. Hanc euthymiam Esaias uates elegan ti metaphora fiduciæ contuberniu[m] appellauit, in quo ani= mus humanus à rerum humanarum lectione & commen= tatione emeritus, reru[m] coelestium & æternarum contepla tione pascitur, delectatur, fruitur. Sed scilicet tot tætasq[ue] res no[n] capiunt angustiæ cordis humani, nisi curis turbu= lentis uacui, nec alias res agentis. Quantu[m] est autem in ea meditatione intelligere, philosophiam ante Christi aduen tum uelut planum quendam fuisse, uel præstigatorem in= genijs Euthymia. Vide Esaiam cap. 33.

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PART I. HIS BOOK V. 765 ... who by their ample and eloquent commentaries have striven to bring to light, by devout expositions and writings, things hidden under the coverings of figures? For whatever labor we shall have expended in letters and secular studies, we shall reap the richest fruit of that labor in that reading, provided that we have approached that study with the mind, as they say, pared down, with the hand made clean, and finally with washed feet. For we ought to regard that study of letters as the rudiment of learning, this as the progress and summit. And indeed from this perennial and inexhaustible fountain of knowledge, however magnificent, however abundant, however lofty the discourse may be that can flow, only if it shall have fallen to our lot to fulfill our dues in both studies shall we then at last hope for the rewards of diligent and well-earned effort in this one. But what benefit learned writings confer toward understanding the sacred doctrine I prefer to have believed by others, and especially by blessed Jerome, writing to the great Roman orator, rather than to claim this for myself by attempting to demonstrate it. Then first shall we feel that we have reached that euthymia, so celebrated by ancient philosophy yet unknown to it, which fills human minds, as they used to say, with blessed security on every side, when we understand that, in the assurance of known truth, the whole account of all labors stands firm for us. Isaiah the prophet elegantly called this euthymia the fellowship of confidence, in which the human mind, having earned release from the reading and commentary of human affairs, is fed, delighted, and refreshed by the contemplation of heavenly and eternal things. But truly such great and such numerous matters are not contained by the narrowness of the human heart, unless it is free from disturbing cares and occupied with nothing else. How great a thing it is, moreover, in that meditation to understand philosophy before the coming of Christ as a kind of plain ground, or even as a deceiver of minds. Euthymia. See Isaiah chapter 33.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET genijs humanis uariè illudentem, cuius Dædalea commen ta atheos & uoluptarios, aliaq[ue] portenta sectarum excita uerunt? id quod Paulus ille uranognomon assertorq[ue] or= thodoxiæ, testatus est ad Colossenses scribens. Nos igi= tur germanam philosophiam religiose adire uenerabun= diq[ue] debemus, ut quum à lectione gētilitiorum scriptoru[m] quasi à uoluptarijs fabularum argumentis ad sapientiæ & ueritatis fanum semel accessserimus, ueluti studio iam serioso uernantes, senectutem priscæ ignoratiæ paulatim exuamus, ac nouum quendam & instauratitium homi= nem libentes induamus. Hæc enim una est disciplina huma næ naturæ magistra, quæ hominis gubernacula exculpe= re stolidis sensibus potest, & intellectui ac menti tenenda porrigere & moderanda, etiam si naturæ ui atque impe= rio appetitus est proreta. Quare homines qui non bonis tantum externis, sed etiam æternis student, hoc uidere e= tiam atq[ue] etiam oportet, ut quod nautæ prudentiores fa= cere dicitur, ut sacram quandam ancoram ad extremum salutis subsidium habeant: hoc ipsi inutari contendant, contraq[ue] turbidiorum affectuum æstus, & iactationes for tunæ, lectione sacra uelut ancora passim ac semper utan= tur. Hoc enim retinaculo, ac rationis subsidio, sæuiente tempestate ita nos firmare conuenit, ne transuersi in sco= pulos noxiæ alicuius offensæ, aut in uada curarum exter= narum uento quodam cupiditatis repentè rapiamur. Proh deus immortalis, est ne aliquis tam aduersis placitis pro= uidentiæ natus, duntaxat eorum qui Palladis sacramen= to bona fide dixere, qui quum hæc animo accuratè repu= tauerit, desultoriamq[ue] fortunæ uicissitudinem perpende= rit, ac uitæ humanæ breuitatem: non Croesi & Midæ di= uitias, Tantali que (ut aiunt) talenta pro nihilo ducenda præ De contemnendis diuitijs præstudio sapientiæ.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND THE genius of human beings, amusing itself in various ways, whose Dædalian inventions have stirred up atheists and pleasure-seekers, and other monsters of sects? This is what that Paul, the observer of the heavens and defender of orthodoxy, testified when he wrote to the Colossians. Therefore we ought to approach true philosophy reverently and with devotion, so that when, after reading pagan writers, as if from the delightful plots of stories, we have once come to the shrine of wisdom and truth, and now, as if in earnest study and renewed zeal, we gradually cast off the old age of former ignorance, and willingly put on a certain new and restored man. For this is the one discipline that is teacher of human nature, which can wrest the governance of man from foolish senses and hand it over to intellect and mind to be held and directed, even though appetite is, by nature’s force and command, the helmsman. Therefore men who seek not only external goods but also eternal ones must look again and again to this, that, as wiser sailors are said to do, they may have at the end a kind of sacred anchor for the last support of their safety; let them themselves strive to imitate this, and against the surges of turbulent passions and the tossings of fortune let them use sacred reading everywhere and always as an anchor. For with this stay and support of reason, when the storm rages, it is fitting to strengthen us so that we are not carried off sideways onto the rocks of some harmful collision, or into the shallows of outward cares, by some wind of desire, all at once seized and swept away. O immortal God, is there anyone so born against the teachings of providence—at least among those who truly, in good faith, have spoken under the sacrament of Pallas—who, when he has carefully reflected on these things in his mind and weighed the changeability of fortune, and the brevity of human life, would not count as nothing the riches of Croesus and Midas, and the talents of Tantalus, as they say? On despising riches in the zeal for wisdom.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. præ solida philosophantium felicitate iudicet: & eos qui opum externaru[m] possessione in medio posita, quasiq[ue] in= ter homines cupiditate & auaritia præditos cōtrouersa, ad ultimum uitæ diem fortuna disceptante contendunt, non dico de precaria possessione rerum, atque in fortu= næ mancipio ditioneq[ue] posita, sed de asini (quod Græci dicunt) umbra uel litigare, uel laborare, uel sese misere afflictare? Ego uerò etiam (id quod ijdem Græci in pro= uerbio dicunt) omnes istos thesauros non in cellulis cor= dis, sed in promptuarijs Fortis fortunæ & temeritatis con ditos, carbones tandem rectè existimanti uisum iri con= tenderim. In quibus enim bonis maximè mens humana nimia sui diffidentia imbuta, iure gentium & ciuili con= tra naturam recepto, parare sibi præsidium subsidiumq[ue] consueuit, eorum bonorum affluentium ope non tam adus uari diuites pleru[m]q[ue], quàm aduri quis no[n] uidet? Num quis hoc nescire potest, quosdam aliquando uæsana stimulan= te cupiditate per fas nefasq[ue] census suos auxisse? cuius or= dinis esse dicuntur, quos exenteratores Reip. uocant: & eos ipsos tamen, ut fuit aliquando Reip. nostræ constitu tio, religiose adiri oportebat, si quid æqui boniq[ue] à prin= cipe (ô summâ indignitatem) impetrandum haberes. Hoc genus exagitat hiantis auaritiæ peruigil & inquies cogi tatio quæsitis iam semper aliquid acquirendi: ob quod eâ prisci poëtæ Alecto uocauerût, nomine sane apposito & congruenti, furiaru[m] unam esse dictitates, quas inter mini= steriu[m] Orci dedicauerunt. & ego beatos eos putem, quos cōsceleratis animis ditatos esse sciam? Sed sint uel fuerint tam hominu[m] felicissimi, quàm omnium fortunatissimi atq[ue] opulentissimi esse uel fuisse noscuntur: num ideo eoru[m] illi sortem suspicere & æmulari debent, qui à philosophia di= dicerint

Transcription: Translated (English)

Let him judge by the solid happiness of philosophers, and those who, with the possession of external wealth set in the middle, as if standing between men endowed with desire and avarice in contentious opposition, contend down to the last day of life while fortune is the judge—not, I say, about the precarious possession of things, and those placed in the power and ownership of fortune, but about a shadow of a donkey, as the Greeks say, whether to quarrel, or to toil, or to afflict themselves miserably? Indeed I would maintain even this—that all those treasures, as the same Greeks say in a proverb, stored not in the chambers of the heart but in the storehouses of blind fortune and rashness, will at last seem to the rightly judging man to be nothing but coals. For in what goods, into which the human mind, steeped above all in excessive distrust of itself, has accustomed itself by law of nations and civil law, accepted contrary to nature, to provide for itself defense and support, does anyone not see that by the help of such abundant goods the rich are for the most part not so much aided as burned? Can anyone be unaware that some have at times, driven by frenzied desire, increased their fortunes by right and wrong alike? Of such a class, they say, are those whom they call the gutting-men of the Republic; and yet even these, as was once the constitution of our Republic, had to be approached reverently, if you had anything fair and honorable to obtain from the prince—oh, what great disgrace! This kind of thing is stirred by the sleepless and restless thought of greedy desire ever seeking something more from what has already been gained; for which reason the ancient poets called her Alecto, a very fitting and appropriate name, since they declared her to be one of the Furies, whom they assigned to the service of Orcus. And would I call those blessed whom I know to have been enriched by criminal souls? But let them be, or have been, as happy among men as those known to be, or to have been, the most fortunate and most wealthy of all: is that any reason why those who have learned philosophy should look up to and emulate their lot?

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET dicerint, ijs tandem cum Orco rationem esse habendam? Mitto nunc spintrias aulicos (ut ita appellem) improbè ingeniosos, ex genere æruscatorum: qui rerum noxia= rum inuentores, acuti & solertes uideri populari paupe= rie non uerentur, dummodo in aula innotescant, nihil pen si habentes. Iam uerò Sisyphidas illos quàm beatos esse dicemus, qui etheloduliæ mancipati (sic enim appellatur spontanea seruitus) saxum illud ambitionis irrequieto la= bore subuoluunt, non modo humeris & ceruice, sed e= tiam præcordijs & uertice? Saxum, inquam, illud præ= graue & asperum, quod interdum ab aulæ summo gradu in medium relabitur, & nonnunquam ad ultimum, tam præposter a plerunq[ue] fortunæ improbitate, ut in illa scho= la ima summis ingenia non modo permixta uideamus, sed etiam superposita. Miseram uitæ sortem, atque ut cætera suauem esse fateare, eo quidem certè grauem ingenuis ani mis, & propemodum enecantem, quòd ambientium na= tio, quasi ex histrionio genere oriunda, semper persona= ta uidetur & gesticulatrix esse. Hæc autem molestia am= bitus comes, sensus etiam degeneres & obnoxij, actusq[ue] per omnia liberalissimi, introspicienti patent: ijs qui pri= more rerum aspectu acquiescunt, non item patent. Siqui= dem ut aulicæ potetiæ strepitus & fastu & comitatu fre= quenti beatus, uibranti quodâ fulgore oculos contuentes præstringit, & præ admiratione sui coronas circunsusas summouere specie luculenta uidetur: sic si trans splendo= rem inanis tectorij perspicere possis, uel liberos eorum actus intra scenam populo iam non seruientes uidere, ibi tum ibi tristia omnia, ac lurida anxietate scatentia appa= rent, prorsus ut tetri ergastuli speciem illic uideas inge= nuis & candidis moribus inaccessi. Verum (ô lubricum ambitionis

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET if they should say, must one at last reckon with Orcus? I now pass over those courtly spintriae (if I may so call them), impudently ingenious men, of the race of the æruscatores: inventors of pernicious things, who do not shrink from appearing sharp and skillful in the eyes of the common herd, provided only that they become known at court, caring for nothing else. And now shall we call those Sisyphids happy, who, enslaved to ethelodulia (for so voluntary servitude is called), roll that stone of ambition with unceasing labor, not only with shoulders and neck, but even with the breast and the head? That stone, I say, so heavy and rough, which sometimes slips back from the highest rank of the court into the middle, and sometimes even to the lowest, so perversely, for the most part, by Fortune’s wickedness, that in that lowest school we see talents not merely mixed with the highest, but even placed beneath them. A wretched lot in life, and, though you admit the rest to be pleasant, certainly grievous to noble minds, and almost deadly, because the race of the ambitious, as though sprung from the stage, always seems masked and full of gestures. This trouble, too, the companion of ambition, makes even degenerate and dependent perceptions, and actions in every way most liberal, plain to the observer; but not so to those who are satisfied with the first outward view of things. For just as the din of courtly power, its pomp and its crowded retinue, blessed with a kind of shimmering radiance, dazzles the eyes of those who gaze upon it, and, by the marvel of its own splendor, seems to drive away the garlands that surround it with an outward brilliance: so, if you can look beyond the glitter of the empty covering, or see their children’s acts within the stage, no longer serving the people, then there appear, there, there, all things sad and seething with pallid anxiety, just as you would see the appearance of a gloomy dungeon, inaccessible to noble and pure morals. But, O slippery ambition

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ambitionis errorem) quid illud esse dicam, quòd cordati alioquin uiri, nec cupiditate transuersi, quum id quod di= ximus, & dicant & sentiant, uinculaq[ue] ergastuli excipu= losa prouideant: fit tamen, si propius adire detur, in ea se scientes prudentesq[ue]; ut induant, quum tamen id ipsi maxi mè fugitare uideâtur? Vtrum quòd immemores in re præ= senti fiunt? an potius insinuantes in locu[m] illecebrosum, o= culis & sensibus & mente capiuntur? utrum stulta fiducia freti, quasi exuendi nexus ratione teneant, periculu[m] fæce= re incognitæ rei uolunt? & eas plagas inire, quæ mihi te= naciores Vulcanijs illis uidentur, quæ Martis Venerisq[ue]; stupru[m] irretiuisse dicuntur? quas Homerus in Odyssea tra= <Vide Homeru[m] in octauo Odysseæ.> didit nec oculis perceptas, nec solutiles, nec ui quantalibet fuisse eluctabiles. Scilicet ille est error æternus mentis hu= manæ, quæ carceres ambitionis transiliës, non percipit ita pronum esse id stadium ad medium usq[ue]; spatium, & inde ad metam sensim arduum, ut illic nullo sufflamine procur= rentes bigæ contineri, hic urgeri ad metam nulla conten= tione possint. tum demum aurigans altior iam spiritus se= ra intelligentia docetur nullum modu[m] aut finem ambitio= nis esse, quum semel rationis frenos momorderu[m] cupiditas & elatio præceps, quasi Aethon & Podargus equi duo iugales. His enim bigis Genius ille lucifugus (quem apposi tissimo, nisi fallor, nomine Laoplanum appello, quasi mun di totius popularem impostorem) sapientes multos huius seculi per theatrum Reipub. administrandæ plausibili spe cie transuebit, & sæpe transuersos rapit. Sed ut apud Ho merum Vulcanus Martem & Venerem irretitos, omnium deoru[m] oculis subiecisse narratur, ut de ijs quisq[ue]; superum sentetiam ludicram & cauillatoriam ferret, illi[us]; in rebus Veneris deprehensi, poenas stupri penderent, in co[m]plexu C c obscoe

Transcription: Translated (English)

What should I call that error of ambition: that men who are otherwise sensible, and not led astray by greed, when they say and feel what we have said, and foresee the chains of the prison-house, nevertheless, if they are allowed to approach more closely, knowingly and deliberately allow themselves to be put into it? Is it because they become forgetful in the very act? Or rather because, as they insinuate themselves into a tempting place, they are captured by the eyes, the senses, and the mind? Do they, relying on foolish confidence, as if the reasoning by which they think to cast off the bonds will hold them secure, willingly run the risk of an unknown affair? And do they enter upon those snares which seem to me more tenacious even than those of Vulcan, which are said to have entangled the shameful union of Mars and Venus? These, as Homer in the Odyssey relates, were not perceived by the eyes, not soluble, nor could they be escaped by any force however great. Certainly this is the eternal error of the human mind: when it has leapt over the prison-bars of ambition, it does not perceive that the course is so easy only up to the middle stretch, and from there to the goal gradually steep, so that there the chariot-runners who rush on without a check cannot be restrained, while here they cannot be driven to the goal by any effort. Then at last the spirit, now raised higher, is taught by sober understanding that ambition has no limit or end, once desire and headlong pride have bitten at the reins of reason, like the two yoked horses Aethon and Podargus. For by these horses that lucifugous Genius—whom, if I am not mistaken, I call by a most fitting name Laoplanus, as though the deceiver of the whole world—will carry many wise men of this age across the stage of public administration under the plausible appearance of governing the state, and often snatches them away when they have turned aside. But just as in Homer Vulcan is said to have displayed Mars and Venus entangled before the eyes of all the gods, so that each of the upper gods might pass a mocking and jesting judgment upon them, and they, being caught in matters of Venus, might pay the penalty of their shameful act, in the embrace of ...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET obscæno & pudendo omnium dicacibus oribus expositi: sic in cæcis illis interdum laqueis uidemus homines antea existimatissimos, non modo Satyriscorum iocis ludibrio haberi, sed etiam bonorum grauiumq[ue] uirorum calculum atrum mereri. Etenim qui ad honores assumpti, quos obnixè ambuiuisse noscuntur, nihil iam pensi habere manifestò reuincuntur, quàm sibi cõstanter factisq[ue]; suis cõgruenter loquantur: aut ita se in plerisq[ue]; rebus agendis gerunt, nihil ut quicqua[m] laborare uideantur, quàm conuenienter pristinæ uitæ degant, qua magnopere antea probabatur: quid aliud quàm fateri atq[ue] etia[m] profiteri uidentur, se quæ olim rectè, quæ grauiter, quæ cõstanter egerunt, non uirtuti & probitati, sed ambitioni perditæ & cupiditati dedisse? An etiam fortasse secu[n]dæ res acrioribus (ut ita dicâ) specillis explorant mentes hominum, & inde ortum illud dictum, Magistratus ostendet uirum, ut inquit Aristoteles? O sensus inops plerunq[ue]; humana prudentia, quum eo se abundare maximè arbitretur. Visendum uerò spectaculum, pseudocatones irretitos uidere uel Roscios aulicos adverso omnium cuneorum graduumq[ue]; rumore se in dies magis ac magis in maculas implicanteis, quum interim tri steis frontes atterentes dictitent summopere ijs plagis extricare se cupere, planis illis triuialibus omnino improbiores humi decumbentibus, qui quiritatu subdolo uia[ti]o[n]es ludificari solent, fidem hominum implorantes ut manu[m] sibi porrigant. Itaq[ue] illud iam priscum nunc omnium ore in istos usurpatur, Tollat eum qui non nouit. Ego quidem certè in ergastulo piratico ad scalmum alligatus esse malim, quàm in illis plagis deprehensus, omnium ordinum probra[m] impudenter obaudire. Sed præclarum illud, quod ibidem uidimus, Cynicos & Momos triduo Harpocrates factos. tanta Ex Horatio sumptum: Nec semel irrisus triuijs attolle- re curat Fracto crure planum. Epist. lib. 1.

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G. OF THE DONKEY AND exposed to the obscene and shameful mouths of all mockers: thus in those blind snares we sometimes see men formerly held in the highest esteem not only made a laughingstock for the jests of satirists, but even earning the black mark of good and serious men. For those who, having been advanced to honors, and whom we know to have eagerly courted them, are plainly convicted of caring no longer for anything except whether they speak consistently with their deeds and act in accordance with them; or who in most matters of business conduct themselves in such a way that they seem to take care of nothing else than to live as they did in former days, by which they were formerly greatly approved: what else do they seem to be doing than confessing, and even professing, that the things they once did rightly, seriously, and consistently they did not owe to virtue and integrity, but to ruined ambition and desire? Or perhaps do good fortunes also, by sharper glasses, so to speak, search the minds of men, and from that arose the saying, “Office will show the man,” as Aristotle says? O human prudence, often devoid of sense, when it thinks itself most abundantly supplied with it. A spectacle to be seen indeed: pseudo-Catos entangled, or courtly Roscii, with the adverse murmur of all the benches and ranks, becoming day by day more and more caught in their stains, while in the meantime, striking sad foreheads, they declare most earnestly that they wish to free themselves from those blows, far more shameful than the plain, common people lying flat on the ground, who are accustomed to deceive passersby with sly cries, imploring men’s faith so that they may extend a hand to them. And so that old saying is now on everyone’s lips against such people: “Let him take him who does not know him.” I myself would certainly rather be bound to an oar in a pirate’s galley, than, caught in those blows, shamelessly hear the reproaches of all orders of men. But splendid indeed was that which we saw there: Cynics and Mimes made Harpocrates for three days. so great a thing taken from Horace: “Not even once mocked in the streets does he care to raise the man with a broken leg.” Epist. book 1.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 771 tanta uis est medicati calicis quem Circe illa Dædala curio Circe Dædala, id est aulica curia. num magistra, ijs aliquando propinat, quos ad sacra sua opertanea intromuttêdos censuit. At uerò modesti & gra ues, ut apes exarmatæ, aspernabiles, uirtute tantu[m] & pro bitate macti hactenus iussi sunt esse. Itaq[ue] ualeant isti: o= mnesq[ue] in Aristippea schola philosophantes, quos ego non philosophos, sed sophophilos uoco, non amorem aut morum aut sapientiæ, sed scitam quandam uasiamq[ue] amicitiam profite[n]tes: quorum est illa Cyria (ut dicunt) doxa, id est placitum in primis ratum approbatumq[ue]; amicitiam citra aduersam fortunam ultra aras colendam esse, qualem illam fuisse Thesiam fabulantur ad inferos usq[ue]; cum fortuna sequacem. Docti enim & probi istorum uitam offensatricem esse intelligentes, excrari & auersari debent: Cyriæ doxæ Epicuri apud Ciceronem in Finibus est me[n]tio. alio quin philosophiæ fructum quo[n]nam modo sperare possunt, qui gratuitam sibi operam & statariam poscit? Qui autem in castris ambitionis & cupiditatis indecorè stipendia æraq[ue]; merent, non statius illi mansionibus, sed Nomadum Nomades certas sedes non habent, pastoritia uita[m] semper agentes. moribus gaudent. Quomodo autem tranquillitate animi gaudere, aut omnino rationem quandam certam & probabilem se qui possunt, id est humanam uitam agere, quos immodicis affectibus obsequentes, nunquam secum (ut dicitur) uiuere, nunquam apud se esse nouimus? Age quando eorum sensus uacare rationis postulatis credemus, eiusq[ue] monitis auscultare, qui in ea officina opificium exercent, in qua festo profectoq[ue], noctu & interdiu non cessatur? Nuncubi autem securi & alacres animo sunt, qui nullum portum tutum, atq[ue] à iactatione & tempestate curarum remotum respiciu[n]t? Hoc quum in omneis ualet ambitione perditos, tum uerò exitiabile propè est ijs quorum uitæ institutum secessum ac secretu[m] sibi poscit, C c 2 quales

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 771 so great is the power of the enchanted cup, which that Dædalian Circe, the courtly Circe Dædala, that is, the courtly court. mistress, at times serves to those whom she has deemed fit to be admitted into her hidden rites. But indeed the modest and grave, like disarmed bees, are to be despised, and have thus far been bidden to be only virtuous and upright. Therefore farewell to these men: and to all who philosophize in the school of Aristippus, whom I call not philosophers, but sophophiles, professing not a love either of morals or of wisdom, but a certain clever and empty friendship: whose is that Cyria (as they say) doxa, that is, a first accepted and approved doctrine; namely, that friendship is to be cultivated beyond the altars, apart from adverse fortune, such as they tell of Thesia, as far as the underworld itself; with fortune as companion. For the learned and upright, understanding that the life of such men is offensive, ought to detest and shun it: Cyriæ doxæ There is mention of Epicurus in Cicero’s Finibus . for otherwise in what way can they hope for the fruit of philosophy, who demand for themselves gratuitous labor and a fixed wage? But those who in the camps of ambition and desire disgracefully earn pay and money, are not stationary in one dwelling, but have the habits of Nomads; Nomades do not have fixed dwelling-places, but always lead a pastoral life. How, moreover, can they enjoy tranquillity of mind, or at all follow some certain and probable rule—that is, live a human life—those whom we know, yielding to unruly passions, never to live with themselves, never to be with themselves? Come now, when shall we believe that their senses are free from the demands of reason, and listen to its counsels, when they labor in that workshop where, festal or not, both night and day there is no ceasing? Or where are those secure and cheerful in mind, who look toward no safe harbor, removed from tossing and storm of cares? When this is true of all ruined by ambition, then indeed it is almost fatal for those whose way of life requires for itself retirement and seclusion, C c 2 such as

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quales sunt qui aris adscripti, ab aula no[n] abnoctant. Iam primùm aulicæ ambitionis com[m]ites sunt, necessitas col[em]di eorum qui primos curionum ordines ducunt, & studium sese illis ueditandi per omnia obsequia. Has sequitur timor offendendi eorum qui gradu aut statu dimouere ac deijce= re possunt, aut ad maiora sensim aspirantes deturbare & percellere. At hæ sunt remoræ quæda[m] tenacissimæ omniu[m] actionum à seueritate atque integritate proficiscentium. Eademq[ue] officij fungendi auocamenta in eos quoq[ue] ualet, < Hoc dictum est in magistratus urbanos q[ui] auli cis se uæuitat. > qui procul ab aula ciuileis ordines regentes, fauonio quo= dam aulico impleri actionum suarum uela & processuum cupiuit: id quod nullo non tempore factitari à solertissimo quoq[ue]; ambientium constat, ex quo sordere coeperunt & fastidiri mores planè ciuiles & urbici. Hoc genus iam o= lim seueritatis aciem obtudit in omni parte administrada= rum rerum, atq[ue] in omni ordine ferè maiestatem integri= tatis imminuit. Neq[ue] enim aliter incorruptus honos inte= gritatis & officij unicuiq[ue]; uel curiæ uel ordini constabit, quàm si inter hos & illos erunt com[m]ercia dirempta. O'ue nefica beneficia, quæ à præpotentibus manant. adeò non= nullos uideas pridie ferociter probos, mandataq[ue]; potentiæ aulicæ ingenuè abnuenteis, postridie ita in obsequiu[m] com positos, ut in nassam curionu[m] beneficentiæ, ceruices prius inflexas inseruisse non dubiè iudices. Certè nulli crimini uirtus adumbrata minus inficiando esse potest. Quis enim non intelligat eos inter metum ab illis, & pudorem ab his atq[ue] ab honestate, uersare sententias, & in omneis partes uacillabundè torquere, ne in alteram partem magis uer= gant, quàm uel ambitioni institutæ uel honestati couenit? Solenne est autem reru[m] potentibus, cuiusq[ue] ordinis decus uel aulici uel ciuilis, uno uel altero autoramento ita sibi obstring

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET such are those who are attached to the altars, and do not spend the night away from court. First of all, they are companions of courtly ambition; the necessity of courting those who lead the foremost ranks of the curia, and the desire to commend themselves to them by every service. These are followed by the fear of offending those who, by rank or status, can remove and cast down, or, as they gradually aspire to greater things, overturn and strike them down. But these are certain most tenacious delays of all actions proceeding from severity and integrity. And the same enticements away from the performance of duty also apply to those who, far from court, govern the civil orders, and who have wished their sails and courses of action to be filled with some courtly favoring breeze: a thing which is known to be practiced at all times by the craftiest of the ambitious, since civil and urban manners began to be despised and made distasteful. This kind has long since dulled the edge of severity in every part of the administration of affairs, and in nearly every order has diminished the majesty of integrity. For incorrupt honor of integrity and duty will in no other way remain steadfast for each either of the curia or of the order, than if dealings between these and those are cut off. O destructive benefits, which flow from the powerful. So much so that you may see some who the day before were fiercely upright, and openly refusing the commands of courtly power, the very next day so composed into compliance, that you would judge they had without doubt thrust their necks, once bent, into the snares of the curia's favor. Certainly no virtue, however masked, can be less able to withstand corruption in any crime. For who does not understand that they are turned this way and that between fear from those, and shame from these, and from honor, and are tossed about and shaken in every direction, lest they incline more to one side than either the ambition they have adopted or decency permits? It is customary, moreover, for the powerful in affairs to bind to themselves, by some one or other enticement, the honor of any order, whether courtly or civil, so that they may

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 773 obstringere, ut in omni parte Reipub. uirtus libero motu uel habitu uersare se nequeat: usque adeo administratiuæ uitæ & prætextatæ ratio, moribus hominum iniquè com= parata est, nisi uirtus sibi semper instans, aduersus insidias eiuscemodi excubet. Ita fit, ut toga ciuilis in uniuersum, modum suu[m] uel classem supergressa, & alienæ culpæ con= tagione uel imbuta uel aspersa, maiestatem retinere sui ho noris uix putetur. Hæc causa uiros cætera egregios, in of fensionem sæpe iudicij popularis primorumq[ue] imp[er]egit. Hi autem & huiuscemodi errores sunt eorum hominum, qui Mineruam sapientiæ præsidem potentemq[ue], non in Athe næo (ut ita dicam) sed in Larario uenerantur & colunt. <Minerua in Athenæo, non in Larario colenda.> Nam Athenæum, id est ædem Mineruæ, ego instrumentu[m] utrunq[ue]; fidei nostræ esse puto, in quo nos sapietiam quæ= rere oportet, & uenerari repertam: non ut ij homines fa= ciunt, qui sensu humano freti, omnia sibi consulta domi, id est in suopte sensu esse confidunt, quos erroris luculenti fre no se & alios sæpe rexisse compertum est. Vt igitur uiris prudentibus & doctis ad rerum publicarum administra= tionem accedere, & honores magistratusq[ue]; gerere ac pe= tere interdum laudabile est & magnificum, contráq[ue], hæc omnino repudiare & auersari, inertis fortasse aut ignaui animi iure existimetur esse (id enim fert omnino ratio di= sciplinarum ciuilium) sic toto (quod aiunt) coelo (ut appo sitè loquar) errare mihi uidetur, qui se ambitioni uæcordi quasi equo effreni furentiq[ue]; uehendos permiserunt. ij sunt autem qui nullo certo uitæ degendæ atq[ue] instituendæ con= silio feruntur, sed quò eos cunq[ue] impetus tulit, & quâ for tunæ temeritas aditum præbuit & transitum, inconsulto feruore rapiuntur. At qui huiuscemodi nubigenas illos suis se crediderim, quos poëticæ fabulæ Centauros nonunaue= runt, CC 3 <Centauri.>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 773 to bind it, so that in every part of the Republic virtue cannot move freely or conduct itself in an orderly way: so greatly is the arrangement of an active and outward life ill-suited to human character, unless virtue, ever alert on its own behalf, keeps watch against such snares. Thus it comes about that the civic toga, having in general gone beyond its proper measure or rank, and being either tainted or sprinkled with another’s fault, is scarcely thought to retain the majesty of its own honor. This cause has often brought men otherwise outstanding into conflict with popular judgment and with the foremost men of the state. But these and errors of this kind belong to those men who worship and honor Minerva, the patron and power of wisdom, not in the Athenaeum, so to speak, but in the household shrine. <Minerva should be honored in the Athenaeum, not in the Lararium.> For the Athenaeum, that is, the temple of Minerva, I consider to be an instrument of both our faith and our duty, in which we ought to seek wisdom and, when found, venerate it: not as those men do, who, relying on human sense, trust that everything is safely arranged for them at home, that is, in their own judgment, men whom experience has shown often to have ruled both themselves and others by the bridle of glaring error. Therefore, just as for prudent and learned men it is sometimes praiseworthy and noble to enter the administration of public affairs and to seek and hold offices and magistracies, and on the contrary, to renounce and shun these things altogether may perhaps rightly be judged the act of an idle or sluggish mind—for this is the teaching of civil disciplines altogether—so I think that those who allow themselves to be carried away by mad ambition, as by an unbridled and raging horse, are, as they say, erring by the whole sky, if I may speak fittingly. These are those who are driven without any fixed plan for living and governing their life, but are swept along wherever impulse carries them, and wherever fortune’s recklessness opens a way and passage, seized by unthinking ardor. But as for those cloud-born beings of this kind, I should believe them to be the ones whom the poetic fables named Centaurs, CC 3 <Centaurs.>

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET runt, homines quosda[m] semiferos, in equos desineteis. Quo figmento quid aliud quàm eos homines significari putemus, qui ex humanis ac compositis sensibus in ferociâ tandem equinâ degenerant? cuiusmodi illos esse uidemus, qui rebus secundis insolescêtes, mox è potestate rationis exeunt sensibus moderantis. Tum ciuilitatis ac pristinæ sortis obliti, eos qui in suo ordine sese continent, aut qui moribus municipalibus æquo animo uiuunt & eo acquiescunt quod sors ciuilis tulit, & natalium modus, aspernatur, & uelut à se propulsant serino calcitratu. Hos stimulat non calcar æmulæ uirtutis ad decus aliquod eximium secundo rumore comparandum (quod incitamentu[m] esse solet generosis mentibus ad publica munera capessenda, aut ad susci pienda magna egregiaq[ue] facinora) sed inanis quæda[m] aura uel popularis uel aulica, qua processus sui uela sinuari futiles homines gaudent atq[ue] triumphant: ob id fortasse Centauri appellati, quasi inani aura instincti, nec solidam ipsi nec ueram gloriam consectantes. Quin & ipsis parètem esse aiunt euanidam quandam nubem, eorum (ut interpretor) indicem uanitatis, ipsam pro Iunone Ixioni eoru[m] genitori suppositâ ludibrio memorabili. Est enim Iuno deæ præses (ut antiqui uoluerunt) legitimi ueriq[ue]; potentatus atq[ue] honoris. Proinde ualeant isti Ixionidæ literarum studij & philosophiæ derisores, & in amplexus se effundat uitæ sibi deamatæ. Nos enim literaru[m] amore præoccupati, riuales eorum esse nequimus, ut imaginario reru[m] secundaru[m] fructu certissima bona mutemus, quæ à philosophiæ amoenissimo studio manare didicimus. Vt autem hederæ procerissimam quanq[ue] arborem complexa, non antè eam dimittit, quàm sensum exuctam & uiuido humore exhustam ad tabem necemq[ue]; perduxit nexu tenacissimo: sic in- genia

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET They run, certain semi-wild men, having turned into horses. What else should we suppose is signified by this figure than those men who, from human and well-ordered feelings, finally degenerate into horse-like ferocity? Such are those we see, who, made insolent by prosperity, soon pass out from under the control of reason, which moderates the senses. Then, forgetting civility and their former station, they despise those who keep themselves within their own order, or who live with equal mind according to municipal custom and rest content with what civic fortune has brought, and with the measure of their birth; and, as if driving them away from themselves, they lash out with a kick. What spurs them on is not the spur of emulous virtue, to win some outstanding honor by favorable report—a spur that is usually an encouragement to noble minds, whether to take up public offices or to undertake great and splendid deeds—but rather some empty breeze, either popular or courtly, by which frivolous men rejoice and boast that the sails of their own progress are swelled. For that reason perhaps they were called Centaurs, as if inspired by an empty breeze, seeking neither solid nor true glory. Indeed, they say that even for their father there was a certain evanescent cloud, the sign, as I interpret it, of their vanity, set in place as the likeness of Juno herself for Ixion, their parent, in memorable mockery. For Juno is the goddess, as the ancients wished it, presiding over legitimate and true power and honor. Therefore let those descendants of Ixion, the mockers of letters and philosophy, go their way, and let them throw themselves into the embraces of the life they love. For we, preoccupied by the love of learning, cannot be their rivals, so as to exchange the most certain goods for the imaginary fruit of worldly success, when we have learned that the very pleasant study of philosophy causes true blessings to flow. But just as ivy, embracing the tallest tree, does not let it go before, by its tenacious grip, it has drawn it dry of sense and exhausted of vital moisture, and brought it to decay and death: so minds

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 775 < Ambitionis tenaciissimus amplexus.> genia præclarissima quæ sese prorsus ambitioni dederût, non antè, quàm aliquid eis secus accidit, ab eius contuber nio lento tenaciq[ue] explicantur. Id adeò facile est ex euêtu iudicare. Quem enim unquam istoru[m] urbana officia reducem habuerunt libero ultro citroq[ue] commeatus? Quis nam autem uestibulo istius ambitionis aliquo casu exactus, ita postliminio in ciuilem uitam redijsse uisus est unquam, ut non exulare magis in urbe, quàm aulica provincia decessisse uulgò existimaretur? Solenne tamen illis esse constat, qui mordicus postes aulæ, fibulasq[ue] prætorij omni ope retentant, uota clara idètide Laribus in reditum nuncupare, quasi urbanæ uitæ desiderium ultrà ferre non possint. Sci licet hic regibus labor est, aut ea uoluntariorum conutum inopia premuntur, ut inuitos istos promissis ingentibus aut precibus retentent. Videlicet Gallia tam inops est uirorum, aut reges nostri non habent unde præmia sequacibus sui persoluant, ut unus & alter muneris obeundi in sanctiore consilio aut in senatu castrensi & uiatorio necessitate teneantur? O uanissima semper ambitio, in mendacijs tam apertis fidem tuam labefactas. Ecquis est hodie tam in rebus aulicis peregrinus, aut omnino in moribus hominum iudicandis tam nunimè malus, tam hebes, tam corydon, tam stupidus, quin statim querulis istorum uerbis illud prouerbiale reclamet, Quære peregrinum? Est enim clarior istorum Callipidarum frustratio, quàm ut quenquam non rusticum fallere queat, aut quoquo pacto latere. Num eos quotidie pedatim discedentes inde uidemus, quò singultim ipsos festinare uideramus? Quòd si per detrectationem stationibus suis uel sacris uel profanis non absunt, quî conuenit, quum quotidie commeatum flagitare se deditent, nunquam impetrare eos posse? uel quum in dies C c 4 ampli

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 775 < Most tenacious embraces of ambition.> Those most distinguished men who have given themselves wholly to ambition are not loosened from that slow and tenacious companionship until something contrary befalls them. This is very easy to judge from the outcome. For whom ever did those urban duties bring back to a free going to and fro? Or who, having by some chance been driven from the vestibule of this ambition, ever seemed so to have returned by postliminy to civic life that he was not commonly thought rather to be exiled in the city than to have withdrawn from an official province? Yet it is known to be their custom, those who with clenched teeth hold fast the posts of the palace and the clasps of the praetorium with all their might, to offer loud vows to the Lares for a return, as though they could no longer bear the longing for urban life. Truly, here the task lies upon kings, or they are pressed by so great a lack of volunteers that they detain these unwilling men with huge promises or with entreaties. Indeed, is Gaul so lacking in men, or do our kings have no resources from which to pay rewards to their followers, that one or two should be compelled by necessity to undertake an office in the more sacred council or in the military and traveling senate? O ambition, always most vain, you undermine your credit with such open lies. Who today is so unfamiliar with court affairs, or altogether so poor a judge of human character, so dull, so foolish, so stupid, that he would not instantly cry back, in the querulous words of these men, that proverbial saying, “Look for a stranger”? For the deception of these Callipidae is too obvious for anyone not rustic to be able to be deceived by it, or to be hidden in any way. Do we not see them every day departing on foot from the very place where we had seen them hurrying along by fits and starts? And if, by their withdrawal, they are not absent from their stations, whether sacred or profane, how does it fit that, while they daily profess to beg for leave, they are never able to obtain it? or when day by day C c 4

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET pliora munera sibi suisq[ue]; impetrare noscantur, no[n] summa eos animi æquitate muneribus aulicis asseruire? De ijs, ut arbitror, silendu[m] est (ne sacrosanctam existimatione lædamus) qui augustam illam causiam non uitæ sanctitate, non illæsæ famæ commendatione, non probabili aliquo co[n]silio mereri, sed aulici ambitus decennali seruitute, sed amplissimi honoris sugillata reuerentia, sed fastus & insolentiæ spiritu instigante aliquando uisi sunt. O rem præclaram, & Christianis institutis congruentem, honorem sacrificu[m] aulicis officijs mereri. Absit aute[m] ut id aut dicam aut sentiam, quod quida[m] incômodè faceti cauillantur, aulam solere Gallicam scurras albatos rasosq[ue]; circunferre, qui etiam ludibrio haberi se nec ignorent, nec ægrè ferant. Illud certè præterire nequeo, quod uidimus, nondum planè co[n]ploratis < In co[n]petitores sacerdotiorum factiose dimicantes. > pontificibus epitaphios illis agonas in aula quasi parentalia certamina ab istis excitari, non ludicros, sed capitales, tam aduerso rumore, ut puderet nos audire. Vtinam aute[m] huius culpæ rei arcesserentur, qui in omni uitæ parte uitium aut peccandi licentiâ profitentur. Sed quid illis futurum est, qui frontem præ seueritate obducere non desinunt, & turpiu[m] facinorum exempla prodere non erubescunt? & < In eos qui sacras sibi puncias petunt ante tempus decessionis. > post hæc etiam simulatio fallere nos sperabit? Mitto nunc sectoria[m] eorum improbitatem, qui exuuias sacras non modò uiuentium, sed etiam stantium ambulantiumq[ue]; petunt, quandoquidem magnorum uirorum autoritas huic crimini ut alijs obtenditur. Reuertar ad illos purpuræ cædidatos, qui obscuris sæpe natalibus orti, & nullo ingenij ornameto præditi, regibus æquales uideri, eoru[m]q[ue] amici maximi uocitari cupiunt. Quid enim est quod tantopere iam admiremur < De galeris pur purcis. > beatulas illas causias, quæ sordere in Francia præ multitu[m] dine gestantiu[m], eoru[m]q[ue]; leuitate uide[n]tur, qui ne in sacrosanctis

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G. BVD. OF THE ASSE AND more gifts for himself and his own to obtain are they recognized, are they not bound to serve court favors with the greatest fairness of mind? Of these, I think, silence must be kept (lest we wound a most sacred reputation), who have seemed at times to deserve that august office, not by holiness of life, not by commendation of unstained fame, not by any honorable counsel, but by ten years of courtly ambition, by the sullied reverence of the highest honor, by the spirit of pride and insolence. O splendid thing, and in keeping with Christian principles, to merit an honor of sacrifice by courtly services. But let it be far from me to say or think what some people, rather unseemly wits, jestingly object: that the French court is accustomed to parade whitewashed and shaven buffoons, who neither do not know that they are held up to ridicule, nor take it ill. This one thing certainly I cannot pass over, namely that we have seen, while the bishops were not yet fully mourned, < Against those who fight factiously for church benefices. > those funeral contests in the court, as though parental games were being stirred up by them, not playful but deadly, so contrary to common report that we were ashamed to hear it. Would that, however, those might be called to account for this fault, who in every part of life profess vice or license to sin. But what will happen to those who never stop masking their brow with austerity, and are not ashamed to bring forth examples of shameful deeds? And < Against those who seek sacred vestments for themselves before the time of departure. > after this will deception also hope to fool us? I now omit the thieving wickedness of those who seek sacred spoils not only from the living, but even from those standing and walking, since the authority of great men is put forward to cover this crime, as well as others. I return to those scarlet-stained men, who, often born of obscure parentage, and endowed with no ornament of talent, desire to seem equal to kings and to be called their greatest friends. For what is there that we should now admire so greatly < On scarlet hats. > those little hats, which in France are seen to be worn out by the multitude of wearers and by their lightness, those who do not even in sacred matters

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 777 Ætis quidem & uisendis gestaminibus augusti uel uenera[n]di esse possunt? Pridem id decus, ut eximium & opimum, re= galibus tantum extis promitti uidebatur, ut decebat: nunc munorum etiam honorum auspicijs & plebeiæ fortunæ non negari uidetur, ex quo inauratis cornibus hostiæ pas= sim litare coeperunt. < Victimas inauratas significare puto preciu[m] tanti honoris cu[m] uenalis esse coepit.> Quis enim hos iam magnopere su= spiciat, qui haud ita pridem unum uiderit dibapha pur= pura seroceni æmula candoris beatissimi, quum cohortem ipse purpuratam quocunq[ue]; post se traheret, inter eos tam eminens, quàm inter galeritas upupas? Species igitur nunc eadem & dignatio, autoritas ad populu[m] non eadem. Neq[ue] uerò in uniuersum honoribus autoritas sua restituetur & maiestas, priusquam sordidis aut pusillis ingenijs summæ decora uirtutis petere fas esse desierit, & sacrosanctos amplissimosq[ue]; ordines rerum nostraru[m] summa nundinari, capitale esse coeperit: quod utrunque nobis uidere utinam mox contingat. Summa autem disputationis eò pertinet, ut intelligatur eorum gloriam qui summum bonum in lo= culis conditum esse putant, uel fascibus aut infu[n]lis maioru[m] auspiciorum adhærere, mortuis illis superstitem esse non posse, ijsdemq[ue]; sæpe morientibus, aut gradu potentiæ de= iectis (quod mortis instar ciuilis putatur esse) pro sperata gloria infamiam agnasci, aut certè perpetuam ignomini= am. Eius rei quum innumera sunt antiquitatis documenta, tum uerò recentia proferre nunc exempla possemus, si id ad rem pertineret. < Integri status no[n] decedit, cui post morte crima objiciu[n]tur.> Quotu[m] enim quemq[ue]; uidimus aut me= minimus istorum integra persona atque integro statu de= cessisse (ut iuris uerbo loquar) qui nihil no[n] uiuetes honori tribuerunt? Porrò autem ut fugacissimus semper splendor est gloriæ pigmentis adumbratæ: sic ueræ, eminentis & expressæ claritas, nulla carie, nullo situ uetustatis exole= C c 5. scit. Et

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 777 For indeed are these things, and the bearers of them, august or worthy of reverence? Formerly that distinction, as something exceptional and rich, seemed to be promised only to royal entrails, as was fitting; now it seems not to be denied even by the auspices of public offices and the fortune of the plebeians, since sacrificial victims with gilded horns have begun everywhere to be offered. <I think gilded victims signify the price of a great honor when it has begun to be for sale.> For who would now esteem highly those whom not so long ago he would have seen in the one-dyed purple, seroceni, emulating the whiteness of the most blessed, when he himself, clad in purple, dragged a retinue behind him wherever he went, standing out among them as much as a hoopoe among snub-nosed birds? Thus the outward appearance is now the same, but the esteem, the authority among the people, is not the same. Nor indeed will authority and majesty be restored to honors in general until it shall cease to be lawful for sordid or petty minds to seek the highest decorations of virtue, and until it shall begin to be counted a capital offense to traffic in the most sacred and most exalted orders of our institutions in the marketplace. May we soon be granted to see both these things. But the sum of the argument comes to this: that the glory of those who think the highest good is contained in places, or who cling to the fasces or fillets of ancestral auspices, cannot survive them when they are dead; and when they themselves are often dying, or are cast down from the rank of power—which is thought to be a kind of civil death—then, in place of the glory they hoped for, infamy is found, or at least perpetual disgrace. There are countless ancient proofs of this matter; and indeed we could now produce recent examples, if that were relevant to the case. <He does not lose his whole standing, to whom crimes are imputed after death.> For how often have we seen, or remembered, any of those men depart this life with their person and standing intact—as the legal phrase goes—who in life attributed nothing but honor to themselves? Moreover, just as the brilliance of glory, painted with artificial colors, is always fleeting, so the clarity of true, eminent, and genuine glory, with no decay and no mold of age, does not fade away. C c 5. scit. Et

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET scit. Et est eiusmodi gloria non in æs aut in auro incisa, ut illorum: < Vera gloria & expreila.> sed stylo exacuto & splendenti impressa cedrinis in tabulis, quæ carie non intereunt, & quæ restibili traducum natura prodatur in omine æuum. At qui huiusmodi est gloria, non opum congestaru[m], non uitæ per summos honores indecorè transactæ, sed rerum egregiè uel gestaru[m] uel scriptarum, quæ in alios aliosq[ue] traduces propaganda, æternitati dedicata quodammodo uidetur. < Eloquentia publice necessaria.> Porrò autem ut sine aqua & igni sacrificium aut co[n]secratio non rite peragitur: sic sine stylo & eloquentia, nullius aut principis aut populi gesta ad posteros inclarescere possu[n]t, æternæq[ue] memoriæ commodari & consecrari. Proinde et si antehac memoria nostra quidam homines, officinæ magistratum honorumq[ue]; præfecti, cupidè fecisse noscuntur, ut uiri tum studiosi & literati, tum innocetia modestiaq[ue]; præditi, parum plausibile nomine in adytis aulicis habuerint, quasi ab actu rerum reiectanei: contraq[ue] imperiti & procaces, & in tenebris perspicaces, uel earum rerum emaces quæ in commercio proboru[m] pudentiumq[ue]; nunquam fuerunt, plerasque Reipub. partes nominum suorum fama, læta, tristi, ancipiti, euariante replerent: non ideo relanguescere studiosorum hominum ingenua contentio debet, aut philosophantium. < Contra simulationem aulica.> Est enim, est abunde philosophis, genuinos illos fructus sperare, Euthymiam & Euthanasia[m], res duas quammaxime mortali expetendas. Illam scilicet beatant & co[n]stantem numeris omnibus securitate[m], duntaxat quod ad bona corporis & fortunæ pertinct: hanc hilarè animi, ac spe bona persusam in morte æquitate[m]. Illis aute[m] perditè ambitiosis, quodna[m] esse maius suppliciu[m] potest in uita per aulicam gesticulationem agenda, quàm hominem in corde conditum, qui non nisi ueritati seruire potest, ab homine externo

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET namely. And such glory is not engraved in bronze or in gold, as theirs: <True glory and expressed.> but impressed with a sharp and shining pen on cedar tablets, which do not perish with rot, and which, by the nature of their enduring transmission, are handed down through all ages. But glory of this kind seems in some way dedicated to eternity: not glory gathered from wealth, not a life shamefully spent amid the highest honors, but deeds excellently done or written, which are to be propagated to other and other generations. <Eloquence is publicly necessary.> Moreover, just as a sacrifice or consecration cannot rightly be performed without water and fire, so without the pen and eloquence the deeds of neither prince nor people can become renowned to posterity, nor be committed and consecrated to eternal memory. Therefore, even if before now our memory knows that certain men, set over the office of honors and dignities, have eagerly done this, so that as men both studious and learned, and also endowed with innocence and modesty, they have had a rather unflattering name in the courts, as if rejected from public affairs; while on the other hand the ignorant and impudent, and clear-sighted in darkness, or shameless in those matters which were never in the commerce of the upright and modest, filled many parts of the Republic with the fame of their names, whether happy, sad, or doubtful: for that reason the honest striving of studious men ought not to grow faint, nor that of philosophers. <Against courtly dissimulation.> For there is indeed, there is abundantly reason for philosophers to hope for those genuine fruits, Euthymia and Euthanasia, two things most to be desired by mortals. The one, namely, a blessed and steadfast security in every respect, so far as the goods of body and fortune are concerned; the other, a cheerful state of mind, and in death an equanimity filled with good hope. But for those desperately ambitious, what greater punishment could there be in life than to be conducted through courtly posturing, than that a man hidden in the heart, who can serve nothing but truth, should be by the outward man

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. externo conspicuoq[ue] dissidere, qui scenæ tantum ipse ac populo se ostentat, ad oculosq[ue] theatri quasi ad speculum non afformat, sed affingit? Quis enim istos Chamæleontes ignorat, reconcinnantes sese identidem ad mores aulicæ potentiæ, ut tabulas olim suas clarissimus ille pictor Apelles reformare solebat ad uulgi iudicium? Est autem id natura comparatum, mentem malè sibi consciâ, cum homine externo ac uultuoso dissidere, hominemq[ue] etiam hominis pudere, quum ui ueritatis cæca intus tormenta admouentis, fateri quisque cogitur apud acta rogitantis conscietiæ suæ, se non cum esse homine, quem uultus profitetur. Atqui isti quos solertes aulicos & ueteratores appellari uidemus, quum per omnes uitæ actus personati ludiorum more uideantur, non intelligo quid nam affirmare possint seriò se in Repub. aut bona fide egisse. Certè in ijs quæ ad uerum fiunt, locus præstigijs nullus est: & ut bona fides se ad manum aspiciendam & contrectandam præbet, ita simulatio se uultuum inuolueris multiplicibus occulit, & uersicoloribus. Prò superi immortales, quid est, si hæc impostura & fallacia non est? Si enim compositi istorum uultus cum cordis motu turbulêto dissident, quo nam tandem modo insontes esse possunt? Atqui hoc poscit ueritas, quâ nobis Christus nô modò in terris agens præiuit, sed etia[m] le ge promulgata præscripsit, ut quando natura sympathia[m] esse inter mentem & frontem eius indicem césuisset, summopere id uideremus, ne homo qui in frôte eminet, & toto se promit aspectu: simul is sermo qui in ore uersatur, & in aures se insinuat: ab eo homine eoq[ue] sermone dissiderent, qui extra præcordia caput non exerentes, interiores uocâtur. Quid aute[m] totos dies precamur & à deo petimus, nisi ut fiat uolutas eius in cælo et in terra? At id q[ui]d, aliud < Sermo interior & exterior ponitur ab Aristotele.>

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...to differ from the external and conspicuous man, who presents himself only on the stage and before the people, and does not conform himself to the eyes of the theater as to a mirror, but fashions himself to them? For who does not know those Chameleons, continually readjusting themselves to the customs of courtly power, just as that most famous painter Apelles once used to retouch his tablets according to the judgment of the common people? Now it is so arranged by nature that a mind ill aware of its own guilt, when it differs from the external and showy man, even feels shame for the man; and when the force of truth, bringing its blind torments from within, impels, each one is compelled before the acts of his own accusing conscience to confess that he is not the man whom his countenance professes him to be. Yet those whom we see called clever courtiers and old tricksters, since throughout all the acts of life they seem masked like players in a drama, I do not understand how they can truly affirm that they have acted seriously in the Republic or in good faith. Certainly, in matters that are done according to truth, there is no place for tricks: and just as good faith offers itself to be seen and handled by the hand, so simulation, wrapping itself in multiple disguises of countenance, hides itself in many-colored forms. By the immortal gods, what is this, if it is not imposture and deceit? For if the composed faces of these men differ from the troubled motions of the heart, by what manner at last can they be innocent? And yet truth requires this, which Christ not only preceded us in while acting on earth, but also prescribed by the law once promulgated: that since nature had assigned a sympathy between the mind and the brow as its index, we should look to it most carefully, lest the man who stands forth in the forehead and displays himself entirely in appearance: and likewise the speech that moves in the mouth and insinuates itself into the ears should differ from that man and that speech which, not putting forth the outer head beyond the breast, are called inward. Why, then, do we pray all day and ask of God, unless that His will be done in heaven and on earth? But what then is the other... <The interior and exterior speech is set forth by Aristotle.>

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET aliud significat, nisi nos docet & hortatur, ut corpus cum animo congruat? materia à forma non discrepet? homo ipse interior & exterior idem sit? Quid igitur ijs hominibus facias, quid cum ijs disseras, qui aulicarum cerimonia rarum antistites esse uolunt, & simul probitatis opinionem atque etiam sanctitatis aucupari? Proinde qui utilitatis aut potentiæ assequendæ nimium studiosi, ad istoru[m] mores se afformare contendunt, ut summis curionibus industriam suam probent: ij non modò literis & honestati salutem, sed etiam Christo & ueritati ut dicant necesse est. Ita sequitur, si Stoicis confectarijs eos urgere pergas, ut hanc ab inuitis confessionem exprimas, ad gloriam se & beatam uitam comparandam non supernate uia, ærumnosa quidem ipsa & confragosa, sed infernate plaustraria & militari progredi. Et hanc autem & illam incuntibus uiam, uadimonium tandem ad summum tribunal obeundu[m] est, quod in incertu[m] diem constitutu[m], nullus nec opibus nec fascibus cõperendinari potest. Quando igitur tandem ipsi aliud semper agentes (ut dicitur) causam sibi dicendam meditari uidentur? qui aduentante sæpe summi & ultimi imperij uiatore, & interdu[m] licitore, die uel perendinu[m] uel crastinu[m] iamiam dicturo, consilia de ineundis (ô cæca mès hominu[m]) honoribus nouis agitant? En cur disciplinarum cultum, cur literarum elegantiam, humanitate[m], lepôrem, amoenitate[m] homines abijcere debeant, & philosophia[m] denique ipsam flocci pedere, rerum humanaru[m] diuinarumq[ue] interpretem, tranquillitatis ac securitatis parentem, quod summum in hac uita bonu[m] est: ex qua no[n] opes uulgares & aspernabiles sperare et parare, sed uelut ex cornu Amalthæ summa omnia possu[n]t haurire & copiosa. Quid enim non inuenias in pandectis illis germanæ philosophiæ? Sed scilicet

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G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND THE ET What does it signify, other than that it teaches and exhorts us that the body should be in accord with the mind? That matter should not be unlike form? That the inner and outer man himself should be the same? What then would you do with those men, what would you argue with them, who want to be regarded as masters of courtly observances, and at the same time to hunt after a reputation for probity and even sanctity? Therefore, those who are too eager to gain advantage or power, and strive to fashion themselves after the habits of such people, so that they may prove their industry to the chief officials: they must not only bid farewell to learning and honor, but also, as they say, to Christ and truth. Thus it follows, if you keep pressing them with Stoic arguments, until you wring from them this reluctant confession, that in order to win glory and a blessed life they proceed not by the uphill path, troublesome indeed and rugged, but by the downhill road, cart-like and military. And for those embarking on either path, there is at last the obligation to appear before the supreme tribunal, appointed for an uncertain day, which no one can postpone, neither by wealth nor by office. Why then do they themselves seem to be contemplating the cause they must plead only when they are always doing something else, as the saying goes? Why do they, when the messenger of the highest and final power often is approaching, and sometimes the bidder, who is about to say “tomorrow” or “the day after tomorrow,” suddenly set in motion plans for entering upon new honors—O blind zeal of men! This is why they ought to cast aside the cultivation of disciplines, the elegance of letters, humanity, grace, charm, pleasantness, and finally to make light even of philosophy itself, the interpreter of human and divine things, the parent of tranquility and security, which is the highest good in this life: from which one may hope not for ordinary and despised riches, but rather, as from the horn of Amalthea, draw forth all things in abundance and in fullness. For what indeed would you not find in those collections of genuine philosophy? But of course

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 781 scilicet hæc homines in terram in eiusq[ue] uiscera cernui & < Alcinoi Apologus apud Homerum.> intenti, Alcinoi (ut dicitur) apologum esse credunt, aut Arimaspea carnina, res illa quidem uisendas, sed à nullo uisas enarrantia: eosq[ue] Phæacas esse putant, qui animi bonis capti, eô spes omneis suas referat, quò nemo uiuus accessit, & unde nemo redijt. Sic plagiarius ille dæmonarches lucifugis emissarijs animos humanos solicitans, à doctrina philosophiæ abducit, & uelut ex Iouis quondam liberatoris præsidijs, sic à præceptis Christi deductos & abstractos, aulico nexu adstringit, ut omni religione liberet. Inde illa præclara axiomata aulicacademiæ, In eos semper mores uergere, in quos aula prona sit. Corpore & anima aulicæ potentiæ asseruiendu[m] esse ei quidem, qui aliquo in numero esse uelit. Fortunatos magis quàm probos obseruandos atq[ue] colendos esse. Eum demum rectè in officina aulica perpolitu[m] esse, qui omneis numeros simulationis teneat. Impudentia[m] & dissimulatione[m] præsentissima duo numina uiris acribus & industrijs esse. Odia & simultates in loco ponendas esse, uicissimq[ue] resumendas. Nunquam offensionem condonandam nisi fortunatis esse. Inimicos in articulo oppressos ad internecionem proculcare. Tum illa plutacademica in æde Plutonus inter oracula consecrata, Qui rem facere uelint, diuinis præceptis aliquatisper obaudiendu[m] esse. Tanti esse unu[m]quenq[ue]; qua[m] tum possidere uideatur. Qui pauperiè fugere per fas nefasq[ue] ne[m]ciat, ijs superos no[n] dubiè iratos atq[ue] aduersos esse. Malè de se hæredibusq[ue] mereri, qui religiosè rem ampliat. Strenuissimi cuiusq[ue] hominis atq[ue] ingeniosissimi esse, penates suæ gētis architectari uel promouere quàm potest amplissimè, in eisq[ue] rem augere quàm cumulatissimè. Qui in hac uitæ inter armetarios censi sint, in futura etiam su- bulcos

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namely, these men, bent low toward the earth and its bowels, and intent upon them, believe it to be, as they say, the tale of Alcinous, or the Arimaspean song, a thing indeed worth seeing, but reported by no one who has seen it: and they think those men to be Phaeacians, who, caught by the goods of the mind, refer all their hopes to that place to which no living man has come, and from which no one has returned. Thus that plundering demon-ruler, enticing human minds by his emissaries that flee the light, leads them away from the teaching of philosophy, and, as once under the protection of Jupiter the liberator, so now drawn and torn away from the precepts of Christ, binds them by a courtly bond, so that he may set them free from all religion. Hence those famous maxims of the courtly academy: that one must always incline toward those manners to which the court is inclined. That body and soul must be enslaved to courtly power by anyone who wishes to count for something. That the fortunate rather than the good are to be esteemed and honored. That the man is finally truly polished in the courtly workshop who possesses every skill of dissimulation. That shamelessness and dissembling are the two nearest deities for men of keen wit and industry. That hatreds and quarrels are to be stored up for the occasion, and taken up again in turn. That an offense is never to be pardoned unless it concerns the fortunate. That enemies, when crushed at the decisive moment, are to be trampled to utter destruction. Then there is that Plutonic doctrine, consecrated among the oracles in the temple of Pluto: that those who wish to make a profit must for a time obey divine precepts. That each man is worth as much as he seems to possess. That he who does not know how to flee poverty by right or wrong, is without doubt hateful and hostile to the gods above. That he who piously increases his estate does ill to himself and his heirs. That it belongs to every most energetic and most ingenious man to build up or advance the household gods of his own race as greatly as he can, and in them to increase his property as abundantly as possible. Those who are reckoned among armorers in this life, in the life to come also as s- ubbified

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET bulcos fore. Primarum enim classium homines in altissimo quoque ordine coelitum pro portione beatos ac diuos fore credunt. His & huiuscemodi proloquijs & enunciationibus homines in Plutonis porticu philosophantes, dogmata mirifica adstruunt, in quorum assiduis commentationibus ego nullam erroris inter capedinem & uacationem esse puto. Etenim quum timor domini autor nobis esse debeat omnium rerum expetendarum atq[ue] fugiendaru[m] (nam absq[ue] eo digitum tantum exere, & peccabis, ut inquit ille) quo nam modo rationis habenis reguntur, qui plus fortunæ & temeritati casuum, quàm ueritati atque pietati tribuunt? in quos inuehens Esaias sacrorum uatum facilè princeps, fortunæ eos mensam apposuisse testatur, ac super eam libasse. Aut quî conuenit eam uitam hallucinaticem non esse atq[ue] offensatricem, quæ per densissimam caliginem rerum humanarum ingredies (quam uitam aulicam esse dico) nulla prælucente face sapientiæ nec doctrinæ salubris, rapidè promouetur: At qui sapientiæ præcepta & monita nemo satis sine oraculis nouit: & eorum oraculorum antistes est philosophia. Ita patet sine philosophis aut sine philosophia uitam rectè institui ac commodè non posse. Quum enim mens humana, quæ principatu[m] animæ tenet, iudicium rerum facere sine sensibus corporeis emissarijs suis nequeat: illi autem partim suapte stoliditate hallucinates, partim ab noxio genio, circulatore ipso & archiplano solertissimo, circunuenti, rerum sensiliu[m] species falsò ad eundem principatum deferant: fit ut mens in arce humani corporis sedens, nec cauendas res nec adnuttendas iudicare probè, sciteq[ue] possit agnoscere. Accedit, quòd prouidentia, quos in albu[m] illud suum atq[ue] æternu[m] retulit, eos fortunis interdum euersos, alioqui quoq[ue] malè multatos exer

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND bulkos fore. For they believe that men of the first classes, in the highest order of the heavens also, will be blessed and divine according to their rank. By these and such like prologues and utterances, men philosophizing in Pluto’s porch set forth marvelous doctrines, in the diligent discussion of which I think there is no gulf between error and leisure. For since the fear of the Lord ought to be for us the author of all things to be sought and to be avoided (for without it, stretch out but a finger, and you will sin, as the saying goes), in what way are those ruled by the reins of reason who attribute more to fortune and the rashness of chance than to truth and piety? Against such men Isaiah, the chief of the sacred prophets, declares that they have spread a table for fortune and have drunk upon it. Or how does it accord that that life should not be deceptive and offensive, which, proceeding through the thickest darkness of human affairs (which life I call courtly life), advances swiftly, with no torch of wisdom nor of wholesome teaching shining before it? But no one can sufficiently know the precepts and warnings of wisdom without oracles: and philosophy is the priestess of those oracles. Thus it is plain that without philosophers, or without philosophy, life cannot be rightly ordered and made convenient. For since the human mind, which holds the sovereignty of the soul, cannot make judgment of things without the bodily senses, its messengers; and since these senses, partly deceived by their own stupidity, partly circumvented by the noxious genius, the very clever street-trader and arch-cunning mountebank, falsely bring the appearances of sensible things to the same sovereign power: it comes about that the mind, seated in the citadel of the human body, cannot properly and skillfully discern what things are to be avoided and what are to be favored. There is also this, that Providence has sometimes overturned those whom it has brought into that white and eternal company of its own, and in other ways has also badly afflicted them, exer

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tos exercet, & per tolerantiâ insontem & inculpatam ex sententia sua probat: istos autem fortunatos, & temeritatis alumnos, arbitrio suo ipsorum & prudet[i]æ permutit, cui nimium ipsi confidût. Quos genius ille impostor excipiens, præstigijsq[ue] allectos sibi mancipans, ideo quietos à molestijs, & sactos (ut dicitur) & tectos ab omnibus tuetur incommodis, incautiores ut eos securitate inoffensa in dies efficiat. Scit enim in huiuscemodi homines liberam sibi cum uolet manuum iniectionem fore. Inde ille stupor humani iudicij euentus rerum admirantis, atq[ue] in errorem sæpe eorum reuoluti & implicati, qui negant prouidentiam. Superi, uestram fidem: adeo'ne erroris perpetui nebula nos offudit tenebrarum ille præses, ueritate rerum ut cernere ne sole quidem illustrissimo possimus? Adeo'ne Geryones ille tergeminus, superbia, cupiditas, et uoluptas (ires aduersariæ potestates è terra & inseris enatæ) infestus est ætati nostræ, ut sapientiæ præcepta toties inculcata, memoria fideli complecti, & compressis (ut dicitur) manibus retinere nequeamus? Nô'ne omnia quæ uidemus, à deo prædicta sunt? An alterum tandem Herculem expectamus post Christum Alexicacum, qui mostra hæc è terra atq[ue] ab inseris ad hominum perniciem emissa, conficiat? An ut iteru[m] ad Troia[m] magnus mittatur Achilles? & iteru[m] Christus humanitatis decus redeat, oculisq[ue] nostris conspicuus occurrat? O cæli & terræ omniu[m]q[ue] animoru[m] cõditor optime ac maxime, omniu[m] seculoru[m] illustrator & insignitor, omnium errorum explosor, & morum emedator: qui regnis & prouincijs præstites genios & consiliatores, eorumq[ue] rectoribus prouidè statuisti, quiq[ue] principu[m] mentes freno tuæ prouidet[i]æ reges, flexanimo sæpe numine à studio rerum noxiarum & exitiabilium, ad honestissimu[m] quodq[ue]

Transcription: Translated (English)

He tests them, and by their patient innocence and blamelessness approves them in his judgment; but those fortunate men, and children of rashness, he by his own choice and prudence changes, in which they themselves trust too much. That deceiver, receiving them, and drawing them on by his tricks and making them his own, therefore protects them from troubles, and keeps them safe, as it is said, and sheltered from all misfortunes, in order that by uninjured security he may make them each day less on their guard. For he knows that in men of this sort there will be free access for him to lay hands on them whenever he wishes. Hence that stupor of human judgment, marveling at the outcome of events, and often those who deny providence are turned back and entangled in error. O heavens, by your faith: has the mist of perpetual error so overwhelmed us, has that ruler of darkness covered us, that we cannot perceive the truth of things even by the most brilliant sun? Has that three-bodied Geryon, pride, greed, and pleasure, those three hostile powers born from earth and the underworld, become so hostile to our age that we are unable to grasp with faithful memory the precepts of wisdom so often impressed upon us, and, as it is said, to hold them fast with hands clasped? Are not all things that we see foretold by God? Or are we at last waiting for another Hercules after Christ Alexicacus, who may destroy these monsters, sent forth from earth and the underworld for the ruin of men? Or is another great Achilles to be sent again to Troy? And is Christ, the glory of humanity, to return again and appear before our eyes? O best and greatest creator of heaven and earth and of all souls, illuminator and distinguisher of all ages, banisher of all errors, and corrector of morals: who wisely appointed guardian spirits and counselors over kingdoms and provinces, and their rulers, and who by the rein of your providence governs the minds of princes, often bending their hearts by your gracious power away from the pursuit of harmful and ruinous things, toward whatever is most honorable.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quodq[ue] propositum saluberrimumq[ue] detorques: erit ne seculo nostro tempus, quando homines suo magis ac pro= prio censu, & dotibus à te profectis, quàm fortuita pos= sessione rerum fluxaq[ue] publicè censebuntur? Neque enim ante id tempus futurum uidetur ut solidæ germanæq[ue] uir= tutes in Francia elucescat, quam tu in delicijs habere exi= stimaris. At qui antehac raras prodeunteis in publicum ui= dere nobis licuit: etiam si in umbraculis secessus & pri= uatæ uitæ latuisse credimus. unde factum hisce paucis an= nis, ut per omnes ordines illa quæ dicuntur catorthoma= ta, apud nos requirerentur, id est præclara quædam uirtu= tis exepla, numeris omnibus officij publici absoluta, quasi officia in administradaR epub. ad amussim uirtutis directa & emendata. Nam cum in paucis familijs seminarium bea torum haberemus atq[ue] copiosoru[m], quid mirum est si inuisa publicè uirtus, ab ijsq[ue] è proscenio exacta, qui choragium nostrum in potestate sua improbè tenuerunt, post scenam latere uoluit, aut in cuneos se stipare promiscuè sessitan= tium? quandò nec ei stare in medio licebat per temporum iniquitatem, nec in ordinibus sedere promptum erat per sordes omnia nundinantium. Falsò igitur literarum stu= diosos nonnulli criminantur ut umbratili uitæ marcentes, ut in luce atque celebritate torpentes, ut rebus gerendis honoribusq[ue] inutiles. Nam qui in solem prodire, & aula[m] interuisere sine conteptu sui literaru[m]q[ue] suggillatione ne= quibat, non inuiti faciebant fortasse, ut in exhedras & por ticus, & in omnia uirtutis et philologiæ diuersoria se co= ferret, quasi in præsidia quæda[m] philosophiæ amoenissima. Neq[ue] enim tum innocenter actuosum esse, nec gratuitò lice bat, integraq[ue] existimatione in publicu[m] prodire, ut quidè erat hominu[m] opinio. At uerò ijde[m] ipsi si mox fortasse edictu[m] principis

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASH AND and whatever most wholesome purpose you twist aside: will there be in our age a time when men will be judged more by their own and proper worth, and by the gifts that have come from you, than by the fortuitous possession of goods and the shifting things publicly counted as wealth? For it does not seem likely that before that time the solid and genuine virtues will shine forth in France, which you are thought to keep as if in delicacies. But those who formerly were allowed to be seen coming out rarely into public life: even if we believe them to have lain hidden in the little chambers of retreat and private life. Hence it has come about in these few years that throughout all ranks those things called catorthomata have been sought among us, that is, certain illustrious examples of virtue, complete in every point of public duty, as though offices in the administration of the republic were regulated and corrected exactly according to the rule of virtue. For since among a few families we had a seedbed of the blessed and the wealthy, what wonder is it if virtue, disliked in public, and driven off the stage by those who have wickedly held our stage machinery in their power, wished to hide behind the scenes, or to crowd itself into the benches of those sitting indiscriminately together? Since neither was it allowed to stand in the midst because of the injustice of the times, nor was it easy to sit in the ranks because of the filth of those who buy and sell everything. Therefore some falsely accuse students of literature as languishing in a cloistered life, as growing dull in the light and in public view, as useless for affairs and honors. For those who could not come forth into the sun, and visit the court without contempt for themselves and mockery of learning, perhaps did not unwillingly make it so that they turned aside into lecture-halls and porticoes, and into all the resorts of virtue and scholarship, as if into certain very pleasant strongholds of philosophy. For then it was not permitted to be innocent and active, nor to go into public freely, with one’s reputation intact, as indeed was men’s opinion. But on the other hand, if the same men should soon perhaps by a prince’s edict

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 785 principis exierit (paulisper enim ariolari iuuat) ut homines iam non prædijs, non supellectili, no alijs pignoribus obnoxijs fortunæ, sed cultu atque ornamento ingenij, & mundo (ut ita dicam) non muliebri, sed uirili censeantur, in quibus nihil licet fortunæ pignerari: ijsdem inquam ipsi caput illico prolaturi sunt non abiectum, no abditum, no demissum, sed aduersus fortunæ & temporum iniquitate[m] ut conditum, sic erectum, quos nonnulli opinione falsa du et[i]ti, gaudere nunc putant blattarum contubernio: & qui tum non nescij eorum improbitatis qui fatorum uim modumq[ue] in Francia temperabant, boni tamen consulebant studio se literarum, auocamento Reipub. amoenissimo, distineri: ij si aditus publicos patere uirtuti senserint in posterum, ad professionem sui no inter proletarios, sed inter mente cordeq[ue] censos co[n]tinuò coibunt, omniq[ue] instrumento uitæ ciuilis per uirtutem agendæ: tumq[ue] illi classici fortasse ludibrio habebuntur, qui nullum testem locupletem aut fide dignum esse credunt, qui non idem copiosus sit, opibusq[ue] circunfluens. Neque uerò philosophia lucifuga est, neq[ue] iners, neq[ue] otij gaudens ueterno, neq[ue] desediosè sellularia, ut multi criminantur: neq[ue] non ipsa rebus gerendis uacare potest, & foresnia induere, prætextataq[ue] uideri, cum tempus ita tulit, & deus eam ad id prouocat: sed dissimulationem, sed foedam assentatione[m], sed desultorias amicitias, anniuersariasq[ue] morum mutationes auersatur: nec sub comico uultu tragicas simultates occulit: quibus rebusnostro te[m]pore in aula maximè quæsita est autoritas, & retenta. Quemadmodum autem Socrates olim philosophiam è coelo in urbes deuocauit, & coëgit de rebus ad ci uilitatem pertinentibus disputare, sic philosophos quosda[m] rebus gerendis idoneos, in forum ingredi aliquando & in publicum D d Philosophi rei pub. administradæ no inepti, & ger[en]dis magistratibus accomodati.

Transcription: Translated (English)

PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 785 as though it had come forth from the prince’s chamber (for it is a little helpful to conjecture); so that men may now be judged not by estates, not by household goods, nor by other pledges to fortune, but by the cultivation and adornment of genius, and by a world, so to speak, not feminine but masculine, in which fortune may have no claim as pledge: I say that these same men will at once show a head not downcast, not hidden, not bowed, but, against the injustice of fortune and of the times,[a head] as though set in place, thus raised up; some, misled by a false opinion, now think them to delight in the company of moths: and those who then, not unaware of the wickedness of those who were regulating the force and measure of fate in France, still rightly considered themselves distracted by devotion to letters, the most delightful diversion from the commonwealth, if they sense that public access is open to virtue in the future, will at once flock to the profession of their calling not among the proletariat, but among those counted by mind and heart, together with every instrument of civil life to be conducted through virtue: and then perhaps those “classical” men will be made a laughingstock, who think no witness is rich or worthy of trust unless he is likewise wealthy, and overflowing with riches. Nor indeed is philosophy light-hating, nor idle, nor fond of sluggish leisure, nor given to sitting about in a merely chair-bound way, as many accuse it: nor is it incapable of acting in affairs, and of donning, as it were, formal dress, and appearing in its robes, when time so requires, and God calls it to that task; but it rejects dissimulation, foul flattery, trifling friendships, and yearly changes of character: it does not hide tragic hostilities beneath a comic face; by such means authority has been especially sought and retained in our time at court. And just as Socrates long ago called philosophy down from heaven into the cities, and compelled it to debate matters pertaining to civil life, so he brought certain philosophers, suited to practical affairs, to enter the forum at times and the public D d Philosophers not unfit for administering the commonwealth, and suited to holding magistracies and handling public affairs.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET publicum prodire decet, industriamq[ue] suam approbare in Repub. egregiè ac strenuè administranda. Quòd si interdum studiosi homines in celebritatem uel ciuilem uel aulicam non prodeunt, non ob id delitescunt, sed uelut ex conspicilio honesti secessus iactationes atq[ue] æstus ambitionis obseruât, & in eos homines perspicaci æstimatione inqui runt, quos fortuna famaq[ue] omnium oculis auribusq[ue] expo suit. Quis enim eo tempore libens in rerum actu uersaretur, cum quidam ob redundâters opes, nec innocêter quæsitas, nec sine publica calamitate, beati & primarij homines atque etiam summæ sortis haberentur: qui si nunc ad calculum seuerè reuocarentur, talentum unum auri puri, probi, sui (ut fuit olim in sermone) demonstrare nequiret? quù uiri ingeniosi, & cultu doctrinæ elegantis perpoliti, aut quacunq[ue] eximia facultate commendabiles, à comitijs aulicis explosi, & tanquam sexagenarij de ponte deiecti esse dicerentur? quum foecunda uiroru[m] bonorum doctrinæ fugeretur, totoq[ue] orbe accerseretur quod priuatim fructuosum, in uniuersum luctuosum esse ab omnibus cernebatur? quù re nulla magis homines crescere, quàm cothurnatis facinoribus tragicisq[ue] ausis coepissent, non legu[m] constitutionumq[ue] conniuetia (quas multas sanè & præclaras habemus) sed præpotentium hominu[m] coitione, qui omnia præsidia reip. constituendæ occupauerant? quum in sinus priuatos & exiguos amplissima respublica clarissimaq[ue] cessisset, quæ in capite redimito, gradi quidem illo & augusto, sed infirmo, iamq[ue] nutanti, sedere non poterat? quu[m] inopes repentè facti diuites, mutatione[m] fortunæ factu & improbitate sermonis profiterentur? quum ij ferè soli opima decora ab optimo principe ferrent, quos nobis malorum omnium sementem secisse nobilitas non obscurè ferebat

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF ASSE ET It is fitting to come forth into public life and to prove one’s diligence in administering the Republic excellently and vigorously. But if at times men of learning do not step forward into civic or courtly renown, they do not therefore hide themselves; rather, as from a lookout of honorable retirement, they observe the displays and the heats of ambition, and with keen judgment inquire into those men whom fortune and fame have exposed to the eyes and ears of all. For who, at that time, would willingly be engaged in the conduct of affairs, when certain men, because of overflowing wealth, neither innocently acquired nor without public disaster, were held to be blessed and first-rate men, even of the highest rank; men who, if now brought back to the scale under strict scrutiny, could not show a single talent of pure, honest, truly their own gold, as the saying once ran? When men of talent, polished by an elegant cultivation of learning, or commendable by any other outstanding ability, were driven from court assemblies and said to have been cast down like men past sixty from a bridge? When the fruitful class of good men and learning was shunned, and what was privately profitable was summoned from the whole world, though all could see that it was ruinous in general? When men began to rise more than from anything else by theatrical crimes and tragic boldness, not through the indulgence of laws and constitutions—which we indeed possess in many and splendid forms—but through the alliance of powerful men, who had occupied all the defenses of the republic to be established? When the greatest and most illustrious commonwealth had passed into private and narrow hands, a commonwealth that, crowned with a head, could indeed walk in that lofty and august manner, but, being weak and already tottering, could not sit? When men suddenly made rich, by a change of fortune and by wicked speech, professed it? When almost those alone received the richest honors from the best prince, whom nobility openly declared to have sown for us the seed of all evils?

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bat, & populus obmurmurabat? quum summæ cupiditatis & licentiæ omni lege pudoreq[ue]; solutæ uirus, lenta contagione manans, omnes penè bonos mores & honestos paulatim imbuisset? deniq[ue]; cum in ea quæ à cura reru[m] humanarum diuinarumque curia (ut opinor) appellata est, ita sibi quisque gentilibusq[ue]; curaret, & solicitus esset, ut maximus quisq[ue]; curio maxima incuria maiestatis publicæ ac diuinæ teneri crederetur? ijq[ue]; maximè negotia reipublcæ populoq[ue]; faesserent, quos caput & fortunas opponere pro populo decebat, ac uitæ etiam discrimine intercedere, ne quid grauius aut turpius in remp[ublica] decerneretur? Hæc enim omnia cum nostra ætas & meminit & uidit, tum uerò aliàs plerunq[ue]; imperij nostri felicitati incommoda fuerunt. Cumulus aute[m] indignitatis fuit, quum iam eò uentum esset, ut nauclerus tantæ nauis fatali incuria, uel fiducia potius incôsulta, nec in prora, nec in puppi sederet: ac ne impendente quidem tempestate nautarum officia uicesq[ue]; < Nouissima tepora regis Ludouici significantur.> recognosceret: nec qui ad clauum sedebant, rerum communium iacturam ad se pertinere magnopere arbitra rentur, docti iam olim ex naufragio fragmentu[m] arripere: certumq[ue]; etia[m] nauclero ipsi esset extremâ potius necessitæ tem expectare, quàm nouo supplemento prora puppimq[ue]; propemodum iam inanes explere. Quum charitate frigente, hiante maximè auaritia, ardente inuidia & simultate, languete pietate, exolescete sceptroru[m] pristina maiestate, ia[m] nec superi nec mortales extrema deformitatis exempla ferre possent. Hæc et huiusmodi alia ideo frequetius in hoc opere memunisse mihi subijt, quòd homines ipse queribundos idetide[m] meminerâ, eas res ætate nostra Fraciæ co[n]tigisse, quæ gêtè bello paceq[ue]; clarissimâ, in ordine degeneru[m] so cordiuq[ue]; populoru[m] coëgisso uidebatur: siue id culpa unius Dd 2 contigit

Transcription: Translated (English)

Did the people mutter? When a poison of the greatest greed and license, freed from every law and from shame, spreading with a slow contagion, had little by little infected almost all good morals and honorable conduct? Finally, when in that council which I think was called for the care of human and divine affairs, each man looked to himself and to his own people, and was so concerned and anxious that the greatest men, through the greatest neglect of the public and divine majesty, were believed to be held in contempt? And when those most managed the business of the republic and the people, who ought to have opposed their heads and fortunes for the people, and even intervened at the risk of life, lest anything more serious or shameful should be decided in the commonwealth? For all these things, since our age both remembers and has seen them, have in fact for the most part also been harmful to the happiness of our empire. But the height of disgrace was reached when matters had come to this point: that the pilot of so great a ship, through fatal carelessness, or rather reckless confidence, sat neither in the prow nor in the stern: and even when a storm was threatening, he did not inspect the duties and shifts of the sailors. Nor did those who sat at the helm think much that the loss of the common business concerned them, having long since learned from shipwreck to seize a fragment; and it was even certain to the pilot himself that he should rather await the last necessity than, with a new supplement, fill the prow and stern, now almost empty. When charity was cooling, avarice was opening widest, envy and hatred were burning, piety was growing weak, the former majesty of the scepters was declining, and now neither gods nor mortals could endure examples of the utmost disgrace. These and other similar things of this kind came to me more frequently to mention in this work, because I have often remembered men complaining that these things happened in our age in France, which, illustrious in war and peace, seemed to be placed in the order of degenerate and base peoples: whether this happened through the fault of one man Dd 2 contigit

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET contigit, siue fatali inclinatione rerum. Atqui maior esse nulla potuit indignitas, quàm summa nobilitate & doctrina à gubernaculis inclytæ gentis deiectis, quasi flosculis regiæ coronæ decussis, homines haud clara sorte natalium ortos, summa, infima, et media in potestate habere, qui nec ius nec fas nec æquum bonuq[ue] nossent, nec bonis æquisq[ue] omnino bene cuperent, triaq[ue] tantum illa uerba fari possent, do, dico, addico: quum regni opulentissimi bona, qui= bus collibitum esset ita dilargirentur, ut sibi necessitudini= busq[ue] suis bellissimum quicque reciperent, reliqua præcer perent. Vnde contigisse uidemus, ut in gurgustijs quidam nati educatiq[ue], domos ac stirpes architectati sint grandiorum penatium æmulas: quæ triduo excitatæ, publicoq[ue] di spendio expolitæ, haud scio an mox collapsuræ sint, si summus tandem Iupiter in membranas coelestes respexerit, ut est in Græcorum prouerbio: id est, si merita cuiusq[ue] ex actis diuinitatis & commentarijs supernis recognouerit. Nuper autem quum res nostræ in eo ferè statu essent, prob suprema prouidentia, quod nam nobis documentum potentiæ, fluxæq[ue] felicitatis dedisti? Na quu[m] hæc po= simul scriberentur à nobis, simul liber sub prælis sorum supra dimidiam partè exactus esset, ecce ca= : Ianuarijs sublato rege Ludouico (cuius utinam cu[m] nibus deus gratiosè & clementer egerit) tanta uno die utatio rerum facta, ut qui prius digito coelum attingere posse sperabam minus humi serpere, demissoq[ue] animo uiderentur tribus lacrymis (ut assolet) sed ueris & inte & deplorare. usque adeo occasus quidem nunc spes est uniuersorum) noxius uisus est. sideratos esse di= nia ad se cu[m] fortuna trahebat, ut ferè

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET it happened, whether by fate’s inclination of events. And yet no greater indignity could have been possible than, with the greatest nobility and learning cast down from the helm of the illustrious nation, as though the blossoms of the royal crown had been shaken off, for men born of no distinguished lineage to hold power over the highest, the lowest, and the middle ranks—men who knew neither law nor right nor what was fair and good, and who had no goodwill at all toward the good and the just, and who could utter only those three words: “I give, I say, I decree”; while the goods of a most wealthy kingdom were so lavished upon whomsoever they pleased that they reserved the finest things for themselves and for their kin, and took possession of the rest beforehand. Whence we see that some, born and raised in hovels, have fashioned houses and lineages to rival the great households; and though raised in three days and polished at public expense, I do not know whether they are not soon to collapse, if at last the highest Jupiter shall look into the heavenly records, as the Greek proverb says: that is, if from the acts and the heavenly commentaries he shall recognize each man’s merits. But recently, when our affairs were in almost that state, what lesson, by highest providence, have you given us concerning power and fleeting fortune? For while these things were being written by us, and while the book had already been carried more than half through the press, behold, with King Louis removed in January (may God deal graciously and mercifully with him and with all his), so great a change in affairs occurred in one day that those who previously had hoped to touch the sky with a finger now seemed to crawl less upon the ground, and, with downcast spirit, to be bewailingly and truly, and with tears as is the custom, yet genuine and unfeigned, lamenting. So far indeed has the downfall now seemed harmful to all, that the stars themselves are said to have been struck down, and fortune was drawing them to herself, so that almost...

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. serè est solêne in uicissitudine huiuscemodi reru[m]. In uniuer sum autè is erat habitus animorum et uultuu[m], diuturnas ut sordes reip. excussas esse crederes, ut in luctu hilaria sanè festiua celebrare uideremur. Secutus est unus & alter dies per munificentiâ & benignitate[m] transacti iam diu desuetas, quu[m] rex nouus idem primus Franciscus, sed regere iam < Frâciscus rex.> diu eruditus, ac populo charissimus, tyrocinium regni faciens, ingenij sui specimen ordinibus præberet salutatum coëuntibus. In quo sceptrorum auspicatu, quum ipse inte[m] tissimè obseruarem, uerba multa auduii feliciter ominosa, signaq[ue] adnotaui: quæ si ratum nobis auspicium no[n] faciat ad id quod publica uice optamus & speramus, non uideo quid posthac mentes humanæ augurari debeat, aut quando nobiscum prouidentia in gratiam reditura sit. Certè in funere tripudium solistimu[m] fuit, & festa frons reip. quicquid inde præsagiendum fuit. Nam & ante triduu[m] fulme[m] læuum per totam propè Franciam extiterat, quod antè nemo meminerat eo tempore ne in uno quidem loco accidisse: omninoq[ue]; ea tunc hominu[m] còstans erat opinio, hactenùs expiata nostra esse peccata, Franciciq[ue]; regni maiestatem suo genio restitutam. Post id prodigiu[m] una & altera nox intercesserat: uenit ad me homo mihi & affinitate co[m]iunctus, & amicitia summa deuinctus, Franciscus Deloinus, regius consiliator in prima & honoratissima decuria < Frâciscus Deloinus.> curiæ cètenariæ, inter primos Iurisconsultorum his & literis & studijs maximè & fauens & incumbens. Is quu[m] me in hoc opere ualde intentu[m] offendisset, cuius fine[m] urgebam, ne impressores opus accelerantes mihi anteuarteret, institit mecu[m] hac de re còtendere, non tâ quod à me ea de re dissentiret, ut postea intellexi, quàm ut mecu[m] disserêdo, ab nimia me auocaret scribêdi còtétione. incaluerat enim mihi D d 3

Transcription: Translated (English)

It is already quite customary in the vicissitudes of such matters. In general, however, the temper of men’s minds and faces was such that you would have thought the long-standing grime of the commonwealth had been shaken off, so that in mourning we seemed indeed to be celebrating cheerful and festive rejoicings. One day and then another passed, spent in generosity and kindness long since out of use, when the new king, Francis himself—the first of that name, but already long trained in the art of ruling, and most dear to the people—showed the gathered estates a specimen of his character as he entered upon the novice’s course of kingship and received their salutation. At this inauguration of the sceptres, while I watched most attentively, I heard many words of happy omen and noted the signs, which, if they do not make for us a confirmed auspice toward that which we publicly desire and hope for, I do not see what human minds ought henceforth to interpret as augury, or when Providence is to return to favor with us. Certainly there was a triumph in the funeral, and a festive countenance in the commonwealth, whatever must be foretold from it. For even three days before, a leftward thunderbolt had appeared over almost all France, something which no one remembered to have happened at that time in even a single place; and at that moment it was the settled opinion of men that our sins had now been expiated and the majesty of the French kingdom restored by its own genius. After that prodigy one and then another night had intervened, and there came to me a man bound to me both by kinship and by the closest friendship, Franciscus Deloinus, royal councillor in the first and most honorable decuria of the court of the centenary, among the foremost of jurists and especially devoted and committed to these studies and letters. When he found me very intent upon this work, whose end I was pressing toward, lest the printers, hurrying the work along, should forestall me, he insisted on arguing with me about this matter, not so much because he disagreed with me on it, as I afterward understood, as in order, by reasoning with me, to draw me away from too eager a zeal for writing. For I had grown heated in the matter.

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Transcription: ATR-1

mihi animus præsentium tûc reru[m] indignitate meditanda. tum uelut proludens, quum ponè stans uidisset quæ scribe bam, Ohe, inquit, odiosè facis atq[ue] refractariè, qui tempori & fortunæ animum accommodare non labores. Quid enim tantopere studium hoc sapietiæ aut liberalis omnino doctrinæ exosculare, quod frigere nunc in aula tu quæreris, ignorantiæ patrona? Inania enim nunc nomina uide[m] mus doctrinæ & uirtutis algere, & studia literarum damnosa amantibus sui esse. Quid mirum? inquam, quum & ea quæ de superis inferisq[ue] tradu[n]tur, quæq[ue] tot sacris monumentis, tot oraculis, tot sanctarum animaru[m] eologijs contestata sunt, uix tertius quisq[ue]; istorum non argumenta tantum dramatica esse putet, si quidem hominum mentes ex habitu gestuq[ue]; serioso, non ex sermone tantum specioso æstimentur: tantu[m] abest ut huius te[m]poris aula doctrinæ & uirtutis amore teneatur. Tum ille, Quin igitur Budææ utilitati consulis? eorumq[ue] exeplis admoneris, qui magno ætatis oleiq[ue] dispendio ingenu[m] atq[ue] animu[m] literaru[m] studio excolendu[m] cesseru[n]t? præsertim quu[m] tu ipse clamites Gallica ingenia stare in hac scena no[n] posse, nisi alios hellanodicas (sic enim, ut arbitror, appellatis ingenioru[m] iudices) Francia nostra nacta sit. An tu aliter censes, inquam, qui scias quosdam rerum arbitros, nostratium hominum ingenia laudare non solere nisi more fascinantiu[m]? à quibus cu[m] beneficij loco peteretur ut linguis tantu[m] fauerent, ut quon dam solebat in sacris Harpocrates: non satis illi quidem habuerunt, quos meritos non nescirent, testimonio suo fraudasse, nisi etiam eos premerent apertissimè. Quando igitur, inquit, inanis studiorum messis hactenus ferè decoxit in Fracia, & nunc maximè ingenioru[m] flos esse tibi frugi perdus uidetur, quin aliud interim consiliu[m] ipse capis e re nata

Transcription: Translated (English)

My mind was moved by the indignity of these present things, to meditate on them. Then, as if in prelude, when he saw me standing behind him and writing, he said: “Ho there, you are acting vexatiously and obstinately, in that you do not labor to accommodate your mind to the times and fortune. For why should you so highly cherish this pursuit of wisdom, or of liberal learning in any sense whatever, you who complain that it is now cold in the court, patroness of ignorance? For now we see empty names of learning and virtue grow cold, and studies of letters to be ruinous to those who love themselves. What wonder?” I said, “when even those things handed down about the heavens and the underworld, and attested by so many sacred records, so many oracles, so many testimonies of holy souls, hardly any third person among those men thinks are nothing but theatrical fables—if indeed men’s minds are judged not from solemn bearing and gesture alone, but from speech as well: so far is this age’s court from being held by love of learning and virtue.” Then he said, “Why then do you not consult Budaeus for your advantage, and let yourself be warned by the examples of those who, at great cost of years and oil, have yielded to the cultivation of their natural gifts and spirit in the pursuit of letters? Especially since you yourself proclaim that French minds cannot stand on this stage unless our France has found other hellanodicas (for so, I think, you call the judges of talent). Or do you think otherwise?” “I do not,” I said, “you who know that certain arbiters of affairs are not accustomed to praise the talents of our countrymen except in the manner of enchanters. When, as a favor, they were asked only to support them with words, as Harpocrates once used to do in sacred matters, they were not content merely to have deprived those whom they knew to deserve it of their testimony, unless they also openly crushed them. Therefore, since the barren harvest of studies has now almost utterly dried up in France, and now above all the flower of talent seems to you to be miserably lost, why do you not meanwhile take some other counsel for yourself, as the matter arises?”

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nata? & à studiorum cultu damnosaq[ue] obseruantia ad co= lendos mores huic ætati placentis contentione istam ani mi cum omni instrumento atq[ue] ornamento eius transfer? Sanè uerò, inquam, quasi liberum sit & integrum animo Mineruæ autorato iam quinq[ue]; & uiginti stipendijs, abru pto nunc mentis impetu, & penè præcipiti, ad Iunonis transire præsidia, positaq[ue] doctrinæ & philologoru[m] can= dida, in candida protinus ambitus & petitorum uideri: hoc ne est decori & honestatis rationem habere? etiam si eo cultu permultos omni arte ac facultate liberali dese= ctos, ad horrea usq[ue] summa uidemus copiosos esse factos. Quid ni est? inquit ille, Serò Phryges sapiunt: Omnis Aristippum decuit status, & color, & res. Valeant, inquam, ista inter eos qui ad rem facienda atten tiores esse solent magisq[ue]; quàm nos, solertes: ego Aristip= peos istos uersicolores nô probo. Quotus enim quisque honestatis & constantiæ studiosorum faceret, ut in qui= bus partibus consectandis militareis annos, & uenientem uitæ partem uigentemq[ue]; cōtriuisset, earum postea partiu[m] causam, hominum aut temporum iniquitate damnaret? Quid si igitur in his statiuis diuinum numen uersari libe= tius atque præsentius existimaret, num etiam tum ille cu[m] fortuna in diuersa præsidia transiret? Atenim Forsortu= na humanarum rerum arbitra, maiora illic supplementa & uberiores commeatus suggerit: & suggerat sanè, num ideo tu malus, aut quivis bonorum & grauium, inter Au= tolycos illos centuriari, qui comitum turba clientumq[ue]; lauto rû stipatu nos summouet, quàm inter destitutos Aristides cēseri, qui cōposita & insonti fortuna acquiescunt? Equi= dem quod ad me attinet, nec Aristippeum placitum uersabilis philosophiæ probo, ut aliu[m] atq[ue] alium utilitatis causa sub= inde Dd 4

Transcription: Translated (English)

...and from the cultivation of studies, and from that harmful observance, to the contest of shaping the manners pleasing to this age, transfer that mind with all its equipment and ornament? Certainly, I replied, as if it were free and fully in one’s power for a mind already hired to Minerva for five and twenty years, now with the impulse of its thought broken off and almost headlong, to pass over to the stronghold of Juno, and, having laid aside the pure garb of learning and of scholars, at once to be seen in the white attire of canvassers and petitioners: is this not to have regard for decency and honor? even though by that garb we see very many, stripped of every art and liberal accomplishment, made rich all the way to the granaries. Why not? said he. The Phrygians become wise too late: Every situation, every bearing, every condition suited Aristippus. Let those things stand, I replied, among people who are usually more attentive to business and more practical than we, who are skilled; I do not approve those many-colored Aristippuses of yours. For how many, among those devoted to honesty and constancy, would do as much as to condemn the cause of those pursuits in which they had spent their military years, and the productive and vigorous part of life, after it had passed, because of the unfairness of men or of times? What if, then, one should believe that a divine power dwells more freely and more closely in these stations—would he even then, when fortune shifted into different strongholds? But indeed Fortune, arbitress of human affairs, supplies greater reinforcements and more abundant provisions there: let her supply them, certainly; does that therefore make you a bad man, or any good and serious man, to be mustered among those Autolyci, who with a crowd of companions and clients, by their lavish escort, thrust us aside more than those Aristides-like men who are left without support, and who rest content in composed and innocent fortune? For my part, insofar as I am concerned, I do not approve the Aristippean doctrine of changeable philosophy, by which one and then another way is followed for the sake of utility, Dd 4

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET inde me facia[m], nisi si salua tueri id modestia possim et con stantia: quod quemadmodum fieri possit, non uideo: nec Pythagoricam illam metempsychosin agnosco, ut rep[er]etè alium me quàm literarum amantem esse uelim: aut nunc anthropolatres esse possim, qui prius phileleutherus fue= rim. Nec enim Vertuno tam benigno natus sum, ut ab hoc uitæ instituto, quod certa ratione ac meditata probaui, ad aliud ab eo diuersissimum transeam: nec si maximè cupia[m], liberum esse id mihi sient ij qui sciunt summis illis Ari= stippeis Democritum Gelasinum me semper esse uoluisse. Sed uide, inquit, ut ita rationem istam tuam subducas reti= nendi literarum amoris, ne ad manticam (quod aiunt) res tibi reditura sit. Ad manticam autem? An putas prouiden= tiam tantum de philosophia permisisse fortunæ, quam ui= tæ instituendæ atque degendæ magistram nobis dedit, ut ad inopiam subsidiorum uitæ redigere eam possit? Nihil agis mi Francisce, etiam si magna tua apud omneis auto= ritas, apud me maxima semper fuit. Neq[ue] enim quod tibi in consilijs grauissimi uiri ijdemq[ue] doctissimi factitant, ut in tuam sæpe sentetiam transeant, doctrinæ id eximiæ et existimationi tribuentes, id ego nunc imitabor in hac con trouersia, quæ in meo magis foro quàm in tuo discepta= tur. Iamprimum non semper ijsdem præcentoribus hortæ= menta can[n]etur in Francia, ut omne[m] spem in posteru[m] uecto res abijcere debeat, aut iacturà studiosi facere exanclati iam laboris. adest tepus fortasse, quod multi no[n] prouidet, quum in studia literaru[m] incubuisse laudis summæ loco po= netur. quare etsi aura fauoris istorum Aeoloru[m] nos pror= sus destituit, non continuò est cur uela processus huius lite rarij sinamus ipsi reslaccescere, quæ Fauonio spei bonæ in portu[m] quendam certu[m] et hospitale[m] consilij fixi ac meditati seruntur Acoli in aula.

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE AXE AND thereupon would I do so, unless I could preserve it safely by moderation and constancy: how this may be done, I do not see. Nor do I acknowledge that Pythagorean metempsychosis, as if I should repeatedly wish to become another man than one devoted to letters; nor now could I be a man-worshipper, who formerly was a lover of liberty. For I was not born under so kindly a Vertumnus that I should pass from this way of life, which I have approved by fixed reason and reflection, to another wholly different from it; nor, even if I most desire it, would those permit me to be free who know that I have always wished to be the Democritus Gelasinus of those supreme Aristippists. But see, he says, that you so cast up your account for retaining your love of letters, lest your matter, as they say, come back to the sack. To the sack, then? Do you think Providence has granted so much to Fortune in philosophy, which it gave us as the mistress of ordering and conducting life, that it can reduce it to a lack of the means of living? You accomplish nothing, dear Francis, even though your authority with everyone has always been great; with me it has always been greatest. For I shall not now imitate what those most serious men, and likewise most learned, are accustomed to do in their counsel, when they often pass over to your opinion, attributing it to excellent learning and reputation, in this controversy which is to be debated more in my forum than in yours. First, in France, the exhortations of the same preachers will not always be sung, that a traveler ought to cast all hope into the future, or that a man worn out by labor should take loss as the price of his toil. Perhaps the time is at hand, which many do not foresee, when having devoted oneself to the studies of letters will be placed among the highest honors. Therefore, although the favoring breeze of those Aeolian winds altogether fails us, there is no immediate reason why we should ourselves allow the sails of this literary course to slacken, sails which, with the favoring west wind of good hope, are driven into a certain safe and hospitable harbor of fixed and considered purpose. Acoli in court.

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Transcription: ATR-1

seruntur: deinde (id quod rei caput est) cum omneis opes nostras, omneis spes & copias non in ædem Saturni, sed in arcem Mineruæ coniecisse nos memunerimus, quid est quamobre magnopere angamur, ne in dispendium tande[m] locularium studioru[m] cursus exeat? mirum uerò quin in co[m]pendium quæstumq[ue] luculentu[m]. At qui ego præclaru[m] esse puto, ne strigmenta quidè clarissimu[m] certaminis seruare uo luisse, nedum oleum et operà nos doleam in eo perdidisse: tantu[m] abest ut locularia ista co[m]moda respiciam, & est diuina benignitate unde studiosam ætate[m] tolerare possimus, non modò ex horto, sed etiam è macello. Sed fac esse improbiorem fortunam, quid tum? subsidium rei familiaris à parsimonia non sordida aut pudenda, sed honesta & libe rali petemus. hoc enim præstabilius esse putamus, quàm ut fortunatorum fastui philosophiæ nunc alumni lenocinari sustineant. Equidem ex literaru[m] studio didici philosophia[m] suffugium esse tutissimum atq[ue] amoenissimu[m] inter optima[m] conscientiam destitutis, & iniquissimam fortunam. habet enim, habet inquam illa tolerantiam æquanimitate conditam pro anodino calamitatum. Hic amor, hæc amoenæ nobis mansio, hoc studium iucundissimum, quàm prudenter à nobis susceptum, nunc no[n] disputo, quando istis lucripetis approbare id nequeo, constanter quidem certè & obnixè retentu[m]. Mirum uerò (ut nunc ex æquo tecu[m] procul ab arbitris & familiariter agam) nisi tu aliquo ambitionis illicio captus es, qui hoc mihi consilium seru[m] et indecoru[m] afferas: quanqua[m] aliud fert fortasse uitæ tuæ ratio, quæ in celebritate summorum uirorum uersans, & ostetationi necessario subseruiens, libera prorsus esse & intacta ab ambitione no[n] potest: ad quam alioquin quoq[ue] procliuum esse te animaduertisse uideor, natura magis quàm iudicio. Dd 5 quare

Transcription: Translated (English)

are sown: then (which is the main point of the matter), since we remember that we have thrown all our resources, all our hopes and means not into the temple of Saturn, but into the citadel of Minerva, what is there for us to be greatly troubled about, lest at last the course of our studies should end in loss for the purses? It would be strange indeed if it did not turn out to be for gain and profit. But I think it is glorious that we did not even wish to preserve the very shavings from the most renowned contest, much less should I grieve that we have lost oil and labor in it: so far am I from looking to these conveniences of the purse, and there is by divine kindness wherewith we may sustain a studious life, not only from the garden, but even from the shambles. But suppose fortune to be more unfriendly; what then? We shall seek support for our household affairs from thrift, not sordid or shameful, but honorable and liberal thrift. For we think this to be preferable, rather than that the pupils of philosophy should now endure to fawn upon the arrogance of the fortunate. For my part, from the study of letters I have learned that philosophy is the safest and most pleasant refuge for those deprived of the best conscience, and confronted by the most unjust fortune. For it has, yes it has, I say, a tolerance tempered by equanimity as a remedy for calamities. This love, this pleasant dwelling-place for us, this most delightful study, how prudently it has been undertaken by us I do not now discuss, since I cannot commend it to those profit-hunters; certainly it has been held fast, and firmly indeed, and with all effort. It is strange indeed, unless—as now, speaking with you on equal terms and privately, away from spectators—I am mistaken, you have been caught by some lure of ambition, in bringing me this servile and unbecoming counsel: though perhaps the course of your life is different, since, moving among the fame of the greatest men and necessarily subservient to display, it can by no means be wholly free and untouched by ambition; and I seem to have observed that you too are inclined that way, more by nature than by judgment. Dd 5 why

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET quare mea quidem causa licet de hoc negotio in utramq; (ut aiunt) ut coquiescas: facilior autem hac de re ratio est cum ijs qui doctrinâ & literaru[m] peritiam quæstui passim habendam esse censent. nam ego à studio philosophiæ ho norarium fortasse esse petendum, non idem operæ precium duco, si tamen ipsa per sese no[n] satis putatur esse. Est enim, est huiuscemodi philosophia, multa ut in ea plerunq; desit derentur, sed pauca flagitentur. In quo uitæ instituto, mi= nimo iure fortunæ bona nostra possidemus, & decessionis diem cessisse è prouincia à deo nobis iniuncta nunquam no[n] existimamus: æquitas autem animi, & mens paucis co[n] tèta, reliquiq; affectus animi, comites philosophiæ, in quo alio uitæ genere æquè inueniuntur? Super omnia est ob= firmata semper ratio aduersus supremam necessitatem, ani núq; præsentia excubans ad obeundu[m] æquanimitur uadi= monium mortis. Philosophiam semper uocamus no[n] uanâ, non tumidam, non disputationibus rerum naturalium ela= tam co[m]mentatricem, non matica & squallore insignem, ac sese populo uenditante[m]: sed sapietiæ illu[m] amore, quê Græ ci uranoscopum dicu[n]t, quasi in coelu[m] semper arrectu[m], ea= rum reru[m] indagatore[m], quæ no[n] persuasione gentium à ma= ioribus tradita, non co[m]mentis & speculaminibus humanæ rum mentiu[m] constant, sed quæ elogijs diuinis & oraculis testata sunt, humanu[m] captum excedentibus. Vt autem qui peregre proficiscuntur, quu[m] ad urbes aliquas sermone ho minum celebratas uenerunt, eos quos appellant xenago= gos adhibent, qui eos ad loca urbium earum memorabilia[m] deducant, resq; uisendas cuiusq; loci demonstret, quo mo do hodie Venetijs urbe inclytæ factitari uidemus (quotus enim quisque id non facit eorum peregrinorum qui co= gnitionis cupidi, succisuas horas rebus agendis detra= hunt

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET and, for my part, you may be at ease about this matter in either sense, (as they say). But the easier course in this respect is with those who think that learning and proficiency in letters should be available for gain everywhere. For I, perhaps, do not consider that honorarium should be sought from the study of philosophy, nor do I regard it as the same wages for labor, if indeed philosophy itself is not thought sufficient in itself. For there is, there is such a philosophy, in which many things are generally lacking, yet few are demanded. In this kind of life, by the least right we possess our goods by fortune, and we never think that the day of departure has been yielded from the province appointed to us by God. But where else in any other way of life are there found fairness of mind, a mind content with little, and the rest of the affections of the soul, the companions of philosophy? Above all there is the understanding always fortified against the ultimate necessity, and the mind keeping watch in readiness to undergo the impending summons of death with equanimity. We always call philosophy not vain, not swollen, not an elaborate commenter exalting itself through disputations about natural things, not marked by affectation and neglect, and not selling itself to the people; but the love of wisdom, which the Greeks call uranoscopon, as though always raised toward heaven, an investigator of those things which do not rest on the persuasion of nations handed down by the ancients, nor on the inventions and speculations of human minds, but which have been testified by divine sayings and oracles, surpassing human understanding. And just as those who travel abroad, when they have come to some cities celebrated in human speech, employ those whom they call xenagoi, who lead them to the notable places of those cities and show the things worth seeing in each place, as we see this practiced today in the famous city of Venice (for how many, indeed, among those travelers who are eager for knowledge do not do this, drawing away the spare hours from business to be spent on such things?

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 795 hunt) sic homines in hac uitæ pergrinanteis, studio literarum uti decet quasi quodam xenagogo, si ijs quidem ipsi natalibus orti sint, aut aliàs idonei qui eas res uisant & speculétur, quæ cognitu quàm maximè dignæ existimantur. Quanquam huiusmodi institutio, quam antiqui liberalem ideo appellauerunt, quòd & ciues ciuiliores, & ho mines humaniores facit, ad uitâ istam ualet quasi peregre transigendam hilarius & comodius. philosohia autem illa sublimipeta (quam ob id docti & pij uiri uranophrontem uocauerunt) non modò xenagogos, sed etiam eo amplius psychagogos Christianis esse solet. eius enim studium animas à cogitatione rerum sub sensum cadentium concretarumq[ue] abductas, ad sublimium & coelestium rerum speculatione subuehit, mirificisque; eius studij illectametis eò tandem perducit, quò animæ suapte natura & conditione uergunt. Hoc unum studium soli deo se probat, nec ut aliæ studia literarum, populo se uenditat. Agedum Francisce, compone nunc cu[m] hac tranquillitate uitæ aulicam turbulentiam, istorumq[ue] beatoru[m] obnoxiam obseruantiam, ad quam tu me hortaris: & aude quamuis argutus & discertus, unum ultrà uerbu[m] addere. 1amprimum (quando quidè tu muhi ut dicitur, bilem co[n]calescisti) in illa conuenarum ciuitate, uel apolidum potius, qui sine lare, sine sedibus uiunt: quonam tandem pacto rectè uitæ institui potest? nisi uerò co[n]poni rite penates possunt, & uitæ ratio rectè atq[ue] ordine in eo loco constitui, ubi colluuius ambitionis, cupi ditatis, simulationis, imposturæ, curiositatis delatoriæ, fraudis ueteratoriæ, inuidiæ fascinatoriæ, superbiæ tianicæ, fastus deniq[ue] & impotentissimæ insolentiæ, diuersorium habet, & co[m]mune conuenticulum: ubi nunquam supremis curis locutus est, nunquam rebus ultimis consulere uacat

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PART IB. BOOK V. 795 Thus in this wandering life of ours, it is fitting for men to use the study of letters as a kind of guide, as it were a xenagoge , if indeed they are themselves born to those pursuits, or else are suitable persons to inspect and observe those matters which are judged to be most worthy of knowledge. Although this sort of training, which the ancients therefore called “liberal,” because it makes both citizens more civil and men more humane, serves in this life as a means of spending our pilgrimage more cheerfully and more comfortably. But that higher philosophy—which for this reason learned and godly men have called “uranophron” or “heaven-minded”—is for Christians not only a guide of guests, but something more, even a guide of souls. For its pursuit draws souls away from the contemplation of things that fall under the senses and are material, and lifts them to the contemplation of sublime and heavenly things; and by the wondrous charms of that pursuit it leads them at last to that end toward which souls by their own nature and condition tend. This one pursuit alone approves itself to God, and does not, like other studies of letters, advertise itself to the people. Come now, Francis, compare with this tranquillity of life the turbulence of the court, and that burdensome attendance upon those “blessed ones” to which you urge me; and dare, however shrewd and clever you may be, to add one word more. First of all—since, as they say, you have stirred up my bile—in that city of strangers, or rather of the disenfranchised, who live without a household, without settled homes, by what possible means can life be rightly ordered? Unless, indeed, household affairs can be properly arranged, and the rule of life rightly and orderly established in that place where there is a common resort and gathering-place of ambition, greed, dissimulation, deceit, inquisitive tale-bearing, crafty fraud, bewitching envy, gigantic pride, and finally of the most uncontrollable insolence; where there is never any conversation about the highest concerns, and never any leisure to attend to the last and ultimate matters.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET uacat, in æternumq[ue] prospicere. Visendus uerò cõuentus, in quo stropharum opifices, noxiarum reru[m] (ut uocatur) spintriæ, nec dicendi censendiq[ue] artifices, nec iusti iniustiq[ue] prudentes, primas sæpe & secundas summa indignitate < Elogium uitæ aulicæ.> serunt. Hic est enim aulicarum rerum status, aut certe fuit memoria nostra, ut est opinio cõstans inter prudetiores: qui quandiu futurus sit, in manu est prouidentiæ. Ecquis est autè honestatis amans, & cõpositæ uitæ, qui non modò sine molestia, sed etia[m] sine rubore possit in eo comitatu uideri, in quo omnium sententijs iri moris est in potentiorum laudem, dignorum iuxta indignorumq[ue]; in quo rumo < Criminaaulici conuentus.> rum aucupes, criminu[m] cõsarcinatores, auræ temerariæ ca ptatores, assentandi artifices, bladitiaru[m] magis quàm eloquentiæ gnari, in omne obsequendi necessitatem sese industriamq[ue]; suam potentiæ uenditantes, diuini cultus uel nescij uel negligentes, hominu[m] uiuentium inter diuos relatores: officiosi & comes, atq[ue] etiam elegantes acresq[ue] esse dicuntur: ueritatis autem tenaces, curam honestatis atq[ue] integritatis antiquissima[m] habentes, liberalioris institutionis retinentes, pudori in primis cõsulendum esse atq[ue] existimationi ducentes, aut rustici, aut tardi, aut socordes iudicantur? Quis enim aut edictoru[m] coelestium prudens, aut interdictoru[m] metuens, no[n] prorsus ineptire inter aulicos sem per uisus est, aut etiam delirare? Quare in eo licentiæ & errors gurgite demersi, nec in cælu[m] postea suspiciu[n]t, nec unqua[m] inde ita existunt, ut emersisse uideantur. id quod clarissimis quotidie exemplis innotescit. Prorsus quidem (inquit ille) si ita in ambitu[m] & fastum sese ingurgitarint, ut regressus ipsis ad uitam ciuilem postea liber non sit, aut sui obliti sint: cuiusmodi nonnullos helluones honoris & pecuniæ nouimus, quoru[m] hians perditæq[ue] cupiditas quæren

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G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND vacat, and to look ahead into eternity. But the assembly is worth seeing, in which the makers of distortions, the so-called spintriae of harmful things, neither masters of speaking nor of judging, neither wise in what is just nor in what is unjust, often obtain the first and second places with the utmost disgrace. <An eulogy of court life.> For this is the condition of courtly affairs, or at least it was in our memory, as there is a constant opinion among the wiser sort: how long it will continue to be so is in the hand of Providence. For who is there, a lover of honesty and of a well-ordered life, who could not only without annoyance, but even without blushes, be seen in that company in which it is customary to go by the judgment of all to the praise of the powerful, alike of the worthy and the unworthy; in which rumor <Crimes of the courtly assembly.> hunters of gossip, packers of accusations, seekers after reckless favor, masters of flattery, more skilled in blandishments than in eloquence, selling themselves and all their diligence to power for every necessity of compliance, either ignorant of or negligent in divine worship, tellers of the living among the dead: they are called dutiful and agreeable, and even polished and keen; but those who hold fast to truth, who keep the care of honesty and integrity as a most ancient duty, who preserve the standards of a liberal education, and who think that regard for modesty and reputation must above all be consulted, are judged to be rustic, or dull, or sluggish? For who, being prudent either in the heavenly decrees or fearful of the prohibitions, has not always seemed to behave most foolishly among courtiers, or even to rave? Therefore, sunk in that whirlpool of license and error, they neither afterward lift their eyes to heaven, nor ever rise from it in such a way that they seem to have emerged. This is made known daily by the clearest examples. Indeed, he says, if they have so engulfed themselves in ambition and arrogance, that later a return to civil life is not open to them, or they have forgotten themselves: there are some such gluttons of honor and money whom we know, whose gaping and ruined greed seeks

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 797 quærendo intenditur. At uerò liberaliter homines instituti, & literarum studio perpoliti, certos cuiusq[ue] rei numeros esse sciunt, intra quos tantum moueri modestia dictitante didicerunt. Tibi uerò Gulielme eo facilius ansam cu piditatis atq[ue] ambitionis porrigo, quòd te in re ferè nulla immodicum animaduerti, præterquam in literaru[m] studio, à quo nec rei unquam famuliari iactura reuocari, nec ualetudinis incommodæ tædio potuisti. Vidi enim te & misertus sum annos plus septem ita infirma ualetudine, ut ue < Dioscuri, Castor et Pollux.> lut Dioscuri alternis uiuus mortuusq[ue] uiderere. Itaq[ue] libentius te in eum (ut ita dicam) campu[m] immitto, in quo te longius latiusq[ue] no[n] exspatiaturum scio, idq[ue] maximè ut istam Philologiam amicam tuam & sedulam côtubernalem crimine magno liberes. Scio enim medicos amicosq[ue] multa[m] sæpe tibi capitalem interminatos, nisi eius amore propè dixerim insano, interdiceres tibi primo quoq[ue] tempore, qui te lenta tabe exugere exesseq[ue] compertus est. Quandiu enim quæso hanc foeminæ mihi affinis et dilectæ pellicem in thalamo & geniali interdu[m] lecto retines? Quam usq[ue] adeo deperire uideris ô coniugum omnium uirorumq[ue] ingratissime atq[ue] inuenustissime, ut non uxoris blanditijs, non suauijs eam unquam posthabueris: etsi tot te illa pignoribus perquam tibi charis uinctum tenet & obstrictum, quippe quæ bis trium te liberorum iure decennio reddiderit & auctum & ornatum, cum etiam alioqui tibi sit è sententia. Illi uerò tibi sæpe cõmentanti aures obtundunt iucundo quiritatu, unica cum sorore lusitantes, pueriliterq[ue] supplositantes tripudio quodam ueluti solisti mo. Quid si igitur, inquam, moderationis frænos in illa uitæ licentia momorderim, atq[ue] inter indomitos illos hominum affectus, philosophiæ iugum proteruè excusserim, num tu

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is pursued in inquiry. But truly men trained liberally and polished by the study of letters know that there are fixed limits for each matter, within which they have learned that one should move only with moderation. But to you, William, I extend the occasion for desire and ambition all the more easily because in almost nothing have I observed you to be excessive, except in the study of literature, from which neither loss of fortune nor the annoyance of ill health could ever draw you back. For I have seen you, and pitied you, for more than seven years in such frail health that you seemed, like the Dioscuri, alternately alive and dead. And so I more gladly thrust you, if I may so speak, into that field in which I know you will not range too far or too widely, and especially so that you may free that Philology of yours, your friendly and faithful housemate, from a grave charge. For I know that doctors and friends have often threatened you with mortal danger, unless at the first possible opportunity you put away from yourself that love of hers, if I may call it nearly insane, who has been found to suck you dry and gnaw you away by a slow wasting disease. For how long, I ask, will you keep this mistress, akin to me and dear to me, in your bedroom and even at your table? How greatly do you seem to be infatuated with her, O most ungrateful and most ungainly of all husbands and men, that you have never preferred her to a wife’s caresses, never to her kisses, although she holds and binds you with so many pledges most dear to you, since she has made you in ten years the father of six children, enriched and adorned, while moreover everything else with you is to your liking. Meanwhile, whenever you are conversing with her, those children often deafen your ears with their merry shouting, playing with their only sister and leaping about with a kind of dance, as if in unison. What if, then, I have bitten the reins of moderation in that license of life, and, among those untamed human passions, have wantonly shaken off the yoke of philosophy?

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET num tu præstò eris auriga cum uoles, qui mihi moderere? Sed fac me tecum sentire, & in hac re quoq[ue] autore te, ut in plerisq[ue] alijs, uti uelle: quì fieri tande id posse putas, ut qui moribus municipalibus non modò imbutus est, sed etiam in ijs ita callum obduxit, adeo contraxit habitum, planè ut fingi denuo aut reformari non possit, qui etia[m] ut in prouerbio est uernaculo, ia[m] maduit, & cõtractus est: is ut ad aulicos ritus nunc afformare sese, aut certè assimulare ementiriq[ue]; aulicum hominem possit? Hoc enim perinde esse puto, atq[ue] si me natura uerecundum, iubeas exuto statim pudore fronte acriter perficare ad summâ impudentiam. quod quemadmodu[m] tueri possis, ipse certe no[n] utdeo, præsertim qui me à teneris (quod aiunt) unguiculus noueris. Verum esto, frontem quoquo modo perficare potero: etiam ne sermonem ita affingere, ut fronti iam duriori sermo quoq[ue] adulterinus cõmentitiusq[ue] subseruiat? Hæc alijs quàm prona sint nescio, mihi certè habitus illos gestusq[ue] & flexus corporis sermonisq[ue] non tenenti, nec alioquin etiam gnaro figuratæ istius aulicæq[ue] urbanitatis, siquado inter illos Logodædalo loquor aut flexiloquos, identidem solæcismum admittere cõtingit, etiam si lepidus esse aut disertus loquitando mediter. no[n] enim numeros assequi possum aulicæ istius elegantiæ, quæ suam quandam palæstram habet, anniuersaria mutatione mestruaq[ue]; eua= riantem: sine cuiusperitia moueri, aut proloqui nemo non inconcinne potest, risumq[ue] (ut opinor) in circulis ciere. Iam uerò uestem illam ancipitem, aulico utique homini penula magis necessariam, an tu habile esse censes philosphiæ alumnis? Quid? cothurnis illis aulicis quemadmodum pares esse possumus? Theramenes illos à te intelligi uolo, qui ita temperare officia, ita iura amicitiæ interpre= tari

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G. BVD. OF THE ASS AND when will you be the charioteer, as you wish, to guide me? But suppose I agree with you and, in this matter too, follow your advice, as I have in most other things: how do you think it can possibly happen that someone who has not merely been imbued with municipal customs, but has so hardened himself in them and contracted such a habit that he plainly cannot be remade or reshaped anew—someone who, as the common proverb has it, is already soaked through and stiffened—can now fashion himself to courtly manners, or certainly imitate and feign a courtly man? For I think that would be just as if, because I am by nature modest, you were to order me, once shame were stripped away, to put on a boldly impudent brow. How you could manage that I certainly do not see, especially since you have known me, as they say, from my earliest nails. But let it be so: I may somehow be able to steel my brow; am I also to shape my speech so that, for a brow already made harder, my language too serves up something adulterated and counterfeit? I do not know how easy this may be for others; for my part, not being accustomed to those manners, gestures, and inflections of body and speech, nor otherwise familiar with that figured and courtly urbanity, whenever I speak among them as a kind of Logodaedalus or twisted-speaker, I keep slipping into solecism, even if I practice being witty or eloquent in conversation. For I cannot attain the rhythms of that courtly elegance, which has its own training-ground, changing with the seasons and the months; without knowledge of it, no one can move or speak without awkwardness and, I think, provoke laughter in company. And then that ambiguous garment, the cloak, which is surely more necessary for a courtier than for students of philosophy—do you think that is suitable for us? What of those courtly buskins—how can we be equal to them? I mean those of Theramenes, which you understand as belonging to those who can so temper duties, so interpret the rights of friendship

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 799 tari nouerunt, ut inter simultates exercenteis ipsi utrinq; gratiam summam ineant, quum neutris plenum germa= numque officium exhibeant. Hæc & alia permulta eius institutionis documenta, quum nec tenere satis possim, ingenij fortasse refractarioli uitio, nec in ore sedeant Ro= manæ affecto mancipato que facudiæ, per me licet ut alij natura sciti & elegates, illustreis se & beatos faciant in uita tenebricosa: me uerò lubentè curia illa nunquam te= nebit, quum etiam si maximè cupiam, ne longo quidem usu suum facere & perpetuum possit. Quin & ut im= perare muhi possim istos Fortisfortunæ consiliatores co= lere, stipare, & eorum fastidia perpeti (neque enim aut turpe esse credo eos homines obseruare, quibus apud principem gratia flagrare splendere que contigit, si non eosdem ad populum & ordines infamia atq; inuidia fla= grare uideamus: nec ita me hebeti ingenio esse puto, ut non id efficiam, si uelim, quod omnibus obuium est & pronum) ut igitur istos beatores hominum liberali qua= dam obseruantia prosequi possim, non tamen eorum ri= ualis esse uelim, ut eam quoque uitam adamem, quam ipsi consentis (ut dicitur) manibus amplexantur. siqui= dem ut est hodie & plerunque aulicarum rerum status & facies, uix tertius quisque hominum rationem habere fu= turæ uitæ atque æternæ uidetur. Vsqueadeo uæsanus ille amor honorum & diuitiaru[m], ex cordes homines immemo= resq; reddit. Prorsus certè (inquit ille) si quidè est nimius. tibi enim hac de re assentior, ut meministi sæpe me tecum disputare solitum. etenim cum in corde hominis religioni nostræ auspicato initiati, persidere amor rerum diuina= rum debeat, atque etiam deus ipse humanæ animæ spon= sus quasi in thalamo, sic in corde cum pacta sibi anima acquie < Curia aulica ex cordes homines facit. >

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They know how to do this, so that, amid the quarrels they are stirring up, they themselves on both sides may win the highest favor, when they show a full brotherly duty to neither party. These and very many other proofs of that training, since I myself can scarcely retain them well enough—perhaps through some fault of a rather stubborn mind, and since Roman fluency and practiced readiness do not sit upon my lips—let others, naturally clever and polished, make themselves illustrious and happy in the darkness of life: as for me, that court will never willingly hold me, since even if I most desire it, not even long habit could make it its own and permanent. And furthermore, how could I be able to command myself to cultivate, crowd about, and endure the disgusts of those counselors of Fortune, as if I were obliged to? For I do not believe it disgraceful to observe those men by whose favor with a prince it has happened that they blaze and shine, if we do not see them blazing with infamy and envy before the people and the estates; nor do I think my mind so dull that I could not accomplish, if I wished, what is open and easy to everyone. Therefore, in order that I may be able to follow those men who make others blessed with some liberal observance, I would not, however, wish to be their rival, so as also to love that life which they themselves, as the saying goes, embrace with both hands. For as the state and appearance of court affairs are today and for the most part, scarcely every third man seems to take account of the future life and eternity. So far has that insane love of honors and riches made men forgetful and mindless. “Certainly,” said he, “if there is such excess. For on this point I agree with you, as you remember I have often been accustomed to discuss with you. Indeed, since in the heart of a man, once he has been auspiciously initiated into our religion, love of divine things ought to abide, and since God himself, like a bridegroom, is within the human soul, as though in the bridal chamber, so in the heart with the soul pledged to him, resting... < Curia aulica makes forgetful men out of minds. >

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET acquiescere (hoc enim poscit Christiani hominis sacram[en]tum in prima lustratione susceptum) is certè cor habere non uidetur, qui mentem ad captu rerum coelestiu[m] natam, ac dei co[m]sortium, ad co[m]moda fortunæ & externa ita trâs= fert, ut nunquam apud deum, ac ne apud homine quidem ipsum homo esse uideatur, id est, sua negotia & propria æternaq[ue] curare, sed alias res agere, de externis ut anti= quioribus præcipue laborare. Etenim scelerati illi spiri= tus, Orci emissarij, earu[m] sæpe reru[m] sequestres (ut uidetur) atq[ue] interuentores, quæ in aula transiguntur, ambitionis et cupiditatis affectibus uelut uncinis cardiulcis corda ho minu[m] etiam doctissimoru[m] è sede sua euellunt, ut exemplis luculentis post memoria[m] tuam meamq[ue] cognitu[m] est. adijciu[n]t enim subdoli instinctores suauitatè quæredi, et uoluptate[m] honores assequendi, cu[m] quibus uelut catapotijs, quæ ano= dyna uocant medici, hamus ille cardiulcus, id est, eximedo cordi aptus, nullo sensu uoratur. At uerò philosophia ui= tæ instituendæ magistra, cordatos homines reddit, huma ni etia[m] ipsa alioquin animi excitatrix ad uirtute[m] capessendam. Istos autem aulicæ disciplinæ alumnos, hamo iam de= uorato, & pernicie intus grassante, uidemus futuri æui se curos, malis suis indormire somnu[m] Epimenidis: nec antè, quàm uadante in crastinu[m] uiatore mortis, quicquam sum= mæ & ultimæ curæ animo agitare: tunc trepidos illos ui= deas, uel uerius stupidos, disiecta uasa sua uelut in tumul= tu colligeteis: & ut serò fortasse quoquo modo resipiscen teis, sic nodum Adrastiæ legis formulâ intelligenteis, qua formula causam ipsi ad summum tribunal dicturi sunt. Hæc est enim iustitiæ summæ seueritas, ex bono illa qui dem atq[ue] æquo iudicans, sed nequaquam ex iure gentium nato, non ex humani sensus placitis, non è principum ordinum

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET to acquiesce (for this, indeed, is required by the sacrament of the Christian man, received in the first lustration) certainly does not seem to have a heart, he who transfers a mind born for the apprehension of heavenly things, and for fellowship with God, to the comforts of fortune and external affairs, in such a way that he never seems to be a man either before God or even before himself—that is, to care for his own business and what is proper and eternal, but to do other things, especially to labor over external matters as though they were prior. For those wicked spirits, emissaries of Orcus, often intermediaries and go-betweens, as it seems, in those matters which are transacted in court, with the passions of ambition and greed, as it were with heart-hooks, tear even the hearts of the most learned men from their seat, as has been clearly known from examples after your memory and mine. For the crafty instigators add that sweetness is to be sought, and the pleasure of attaining honors; with these, as with little pills, which physicians call anodynes, that heart-hook, that is, the hook suited to a softening heart, is swallowed without any awareness. But philosophy, mistress of the ordering of life, makes men prudent, and itself, besides, awakens the human mind to pursue virtue. Yet we see those pupils of courtly discipline, once the hook has been swallowed and destruction is raging within, heedless of the future age, asleep in their evils like the sleep of Epimenides; and before the traveler of death sets out for tomorrow, they do not set anything of the highest and final concern in their minds. Then you would see those men, or rather the stunned, gathering up their scattered goods as if in confusion; and as, perhaps too late, they somehow come to their senses, so they understand the knot of the law of Adrastia, by the formula of which they will themselves plead their case before the supreme tribunal. For this is the severity of the highest justice: indeed judging from the good and the equitable, but by no means from the law of nations as born, not from the principles of human judgment, not from the orders of princes

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. ordinum huius seculi respo[n]sis. Cuius interpretatione deus idem & homo sacris quatuor uoluminibus eorumq[ue] ap= pendicibus enarrauit, ijs quidem qui aures non audiendæ tantam, sed exaudiendæ etiam & hauriendæ æquitati sor= titi sunt. Philosophia uerò è contemplationis specula ad= uentantem mortem prouidens, cuius diem cessisse homini iam inde ab auspicatu uiuendi spirandiq[ue] intelligit, uix unquam opprimi aut occupari morte necopinata potest. Compositos enim penates illa suos seruans, in procinctu semper excubat, quasi nunquam non illo imminente tumul tu, quem in horam incertam prædixit is imperator, qui pro uigiliaru[m] tessera Herculis ærumnas militibus suis de= dit. Ipse enim Christus uerus fuit Hercules, qui per uitam ærumnosam omnia monstra superauit & edomuit. Hæc & alia huiuscemodi philosophiæ dictata mihi excidisse putas, qui me inescatum illicijs aulicoru[m] cauillaris? Cuius rei suspicionem ita à me abesse uelim, ut tamen hanc esse sententiam meam intelligas, aulicam uitam sapienti non statim ut Sphingem quandâ exitialiter ambagiosam, præ= sumpta in uniuersum atq[ue] in omne tempus opinione, fugi= endam esse aut auersandam: sed eam instituendæ uitæ ra= tionem uel ætate hominis, uel sorte oblata, uel necessitate temporis temperari, uel commoditate debere. Atq[ue] ut tan= quam obsignatis iam literis tecum agam, qui modò philo= sophiam nec inertem ad res gerendas esse dicebas, nec so= lisugam: nunc ipse pedem efferre eam extra pomæria ue= tas, atque adeò propemodum extra limen ædium priuæ= tarum, uidelicet quasi ad solem & puluerem caligatu= ram, aut quasi conuenarum illum sermonem aspectumq[ue]; non laturam. Vide igitur ut constanter hæc tibi & con= gruenter dixeris. Mihi quidem multa ferre uidetur ciuilis Ec & huma

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PART I. OF HIS BOOK V. on the answers concerning the affairs of this age. In the interpretation of these, God himself and man have expounded in the four sacred volumes and their appendices, indeed for those who have not ears given for hearing, but for hearing also and for receiving equity. Philosophy, however, looking out from the watchtower of contemplation upon death as it approaches, whose day she understands to have been granted to man from the very beginning of his breathing and living, can scarcely ever be crushed or overtaken by an unexpected death. For while preserving her own ordered household, she is always on guard in readiness for battle, as though never not with that tumult looming, which the emperor foretold for an uncertain hour, who gave to his soldiers, as the watchword for the night, the labors of Hercules. For Christ himself was the true Hercules, who through a toilsome life overcame and subdued all monsters. Do you think that these and other sayings of philosophy of this kind have escaped me, who am enticed there by the charms of courtly jests? I would wish the suspicion of this to be so far from me, yet that you may understand this to be my view: that a court life ought not at once, like a Sphinx dangerously riddling, to be shunned or avoided by the wise man on the basis of a preconceived opinion, applied universally and for all time; but that the way of life to be established must be moderated by the man’s age, or the lot offered, or the necessity of the time, or by convenience. And so, as though I were speaking with sealed letters, you who were just now saying that philosophy is neither idle in matters of action nor a sluggard now forbid her herself to step outside the city walls, and indeed almost outside the threshold of private houses, as though she could not endure the sun and dust, or that conversation and appearance among strangers. See, then, that you speak these things to yourself consistently and in agreement. Indeed, civil and human...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET < Philosophia loco & tepore ad res geredas p[er]dire ex umbraculis debet.> et humanioris institutionis ratio, multa temporum con= ditio, multa ingenium cuiusq; et captus, et naturæ de= xterioris aptitudo ad hoc, ad illud genus uitæ uersatilis, quum res hoc familiaris postulauerit. quæ omnia obserua= re debent (ut opinor) literarum studiosi, ne studium ipsi ignauum, aninu tantum et uoluptatis instituisse causa, no[n] etiam ad subsidium uitæ accommodasse uideantur. Hoc quum Cato, cum Brutus ille Ciceroni probatus, cum Se= neca, cum alij permulti literarum eruditione præditi fa= ctitarunt, ut à studioru[m] secessu ad celebritatem rerum ad= ministrandarum transirent: tum etiam publicarum hodie rerum interest magnopere: quin et ad priuatarum ima= ginum claritatem, et nominis cuiusque gentilitij illustra= tionem, id ipsum suapte ui maxime ualere solet: etiam si nunc friget temporum iniquitate, ut tu antea questus es ipse. Proinde ut Crassus orator ille nobilitatus elogijs Ci= ceronis, in eiusdem autoris dialogis inquit, se quum hono= res antiquo more reprehensandi singulorum peteret (sic enim tum ferebat ambiendi ratio) solitum esse à se Scæuo= lam socerum suum iuris consultum grauissimum dimittere, cum ei ita diceret, se aliquantisper esse uelle ineptum: sic si olim aut propediem tempus existat, quum uiri doctrina eleganti perpoliti, inter aulicos agere honestè ac commo dè possint, cur non etiam libentes faciant ut quod mori= bus ciuilibus conuenit, pace philosophiæ ad aliquot an= nos uerecundè suscipiant, ad aliudq; institutum uitæ non nigrent, sed commeent? id quod si fieri per occasionem oblatam bona philosophiæ uenia nequit, quid causæ est tandem quin literarum studiosi, ut caudices marcidi, tan= tum in tenebris fulgeant? Enimuero Budæe, ut philoso= phiæ studiosi circuferre philosophiam mansionatim ne= queunt: sic ab literaru[m] ipsi amore quasi quodam Lysania

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET < Philosophy ought to be passed over from the shadows into action, according to place and time.> And the discipline of a more humane education, the varied condition of times, the disposition and capacity of each person’s mind, and the fitness of one’s nature for this or that kind of versatile way of life, whenever the matter at hand demands it— all these things, I think, students of letters ought to observe, lest they seem to have undertaken study for idleness itself, for the mind alone and for pleasure, and not also to have adapted it as a support for life. This Cato, that Brutus approved by Cicero, Seneca, and many others richly endowed with learning, did, when from retirement devoted to study they passed over to the fame of administering public affairs. And even today this is of great importance to public matters; indeed, for private distinction as well, and for the illumination of each man’s family name, this same thing is usually of the greatest force by its own power, even if now it has grown cold through the unfairness of the times, as you yourself complained before. Therefore, just as that famous orator Crassus, celebrated by Cicero’s praises, says in the dialogues of the same author that, when he was seeking honors according to the old custom of canvassing individuals (for that was roughly the way of election then), he used to send away his father-in-law Scaevola, the most distinguished jurist, when he said to him that he wished for a little while to be foolish; so if once, or soon, a time should arise when men polished with elegant learning could comport themselves honorably and fittingly among courtiers, why should they not gladly do so, so that what is appropriate to civic conduct may, in the peace of philosophy, be undertaken modestly for a few years, and not be confined to one way of life but move back and forth? If this cannot be done when a suitable opportunity is offered, with philosophy’s good favor, what reason is there at last why students of letters, like rotting stumps, should shine only in darkness? Truly, Budaeus, just as lovers of philosophy cannot carry philosophy about from place to place: so from their love of letters, as from some kind of Lysania

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 803 comite nunquam derelinquuntur, qui molestias omneis in= suetæ uitæ discutit. Peractis autem stipendijs honestæ am= bitionis, quæ nullo ipsa certo numero præfiniuntur, sed a= lia quadam ratione modum suum sortiuntur: tum demum philosophia receptui cauens, iterum sibi reddit homines, quasiq[ue] natalibus, sic ingenio restituit, quos aut ambitio ciuilis, aut cupiditas non improbata in claris ingenijs, li= berali seruituti ac temporariæ mancipauerant. Quòd si refractaria illa uitæq[ue] insensa philosophia uiri gaudentes studiosi, inexpiabili odio dissidere cum ratione ciuili au= licæq[ue] perseverarint, quid aliud quàm in mantica Crate= tis (ut diunt) extremum fati uadimonium expectare di= centur? Hæc est mea hac de tota disputatione sententia, quam tu fusius ipse (ut opinor) atq[ue] eloquentius dixisses: ego censentis more & deliberantis, ut in curia summa so= lemus, non exornantis more dixi. Quasi uerò (inquam) tu leuiter hanc artem dicendi attigeris, in qua tibi iam par esse non possum, ut uideo: ut nisi te studium istud iuri ni= miopere teneret, in quo tu matutinas horas promeridia= nasq[ue] collocas (nec immeritò, ferè enim primarij uiri eo studio inclæruerunt) scribendi nobis occasione[m] facilè præ= repturus fueris. Vnus tu autem à regno hoc condito in= uentus es, qui modum in ea re tenere possis, quæ modum nullu[m] nouit, annos & dies ut præstituas stipendijs cupidi= tatis æra in comitatu principali merentis: & rursus cum emeritam ipsam quoquo modo senseris, uelut causariæ aut ueteranæ missionem à ratione ut imperatrice postu= les. Quis uerò post hominum memoriâ missionem antè ab aula postulauit, quàm uno ipse aut altero stipendio ære dirutus fuit? quasi uerò ratio ambitionem & cupiditatem exautorare possit, quas liberum abitrium sacramento ita obstrui E e 2 Lysanias co- mes, tristiæ discusor. In mātica Cra teris philoso- phari. Côtra aulicos qui ratione & honestatem re- ceptui canenti non audiunt.

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Lysanius, disputer of sadness. To philosophize in Crates’ satchel. Against courtiers who do not listen to reason and to honesty calling them back. Those who are accompanied by philosophy are never abandoned by it, since it shakes off all the troubles of an unaccustomed life. But after the campaigns of honorable ambition are completed—campaigns which are not themselves bounded by any fixed number, but obtain their measure by some other rule—then at last philosophy, providing for retreat, restores men to themselves, and, as if to their birth, so by their nature gives back those whom either civic ambition, or a not dishonorable desire in eminent minds, had made over to a kind of free and temporary servitude. But if that stubborn and life-hostile philosophy, with men rejoicing in study, should persist in an irreconcilable hatred against civil and courtly reason, what else shall they be said to await than, as they say, in Crates’ satchel, the final surety of fate? This is my opinion on the whole dispute, which you, I think, would have expressed more fully and more eloquently: I have spoken, as one giving an opinion and deliberating, as we are accustomed to do in the highest council, not as one embellishing a speech. “As if,” I said, “you have only lightly touched this art of speaking, in which I can now no longer be your equal, as I see; unless that study of law holds you too strongly, in which you place your morning hours and your afternoons too—nor unjustly, for indeed men of the highest rank have become famous through that pursuit—you would easily have snatched from us the opportunity of writing. But you alone, since this kingdom was founded, have been found who can keep measure in that matter which knows no measure, setting years and days as the wages of ambition’s service for one serving in the chief retinue; and again, when you have in some way felt that service itself earned and completed, you would demand release from reason as from a commander, as if for a man of plea or a veteran. Who, in living memory, ever asked for discharge from the court before he himself had been stripped of his pay by one or two campaigns? As if reason could cashier ambition and desire, which free will has been bound by oath so firmly...”

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obstrinxit, ut nô milites illæ quidè, sed deuotæ potius dici debeant. Cedo nunc unum igitur quem uel in præcipiti canitie missionem impetrasse fateamur: nam multos numeris expunctos ipsi nouimus, qui nunc falsò inter causarios uoluntariosq[ue] profitentur, periti autem rerum nouerunt missionem eos detrectanteis exautoratos esse, quibus frustra fucum ipsi factitare nituntur. Proinde Deloine aut tu ex sentetia animi non loqueris, aut parum nosse uidere naturam & pellaciam eius belluæ, quam uulgus hominum Androsphinx. Curiam, perspicaciores autem Androsphingem uocitant, cuius ambages dissoluere si aulicarum rerum homines co-sultissimi nequeunt (quotus enim quisq[ue], ut dixi, explicare semel ab eis se potuit?) quo modo temerariu[m] non est eam rem arbitrij nostri futuram existimare? Mitto nunc quòd si eius uitæ dies atros ac candidos numeres, multis partibus maiorem illorum numerum inuenies, etiam si eos tantum spectes, qui potentiæ successu obseruantiam omnium ad se trahunt, nedum si unum è multis consideres, quibus angustè & incommodè tentorium habere in castris tumul tuarijs illis non statiuis necesse est, in quorum manipulis similes nostri si sacramento adacti sint, centuriari solent. Atqui (inquit) sic existimo, uiru[m] literaru[m] uerè studiosum, honestatis amantem, & dei metuentem, nunquam ita de-prehensum, ita indagine quamlibet apta, nixa, arctaq[ue] cin etum esse, quin liberum arbitrium à philosophia uindice hominum & assertrice, commonefactum & excitatu[m], eas plagas (ut aiunt) ipsi summissuru[m] sit, quibus nonnulli per-ditè ambitiosi circunclusos esse se fingunt, nullo interlaplu exituq[ue] relictio. Hic etiam tu autem delicias facies, & fortuita hospitia angustaq[ue] causabere, homo credo uitæ uagæ & peregrinæ insolens: ceu uerò nesciam Italiam te & urbem

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it has so entangled them that they ought not to be called soldiers at all, but rather devotees. Come now, name just one, then, whom we can admit to have obtained a discharge even in extreme old age: for we ourselves know many whose names have been struck off the rolls, who now falsely profess to be claimants or volunteers; but those well versed in such matters know that they were dismissed when they refused service, though these men try in vain to make a sham of it for them. Therefore, Deloine, either you are not speaking according to your real feelings, or you seem to know too little of the nature and cunning of that beast, which ordinary people call Androsphinx, the courtier, but the more discerning call the Androsphinx; and if even the most astute men of court affairs cannot unravel its twists and turns—since, as I said, how many have ever once succeeded in explaining themselves to it?—how is it rash not to think that this matter will be left to our own judgment? I say nothing now of this: if you count the black and white days of its life, you will find their number far greater; even if you consider only those who, by the success of their advancement, draw to themselves the respect of all, let alone if you consider one out of many, among whom it is necessary to have, in the camps of those wandering not temporary soldiers but in their tents, a narrow and inconvenient lodging, in whose ranks men like ours, if bound by oath, are accustomed to be formed into centuries. Yet I think, he said, that a man truly devoted to letters, loving what is honorable and fearing God, is never so caught, never so tightly enclosed, however suitable, however well-laid, however close the net may be, that free will—reminded and stirred up by philosophy, the defender and champion of mankind—would not cast off those snares, as they say, into which some most wretchedly ambitious men pretend that they are entangled, with no opening or escape left at all. Here too, then, you are making excuses, and you will plead accidental lodgings and cramped quarters, I suppose, you man unused to a wandering and foreign life: as if I did not know Italy and you and the city

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 805 & urbem Romam non semel adijsse difficilimo tempore, partim animi causa, partim cum potestate, cum tu liberam legationem suscepisse dicerere uisendæ Italiæ gratia, quâ tu admirabare: tum in ipso etiam aulæ Francicæ comitatu pridem munia obiuisse. Sed rursus quòd me illicio aliquo inescatum esse dicebas, qui soles omnia concitatius in hu= iuscemodi eloqui, num tandem tibi uideor aut grauitatem magistratus mei imminuisse, aut anteactæ uitæ opinioné, qualis est eunque de me, cuiuis homini aut causæ aduerso rumore addixisse? Addidisti etiam, me tibi esse uisum ad ambitionem pronum, non tam proposito quam ingenio. Nam etsi ambitione honestam claris ferè ingenijs aut co= gnatam esse uideo, aut agnatam, gestientis tamen ambitionis culpam, quam turpem semper esse censui, haud libenter agnoscam: & tamen ioculari hac tua reprehensione admonitus, uercor ne quid imprudens in ea re admiserim, ut est humana conditio, aut ex statu constantiæ & grauitatis alicubi exciderim, ut imminuisse aut maiestatem aut dignitatem huius magistratus atq[ue] ordinis uidear. Amabo te mi Budæe, si quid in me tale animaduertisti, obiurgato me strenuè, ac pro ea amicitia quam iam tot annos coli= mus. nosti enim me nihil unquam antiquius bonorum & grauium existimatione habuisse, duntaxat secundum rectâ conscientiâ, cuius deus unus & solus explorator est. Cum autem iudicium tuum nunquam aspernatus sim: tum uerò maximè intelligo tibi me notum esse, utpote cui in usu fa= miliarissimo indicare me quàm simplicissimè soleâ simul illud memini, sæpe te mecum ita esse collocutum, nihil ut commodius esse posse diceres uiro in magistratu constitu= to, ad magnosq[ue] honores aspiranti, quam si amicum sibi unum delectum ac probatum, adhiberet castigatorem, aut E e 3 certè < Agnatum est, quod post natum est.> < Locus animaduertendus.>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 805 and that you had not once, in the most difficult time, visited the city of Rome; partly for the sake of your own mind, partly in office, since you said that you had undertaken a free embassy for the purpose of seeing Italy, at which you were amazed; and then, too, that you had long since discharged duties in the very retinue of the French court. But again, because you said that I had been enticed there by some lure, you who are accustomed to speak everything more vehemently in matters of this kind, do I finally seem to you either to have diminished the gravity of my office, or, contrary to the opinion of my former life, which is such as any hostile report of me to any man or cause, to have attached myself to it? You added, too, that I seemed to you inclined to ambition, not so much by purpose as by nature. For although I see that ambition is almost naturally allied, or akin, to honorable and distinguished minds, yet I shall not readily admit the fault of an over-eager ambition, which I have always judged to be base; and yet, warned by this playful criticism of yours, I fear lest I may have done something imprudently in that matter, as is human nature, or have somewhere fallen from my settled habit of constancy and gravity, so that I may seem to have lessened either the majesty or the dignity of this office and order. I beg you, my Budæus, if you have noticed anything of the sort in me, rebuke me vigorously, and that too for the friendship which we have now cultivated for so many years. For you know that I have never had anything more important than the esteem of good and serious men, second only to a right conscience, of which God alone is the examiner. And since I have never despised your judgment, I now especially understand that I am well known to you, since in the most familiar intercourse I am accustomed to reveal myself to you as simply as possible; at the same time I remember that you have often spoken with me in such a way that you said nothing could be more useful to a man placed in office and aspiring to great honors than to choose for himself one approved friend as a corrector, or certainly < Agnatum est, quod post natum est.> < Locus animaduertendus.>

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET certè emissarium & subauscultatore, qui ad se uelut iure suo referret cuiusmodi esset populi de moribus eius actibusq; iudiciu[m]: quæ actio eius motusq; cuncorum plausum frigus'ue, quæ aduersum rumorem ordinum, quæ bonoru[m] & grauiu[m] calculum mereri uideretur. sic enim futuru[m] esse ut iure improbari no[n] posset, qui omnium propè arbitratu sese emendauisset. Hoc autem cum pauci animaduerteret, hactenus factu[m] esse ut egregij sæpe uiri summos statim ho nores adepti, ad populu[m] (ut dicitur) & ordines offende= rent, suarum scilicet ipsi inconcinnitatum ignari, quæ per ora tot hominu[m] magno strepitu peruulgantur. Quod uerò ad me attinet: ut ambitionis suspicione uindicare me non admodu[m] laboro, sic hoc deprecari peruelim, ne me cupidi= tas træsuersum egisse, aut extra numeros probitatis & ho nestatis extulisse uideatur. Nec enim mei obliuisci ipse pos sum, nec personæ quam mihi cum literaru[m] studium flagrantissimum, tum uerò collegiu[m] grauissimum amplissimumq; imposuit, in quod non poenitendis (ut opinor) auspicijs ipse adoptatus sum. Sed quid ego hæc tecum ne quicquam? qui me propemodum ab incunabulis & crepundijs noui= sti, & cui me iam tot annos explorandum bona fide ad manum que aspiciendum præbui: ut notiores animi mei sensus omnes ei sacerdoti esse non possint quem à confessionibus religiosis habeo, quàm tibi Budæe mens mea pernotuit. Ibi tum ego renidens, Equidem (inquam) De= loine uideor te non leuiter commouisse: cuius rei indices sunt malæ istæ tuæ pleniores, insolito rubore suffusæ: id quod nisi ut facerem, in mentem mihi uenisset, nunquam isti facundiæ utique par esse potuissem. Etenim quis tibi hoc concedat, ut mihi te semper Scæuolam, & quum uoles etiam, ut subinde Crassum præbeas? Vt enim si quid

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. Budaeus, De Asse et certainly as a messenger and eavesdropper, who would report back to him as though by his own right what sort of judgment the people had formed about his conduct and actions: what behavior and bearing of his won the applause or the coldness of all, what seemed to merit the contrary rumor of the orders, and the verdict of the good and the serious. For thus it would come about that he could not rightly be blamed, who had amended himself almost by the judgment of all. But since this is noticed by few, it has so far come about that often outstanding men, once they have immediately obtained the highest honors, offend the people, as the saying goes, and the orders, being of course themselves unaware of their own awkwardnesses, which are spread abroad with great clamor through the mouths of so many people. As for myself: while I do not labor very hard to clear myself of the suspicion of ambition, so I would very much wish to plead this, that my desire has not seemed to have carried me headlong, or to have carried me beyond the bounds of probity and honesty. For I cannot forget myself, nor the role which the most ardent study of letters, and indeed the most serious and most eminent college, has imposed upon me; into which I myself was adopted, as I think, under no unlucky auspices. But why do I say these things to you, as if I were saying something new? You who have known me almost from my cradle and rattle-boxes, and to whose eyes I have now for so many years presented myself to be examined in good faith and observed at hand: so that all the feelings of my mind could not be more familiar to that priest whom I have for confessions of conscience than my mind has been fully known to you, Budaeus. Thereupon I, smiling, said, “Indeed, Deloini, you seem to have moved me not a little: the evidence of which are those fuller cheeks of yours, flushed with unusual redness. Unless I had thought to do this, I would never have been able to match that eloquence at all. For who would grant you this, that you should always play the Scaevola to me, and whenever you wish even the Crassus as well? For if anything…”

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 807. quid in foro tuo possim (tuum autem uoco, in quo primaria esse autoritate te dicunt homines doctissimu) sed ut siquid ad intelligentiam enarrationemq; iuris uestri ciuilis communisci aliquando & afferre in medium possim, quod ex ea penu prompterim quæ uobis iurisprudentibus usualis esse non solet (cuiusmodi nonnulla in Annotationibus nostris scripsimus in Pandectas editis, & iterum fortasse scribemus, siquando eò animum retulerimus) id totum iudicio tuo tuiq; similium submitto: sic te uicissim decebat amicitiæ saltem iure, doctrinæ mihi fasces in ea re summit tere, qua in re non ætatulam quidem (quod uehementer doleo) sed ætatis bonam partem te stimulante contruii, etiam si ui maiore ingenij tu in eadem ipsa re nos superare uideare. quippe ius hoc poscere amicitiæ nosti, ut inter disserendum simulata interim & affectata uel infantia uel inscitia, ab amico uinci te patiare: cum si nihil de contentione remittas, possis animum eius ægritudine non leuiter sauciare. Itaq; quandò te nihil mihi (ut uidebam) condo[n] naturum, uincere alia ratione non poteram, non inuitus ipse feci ut acriore altercandi uelitatione te è statu peruicacis facundiæ depellerem: quæ copiosius ipsa mihi semper uidetur atque compositius uerba uobis iurisconsultis non usitata fundere, quam ut è libris tantum iuris haustum esse quis eam credat. Quanquam haud admodum lubens facio ut eam tibi facultatem tantam concedam, homini in alijs studijs occupatissimo, quam omnium difficilimè artium comparari co[n]tendere tecum soleo. Sedenim id penè muto quod nuper de te affirmaueram. Ambitiosum esse te natura diceba, non proposito: nunc natura ab ambitione abhorrere te, uel uerius ab ambitu, dico, non item fortasse proposito. Nemo est enim omnium quos noui ingenio & decti E c 4

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 807. what I can do in your forum (your forum, I say, in which men most learned tell me that you are held to have the chief authority), but so that if I can at some time contribute anything to the understanding and exposition of your civil law, and bring it into the open from that storehouse of my own, which is not usually familiar to you jurists—of which kind I have written some things in our Annotations published on the Pandects, and perhaps shall write again, if ever I turn my mind that way—I submit all of it to your judgment and that of men like you. Thus in turn it was fitting for you, at least in the name of friendship, to place in my hands the fasces of scholarship in that matter, in which matter I have spent, not indeed a little of my youth, which I deeply regret, but a good part of my age, prompted by you, even if by greater force of talent you seem to surpass us in the very same subject. For you know that this is what friendship requires: that, while disputing, you allow yourself to be defeated by a friend, under the guise, meanwhile, and with an air, of either childishness or ignorance; for if you yield nothing of the contest, you may not lightly wound his spirit with pain. And so, since I saw that you were going to concede nothing to me, I could not otherwise prevail; unwilling though I was, I myself did what I could to drive you, by a sharper skirmish of debate, from your position of obstinate eloquence—an eloquence which always seems to me to pour forth more copiously and more elegantly words not usual among you jurists, than anyone would believe it to have been drawn merely from books of law. Although I do not much like to do this, I am allowing you so great an ability, a man occupied with other studies, than whom I am accustomed to contend with you in the most difficult of all arts. But I almost change what I had recently affirmed about you. I said that you were ambitious by nature, not by design; now I say that by nature you are averse to ambition, or more truly, to striving after distinction—though perhaps not by design. For there is no one of all whom I know, in talent and learning...

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET & doctrina præditos, qui minus te prehensare homines, aut colere potentes, & omnino numeros implere ambitus iusti atq[ue] efficacis aptus sit. siquidem oportet eos qui hoc scitè facere uolunt, quo iure quæq[ue] iniuria morigeros se spondere postulantibus, ad festiuosq[ue] uultus semper esse fi- ctos & compositos, etiam si probi uiri esse animo obfir- mauerint. Alioquin frustrari nemo potest aut deuorare molestiam adeuntium, æqua, iniqua, expedita, perplexa, improbè postulantium, quorum in odium & iurgiu[m] etiam incidas necesse est, quasiq[ue] in campo & inter comitia of- fendas atq[ue] impingas, si quid æqui boniq[ue] non obsequiose dixeris. Ita qui ritus eius disciplinæ tenere uelit, hunc ne- cesse est duplicem quam uocant philosophiam & ancipi- tem nosse, ut exotericus ipse sit & esotericus, nec idem intestinus homo sit & externus. Sermo tantum speciosus & urbanus, ac uultus blandus & festiuus inter se non di- screpent. Ad hanc autem disciplinam, & alias quas homi- nes ambituros percallere oportet, cum parum te docilem semper animaduerterim, miror cur tibi in mentem uene- rit Aristippi meminisse, quem omnis (ut inquis ipse) decuit status & color & res: quasi uersabile mihi sit, & tibi cu[m] uoles futurum sit ad ista ingenu[m]. Quo modo aute[m] tu non ineptam sententiam hanc tueris contra tuum institutu[m], qui quu[m] non ignores illic hominu[m] iudicia atq[ue] etia[m] proposita ferè esse corruptissima, eis tame[n] suadeas in eo co[m]uentu esse uiuendu[m], qui in simplicitate & candore moru[m] spes omnes suas repositas habeat? Neq[ue] enim mihi ludibudi sunt ocu- li, quibus in occursu & in circulis isti uenustuli gratiosi esse didicerunt: nec lepores illos urbanitatis aulicæ noui, quibus pro illecebris logodædali ad aucupandâ famâ sci- tæ comutatis & emerendâ ututur. Quu[m] ille rursus sermone[m] excepisset, < Alludit ad exo tericam disci- plinâ & acroa- maticam, cuius meminit Cic- ero in quinto de Finib[us] & Cels- ib[us] undeuice- simo.>

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET endowed with doctrine, who is less suited to take hold of men, or to court the powerful, and altogether to fill out the numbers of a just and effective ambition. For it is necessary that those who wish to do this skillfully, by whatever right or wrong they promise to be compliant with those who ask, should always be ready with festive faces, and composed, even if they have firmly resolved in mind to be good men. Otherwise no one can avoid disappointing or swallowing up the annoyance of those who approach, whether they ask fairly or unfairly, straightforwardly or in perplexity, impudently, whose hatred and quarrels you must necessarily incur, as though you were to stumble and run up against them in a field and among elections, if you say anything of fairness or goodness that is not obsequious. Thus whoever wishes to observe the rites of that discipline must necessarily know the double, as the philosophers call it, and twofold philosophy, so that he himself may be exoteric and esoteric, and the same man may not be inward and outward. Only his speech should be polished and urbane, and his countenance bland and festive, should not differ one from the other. But for this discipline, and for the others which men who seek advancement ought to be thoroughly acquainted with, since I have always observed you to be rather little inclined to learn, I wonder why it has come into your mind to recall Aristippus, whom every rank and color and situation (as you yourself say) suited: as though there were anything changing about me, and as though to you, when you wish, such a disposition would be natural. In what way, then, do you defend this not at all foolish opinion against your own purpose, you who, though you do not ignore that men’s judgments and even their intentions there are almost utterly corrupt, nevertheless advise them to live in that assembly which has placed all its hopes in simplicity and purity of morals? For my eyes are not for mockery, by means of which those charming fellows have learned to be pleasing in meetings and in circles; nor do I know those refinements of courtly urbanity, by which, transformed into enticements for catching fame, they use them for the sake of skillful overreaching and gaining favor. When that man had again taken up the discourse, < This refers to the exoteric discipline and the acroamatic, which Cicero mentions in the fifth book of the Finibus and Celsus in the nineteenth.>

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 809 excepisset, egoq[ue] non desuturus sententiæ meæ mihi uide= rer, amicoq[ue] in eo non cessurus: ecce tibi nûcius regiæ mor tis, qui disputatione nostram abrupit consternatione subi= ta. Post aliquot aute[m] dies cum cum domi offendissem ocio= sum (interuisere enim sæpe inuicem solebamus) continuò ut assedimus, Ecquid, inquit, Budæe aliud tibi in mentem uenit de disputatione nostra? an in sententia permanes? Vides enim triduo eam mutationem rerum factam, ut iam alius omnino sensus publicæ mentis existat, diuersiq[ue] mo= res esse inolituri putentur, ut ferè omnia circumagit & plurima inuertit regni noui exortus. Certè uox famæ pu= blicæ iucundissima ad aures omnium ferme ordinum ue= nit natali huius regni. At qui eò, inquam, penè euasimus, ut non facundia tantum tibi huius disputationis palmam, sed etiam rerum euentus fortasse daturus sit. nam si festis huius principatus auspicijs, rerum gerendarum progressus re= sponderit, erit utiq[ue] cur uirtus & doctrina excant ex um= braculis, & ferre solem, ut dicitur, pulueremq[ue] non renu= ant. Id adeò licet ex præteriti & præsentis temporis con tentione æstimare. Quum enim antè orba respublica sum mis magistratibus esset, maximaq[ue] munia partim uicarijs operis obirentur, partim omnino non obirentur, primum nihil nec rectè satis nec ordine (id quod necesse erat eue= nire) fiebat, deinde uelut abdicatis uel abrogatis magistra tibus, informis ac destituta Respub. iniurijs intestinis exter nisq[ue] exposita et obuia iacebat. Cuius indignitatis causam nunc magnopere non inquireo. id tantum dicam quod fama circunfert, in duas ipsa sententias diuisæ: Partim hominum culpam à uertice ipso arcessebant, qui bona magis uolun= tate, quàm strenua & cordata solertia fuisse à multis exi= stimatur: Partim ad actores ipsos rerum, dispensatoresq[ue] E e 5 copiar

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 809 when he would have answered, and I, not being one to fail in my own opinion, seemed to myself and not to my friend to be yielding anything in that matter: behold, a messenger of the queen’s death, which cut short our discussion with sudden consternation. After a few days, when I had found him at home at leisure—for we were accustomed to visit one another often—at once, as soon as we had sat down, “What,” he said, “Budaeus, has anything else occurred to you about our discussion? Or do you still remain of the same opinion? For you see that in three days such a change has come about in public affairs that now altogether another sense of the public mind seems to exist, and different customs are thought likely to take root, so that the rising of a new kingdom turns almost everything about and reverses very much.” Certainly the most welcome report of the public voice has come to the ears of nearly all ranks on the birthday of this kingdom. And we, I replied, have nearly got to the point where not eloquence alone, but perhaps even the outcome of events will give you the palm in this discussion. For if, under the happy omens of this principate, the progress of affairs to be undertaken should correspond, there will indeed be reason why virtue and learning should come forth from their shadowed places, and, as the saying goes, not refuse to bear sun and dust. This can be judged especially from the comparison of the past and the present. For when before this the commonwealth was bereft of its highest magistrates, and the greatest offices were partly carried out by deputies, partly not carried out at all, first nothing was done either sufficiently correctly or in due order—as was bound to happen—and then, as though the magistrates had resigned or been abolished, the shapeless and forsaken Republic lay exposed and open to domestic and foreign wrongs. I do not now inquire greatly into the cause of that disgrace. I shall say only what report carries about, that opinion itself was divided into two views: some traced the blame to the very top, to men who, as many judge, acted more from goodwill than from strenuous and prudent diligence; others to the actual agents and administrators of affairs, the distributors of the supplies...

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copiarum, summum crimen referebant, qui hebetes iam oculos domini non uerentes, nec ab auribus eius magnopere metuëtes, quas obfirmatæ obaudientiæ cera obstructas esse confidebant, in libera administratione summæ rerum remissi fuisse dicuntur, & in tumultu securi (sic enim homines tum sobrij loquebantur) aut nimium sese in arduis consulentes, ut prudentes dictitabant. Commune autem utrisq[ue] crimen ab hominum sermone illud erat, quòd orbæ rerum summæ tutores ut suspecti postulari non poterant, cum honorarij ex diadematico genere adhibiti nulli esset, qui custodes saltem administrantium in speciem esse uiderentur. Ex quærerum deformitate (ut parcissimè loquar) secuta est ea Francici nominis suggillatio, quæ sine insigni mutatione rerum discuti non poterat. Affuit igitur precibus non publicis, sed populi duntaxat, ut speramus, tuteclare numen Franciæ, quum Calendis Ianuarijs Rex socer fato functus Franciscum nobis Regem æquo animo reliquit, ut filiam quoq[ue] suam Reginam relinqueret. Proh superi immortales, quid hic primum, quid postremum exequar? Iampridem Calendæ Ianuariæ quid non polliceri ad instaurandam rei Fræcicæ formam ac dignitatem uidentur? quo die strenæ uice, aurea (ut antiquo uerbo loquar) fortuna ad eum regem trahiuit, qui & corpore & animo implere uices summi imperatoris possit, ut si quis unquam maiorum. Deinde nominis eius omen non ne certam spem præmonstrat illustrandæ gloriæ nostræ, cum à códito hoc imperio Franci nunc primùm de suo uocabulo denominatum habere regem coeperint? Iam uerò manus illæ cinetri ces summorum magistratum, non ne militum mentes afflictas insolita ignominia, humiq[ue] propemodum serpentes ordinum omnium animos, triduo ita erexerunt, ut altiores etiam

Transcription: Translated (English)

They laid the supreme crime to the charge of the copyists, men who, no longer fearing the dull eyes of their master, nor greatly dreading his ears, which they were confident had been blocked up by the wax of obstinate obedience, are said to have been remiss in the free administration of the highest affairs, and secure amid the turmoil (for so men then soberly spoke), or, as they used to say, over-counseling themselves in difficult matters as prudent men. But the common accusation against both, as people said, was this: that, as guardians of an orphaned supreme administration, they could not be summoned as suspects, since none had been appointed from the diadematic rank as honorary officers to appear at least in the guise of guards over those administering. From the ugliness of these affairs (to speak as mildly as possible) there followed that disparagement of the French name, which could not be removed without an extraordinary change in affairs. Therefore there came, not in response to public prayers, but to those of the people alone, as we trust, the protecting deity of France, when on the Calends of January the King, our father-in-law, having fulfilled his fate, left us Francis as our king with a calm mind, just as he also left his daughter as queen. O immortal gods above, what should I take up first here, what last? For long before now what do the Calends of January seem not to promise for the restoration of the French state and its dignity? On that day, in place of the New Year’s gift, golden fortune (to speak with an ancient word) came to that king who, in body and mind alike, could fill the role of the supreme commander, if ever anyone could surpass his ancestors. And then does not the omen of his name itself promise a certain hope of enhancing our glory, when, from this established empire, the French have now for the first time begun to have a king named from their own title? And now those gray-haired hands of the highest magistrates—did they not lift the spirits of the soldiers, oppressed by unusual disgrace, and the minds of all orders, which had been almost crawling on the ground, in such a way within three days that even more elevated...

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etiam pristinis corum spiritus excitarint? prorsus ut ma= gnificum quoddam atq[ue] amplum huius regni principium suerit hoc maximè nomine. Nullum enim auspicatius esse poterat (ut quidem est hominum iudicium) quàm ut pacis belli[us]; artes, longo summorum magistratuum interregno consopitæ, statim uelut è somno diuturno expergiscerentur. < Cancellarius Franciæ.> Quare Cancellario primo quoque tempore dicto, ui= ro eximiæ doctrinæ & industriæ, cum in purpura summa probatæ, tum aliàs principi ipsi spectatæ & cognitæ, quid aliud quàm ueluti iustitium diuturnum solutum esse uisum est? Est enim ille magistratus inter togatos summus: < Nomophylacium.> cuius domus (quod Nomophylacium dicitur uerbo pri= scio) iuris custodia, legum ac constitutionum præsidium, oppressorum asylum, flagitiosorum scopulus, æquitatis of sicina, æra supplicum, & iure summo lapsorum admini= culum esse debet. At qui (inquit ille) cum de eo magistratu in Annotationibus tuis loquerere, originemq[ue] eius à Mi= nois tempore repeteres, nullis propè finibus munia eius circunscripsisti, quasi unus ille honor ad se summam o= mnium rerum munerumq[ue]; traheget, cum principis ui= ces propemodum impleret, præsertim ut est bodie ratio. gerendi eius honoris. nunc, ut uideo, partes eius magistra= tus tanqua[m] nomophylacis tantùm exequeris, quasiq[ue] anti= stitis cuiusdam æqui & boni, & uiuæ legis indulgentiæ, cuius interpretatione à benignitate principali postulatu= ri, nomophylaciu[m] uelut oraculum quoddâ clementiæ prin cipalis suppliciter adeunt. quem magistratu[m] quandiu desi derauiimus, tandiu æqui boniq[ue]; oraculu[m] obmutuisse credi= tur. quod nunc quum luculeto aditu princeps patefecerit, & alias quoq[ue]; partes inaneis in Repub. constituenda re= pleuerit, utique imperium iuri & legibus, & dignitatem suam

Transcription: Translated (English)

even the spirits of their former companions? So that this might have been, in this most magnificent and ample beginning of this kingdom, above all by this name. For nothing could have been more auspicious (as indeed is men's judgment) than that the arts of peace and war, lulled to sleep by a long interregnum of the highest magistracies, should at once, as if from a long sleep, awaken. < Cancellarius Franciæ.> Wherefore, when the Chancellor was next appointed in due time, a man of outstanding learning and industry, well approved in the highest rank, and also elsewhere noted and known to the prince himself, what else seemed it than as though a long suspension of justice had been ended? For that magistracy is the highest among the gown-clad offices: < Nomophylacium.> whose house (for so it is called in an ancient word, Nomophylacium) ought to be the guardian of law, the protection of laws and constitutions, the refuge of the oppressed, the rock of the wicked, the workshop of equity, the haven of suppliants, and the support of those who have fallen under the strictest justice. But then, he says, when in your Annotations you were speaking of that magistracy and traced its origin back to the time of the Minoans, you confined its duties to scarcely any bounds, as if that single office drew to itself the whole sum of all things and duties, since it almost filled the place of the prince, especially as is the present manner of administering that honor. Now, I see, you are carrying out only the parts of that magistracy as nomophylax, as if of some presiding officer of equity and goodness, and of the indulgence of living law, whose interpretation is sought from princely kindness, and the nomophylacium is approached supplicantly as though to some oracle of princely clemency. As long as we lacked that magistracy, so long the oracle of equity and goodness is believed to have been silent. But now that the prince has opened it with a clear entrance, and has also filled up other vacant parts in the republic's constitution, assuredly authority to law and laws, and its own dignity

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET suam imperio, et regnum deniq[ue] ipsum sibi, restituisse di= cetur, si tamen prouidetia expectationi nostræ subscripse rit. Sed perge porrò. Omnia enim hæc quæ nunc dicis, in causam mea uertam, quasi non tibi aqua, sed mihi iam soli fluat. Quid mea resert? inquam, quum iamiam tibi herbâ porrecturus sim, quod ad controuersiam quidem ipsam, non quod ad me pertinet. Iuuat etia[m] me uictum à te in pu blica lætitia fateri. ita te superiorem fecit non tua tantum facundia, aut mea mala causa, sed euentus felicior: cuius utinam expectatio ita nobis satisfaciat, ne tibi rursum hu= ius rei quam coniectura iudicauimus, controuersiam olim ipse referre possim. Equide[m], inquit, non uideo Budæe quid ultrà causaturus sis: omnia nunc uides ex sententia animi tui contigisse. Cancellarius is est factus, quem tu maximè exoptabas, non tua magis causa, quàm omnium qui in lite < Antoni à Prato Cæcellarius> rarum studiu[m] spes suas contulissent. Is est Antonius à Præ= to, uir non modò literarum amore captus, sed etiam litera rum amatissimus: qui cum doctis in uniuersum et ingenio= sis nimirum autorem se præbebit, et apud hunc nostrum Augustum, alterum Mæcenatem: tum uerò proprius et æternus tibi erit suffragator, utpote qui iandiu (ut nosti) omnia tua causa cupiat. id quod et si tibi auditum comper tumq[ue]; esse non dubito, ipse tame[n] tibi fidem facere uberio= rem debeo, quicum ille pridem dudumq[ue]; familiarius sermo nem his de rebus factitauit. de quo hoc tibi tantum dicam, quoniam parcus esse soleo (ut nosti) in laudibus hominum uiuentium. Hunc (nisi fallor) habebis imitatorem, et (quod < Guido à Rupeforti.> maius est) æmulum Guidonis à Rupeforti, summi illius uiri, cuius tu memoriam (ut arbitror) illustrissimam apud posteros reddes clarissimo aliquo elogio, ut quide[m] te sem= per affici erga illius manes uideo, siquando in sermone mentio

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET it will be said that he has restored to him his authority and, in the end, the kingdom itself, if only providence subscribes to our expectation. But go on further. For all these things that you now say I shall turn to my own case, as though not water to you, but to me alone were now flowing. What does it matter to me, I say, since I am just about to offer you the bough, as far as the controversy itself is concerned, though not as far as I am concerned? It also pleases me to confess that I have been defeated by you in public rejoicing. Thus has not only your eloquence, or my weak case, but a happier outcome made you the victor; and would that the expectation of this may so satisfy us that, when the matter once more becomes a controversy, as we judged it by conjecture, I may myself be able to bring it back to you. “Indeed,” he says, “I do not see, Budaeus, what further complaint you will have to make: you now see that everything has turned out according to your wish. The chancellor has been made the very man you most desired, not more for your sake than for the sake of all who had placed their hopes in the lawsuit < Antoni à Prato Cancellarius> for rare studies. That man is Antonius à Prato, a man captivated not only by a love of letters, but also most devoted to letters: he will prove himself a supporter to learned and talented men in general, and at our Augustus’s court, a second Maecenas; then indeed he will be especially and forever your advocate, since he has long desired everything for your sake, as you know. And although I do not doubt that this has been heard and known to you, still I ought to give you fuller assurance myself, since I have long had more familiar conversation with him about these matters. Of him I shall say only this, since I am usually sparing, as you know, in praising living men. You will have him, if I am not mistaken, as an imitator, and, what is greater, as a rival of Guido à Rupeforti, that eminent man, whose memory, I think, you will render most illustrious among posterity by some most splendid eulogy, since I see that you are always moved in regard to his shade, whenever mention is made in conversation

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mentio eius incidit. Prorsus, inquam, rectè opinaris, si quidem ipse aliquid possim dicendi facultate. neque enim est aut fuit unquam hominu[m] quisquam, cui secundum pa= rentes plus me debere existimarem, etiam si nihil est aut fuit quod ei acceptum referre possem, ut qui eo tempore mortuus sit, quo mihi absenti & propemodum inuito o= ptimè cupere ac magnificè coeperat. Ita fortuna, cui nihil adhuc præter ocium literarium debeo, obstitit ne illius be neficia calendarium meum implerent uel augerent. Tu e= nim nosti frustra me ab eo nuncijs & literis eius chiro= graphis accersitu[m], cum ego quidem ualetudinem tum mihi incommodissimam excusarem, ille autem existimaret per detrectationem ualetudinarium me esse, & falsò causa= rium, & iterum me admonens ægrè ferret ignauo me li= terarum studio animum maioris fortunæ despondisse. Eo me ille maximè nomine increpitans (ô uirum summa lau= de dignum) quòd eam ignominiæ notam & literis & suo tempori inurerem, quasi docti homines neglecti tùm uide= rentur & abiecti, cum tamen eo tempore nulla arte homi= nes memorabili præditi, opima interdum decora opinio= ne doctrinæ temeraria ferrent. Gratum est autem mihi quòd eius uiri nunc memoriam refricas, nunquam non ui= ris bonis iucundissimam: cuius utinam tam uerè imitato= rem hunc Antonium spoponderis, quàm ego libèter hanc stipulationem ab eodem ipso fecerim, si liceat. ad quod etiam eum suapte sponte animatum esse fama est. id qui= dem certè decet. In utroque enim eorum, ingenij ac for= tunæ partes ita æque fuerunt, ut utri plus debuerit ille, hic nunc debeat, uix constituere possis. Ille summo magistratu honorificentissimè delato non petenti, accersitus, statim eò cuasit, unde altius subuchi non poterat. hic nihil non facilè

Transcription: Translated (English)

His mention came up. Quite right, I say, you judge, if indeed I have any ability at all in speaking. For there has been no one of mankind, nor ever was, to whom I would think I owed more than to my parents, even if there is nothing or never was anything that I could repay to him, since he died at a time when, though I was absent and almost unwilling, he had begun to wish for me most excellently and generously. Thus fortune, to which so far I owe nothing beyond literary leisure, prevented his favors from filling or enlarging my calendar. For you know that it was in vain that he summoned me by messengers and letters of his own hand, when I was indeed excusing myself on the ground of health, which was then most inconvenient to me, while he, however, thought that I was making excuses under pretense of ill health, and falsely taking refuge in that excuse; and again admonishing me, he was vexed that I, with unmanly devotion to letters, had abandoned my mind to a greater fortune. It was chiefly on that account that he reproached me—O man most worthy of the highest praise—that I was branding both letters and his own age with that mark of disgrace, as though learned men then appeared neglected and cast aside, when in truth at that time men endowed with no memorable art often bore rich honors on the rash reputation of learning. Yet I am grateful that you are stirring up again the memory of that man, always most delightful to good men; and would that you had promised that this Antonius would imitate him as truly as I would gladly have made that same agreement with him himself, if only it were permitted. It is said too that he was of his own accord inclined toward this. Certainly that is fitting. For in both of them, the parts of genius and fortune were so evenly matched that you could hardly determine to which he owed more, he now owes. That man, when the highest magistracy had been most honorably conferred on him though he had not sought it, being summoned, immediately sped to that place from which he could not be lifted any higher. This man in everything easily

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Transcription: ATR-1

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET facilè & scansim assecutus est, quò togæ prætextæ aspirare ius fuerit. uerùm ille præstantissimi ingenij ornamentis instructus, & fortunæ adminiculis erectus, quum fato concessisset, memoriam sui magistratus clarissimam reliquit atq[ue] testatissimam: hic eandem sortem adeptus, quid in extremo eodemq[ue] summo uitæ actu sit gesturus, quod fastigium laudis ante actis uitæ partibus additurus, adhuc in expectatione est. Quare (quod est in prouerbio prisco) hic magistratum uertex, qualis sit ipse uir, mox ostendere rit. Nunc quoniam tu tantopere me urges, causam haud dico quin doctrinæ & uirtuti ex secessu prodeundum sit, & generosa ambitione documentum sui dandum, uel iratrio regiæ, uel in aula interiore, si pateat eis aditus: non etiam si inter miscellaneam turbam possint quous modo irrupere aut arrepere. Hoc tamen exigam, ut doceas, cæteris in partibus rempublicam ita esse co[n]stitutam, ut illis uelut matronis quibusdam pudicis & honestis, tutò & sine pudoris suggillatione sese proferre liceat in publicum. Scilicet, inquit, ab armatis istis metuis, qui nescio qua fama excitati, primas & secundas parteis suas hoc rege sperant fore. Ego autem accinctos uiros ita rerum potituros arbitror, si non plus armis quam consilio tribuant. cuius rei argumentum duco ab ipso loricatorum uertice, quem omnium uotis expetitum princeps rei summæ militari præfecit. < Dux Borbonianæ magister equitum.> Nempe ducem, inquam, Borbonianum dicis? Illum ipsum, inquit, superi boni quem uirum, quantum principem, quam magnum futurum ductorem, si numini diuino, ut speramus, res Fræciæ cordi fuerint? At qui, inquam, memuni quum auspicando regno princeps Cancellario statim creato, hunc Magistrum equitum absentem tum dixisse, ut uotis hominum & famæ flagitanti satisfaceret: quanta omnium

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE ASSE ET easily and almost without effort attained that to which he had a right to aspire in the purple-bordered toga. Yet he, furnished with the ornaments of outstanding talent and raised up by the supports of fortune, when he had yielded to fate, left behind a most brilliant and most well-attested memory of his magistracy. This man, having obtained the same lot, what he is to do in this final and highest act of life, what summit of praise he is to add to the earlier parts of his life, is still a matter of expectation. Wherefore, as the old proverb says, this magistracy will soon show what sort of man the person himself is. Now since you press me so hard, I do not deny that from retirement one ought to come forth for learning and virtue, and give proof of oneself by a generous ambition, whether to the king’s inner chamber, or in the inner court, if access to them be open: not even if they can somehow force their way in or slip in among the mixed crowd. Yet I shall require this much: that you show that in the other parts the commonwealth is so constituted that they may, like certain modest and honorable matrons, safely and without any taint upon their modesty, appear in public. Indeed, he said, you are afraid of those armed men, who, stirred up by I know not what report, hope that their first and second parts will be theirs under this king. But I, for my part, think that men in arms will hold power over affairs in this way, if they give no more to arms than to counsel. Of this I take as proof the very head of the men in armor, whom, sought by the prayers of all, the prince placed in charge of the highest military office. <The Duke of Bourbon, master of horse.> “You mean, of course,” I said, “the Duke of Bourbon? That very man,” he said, “whom good gods, what a man, how great a prince, how great a leader he would be, if, as we hope, the affairs of France had been dear to the divine power? But indeed,” I said, “I remember that when the prince, in inaugurating his reign, had immediately appointed the Chancellor, he then said that this absent Master of Horse would satisfy the prayers of men and the demands of fame: how great was the desire of all...”

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

omnium lætitia, quàm certa spes, quàmq[ue] magnifica expe [con]tatio per omne genus hominu[m] excitata sit. Quis enim rei summæ constitutionem non speraret, qui censuram militarem, magistratum desitum & penè obliteratum, reuocatam uideret? Deinde cuius prudentiæ fuit, quàm rectæ uoluntatis, regem ut primo quoq[ue] tempore, sic non tumultuariè, non properè, eum ducem ense quidem illum Dictatorio, uerùm illi hæreditario cingere, quem claris documentis cognitum, fama iandudum auguratrix, & prærogatiua uota omnium ordinum designauerant? Magnum erat per se censuram armorum, quasiq[ue] regimen restituisse morum militarium. Nomen enim ipsum eius honoris multum habet reuerentiæ ad disciplinam rei militaris utcunq[ue] retinendam: sed maius multo fuit ei duci iniungere, qui generis splendore augustus, moribus generosis insuper uenerandus, belli pacisq[ue] artibus æquè pollens, in prætexta, in paludamento uisendus, in consessu, in procinctu cordatus, domi & militiæ, in urbe & sub signis gratiosus, Martis (ut ita dicam) & Palladis suffragia tulisse uidebatur. Atque equidem Deloine nunc in memoriam mihi uenit eius temporis quod hisce annis uidimus, quum tu rebus afflictis mæstus, tanquam præsciscente animo diceres, te uiam primam salutis uidere, si dux Borbonianus summæ rei militaris admoueretur. Nam quum autoritas multum, tum morum maiestas plurimum, in ductoribus exercituum valent: quibus hic dono quodam Palladis præditus est. < Tutelares regui uirtutes.> Eum uerò omneis uirtutes habere dictitabas huius regni tutelares, aut certè præ se ferre: quas esse, pietatem in primis diebas, & religionis reuerentiam, prudentiam, continentiam, liberalitatem, magnanimitatem, & consulendi peritos prudentesq[ue] solertiam, quæ regum maximorumq[ue] ducum

Transcription: Translated (English)

What joy for all, what sure hope, what magnificent expectation has been aroused among every class of men! For who would not hope for the constitution of the commonwealth, when he saw the military censorship, a magistracy long discontinued and almost obliterated, restored? Then what prudence, what rectitude of purpose was it to appoint the king, at the earliest possible time and not in a tumultuous or hasty manner, as that commander with the sword indeed of a Dictator, but with an hereditary one, whom, known by clear proofs, long-prefiguring fame and the votes of all orders by way of prerogative had designated? It was in itself a great thing to restore the censorship of arms, and as it were the rule of military discipline. For the very name of that honor has much reverence for preserving, in whatever way, the discipline of military affairs; but it was far greater to confer it on that commander who, august in the splendor of his line and moreover venerable in noble character, equally skilled in the arts of war and peace, was to be seen in the purple, in the military cloak, wise in council, in the field of battle, gracious at home and in the army, in the city and under the standards, and seemed to have won the votes of Mars and, so to speak, of Pallas. And indeed, Deloine, the memory now comes to me of that time which we have seen in these years, when you, saddened by shattered affairs, as though foreknowing in spirit, said that you saw the first road to salvation if the Bourbon commander were brought into the highest military command. For authority matters much, but the majesty of character matters most of all in the leaders of armies; and this man is endowed with a certain gift of Pallas. You used to say that he truly possessed all the virtues that are the protectors of this realm, or certainly displayed them: foremost among them, you said, were piety and reverence for religion, prudence, self-restraint, liberality, magnanimity, and the skill to give counsel with knowledge and wisdom, virtues belonging to the greatest kings and commanders.

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ducum summa laus semper fuit. Addebas seuerum simul & clementem esse, eo temperamento, ut nunquam iracun dus nisi in animaduertendis indignitatibus aut sceleribus uideretur: & cum firma ac decora corporis constitutione natura præditus esset, ad naturæ commoda accessisse edu- cationis disciplinam dicebas sub socru foemina cordatissi- ma, quæ numeros omneis memoria tenceret instituendorum principum: quippe quæ regis filia eade[m] & soror, regnum olim secundo rumore administrasset. Itaq[ue] quum eum re- gem habeamus, qui cum specimè sui tum aliàs, tum in de- cursione militari, & simulachro splēdidissimo pugnæ iu- stæ factitauisset, ad regnum statim assumptus est, & mox magistrum equitum gentilem suum dixit, eum uirum (ut uno uerbo absoluam) quem fata rebus nostris alleuadis de- bebant: cuius si ætas maior indoli responderit, ne Momus quidem Aesopi inueniet quod in eo reprehendat, eademq[ue] prouidentia princeps reliquas reipublicæ partes co[n]stitu- turus esse uideatur: non inuitus faciam ut in tuam tandem sententiam transeam, & uiris studiosis etiam autor; in- ut in spem accingantur capessendæ reipublicæ. Quippe si ad lineamenta præscripta ætatis florentissimæ princeps re gni sui cursum uiridem peragere contenderit, haud peri- culum erit ne uirtus aulicæ superbiæ ut dudum mancipe- tur. Absit enim ut hoc rege, his proceribus, his consultis, qui rerum potituri esse existimantur, uirtus & doctrinæ tam turpiter in aula seruientes, cultuq[ue] indecoro cernan- tur, quàm olim Hercules in Lydia. Vidimus quam indo- lem futuræ maiestatis princeps in tyrocinio, id est nondu[m] Rhemis inauguratus, ostendit, quanto honore, quantis li- beralitatibus Cæsarem (ut ita dicam) suum, sororis suæ ui- rum, ducem optimu[m], & regiæ indolis, prosecutus sit, quo: uiros

Transcription: Translated (English)

G. BVD. OF THE DUC AND the highest praise has always been his. You added that he was severe and mild at the same time, in such a balance that he was never seen to be angry except in taking account of indignities or crimes; and since he was endowed by nature with a firm and comely bodily constitution, you said that the discipline of upbringing had added to nature’s advantages under the care of his mother-in-law, a woman of the greatest wisdom, who retained in memory all the principles for forming princes: for she, being both the king’s daughter and his sister, had once administered the kingdom with favorable report. And so, since we have that king, who both by his own example and otherwise, and in the military exercise and in the most splendid showing of a just battle, had made himself known, he was immediately taken up to the kingship, and soon he named his own countryman master of horse, that man whom (to say it in one word) fate owed for the relief of our affairs; and if his age shall correspond to his character when it is more advanced, not even Momus from Aesop will find anything to criticize in him, and it seems likely that by the same foresight the prince will establish the remaining parts of the commonwealth: I shall not be unwilling to come at last over to your opinion, and also to urge studious men to gird themselves with hope for undertaking public affairs. For if, according to the outlines prescribed by the most flourishing age, the prince should strive to carry the course of his kingdom onward in green vigor, there will be no danger that virtue be, as once before, made the possession of courtly pride. For away with the idea that under this king, these nobles, these counselors, who are thought to be in control of affairs, virtue and learning should be seen so shamefully serving in the court, and in such unseemly dress, as once Hercules in Lydia. We have seen what disposition the prince showed in the apprenticeship of his future majesty, that is, before he was inaugurated at Rheims, how greatly, with what honors, with what liberality he attended to Caesar, so to speak, his own, the husband of his sister, the best of leaders, and of princely nature, whereby: men

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

uiros summæ rerum secundum se præfecerit, quantæ pietate parentem olim indulgentissimam, nunc officiosissima[m] colere & obseruare instituerit: ut si ad huius auspicatus præscriptum uniuersam ipse formam principatus delinearit, spondere ausim apocastasim quædam insignem priscæ Francorum gloriæ extituram. Francia quidem certè tantarum rerum expectatione excitata, animos illos alacreis denuo iam sustulit, quos haud ita dudu[m] tacta de coelo abiecerat. Existimant enim omnes supplicationibus populi cataractas coeli apertas esse, & lucem nobis redditam. Cuius spei cum omen haud aspernandum habemus à nomine Francisci Regis ductum, tu uelut repromissore deo acquiescimus: qui signis & ostentis clarissimis lætitiam nobis publicam ratam fecisse existimatur. His tam magnificis, tam regijs rerum administrandaru[m] primordijs si hoc quoq[ue] accesserit, ut literis & doctrinæ honos habeatur à principe & primoribus, haud scio an nihil sit quod addi ad regni amplitudinem possit. Id quidem certè fidenter d), mauerim ad posteros memorabile maximè fore, nos ex obsoleta & tristi socordiq[ue]; facie regni nulla aut diurna certè tantum temporis intercapedine in magnificentissimam regni speciem atq[ue] alacerrimam transiuisse, unâq[ue] tantum noctem confinium fuisse sceptrorum squallentium atq[ue] nitidissimorum. usqueadeo numen aliquod benignum repentè nos circumegit, uelut theatro quodam uersatili: quod utina[m] benignitate diuina faustè & feliciter regi, rectoribus, nobisq[ue] regedis eueniat. Vidimus dudum Gallici nominis Genium antea semper cultum ac nitidum, planipedis habitu in theatrum tot finitimarum gentiu[m] sub cho ragis imperitis & bona ex parte pusillis inductum. Idem (ut spes est) uidebimus propediem in cothurnum pristino F altiorem

Transcription: Translated (English)

having preferred the substance of affairs to himself, how greatly, by piety, he has set himself to honor and observe a parent once most indulgent, now most dutiful: so that if, according to this auspicious pattern, he should himself delineate the entire form of principality, I would dare to promise that a remarkable restoration of the ancient glory of France will come about. France indeed, stirred by the expectation of such great things, has once again raised those spirits, alacrities, which not long ago, touched from heaven, she had cast down. For all think that by the supplications of the people the cataracts of heaven have been opened, and light has been restored to us. And since, in view of this hope, we have an omen not to be lightly disregarded, drawn from the name of King Francis, we rest in you as in a promising god: who is thought, by the clearest signs and portents, to have made public joy secure for us. If to these so magnificent, so royal beginnings of the administration of affairs this also be added, that honor be paid to letters and learning by the prince and the leading men, I do not know whether there is anything that can be added to the greatness of the kingdom. Indeed, I would confidently judge this to be most memorable for posterity: that we, from the outworn, sad, and sluggish appearance of the kingdom, with no interval, or at least not with any lapse of day, have passed into the most splendid and most vigorous form of the realm, and that only one night has been the boundary between scepters squalid and scepters most shining. So entirely has some kindly divinity suddenly turned us about, as though on some revolving stage: may it happen by divine favor auspiciously and happily to the king, to the rulers, and to us who are to be governed. We have long since seen the Genius of the French name, formerly always cultivated and refined, brought into the theater, in the garb of a low comedian, among the choruses of so many neighboring nations, under unskilled and for the most part petty stage-managers. The same—we hope—shall soon be seen in the cothurnus, loftier than before.

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Transcription: ATR-1

altiorem excitatum, si modò qui summam rerum tenebût, hoc intelligere, intellectumq[ue] meminisse poterunt, Mineruæ quàm Bellonæ numen maius ac præsentius semper ab Alexandro Magno Romanusq[ue] ducibus existimatu[m] esse, qui imperia ipsi maxima ac clarissima omnis æui condide runt. Vt enim magister equitum dux summus, & Polemar chi creati uiri decora multa militiæ meriti, quasi optiones eius allecti, bellicis in rebus speciem quandam magnifica[m], & tanto imperio dignam præbebunt, rectè atque ordine constituentes omnia: sic in rebus pacatis consiliarios adhiberi necesse est earum rerum administrandarum prudentes, quæ procul à classicis transiguntur, aut ipsos bellicarum rerum cōsultos quasi quosda[m] Nestores utraq[ue] facultate pollere: id quod fieri nequit, si literatos oderint, aut spreuerint. Magno enim errore regibus olim nostris ac summæ nobilitati persuasum est, Galliæ campos naturam, Martis (ut aiunt) orchestram esse, non etiam Musarum odeum uoluisse, in quo regum ac ducum gesta clarissimè celebrantur. Qua de re quoniam multa in præcedentibus libris diximus, non necessarium hic habeo longius re prosequi. Proinde fastigium principale nihil generosius instituere, nihil augustius uelle potest, quàm ut rebus bellicis quasi in tumultu constitutis, literarum studiosos excitare quamplurimos cōtendat, partim à cōsilijs ei futuros, muneraq[ue] togata ac ciuilia obituros, partim res nostras monumentis literarum illustraturos: id quod Alexander Magnus quu[m] maximè exoptaret, uix assequi potuit: ob quod Achillem felicem identidem appellabat, cui cōtigisset ipsi post mortem Homerum præconem rerum suarum habere. Reges autem nostri ne Chærilos quidè suarum reru[m] scriptores habuerunt, ut qui nihil existimarent literas perti- nere

Transcription: Translated (English)

higher inspiration would be awakened, if only those who hold the supreme power could understand this and remember it: that the divinity of Minerva has always been judged greater and more present than that of Bellona by Alexander the Great and by Roman commanders, who founded the greatest and most illustrious empires of every age. For just as the master of horse, the supreme commander, and the elected polemarchs, men who have won many honors in war, when attached as assistants to him, will in military matters provide a certain magnificent appearance, worthy of so great an empire, arranging everything rightly and in due order: so in times of peace it is necessary to employ as advisers those wise in the management of those affairs which are conducted far from the battlefield, or even men skilled in war, like some Nestors, endowed with both abilities. This cannot be done if they hate or despise men of letters. For with great error it was once persuaded to our kings and the highest nobility that the plains of Gaul are, as they say, the orchestra of Mars, and not also willing to be the odeum of the Muses, in which the deeds of kings and leaders are celebrated most splendidly. On this matter, since we have said much in the preceding books, I do not think it necessary to pursue it further here. Therefore nothing more noble, nothing more august, can the chief summit of power establish than this: that, while affairs of war are as it were in uproar, it should strive to rouse as many students of letters as possible, some to become advisers and to undertake civil and administrative offices, others to illuminate our affairs with the monuments of writing; something Alexander the Great most earnestly desired, but scarcely could attain: for which reason he repeatedly called Achilles fortunate, because it had befallen him to have Homer as the herald of his deeds after death. But our kings did not even have Chærilus as writers of their affairs, since they thought that letters were of no concern to them.

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Transcription: ATR-1

nere ad memoriam sui suorumq[ue] æternitati prodendam. qua temporum incuria factum, ut res eoru[m] gestæ, & instituta patria, autorum silentio sepulta sint, uel ita memoriæ prodita, ut autores pudendos magnarum rerum laudare uereamur. Quam gentis nostræ ignominiam si reges & proceres satis æstimare potuissent, præclarè cum uiris literatis hactenus actum esset. Verumenimuero quando ea quæ ad hunc principatum pertinent, nunc primum ineuntem, nô tam in commendatione ac laude posita sunt, quàm in coniectura atq[ue] expectatione, sustinendum nobis ulterius iudicium ad progressum usq[ue] rerum magnifico iucundóq[ue] omine inchoatarum: ne si quid secus acciderit (quod ominari nolim) aut in rebus secundis atque plausibilibus proceres mandragoram (ut fit) biberint, præproperè ipsi occasionem res inexploratas laudandi admirandiq[ue]; arri puisse uideamur. Quod quum dixissem, & ille annuisset, hæmpto hoc colloquio sermonem alium quæsiui= mus. Eam autem disputationem nostram simul animi causa huic operi attexenda[m] esse du= xi, simul ut monumentum esset æter nû (ut spero) amicitiæ nostræ. Deloinus enim et Budæus insigne par amicoru[m] in hac urbe exi stimatur esse. FINIS. Ff 2

Transcription: Translated (English)

to be handed down to the memory of himself and his successors for eternity. Through what neglect of the times it has come about that their deeds and their native institutions have lain buried in the silence of the authors, or have been handed down to memory in such a way that we are ashamed to praise the authors of great things. If kings and nobles could have valued enough this disgrace of our nation, matters would until now have been splendidly managed with men of letters. But since the things that belong to this principate, now first entering upon its course, are placed not so much in recommendation and praise as in conjecture and expectation, we must endure our judgment a little longer, until the progress of affairs begun with a magnificent and pleasing omen: lest if anything should turn out otherwise (which I do not wish to foretell), or if, in prosperous and applauded circumstances, the nobles should have drunk mandragora (as is the custom), we should seem to have been too hasty in seizing the occasion for praising and admiring things not yet explored. When I had said this, and he had assented, after this conversation we sought another subject. And that discussion of ours I judged should be attached to this work, partly for the sake of the mind’s pleasure, partly so that it might be a monument of our friendship, now eternal (as I hope). For Deloinus and Budæus are thought to be a distinguished pair of friends in this city. FINIS. Ff 2

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Transcription: ATR-1

altiorem excitatum, si modò qui sum hoc intelligere, intellectumq[ue] memini uæ quàm Bellonæ numen maius ac Alexandro Magno Romanisq[ue] du qui imperia ipsi maxima ac clarissi runt. Vt enim magister equitum du chi creati uiri decora multa militiæ eius allecti, bellicis in rebus speciem et tanto imperio dignam præbebunt constituentes omnia: sic in rebus p[er] hiberi necesse est earum rerum admi tes, quæ procul à classicis transigum rum rerum cõsultos quasi quosda[m] tate pollere: id quod fieri nequit, si spreuerint. Magno enim errore re summæ nobilitati persuasum est, Ga Martis (ut aiunt) orchestram esse, odeum uoluisse, in quo regum ac du celebrantur. Qua de re quoniam libris diximus, non necessarium hic sequi. Proinde fastigium principale nihil augustius uelle potest, tumultu constitutis, liter lurimos cõtendat, partim togata ac ciuilia obituros antis literarum illustratur us quu[m] maximè exoptaret, chillem felicem identidem ost mortem Homerum pr ege autem nostri ne ptores habuerunt, ut

Transcription: Translated (English)

raised to a higher pitch, if only there be someone who can understand this, and I remember having understood it perhaps no greater divinity than Bellona and Alexander the Great and the Romans themselves who themselves held the greatest and most illustrious empires. For just as a master of horse, having created commanders to whom many decorations of military service are granted, will in matters of war present an appearance worthy of so great an authority, ordering everything: so in affairs of state it is necessary to appoint administrators for those matters which are far from the battlefield, men skilled in civil conduct and practical affairs, as it were experts in such things, possessing distinction in learning; and this cannot happen if they have despised them. For by a great mistake it has been believed by the highest nobility that learned men are, as they say, the orchestra of Mars, and that they have wished for an odeum, in which the deeds of kings and commanders are celebrated. Since we have spoken of this in other books, it is not necessary to follow it here. Therefore the chief summit can wish nothing more august, with disturbances settled, letters may contend in large numbers, part by part the things of the toga and civic life are to be brought to an end, by the splendor of letters. And when he especially desired this, Achilles was repeatedly called happy after death by Homer but our age has not had such interpreters, as

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ERVM IGNIVM OPERE TVR. inistrationis publicæ egritas ardua 774 sionales 448 escens tristis magis am hilaris Aristoni cebat 612 bia pro noibus in nu andiratione 131 in aula quid sit 96 Romanarum ma= centia 332. 334 um munera 173 poliuchi 412 ptus in prouinciam re 322 gypti abundantia 311 gypti administratio 389 Aegyptiorum opes 309 Aenigmatu & problematu inuicè pponendoru apæ 389 antiquos fo'suctudo 499 108 Acoli in aula 792 491 Acolidæ 432 Acrarium

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IRON FIRE BY WORK IS. of public administration hard integrity 774 officials 448 becoming sadder, more and cheerful to Ariston befitted 612 for names in nu admiration 131 in the court, what it is 96 of the Romans ma= magnificence 332. 334 gifts 173 poliuchi 412 sent into the province re 322 the abundance of Egypt 311 the administration of Egypt 389 the wealth of the Egyptians 309 Aenigmata and problems to be mutually proposed apæ 389 ancient custom 499 108 Acoli in the court 792 491 Acolidæ 432 Treasury

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INDEX. Aerarium Romanum 384 Aerarium Romanum Cæsar ui perfregit 318 Aerarium Romanu in æde 793 Aerarij Romani copiæ 182.183.184. Aerarium sanctius à Cæsare expilatum 187 Aes alienum Cæsaris dictatoris 214 Aes auro et argento misce batur 358 Aes graue 108 Aes quado primùm, et qua nota signatum 148.330 Aeris appellatione As intel ligitur 149 Aeris denu millia 129.130 Aeris grauis poena 107 Aeris grauis tempus seu col latio 698 Aeris nota 620 Aeruscatores 768 Aesopus histrio 237 Aesopi diuitiæ 704. quæstus 243 Aesopi duo, pater et fil. 241 Aesopi patina 157.158.171.241.412 Aetheris summa pars, Minerua intelligitur 90 Aethiopiam arma Romano rum penetrarunt 322 Africæ fertil. triticea 679 Agnatum 805 Agri uncia 17 Agricolatio d[omi]ni 725.726 Agricolaru ignauia 681 Agrorum cessatio 526 Agrippæ opera in ædilitate 369 Alæ 79 Aleæ lusus immensi precij 409 Albana, quæ à S[anctæ] æværæ 300 Albana, Spauaq; 389 Alcinoi apologus 381 Alexandria, emporium lo=cuples 387.392 Alexa[n]der polyhistor , Alexa[n]a. Magnus Hom. et Pindari studiosus 92.201 uinosus 576. eius augusta le et prætoriu[m] castrese. 428. eius co[n]uiua nuptijs luxus 426. et de= in. Susiani thesauri 420. 423. imperium 383. co= piæ 383. munificentia 426. sublimis animus 432. opes Alexa[n]drocolaces 426.427 Alien

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INDEX. Aerarium Romanum 384 Aerarium Romanum, broken open by Caesar's force 318 Aerarium Romanum in a temple 793 Supplies of the Roman treasury 182.183.184. The sacred treasury plundered by Caesar 187 Debt of Caesar the dictator 214 Bronze mixed with gold and silver 358 Heavy bronze 108 When bronze first, and with what mark it was stamped 148.330 By the term bronze, aes is understood 149 Thousand sestertii 129.130 Penalty of heavy bronze 107 Time or contribution of heavy bronze 698 Mark of bronze 620 Money-snatchers 768 Aesop the actor 237 Aesop's wealth and earnings 704.243 The two Aesops, father and son 241 Aesop's dish 157.158.171.241.412 By the highest part of the ether, Minerva is understood 90 Roman arms penetrated into Ethiopia 322 The fertility of Africa in wheat 679 Agnatus 805 An acre of land 17 Husbandry of the lord 725.726 The laziness of farmers 681 Neglect of the fields 526 Agrippa's works in the aedileship 369 The wings 79 Games of immense price 409 Albana, which from [Saint] æværæ 300 Albana, Spauaq; 389 Alcinous' tale 381 Alexandria, a rich emporium 387.392 Alexander Polyhistor , Alexander the Great, a student of Homer and Pindar 92.201 drunkard 576. his august dinner and military camp. 428. his guest luxury at the wedding 426. and of the de= in. Susian treasures 420. 423. empire 383. co= pies 383. munificence 426. lofty spirit 432. wealth Alexander-colaces 426.427 Alien

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INDEX. Alienum æs militum suorum Alexander omne dis soluit 423 Alphestæ homines dicti 3 Aluus 618. ut sistatur 396 Amasis, qui et Pharao 511. 512 Ambientiu molestiæ 768 Ambitio, & dinundinatio in pontificibus & cæno=biarchis 706 Ambitio honesta 802. 805. 814 Ambitio tenacissima est 775 Ambitionis cæcitas 715 Ambitiosoru stultitia 769. 770 Ambitus foenus intedit 346 Ambitus lex 363 Ambitus Romæ inges erat ob magistratuum com=moda 345 Amentum 83 Amicorum perfidia 430 Amicorum locupletator Au gustus 354 Amoebei citharcedi quæstus 242 Amor sui, & charitas publi ca, non bene couen. 437 Amphora, eius forma & ca= pacitas 513. 514. 516. 517. 548. 552. 609. 667. Amphora uini 551. 552 Amphora, octaua pars mo=diij Parisiensis 672. 677 Amphora quinquagenaria 608 Amphoteroplus 117 Amymones 228 avræsværs 205 Anadyomene Apellis 205 Anagnostarum seruoru pre tium 235. 340 Anantapodoton 747 Anaphora 38 Anatocismus antiquis usi=tatus 678 Androsphinx 804 Angelus Politianus 37. 513. 517 Angli cu Gallo affinit. 437 Animaduertedus locus 681 Anima corpus exire solita 781 De Anima, Aristotelis libri præstantissimi 202 Animæ definitio 37 Animæ humanæ humiliatio 729 Animæ in dei manu per ba=ptisma mancipatio 464 Hb Anime

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INDEX. Alexander paid all the debts of his soldiers 423 Men called Alphestæ 3 Belly 618. to be checked 396 Amasis, who is also Pharao 511. 512 The annoyances of the ambitious 768 Ambition, and bargaining among bishops and abbots 706 Honorable ambition 802. 805. 814 Ambition is most tenacious 775 Blindness of ambition 715 The folly of the ambitious 769. 770 Ambition inflates usury 346 Law on ambition 363 Ambition in Rome was great because of the advantages of magistracies 345 Amentum 83 The perfidy of friends 430 Augustus, enrichener of his friends 354 The earnings of citharædic performers 242 Self-love, and public charity, do not go well together 437 Amphora, its shape and capacity 513. 514. 516. 517. 548. 552. 609. 667. Amphora of wine 551. 552 Amphora, the eighth part of the Parisian modius 672. 677 Amphora quinquagenaria 608 Amphoteroplus 117 Amymones 228 avræsværs 205 Anadyomene of Apelles 205 The price of the slaves of the anagnostæ 235. 340 Anantapodoton 747 Anaphora 38 Anatocism, customary among the ancients 678 Androsphinx 804 Angelus Politianus 37. 513. 517 The affinity of the English with the French 437 A passage to be considered 681 The soul was wont to leave the body 781 On the Soul, Aristotle's most excellent books 202 Definition of the soul 37 The humiliation of the human soul 729 The soul's surrender into the hand of God through baptism 464 Hb Anime

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Animæ partes duæ, ira & ratio 63 Animam mortalem asserentes 739 Animus æquus 718 Animus et anima differ. 43 Animi cultura nunqua[m] frustra est 589.590 Animi humani capacitas 147 Animi recta cõstitutio 740 Annonæ ratio apud Parisinos 634 Annotations in Pandectas 4.54.807 Ab Annulis cõparatio 453 Annulus aureus, equestris ordinis indicium 239 Annuli aurei gestandi ius 270. tres ab Hannibale Carthaginem annuloru[m] modij nussi 553 Annulorum primum uestigium 269.270 Antæus 458 Antiochia 491.492 Antiquos perinde atq; nos errare potuisse 26 Antonius à prato cancellarius 812 Antonius Musa medic. 570 Antonius triuuir 235.309. 311.312.314.315.317. eius copiæ in bello Actia co 656. facics in nomi=smate 164 Apamia urbs 479 Apartilogia 291 Apellis præstatia 204.205 341.779 Appellico Teius 342 Aphrodisium 652 Appianus historicus Græcus 214. eius tēpora Appiani locus 123.302. 305.317.341 Apitij luxus perditissimi 243. eius exitus Apion Polyhistor 500 Apirocalia 89 Apocalypsis Ioannis, Par=carum commentariu[m] 762 Apocalypsis loc. 405.620 Apolides 795 Apollonia, signandæ pecu=niæ officina 402 Apri solidi apponi sol. 232 Aquæ chrysalcæ mira uis 265 Aquis abunda[n]s Roma 370 Ara Lugdunensis 402 Arabiæ felicitas 416 Arabiam Augustus oppu=gnauit 322

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The two parts of the soul, anger & reason 63 Those asserting a mortal soul 739 A balanced mind 718 Mind and soul differ 43 The cultivation of the mind is never in vain 589.590 The capacity of the human mind 147 The proper formation of the mind 740 On the price of grain at Paris 634 Notes on the Pandects 4.54.807 Comparison with rings 453 The golden ring, a sign of the equestrian order 239 The right to wear a gold ring 270. tres ab Hannibale Carthage the measure of rings, nussi 553 The first trace of rings 269.270 Antaeus 458 Antiochia 491.492 That the ancients could have erred just as we do 26 Antonius à prato, chancellor 812 Antonius Musa, physician 570 Antonius, triumvir 235.309. 311.312.314.315.317. his equipment in the Actian war 656. appearance on the coin 164 Apamia, city 479 Apartilogy 291 Apelles’ excellence 204.205 341.779 Appellico the Teian 342 Aphrodisium 652 Appian, Greek historian 214. his times Appian’s passage 123.302. 305.317.341 Apitius’ most ruinous luxury 243. his end Apion Polyhistor 500 Apirocalia 89 The Apocalypse of John, commentary of the Parcae 762 Passage in the Apocalypse 405.620 Apolides 795 Apollonia, mint for striking money 402 Wild boar solidi to be applied 232 The marvelous power of chrysalis water 265 Rome abounding in water 370 The Ara Lugdunensis 402 The happiness of Arabia 416 Augustus attacked Arabia 322

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INDEX. Arabum tributum 379 Arbela uicus 431 Arbitrium, nostri iuris est 741 Arbores in quincuncem digestæ 49 Arborum ingens pretium 155.333 Arces ciuitatum Palladisaeræ 90 Archidicasles 390 Archontius uulnerarius medicus 197 Argenteus quo Christus di uenditus 636 Argentea uasa 332 Argentum granallium 266 Argentum impermixtu purissimumq; 267 Argentum hominibus Romanis auro celebratius fuit 271.356 Argentum in nummo'ne an in supellectile melius ha=beatur 432 Argentum no aurum imperabat Romani uictis abs se gentibus 270.489 Argentum optimum, Parisi num & cineraceu 265 Argentum purum 664 Argentum quando signatu 107.636. eius nota Argeti ad aurum analogia 268 Argento cælato insignes multi 366 Argentisodinæ memorabiles 393 Argentinus deus 748 Argumentatio 743 Argyranche 533 Argyrocopium 260.402 Argyrocopiorum pyxides 268 Arietes talentares 399 Arietum pretium in Bætica 399 Aristeas Proconnesius poëta ibidem Aristides 291 Aristippei 291 Aristippea schola 771 Aristophanis locus 581 Aristoteles Alexandri præceptor 92 Aristoteles in uerbo philosophico lapsus 46 Aristoteles innumera uolu mina conscripsit 202 Aristoteles magno paucit[us] los libros emut 293.341 H h 2. Aris

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INDEX. Arab tribute 379 Village of Arbela 431 Decision is within our right 741 Trees arranged in a quincunx 49 The great value of trees 155.333 Citadels of the Palladisaean cities 90 Archidicasles 390 Archontius, a wound doctor 197 The silver for which Christ was sold by Judas 636 Silver vessels 332 Granulated silver 266 Pure, unmixed silver 267 Silver was more celebrated among the Romans than gold 271.356 Whether silver is better kept in coin or in household plate 432 The Romans imposed silver, not gold, on peoples conquered by them 270.489 Finest silver, Parisian and ash-gray 265 Pure silver 664 Silver when stamped; its mark 107.636. eius nota Analogy of silver to gold 268 Many distinguished by chased silver 366 Remarkable silver mines 393 Argentinus, a god 748 Argumentation 743 Argyranche 533 Silversmith 260.402 Boxes of silversmiths 268 Ram engines of many talents 399 The price of rams in Baetica 399 Aristeas of Proconnesus, poet ibidem Aristides 291 Aristippus 291 Aristippian school 771 Passage in Aristophanes 581 Aristotle, teacher of Alexander 92 Aristotle slips in the philosophical word 46 Aristotle wrote countless volumes 202 Aristotle, having composed few large books 293.341 H h 2. Aris

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INDEX. Aristotelis & Theophrasti libri magno uenditi 341.342 Armigeri serui pretium 159 Arpēnum Latina uox 525. 527 Arpennum Parisinum 525. eius proportio ad iuge= rum Romanum 527 Arpennorum oblocatio in Francia 526 Artemidori locus 237 Artis pretium olim in cæla turis 358 Artes in pretio olim quæ= dam, quæ nunc euiluerut 199.204.341 Artes liberales unde dictæ 795 Artium inuentio & absolu tio 3.4 Artificia antiqua 358 Arura 493 Aruum 526 Aschematistos oratio 22 Asia 306.313.379.380. eius fertilitas 390 Asia deuicta, luxuria Ro= mam inuasit 315 Asiæ 20. millia talentum im perata 306 Asiaticorum mira uexatio 314 Asina Reatina 155 Asinarum lactis usus 411 Asinus memorabilis 155 Asini Arcadici, & Reatini 157 Aspectus quadrā talis, nona genarius &c. 30 Aspectus astronomici 30 Aspendius citharædus 74 As, qui et Assis, unde dictus 12.632 As, libra & pòdo idem 12 As & assis dipondius 632 As, libralis nummus 48 As nummulus 106 As nostra moneta 620. eius partes hodiernæ 664 As æreus erat, non argenteus 148 Assis partes 9.664 Assis partes etiam mensuras haustum in bibendo si- gnificant 563 Assis in partes, res omnis fa cilè diuiditur 24 As Budæi uelut mathemati ca ratione co[m]pactus 198. historiæ uelut uicem præ stet 158 Asses mille, ualebant aureos decem 363

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INDEX. Aristotle’s and Theophrastus’s books sold for a high price 341, 342 The price of armed servants 159 Arpēnum, a Latin word 525, 527 Arpennum in Paris 525. its proportion to the Roman iugerum 527 The leasing of Arpennums in France 526 A passage of Artemidorus 237 The price of art once in painting 358 Arts once esteemed, some of which are now held cheap 199, 204, 341 The liberal arts, whence so called 795 The invention and completion of the arts 3, 4 Ancient crafts 358 Arura 493 Aruum 526 Aschematistos, a speech 22 Asia 306, 313, 379, 380. its fertility 390 After Asia was conquered, luxury invaded Rome 315 20 thousand talents imposed on Asia 306 The astonishing oppression of the Asiatics 314 A Reatine she-ass 155 The use of ass’s milk 411 A memorable ass 155 Arcadian and Reatine asses 157 Quadrangular, ninefold, etc., aspect 30 Astronomical aspects 30 An Aspendian citharist 74 As, also called Assis, whence derived 12, 632 As, the same as libra and pondo 12 As and assis, a dipondius 632 As, a libra coin 48 As, a small coin 106 As, our monetary unit 620, its present-day parts 664 As was of bronze, not of silver 148 Parts of the assis 9, 664 The parts of the assis also signify measures, a draught in drinking 563 The as, divided into parts, everything is easily divided 24 The As of Budæus, as if compacted by mathematical reason 198. let it serve as a kind of substitute for history 158 A thousand asses were worth ten gold pieces 363

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INDEX. Asses sextantarij 638 Asses stipendiarij 699 Asses quos Plinius intelligat 152 Asses unciales 699 Assipondium 12 Assyria 491 Assyriorum regnu[m] 487. ue= 327. nomisma 163. operæ tustissimum omniu[m] 500 Atanoxa 591 Atele 547 Athena, cognomen 195 Athenæi locus 294 Athenienses classarijs opibus excelluisse 656 Atheniēsiu[m] aduersus Aeginætas odium 375 Atheniensium census 527 Atheniensium classes 530. 535. & deinceps Atheniensium diuitiæ 531 Atheniēsium prouētus 533 Athenienses tribus 136 Atlantes in columnis 320 Attali hæreditas Romanis inutilis 315 Attegiæ 251 Attribui 385 Auaritia mira 395. eius ardor 767 Aucupatio 100 Auium sermone humano uo calium pretium 159. 160 Augustale Alexandri 428 Augusti commentarij 330. congiaria 324. facetiæ 361. 505. genitura 164. gesta 321. legiones 28. 327. nomisma 163. operæ publica 328. reuerentia ac cultus 327. sobrietas in cibo & potu 567. ui= ctoriæ 322. & deinceps. triuphus Actiacus 642. testamentum 101. 327 Augusti tempora 354. eius seculo opulentia ærarij Romani 319. 700 Augusto perpetui imperij potestas delata 320 Augustorum pluralitas Ro manam re perdidit 659 Aula imposstrix 96 Aulæ elogiu[m] et crimina 796 Aulæ inescatio 772 Aulæ cōsulta ut sæpe extor queantur 64 Aulæ pernicies 96 Aulæ secreta oppidanis in= cognita 435 Aulæ potetu[m] designationes 730. 751. deiectio[n]es 752. Hb 3 Aulam

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INDEX. Asses sextantarij 638 Asses stipendiarij 699 Asses quos Plinius intelligat 152 Asses unciales 699 Assipondium 12 Assyria 491 Assyriorum regnum 487. ue= 327. nomisma 163. operæ tutissimum omnium 500 Atanoxa 591 Atele 547 Athena, cognomen 195 Athenei locus 294 Athenienses classarijs opibus excelluisse 656 Atheniēsiu[m] aduersus Aeginætas odium 375 Atheniensium census 527 Atheniensium classes 530. 535. & deinceps Atheniensium diuitiæ 531 Atheniēsium prouentus 533 Athenienses tribus 136 Atlantes in columnis 320 Attali hæreditas Romanis inutilis 315 Attegiæ 251 Attribui 385 Auaritia mira 395. eius ardor 767 Aucupatio 100 Auium sermone humano vocalium pretium 159. 160 Augustale Alexandri 428 Augusti commentarij 330. congiaria 324. facetiæ 361. 505. genitura 164. gesta 321. legiones 28. 327. nomisma 163. operæ publica 328. reuerentia ac cultus 327. sobrietas in cibo & potu 567. ui= ctoriæ 322. & deinceps. triumphus Actiacus 642. testamentum 101. 327 Augusti tempora 354. eius seculo opulentia ærarij Romani 319. 700 Augusto perpetui imperij potestas delata 320 Augustorum pluralitas Ro manam re perdidit 659 Aula imposstrix 96 Aulæ elogium et crimina 796 Aulæ inescatio 772 Aulæ cōsulta ut sæpe extor queantur 64 Aulæ pernicies 96 Aulæ secreta oppidanis in= cognita 435 Aulæ potetu[m] designationes 730. 751. deiectio[n]es 752. Hb 3 Aulam

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET facilè & scansim assecutus est, quò togæ prætextæ aspirare ius fuerit. uerùm ille præstantissimi ingenij ornamentis instructus, & fortunæ adminiculis erectus, quum fato concessisset, memoriam sui magistratus clarissimam reliquit atq[ue] testatissimam: hic eandem sortem adeptus, quid in extremo eodemq[ue] summo uitæ actu sit gesturus, quod fastigium laudis anteactis uitæ partibus additurus, adhuc in expectatione est. Quare (quod est in prouerbio prisco) hic magistratum uertex, qualis sit ipse uir, mox ostende rit. Nunc quoniam tu tantopere me urges, causam haud dico quin doctrinæ & uirtuti ex secessu prodeundum sit, & generosa ambitione documentum sui dandum, uel irs atrio regiæ, uel in aula interiore, si pateat eis aditus: non etiam si inter miscellaneam turbam possint quouis modo irrupere aut arrepere. Hoc tamè exigam, ut doceas, cæteris in partibus rempublicam ita esse costitutam, ut illis uelut matronis quibusdam pudicis & honestis, tutò & sine pudoris suggillatione sese proferre liceat in publicum. Scilicet, inquit, ab armatis istis metuis, qui nescio qua fama excitati, primas & secundas parteis suas hoc rege sperant fore. Ego autem accinctos uiros ita rerum potituros arbitror, si non plus armis quàm consilio tribuant. cuius rei argumentum duco ab ipso loricatorum uertice, quem omnium uotis expetitú princeps rei summæ militari præfecit. Nempe ducem, inquam, Borbonianum dicis? Illum ipsum, inquit, superi boni quem uirum, quantum principem, quàm magnum futurum ductorem, si numini diuino, ut speramus, res Frāciæ cordi fuerint? Atqui, inquam, memini quum auspicando regno princeps Cancellario statim creato, hunc Magistrum equitum absentem tum dixisse, ut uotis hominum & famæ flagitanti satisfaceret: quantæ omnium Dux Borbonianæ magister equitum.

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G. BVD. OF ASSE ET easily and almost at a run attained that to which it was lawful to aspire in the robe of the praetexta. Yet he, furnished with the ornaments of the most outstanding talent, and raised up by the supports of fortune, when he had yielded to fate, left behind a most brilliant and most well-attested memory of his magistracy: this man, having obtained the same lot, what he will do in that final and at the same time highest act of life, what summit of praise he will add to the past parts of his life, is still in expectation. Wherefore (as is the old proverb) this magistracy, the crown, will soon show what kind of man the man himself is. Now, since you press me so hard, I do not say that doctrine and virtue must not emerge from retirement, and give proof of themselves by generous ambition, either in the outer court of the palace, or in the inner hall, if access be open to them: nor even if they can in any way burst in or force their way in among the miscellaneous crowd. This, however, I shall require: that you show that in the other parts the commonwealth is so constituted that it is lawful for them, like certain chaste and honorable matrons, safely and without any stain on their modesty, to present themselves in public. “Indeed,” he said, “you fear those armed men, who, stirred up by I know not what report, hope that the first and second parts will be theirs under this king. But I think that men in arms will thus take possession of affairs, if they assign no more to arms than to counsel.” As proof of this, I take the very top of the cuirassed men, whom the prince, chief of the supreme military command, appointed at the prayers of all. Surely you mean the Bourbon duke, I said? “Yes, that very man,” he said, “whom may the good gods make, what a man, how great a prince, what a great leader he will be, if, as we hope, the divine power shall have the affairs of France at heart? And yet,” I said, “I remember that when the prince, upon the auspicious beginning of the reign, had immediately appointed the Chancellor, he also then said of this absent Master of the Horse, in order to satisfy the prayers of men and the demand of fame, what a thing it was of all men to have...” Duke of Bourbon, master of horse.

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 815 omnium lætitia, quàm certa spes, quamq[ue] magnifica expe [con]tatio per omne genus hominu[m] excitata sit. Quis enim rei summæ constitutionem non speraret, qui censuram militarem, magistratum desitum & penè obliteratum, reuocatam uideret? Deinde cuius prudentiæ fuit, quàm rectæ uoluntatis, regem ut primo quoq[ue] tempore, sic non tumultuariè, non properè, eum ducem ense quidem illum Dictatorio, uerùm illi hæreditario cingere, quem claris documentis cognitum, fama iandudum auguratrix, & prærogatiua uota omnium ordinum designauerant? Magnum erat per se censuram armorum, quasiq[ue] regimen restituisse morum militarium. Nomen enim ipsum eius honoris multum habet reuerentiæ ad disciplinam rei militaris utcunq[ue] retinendam: sed maius multo fuit ei duci iniungere, qui generis splendore augustus, moribus generosis insuper uenerandus, belli pacisq[ue] artibus æquè pollens, in prætexta, in paludamento uisendus, in consessu, in procinctu cordatus, domi & militiæ, in urbe & sub signis gratiosus, Martis (ut Ita dicam) & Palladis suffragia tulisse uidebatur. Atque equidem Deloine nunc in memoriam mihi uenit eius temporis quod hisce annis uidimus, quum tu rebus afflictis mæstus, tanquam præsciscente animo diceres, te uiam primam salutis uidere, si dux Borbonianus summæ rei militaris admoueretur. Nam quum autoritas multum, tum morum maiestas plurimum, in ductoribus exercituum va lent: quibus hic dono quodam Palladis præditus est. < Tutelares regni uirtutes.> Eum uerò omneis uirtutes habere dictitabas huius regni tutelares, aut certè præ se ferre: quas esse, pietatem in primis aiebas, & religionis reuerentiam, prudentiam, contientiam, liberalitatem, magnanimitatem, & consulendi peritos prudentesq[ue] solertiam, quæ regum maximorumq[ue] ducum

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 815 The joy of all, how certain the hope, how magnificent the expectation that has been stirred up among every kind of people. For who would not hope for the establishment of the highest matter, when he saw the military censorship, a magistracy gone and almost obliterated, recalled? Then whose prudence was it, whose rightly directed will, to bind the king, at the first possible moment and not in a tumultuous or hasty way, with that leader indeed by the sword of Dictator, but to him by hereditary right, whom, known by clear proofs, fame long since foretelling, and the votive prerogative of all orders had marked out? It was a great thing in itself to have restored the censorship of arms, and as it were the government of military discipline. For the very name of that honor has much reverence for preserving the discipline of military affairs in whatever way possible; but it was much greater to assign it to that leader who, august by the splendor of his lineage, and moreover venerable for noble character, equally skilled in the arts of war and peace, to be seen in the toga, in the cloak of command, prudent in council, prudent in action, gracious at home and in the army, in the city and under the standards, and who seemed to have won the votes of Mars and, as it were, of Pallas. And indeed Deloine now comes back to my mind from that time which we have seen in these years, when you, distressed by affairs in ruin, would say, as if with a foreknowing mind, that you saw the first road to safety if the Bourbon duke were brought near to the supreme conduct of military affairs. For when authority counts for much, then the dignity of character counts for most in commanders of armies; and this man is endowed with some gift of Pallas. You were indeed constantly declaring that he possessed all the tutelary virtues of this kingdom, or certainly displayed them: which you said were, above all, piety and reverence for religion, prudence, self-control, generosity, greatness of soul, and the skill in deliberating that belongs to men learned and wise, virtues of the greatest kings and leaders.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET ducum summa laus semper fuit. Addebas seuerum simul & clementem esse, eo temperamento, ut nunquam iracun dus nisi in animaduertendis indignitatibus aut sceleribus uideretur: & cum firma ac decora corporis constitutione natura præditus esset, ad naturæ commoda accessisse edu- cationis disciplinam dicebas sub so eru foemina cordatissi- ma, quæ numeros omneis memoria teneret instituendorum principum: quippe quæ regis filia eade & soror, regnum olim secundo rumore administrasset. Itaq[ue] quum eum re- gem habeamus, qui cum specimè sui tum aliàs, tum in de- cursione militari, & simulachro splédidissimo pugnæ iu- stæ factitauisset, ad regnum statim assumptus est, & mox magistrum equitum gentilem suum dixit, eum uirum (ut uno uerbo absoluam) quem fata rebus nostris alleuadis de- bebant: cuius si ætas maior indoli responderit, ne Momus quidem Aesopi inueniet quod in eo reprehendat, eademq[ue] prouidentia princeps reliquas reipublicæ partes co[n]stitu- turus esse uideatur: non inuitus faciam ut in tuam tandem sententiam transeam, & uiris studiosis etiam autor; in- ut in spem accingantur capessendæ reipublicæ. Quippe si ad lineamenta præscripta ætatis florentissimæ princeps re gni sui cursum uiridem peragere contenderit, haud peri- culum erit ne uirtus aulicæ superbiæ ut dudum manipe- tur. Absit enim ut hoc rege, his proceribus, his consultis, qui rerum potituri esse existimantur, uirtus & doctrinæ tam turpiter in aula seruientes, cultuq[ue] indecoro cernan- tur, quàm olim Hercules in Lydia. Vidimus quam indo- lem futuræ maiestatis princeps in tyrocinio, id est nondu[m] Rhemis inauguratus, ostendit, quanto honore, quantis li- beralitatibus Cæsarem (ut ita dicam), suum, sororis suæ ui- rum, ducem optimu[m], & regiæ indolis, prosecutus sit, quo- uiros

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET the highest praise of princes has always been. You added that he was severe and at the same time clement, with such moderation that he seemed never angry except when noticing indignities or crimes; and since he was endowed by nature with a firm and handsome constitution of body, you said that to nature’s gifts had been added the discipline of education under a most prudent woman, who kept in memory all the principles for forming princes: for she, who was both the king’s daughter and sister, had once governed the kingdom with general approval. So, since we have a king of such a kind, who has shown himself not only in his own person but also in military exercises and in the most splendid imitation of a real battle, was at once raised to the kingship, and soon after named his kinsman master of horse, a man (to put it in a single word) whom fate ought to have given us for the easing of our affairs; and if his age should grow to match his disposition, even Momus, Aesop’s critic, will find nothing to reproach in him, and with the same providence the prince seems likely to establish the remaining parts of the commonwealth: I shall not be unwilling to go over to your opinion at last, and to encourage even those devoted to learning, so that they may gird themselves with hope for entering public affairs. For if the prince, according to the prescribed outlines of a most flourishing age, strives to carry forward the green course of his kingdom, there will be no danger that virtue should be long overrun by courtly pride. For far be it that, under this king, with these nobles and these counselors, who are thought to be in control of affairs, virtue and learning should be seen so shamefully serving in the court, and clothed in unseemly dress, as Hercules once was in Lydia. We have seen what disposition toward future majesty the prince displayed in his apprenticeship, that is, before he was inaugurated at Reims, and with what honor, with what liberality he accompanied Caesar, so to speak, his own, the husband of his sister, a most excellent leader, and of royal disposition, you men

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uiros summæ rerum secundum se præfecerit, quanta pietate parentem olim indulgentissimam, nunc officiosissima[m] colere & obseruare instituerit: ut si ad huius auspicatus præscriptum uniuersam ipse formam principatus delinearit, spondere ausim apocatastasim quædam insignem priscæ Francorum gloriæ extituram. Francia quidem certè tantarum rerum expectatione excitata, animos illos alacreis denuo iam sustulit, quos haud ita dudu tacta de coelo abiecerat. Existimant enim omnes supplicationibus populi cataractas coeli apertas esse, & lucem nobis redditam. Cuius spei cum omen haud aspernandum habemus à nomine Francisci Regis ductum, tu uelut repromissore deo acquiescimus: qui signis & ostentis clarissimis lætitiam nobis publicam ratam fecisse existimatur. His tam magnificis, tam regijs rerum administrandaru primordijs si hoc quoq[ue] accessserit, ut literis & doctrinæ honos habeatur à principe & primoribus, haud scio an nihil sit quod addi ad regni amplitudinem possit. Id quidem certè fidenter aj, mauerim ad posteros memorabile maximè fore, nos ex obsoleta & tristi socordi[us]; facie regni nulla aut diurna certè tantum temporis intercapedine in magnificentissimam regni speciem atq[ue] alacerrimam transiuisse, unâq[ue] tantum noctem confinium fuisse sceptrorum squallentium atq[ue] nitidissimorum. usqueadeo numen aliquod benignum repentè nos circumegit, uelut theatro quodam uersatili: quod utina[m] benignitate diuina faustè & feliciter regi, rectoribus, nobisq[ue] regedus eueniat. Vidimus dudum Gallici nominis Genium antea semper cultum ac nitidum, planipedis habitu in theatrum tot sinitimarum gentiu[m] sub cho ragis imperitis & bona ex parte pusillis inductum. Idem (ut spes est) uidebimus propediem in cothurnum pristino F s altiorem

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how greatly he has preferred the supreme concerns of state to his own interests, with what piety he has set himself to honor and obey his father, once most indulgent, now most dutiful: so that if, following this auspicious pattern, he should himself outline the whole shape of kingship, I dare promise that some notable restoration of the ancient glory of the Franks will arise. Indeed, France, roused by the expectation of such great things, has once again now lifted up those spirited minds which, not so long ago, struck from heaven, it had cast down. For all men think that through the people’s supplications the windows of heaven have been opened, and light has been restored to us. Since we have as a sign of this hope not to be despised the omen derived from the name of King Francis, we rest secure as though with God himself as guarantor: he is believed, by the clearest signs and portents, to have confirmed our public joy. If to these so magnificent, so royal beginnings in the administration of affairs there be added this too, that honor is paid to letters and learning by the prince and the foremost men, I know not whether there is anything that can be added to the grandeur of the kingdom. This at least I can say with confidence: I should most of all wish it to be memorable to posterity that we have passed from the old and sorrowful, sluggish face of the kingdom, with no, or at any rate only a single day’s interval of time, into the most magnificent and most vigorous appearance of the realm, and that only one night was the boundary between scepters that were grimy and scepters that were most radiant. So suddenly has some kindly deity turned us about, as though in a kind of revolving theatre: may it happen by divine favor, and happily and auspiciously, for the king, for the rulers, and for us who are to be governed. We have long ago seen the Genius of the French name, once always cultivated and polished, brought onto the theatre, in the costume of a clown, before so many neighboring peoples, under unskilled and for the most part petty stage-directors. The same thing we shall see, as is hoped, very soon, in the cothurnus, higher than of old.

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G. BVD. DE ASSE ET altiorem excitatum, si modò qui summam rerum tenebût, hoc intelligere, intellectumq[ue] meminisse poterunt, Mineruæ quàm Bellonæ numen maius ac præsentius semper ab Alexandro Magno Romanisq[ue] ducibus existimatu[m] esse, qui imperia ipsi maxima ac clarissima omnis æui condide runt. Vt enim magister equitum dux summus, & Polemar chi creati uiri decora multa militiæ meriti, quasi optiones eius allecti, bellicis in rebus speciem quandam magnifica[m], & tanto imperio dignam præbebunt, rectè atque ordine constituentes omnia: sic in rebus pacatis consiliarios adhiberi necesse est earum rerum administrandarum prudentes, quæ procul à classicis transiguntur, aut ipsos bellicarum rerum cōsultos quasi quosda[m] Nestores utraq[ue] facultate pollere: id quod fieri nequit, si literatos oderint, aut spreuerint. Magno enim errore regibus olim nostris ac summæ nobilitati persuasum est, Galliæ campos naturam, Martis (ut aiunt) orchestram esse, non etiam Musarum odeum uoluisse, in quo regum ac ducum gesta clarissimè celebrantur. Qua de re quoniam multa in præcedentibus libris diximus, non necessarium hic habeo longius re prosequi. Proinde fastigium principale nihil generosius instituere, nihil augustius uelle potest, quàm ut rebus bellicis quasi in tumultu constitutis, literarum studiosos excitare quamplurimos cōtendat, partim à cōsilijs ei futuros, muneraq[ue] togata ac ciuilia obituros, partim res nostras monumentis literarum illustraturos: id quod Alexander Magnus quu[m] maximè exoptaret, uix assequi potuit: ob quod Achillem felicem identidem appellabat, cui cōtigisset ipsi post mortem Homerum præconem rerum suarum habere. Reges autem nostri ne Chærilos quidè suarum reru[m] scriptores habuerunt, ut qui nihil existimarent literas perti- nere

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G. BVD. OF THE ASH AND raised to a higher level, if only those who hold the highest power of affairs could understand this, and, having understood it, remember that the divinity of Minerva has always been thought greater and more present than that of Bellona by Alexander the Great and by the Roman commanders, who themselves founded the greatest and most illustrious empires of all time. For just as the master of horse, the supreme commander, and the appointed Polemarchs, men who have earned many honors in war, like selected aides of his, will present in military affairs a certain magnificent appearance, and one worthy of so great an empire, arranging everything correctly and in order: so in peaceful affairs it is necessary to employ counselors who are prudent in administering those matters which are conducted far from the battlefield, or else to have the men expert in warfare themselves, as it were certain Nestors, endowed with both abilities: a thing which cannot happen if they hate or despise the learned. For by a great error our kings of old and the highest nobility were persuaded that the fields of Gaul are, as they say, the workshop of Mars, and did not also wish it to be the odeum of the Muses, in which the deeds of kings and leaders are celebrated most gloriously. On this matter, since we have said much in the preceding books, I do not find it necessary here to pursue it further. Therefore nothing more noble can the chief height establish, nothing more august can it wish, than to strive, when military matters are, as it were, set in turmoil, to summon as many devoted students of letters as possible, some of whom will be useful to him in counsel and will perform the offices of the toga and of civil life, others of whom will illuminate our affairs by monuments of literature: a thing which Alexander the Great most especially desired, but could scarcely achieve; for which reason he repeatedly called Achilles fortunate, since it had befallen him to have Homer as the herald of his deeds after death. But our kings did not even have Chærilus as writers of their affairs, as those who thought that letters mattered not at all

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 819 here ad memoriam sui suorumq[ue] æternitati prodendam. qua temporum incuria factum, ut res eoru[m] gestæ, et instituta patria, autorum silentio sepulta sint, uel ita memoriæ prodita, ut autores pudendos magnarum rerum laudare uereamur. Quam gentis nostræ ignominiam si reges et proceres satis æstimare potuissent, præclarè cum uiris literatis hactenus actum esset. Verumenimuero quando ea quæ ad hunc principatum pertinent, nunc primum ineuntem, no[n] tam in commendatione ac laude posita sunt, quam in coniectura atq[ue] expectatione, sustinendum nobis ulterius iudicium ad progressum usq[ue] rerum magnifico iucundóq[ue] omine inchoatarum: ne si quid secus acciderit (quod ominari nolim) aut in rebus secundis atque plausibilibus proceres mandragoram (ut fit) biberint, præproperè ipsi occasionem res inexploratas laudandi admirandiq[ue]; arri puisse uideamur. Quod quum dixissem, et ille annuisset, hæmpto hoc colloquio sermonem alium quæsiui= mus. Eam autem disputationem nostram simul animi causa huic operi attexenda[m] esse du= xi, simul ut monumentum esset æter nu[m] (ut spero) amicitiæ nostræ. Deloinus enim et Budæus insigne par amicoru[m] in hac urbe exi stimatur esse, FINIS. F f 2

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PARTIB. EIVS LIB. V. 819 for handing down to eternity the memory of himself and his family. How, through the negligence of the times, the deeds and institutions of our ancestors have either been buried in the silence of their authors, or handed down to memory in such a way that we are ashamed to praise the authors of great things. If kings and nobles could have duly valued this disgrace of our nation, things would long ago have gone splendidly with men of letters. But since those matters that concern this principality, now for the first time entering upon it, are placed not so much in commendation and praise as in conjecture and expectation, we must defer judgment further, until the progress of affairs that have been begun under a splendid and pleasing omen: lest if anything should turn out otherwise (which I would not wish to predict), or if in prosperous and applauded circumstances the nobles should have drunk mandrake, as happens, we seem to have rushed too hastily to praise and admire unexamined matters. When I had said this, and he had assented, we, this conversation ended, sought another subject of discourse. And this discussion of ours I thought should be attached to this work both for the sake of diversion, and also so that it might serve as a lasting monument (as I hope) of our friendship. For Deloinus and Budæus are considered an outstanding pair of friends in this city. FINIS. F f 2

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POSTMARK NO 1800

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POSTMARK NO 1800

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INDEX RERVM ET VOCVM INSIGNIVM QVAE IN HOC OPERE CONTINENTVR. A Administrationis publicæ A Bdemonus Tyrius A 499.500 Acacus 36 Academici 744 Accipiter soliuagus prouer bium 71 Accusandi licentia 662 Accursij autoritas 4 eiusdem lapsus 387 Homericus 63 Aculbili mensura 553 Actiæcæ uictoriæ monumé= tum 324 Actiæcus exercitus 314 Actorum Apostolicoru lo= cus 635 Actus quadratus 324 Adamantis gemmæ pre= cium 222 Adespota, albana 300.369 Addicere nummo 108 Adiabene 491 Acrarium

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Index of matters and notable words contained in this work. A Public administration A Bdemonus Tyrius A 499.500 Acacus 36 Academics 744 Solitary hawk proverb bium 71 License to accuse 662 Accursius’ authority 4 his lapse 387 Homeric 63 Aculbili measure 553 Memorial of the Actian victory tum 324 Actian army 314 Place of the Acts of the Apostles cus 635 Square act 324 Price of an adamant gem cium 222 Adespota, albana 300.369 To assign to money 108 Adiabene 491 Acrarium

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INDEX. Aerarium Romanum 384 Aerarium Romanum Cæsar ui persfregit 318 Aerarium Romanu in æde Saturni erat 793 Aerarij Romani copiæ 182.183.184. Aerarium sanctius à Cæsare expilatum 187 Aes alienum Cæsaris dictatoris 214 Aes auro et argento misce batur 338 Aes graue 108 Aes quado primùm, et qua nota signatum 148.330 Aeris appellatione As intel ligitur 149 Aeris dena millia 129.130 Aeris grauis poena 107 Aeris grauis tempus seu col latio 698 Aeris nota 620 Aeruscatores 768 Aesopus histrio 237 Aesopi diuitiæ 704. quæstus 243 Aesopi duo, pater et fil. 241 Aesopi patina 137. 158. 171.241.412 Aetheris summa pars, Minerua intelligitur 90 Aethiopiam arma Romano rum penetrarunt 322 Africæ fertil. triticea 679 Agnatum 805 Agri uncia 17 Agricolatio d[omi]ni 725.726 Agricolaru ignauia 681 Agrorum cessatio 526 Agrippæ opera in ædilita= te 369 Alæ 79 Alæ lusus immensi precij 409 Albana, quæ aduoræ 300 Albana, spauaui 389 Alcinoi apologus 381 Alexandria, emporium lo= cuples 387.392 Alexa[n]der polyhistor Alexa[n]a. Magnus Hom. et Pindari studiosus 92.201 uinosus 576. eius augusta le et prætoriu castrese. 428. eius co[n]uiua 290. in nuptijs luxus 426. et de= in. Susiani thesauri 420. 423. imperium 383. co= piæ 383. munificentia 426. sublimis animus 432. opes 432 Alexadrocolaces 426.427 Alieni

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INDEX. Roman treasury 384 The Roman treasury was broken open by Caesar 318 The Roman treasury was in the temple of Saturn 793 The resources of the Roman treasury 182. 183. 184. The sacred treasury plundered by Caesar 187 Caesar the dictator’s debt 214 Bronze was mixed with gold and silver 338 Heavy bronze 108 When bronze was first coined, and with what mark it was stamped 148. 330 By the term of bronze, an as is understood 149 Ten thousand asses 129. 130 Penalty of heavy bronze 107 Time or levy of heavy bronze 698 Mark on bronze 620 Swindlers 768 Aesop the actor 237 Aesop’s riches 704. earnings 243 The two Aesops, father and son 241 Aesop’s dish 137. 158. 171. 241. 412 By the highest part of the ether, Minerva is understood 90 Weapons penetrated into Ethiopia 322 The fertility of Africa in wheat 679 Agnatum 805 An acre of land 17 Agriculture of the master 725. 726 The laziness of farmers 681 The lying fallow of fields 526 Agrippa’s works in the aedileship 369 Alae 79 A game of the wings at immense cost 409 Albana, that which is used for a feast 300 Albana, I drank 389 The fable of Alcinous 381 Alexandria, a wealthy emporium 387. 392 Alexander the polyhistor Alexander the Great, devoted to Homer and Pindar 92. 201 wine-drinker 576. his magnificent camp and praetorium 428. his banqueting companion 290. luxury at weddings 426. and afterwards the Susian treasures 420. 423. his empire 383. abundance 383. generosity 426. lofty spirit 432. wealth 432 Alexandrocolaces 426. 427 Foreigners

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INDEX. Alienum æs militum suo= rum Alexander omne dis soluit 423 Alphæstæ homines dicti 3 Aluus 618. ut sistatur 596 Amasis, qui et Pharao 511. 512 Ambientiu molestiæ 768 Ambitio, & dinundinatio in pontificibus & cæno= biarchis 706 Ambitio honesta 802.805. 814 Ambitio tenacissima est 775 Ambitionis cæcitas 715 Ambitiosoru stultitia 769. 770 Ambitus foenus intedit 346 Ambitus lex 363 Ambitus Romæ inges erat ob magistratuum com= moda 345 Amentum 83 Amicorum perfidia 430 Amicorum locupletator Au gustus 354 Amoebei citharædi quæstus 242 Amor sui, & charitas publi ca, non bene couen. 437 Amphora, eius forma & ca= pacitas 513.514.516.517. 548.552.609.667. Amphora uini 551.552 Amphora, octaua pars mo= dij Parisiensis 672.677 Amphora quinquagenaria 608 Amphoteroplus 117 Amymones 228 avæsvans 205 Anadyomene Apellis 205 Anagnostarum seruoru pre tium 233.340 Anantapodoton 747 Anaphora 38 Anatocismus antiquis usi= tatus 678 Androsphinx 804 Angelus Politianus 37.513. 517 Angli cu Gallo affinit. 437 Animaduertedus locus 688 Anima corpus exire solita 781 De Anima, Aristotelis libri præstantissimi 202 Animæ definitio 37 Animæ humanæ humiliatio 729 Animæ in dei manu per ba= ptisma mancipatio 464 Hb Anime

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INDEX. Foreign money of the soldiers, Alexander paid off all of his own debts 423 Men called Alphæstæ 3 Belly 618. to be restrained 596 Amasis, who is also Pharao 511. 512 Troubles of those around 768 Ambition, and trafficking among the bishops and abbots 706 Honorable ambition 802. 805. 814 Ambition is most tenacious 775 Blindness of ambition 715 The folly of the ambitious 769. 770 Usury encourages greed 346 Law concerning usury 363 Usury in Rome was immense because of the conveniences of office 345 Amentum 83 Perfidy of friends 430 Augustus enriches his friends 354 The earnings of the double-flute players 242 Self-love, and public charity, do not go well together 437 Amphora, its shape and capacity 513. 514. 516. 517. 548. 552. 609. 667. Amphora of wine 551. 552 Amphora, the eighth part of the Parisian modius 672. 677 Amphora of fifty measures 608 Amphoteroplus 117 Amymones 228 avæsvans 205 Anadyomene of Apelles 205 Price of Anagnosts, or slaves 233. 340 Anantapodoton 747 Anaphora 38 Anatocism, customary among the ancients 678 Androsphinx 804 Angelus Politianus 37. 513. 517 Affinity with the French and the English 437 A place to be considered 688 The soul is accustomed to depart from the body 781 On the Soul, Aristotle's most excellent books 202 Definition of the soul 37 Humiliation of the human soul 729 The soul's surrender into the hand of God by baptism 464 Hb Anime

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INDEX. Animæ partes duæ, ira & 311. 312. 314. 315. 317. ratio 63 Animam mortalem asserentes 739 Animus æquus 718 Animus et anima differ. 43 Animi cultura nunqua[m] frustra est 589. 590 Animi humani capacitas 147 Animi recta cõstitutio 740 Annonæ ratio apud Parisinos 634 Annotations in Pandectas 4. 54. 807 Ab Annulis cõparatio 453 Annulus aureus, equestris ordinis indicium 239 Annuli aurei gestandi ius 270. tres ab Hannibale Carthaginem annuloru[m] modij nussi 553 Annulorum primum uestigium 269. 270 Antæus 458 Antiochia 491. 492 Antiquos perinde atq; nos errare potuisse 26 Antonius à prato cancellarius 812 Antonius Musa medic. 590 Antonius triuuir 235. 309. eius copiæ in bello Attia co 656. facies in nomi=smate Apania urbs 479 Apartilogia 291 Apellis præstatia 204. 205 341. 779 Appellico Teius 342 Aphrodisium 652 Appianus historicus Græcus 214. eius tēpora Appiani locus 123. 302. 305. 317. 341 Apitij luxus perditissimi 243. eius exitus Apion Polyhistor 500 Apirocalia 89 Apocalypsis Ioannis, Par=carum commentariu[m] 762 Apocalypsis loc. 405. 620 Apolides 795 Apollonia, signandæ pecu=niæ officina 402 Apri solidi apponi sol. 232 Aquæ chrysalcæ mira uis 265 Aquis abunda[n]s Roma 370 Ara Lugdunensis 402 Arabiæ felicitas 416 Arabiam Augustus oppu=gnauit 322

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INDEX. Two parts of the soul, anger & 311. 312. 314. 315. 317. reason 63 Those asserting a mortal soul 739 Even-minded spirit 718 Spirit and soul differ. 43 Training of the mind is never in vain 589. 590 Capacity of the human mind 147 Right constitution of the mind 740 The ratio of provisions at Paris 634 Annotations in the Pandects 4. 54. 807 From Rings, comparison 453 Gold ring, badge of the equestrian order 239 Right to wear a gold ring 270. three from Hannibal to Carthage, a modius of rings not used 553 First trace of rings 269. 270 Antæus 458 Antiochia 491. 492 The ancients could have erred just as we do 26 Antonius à prato, chancellor 812 Antonius Musa, physician 590 Antonius, triumvir 235. 309. his equipment in the war of Actium co 656. appearance on the coin Apania, city 479 Apartilogia 291 Apelles’ excellence 204. 205 341. 779 Appellico Teius 342 Aphrodisium 652 Appian, Greek historian 214. his times Passage in Appian 123. 302. 305. 317. 341 Apitius’ most ruinous luxury 243. his end Apion Polyhistor 500 Apirocalia 89 Apocalypse of John, commentary of Parcae 762 Passage in the Apocalypse 405. 620 Apolides 795 Apollonia, mint for stamping money 402 Apri solidi to be placed at the solidi 232 Wonderful power of chrysalc water 265 Rome, abundant in waters 370 Ara Lugdunensis 402 Felicity of Arabia 416 Augustus attacked Arabia 322

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INDEX. Arabum tributum 379 Arbela uicus 431 Arbitrium, nostri iuris est 741 Arbores in quincuncem digestæ 49 Arborum ingens pretium 155.333 Arces ciuitatum Palladisa= 90 Archidicastes 390 Archontius uulnerarius medicus 197 Argenteus quo Christus di uenditus 636 Argentea uasa 332 Argentum granallium 266 Argentum impermixtu purissimumq; 267 Argentum hominibus Romanis auro celebratius fuit 271.356 Argentum in nummo'ne an in supellectile melius habeatur 432 Argentum no aurum imperabat Romani uictis abs se gentibus 270.489 Argentum optimum, Parisi num et cineraceu 265 Argentum purum 664 Argentum quando signatu 107.636 eius nota Argenti ad aurum analogia 268 Argento cælato insignes multi 366 Argentifodinæ memorabiles 393 Argentinus deus 748 Argumentatio 748 Argyranche 333 Argyrocopium 260.402 Argyrocopiorum pyxides 268 Arietes talentares 399 Arietum pretium in Bætica 399 Aristeas Proconnesius poëta ibidem Aristides 291 Aristippei 291 Aristippea schola 771 Aristohanis locus 581 Aristoteles Alexandri præceptor 92 Aristoteles in uerbo philosphico lapsus 46 Aristoteles innumera uolu mina conscripsit 202 Aristoteles magno paucu[m] los libros emut 293.341 Hb 2.... Arist

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INDEX. Arab tax 379 Arbela, town 431 Arbitration, is within our right 741 Trees arranged in a quincunx 49 Great value of trees 155.333 Arces of cities, Palladis... 90 Archidicastes 390 Archontius, wound doctor 197 The silver for which Christ was sold 636 Silver vessels 332 Granulated silver 266 Silver, pure and unmixed 267 Silver was more celebrated among the Romans than gold 271.356 Whether silver is better held in coin or in household plate 432 Silver, not gold, the Romans demanded of peoples conquered by them 270.489 The best silver, Parisian and ashen 265 Pure silver 664 Silver, when stamped 107.636, its mark The likeness of silver to gold 268 Many distinguished by chased silver 366 Memorable silver mines 393 Argentinus, god 748 Argumentation 748 Argyranche 333 Argyrocopium 260.402 Boxes of the silversmiths 268 Ram-talents 399 The price of rams in Baetica 399 Aristeas of Proconnesus, poet ibid. Aristides 291 Followers of Aristippus 291 The school of Aristippus 771 Passage of Aristohanis 581 Aristotle, teacher of Alexander 92 Aristotle, mistaken in a philosophical word 46 Aristotle wrote countless volumes 202 Aristotle bought few books for a great price 293.341 Hb 2.... Arist

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INDEX. Aristotelis & Theophrasti libri magno uenditi 314 341.342 Armigeri scrui pretium 159 Arpènum Latina uox 525. 527 Arpennum Parisinum 525. eius proportio ad iuge= rum Romanum 527 Arpennorum oblocatio in Francia 526 Artemidori locus 237 Artis pretium olim in cæla turis 358 Artes in pretio olim quæ= dam, quæ nunc euiluerut 199.204.341 Artes liberales unde dictæ 795 Artium inuentio & absolu tio 3.4 Artificia antiqua 358 Arura 493 Aruum 526 Aschematistos oratio 22 Asia 306.313.379.380. eius fertilitas 390 Asia deuicta, luxuria Ro= man inuasit 315 Asiæ 20. millia talentum im perata 306 Asiaticorum mira uexatio 157 Asina Reatina 155 Asinarum lactis usus 411 Asinus memorabilis 155 Asini Arcadici, & Reatini 157 Aspectus quadrâ talis, nona genarius &c. 30 Aspectus astronomici 30 Aspendius citharædus 74 As, qui et Assis, unde dictus 12.632 As, libra & pòdo idem 12 As & assis dipondius 632 As, libralis nummus 48 As nummulus 106 As nostra moneta 620. eius partes hodiernæ 664 As æreus erat, non argenteus 148 Assis partes 9.664 Assis partes etiam mensuras haustuum in bibendo si- gnificant 563 Assis in partes, res omnis fa cilè diuiditur 24 As Budæi uelut mathemati ca ratione co[m]pactus 198. historiæ uelut uicem præ stet 158 Asses mille, ualebant aureos decem 363

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INDEX. Books of Aristotle and Theophrastus sold at a high price 314 341.342 Price of an armiger servant 159 Arpènum, a Latin word 525. 527 Parisian arpennum 525. its proportion to the Roman iugerum 527 Letting out arpennums in France 526 A passage from Artemidorus 237 The price of art formerly in carving 358 Arts once held in high esteem, which are now cheapened 199.204.341 The liberal arts, whence so called 795 The invention and perfection of the arts 3.4 Ancient crafts 358 Arura 493 Aruum 526 Aschematistos speech 22 Asia 306.313.379.380. its fertility 390 After Asia was conquered, luxury invaded Rome 315 20,000 talents imposed on Asia 306 The remarkable oppression of the Asiatics 157 Reatine she-ass 155 Use of ass’s milk 411 Remarkable ass 155 Arcadian and Reatine asses 157 An aspect of quadrature, novenary, etc. 30 Astronomical aspects 30 Aspendian cithara-player 74 As, also called Assis, whence so named 12.632 As, libra, and pondo are the same 12 As and assis, a dipondius 632 As, a libral coin 48 As, a small coin 106 As, our coin 620. its modern parts 664 As was of bronze, not of silver 148 Parts of the assis 9.664 Parts of the assis also signify measures of drinks in drinking 563 The assis, into parts, all things are easily divided 24 As, according to Budaeus, as though fitted together by a mathematical ratio 198. may serve as a substitute for history 158 A thousand asses were worth ten gold pieces 363

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INDEX Asses sextantarii 638 Asses stipendiarii 699 Asses quos Plinius intelligat 152 Asses unciales 699 Assipondium 12 Assyria 491 Assyriorum regnu[m] 487. ue= 327. nomisma 163. opera tustissimum omniu[m] 500 Ata noxa 591 Atele 547 Athena, cognomen 195 Athenæi locus 294 Athenienses classarijs opi= 656 bus excelluisse 656 Atheniēsiu[m] aduersus Aegi= 527 nætas odium 375 Atheniensium census 527 Atheniensium classes 530. 535. & deinceps 531 Atheniensium diuitiæ 531 Atheniēsium prouētus 533 Athenienses tribus 136 Atlantes in columnis 320 Attali hæreditas Romanis inutilis 315 Attegiæ 251 Attribui 385 Auaritia mira 395. eius ar= 767 Aucupatio 100 Auium sermone humano uo calium pretium 159. 160 Augustale Alexandri 428 Augusti commentarii 330. congiaria 324. facetiæ 361. 505. genitura gesta 321. legiones 28. 327. nomisma 163. opera 328. reuerentiæ testamentum 101. 327 Augusti tempora 354. eius Augusto perpetui imperij potestas delata Augustorum pluralitas R O Aula imposterix 96 Aulæ elogiu[m] et crimina 796 Aulæ inescatio 772 Aulæ co[n]sulta ut sæpe extor queantur 64 Aulæ pernicies 96 Aulæ secreta oppidanis in= 435 cognita 435 Aulæ potetu[m] designationes 730. 751. deiectio[n]es H h 3 Aulam

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INDEX Asses sextantarii 638 Asses stipendiarii 699 Asses quos Plinius intelligat 152 Asses unciales 699 Assipondium 12 Assyria 491 Assyriorum regnu[m] 487. ue= 327. coinage 163. works tustissimum omniu[m] 500 Ata noxa 591 Atele 547 Athena, cognomen 195 Athenæi locus 294 Athenienses classarijs opi= 656 bus excelluisse 656 Atheniēsiu[m] aduersus Aegi= 527 nætas odium 375 Atheniensium census 527 Atheniensium classes 530. 535. & deinceps 531 Atheniensium diuitiæ 531 Atheniēsium prouētus 533 Athenienses tribus 136 Atlantes in columnis 320 Attali hæreditas Romanis inutilis 315 Attegiæ 251 Attribui 385 Auaritia mira 395. eius ar= 767 Aucupatio 100 Auium sermone humano uo calium pretium 159. 160 Augustale Alexandri 428 Augusti commentarii 330. congiaria 324. facetiæ 361. 505. genitura gesta 321. legiones 28. 327. nomisma 163. opera 328. reverence testamentum 101. 327 Augusti tempora 354. his Augusto perpetui imperij power granted Augustorum pluralitas R O Aula imposterix 96 Aulæ elogiu[m] et crimina 796 Aulæ inescatio 772 Aulæ co[n]sulta ut sæpe extor queantur 64 Aulæ pernicies 96 Aulæ secreta oppidanis in= 435 cognita 435 Aulæ potetu[m] designationes 730. 751. removals H h 3 Aulam

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INDEX. Aulæ auersatur Budæus 799 Aulicacademiæ axiomata 779. 781 Aulica curia excordes homines facit 799 Aulica uitæ quatenus sapienti adeunda 801 Aulica felicitas 75. simulatio 770. 771. 773 Aulicæ curiæ tumultus & inquietudo 771. 772 Aulici antistites seu pontifices 753. sacerdotes 712 Aulici recocti 750 Aulici spintriæ & ærusatores 768 Aulicorum depulseru[m] exerationes 96 Aulicorum institutio 779. 781 Aulicoru[m] miseria 780. 804 Aulicorum quorundam audaritia & improbitas 435 æcitas 715 Aulicoru[m] seruitus 771. 772 Aulicorum uacillatio 798 Aulicos curioses taxat 250. 251. 455. 803 Auletes Cleopatræ pater 387 A. Gellij locus 292. 620 Aurata 227 Aureæ cõpædes Darij 432 Aurea domus Neronis 409 410 Aurea fortuna 810 Aurelius imp. 257 Aureus integer, solidus dictus 661 Aureus Romanus 238 Aurei æstimatio 150 Aurei æstimatio in iure 661 Aurei pecude uillosa signati 264 Aurifices Parisienses 358 Aurifodinæ præstantissimæ 393. 396 Aurum duodeuicenariu[m] & uicenarium 274 Aurum in templi Solom. ædificationem expensum 475. 476. Aurum Persæ in thesauris habere studebant 432 Aurum purum probum suu[m] 786 Aurum quantumcunq[ue] purum, aliquid habet tamen alieni metalli 266. 267 Aurum Tolossanum 397 Auri bonitas in quatuor & uiginti caracter indicaturæ consummatur 264 Auri & argenti sparsio

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INDEX. Budæus shuns the court 799 Axioms of the court academy 779. 781 The court makes men out of harmony 799 To what extent court life is to be approached by the wise 801 Court happiness 75. Simulation 770. 771. 773 Tumult and unrest of the court 771. 772 Court prelates, or pontiffs 753. priests 712 Refined courtiers 750 Court jesters and parasites 768 Expulsiations of the courtiers 96 Training of courtiers 779. 781 Misery of courtiers 780. 804 Audacity and wickedness of certain courtiers 435 Blindness 715 Servitude of courtiers 771. 772 Vacillation of courtiers 798 He censures curious courtiers 250. 251. 455. 803 Auletes, Cleopatra’s father 387 A passage of A. Gellius 292. 620 Aurata 227 Golden fetters of Darius 432 Nero’s Golden House 409 410 Golden fortune 810 Emperor Aurelius 257 Aureus, called integer, solidus 661 Roman aureus 238 Value of the aureus 150 Value of the aureus in law 661 Aurei marked with the fleece of a woolly sheep 264 Parisian goldsmiths 358 Very excellent gold mines 393. 396 Twelvefold and twentyfold gold 274 Gold expended on the building of Solomon’s temple 475. 476. The Persians strove to keep gold in their treasuries 432 Pure and genuine gold 786 However pure gold may be, it still has something of foreign metal 266. 267 Toulouse gold 397 The goodness of gold is shown in the twenty-fourth assay and is perfected 264 Spreading of gold and silver

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INDEX. effusa 398 Auri ad argétum analogia 268.271.401 Auri admiratio 625 Auri indicatura 264.402 Auri appellatioe indignu[m], quod infra dodratem sit 275 Auri apud priscos rara me[n]tio 355 Auri cælaturæ rara mentio 356 Auri libræ Romanæ pretiu[m] 264 Auri in libra quot sint cera tia 264 Auri pernicies 625 Auri pretium 262 Auri pretiu[m] no[n] in arte nuc, sed in materia est 358 Auri ramenta 393. segma 401 Auri summa nota 266 Auri ubicunq[ue] mixti aut co[m]fusi, separandi ratio 265 Auri unciæ pretium 263 Auro olim Roma non abundabat. 269.270 Auro opertu[m] theatrum 194 Autolyci 740 Autoritas co[m]sulatus magno 704 uendita 740 Autopyrum 397 B Babylonia 491 Babylonis ædificatio 487.488 Babylonici agri fertilitas 680 Babylonicum talentu[m] 472 Babylonicum talentum [etc] Euboicum 372 Bagoæ Persarum 74 Cavavonæ 597 Baiularium pondus 478 Ballux 394 Baptismatis uis 264.737.761.800 Barsine, Darij filia 425 Barutus, quæ et Beryt. 325 Basilius [etc] Nazianzenus æquales 755 Batus 613 Bætica Turdetania 392 Bætica Hispaniæ 326. eius fertilitas 393 Beatitudo quomodo inuesti ganda 717 Beli ætas 487 Bella no[n] decere ecclesiastie Hh 4 605

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INDEX. effusa 398 Aurei and silver analogy 268.271.401 Wonder at gold 625 Signs of gold 264.402 The name of gold is unworthy, because it is below the twelfth part 275 Rare mention of gold among the ancients 355 Rare mention of gold work 356 The Roman pound of gold, its price 264 How many carats there are in a pound of gold 264 Destruction of gold 625 Price of gold 262 The price of gold is not in the art now, but in the material 358 Gold filings 393. segma 401 The chief mark of gold 266 When gold is mixed or confused with other metals, the method of separating it 265 Price of an ounce of gold 263 Formerly Rome did not abound in gold. 269.270 Theater covered with gold 194 Autolycus 740 Authority of the consulship was greatly increased 704 sold 740 Autopyrus 397 B Babylonia 491 The building of Babylon 487.488 The fertility of the Babylonian fields 680 Babylonian talent 472 Babylonian talent [etc] Euboic 372 Bagoas of the Persians 74 Cavavona 597 The porter’s load 478 Ballux 394 The power of baptism 264.737.761.800 Barsine, daughter of Darius 425 Barutus, which is also Beryt. 325 Basil [etc.] equal to Nazianzen 755 Batus 613 Bætica, Turdetania 392 Bætica of Spain 326. its fertility 393 How blessedness is to be sought 717 The age of Belus 487 Why wars do not befit the church Hh 4 605

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cos 438.439 Beroaldus 98.568 Berossus historicus 498 Berytus Syriæ 325 Bes 16.564 Bessale 20 Betonica 573 Bibedimos antiquorum in conuiuijs 563 Bibendi ratio ac mēsuræ a= p[ro]ud Paris. 564.568.569 Biblioru[m] editio uulgata 738 Biblicorum librorum uelut argumenta 762 Bibliotheca Græca Latinaque 329 Bibliotheca Luculli 225. eius luxus ibidem 329 Bicogius Cicero M.F. 570 Bigati nummi 637 Bis et uicies sestertium à Nerone profusum 410 Blondus 337.634.701 Bæotius seu Bossellus Gallicus 518 Bona sua quo titulo possideat ecclesiast. 706.707 Bos nummus 207.624 Bossellus Gallicus 518 Bosselli 552 Cès ἰπι ἡλωτης Cîchκεν, pro= 624 uerbium 624 Boum pastus 562.563 Britannia Romanorum ue= etigalis 386 Britannia una legione in of ficio continebatur 326 Brochus 615 Bruti tēpore signata nomi= smata non extare 544 Bucephali pretium 292.110 men 293 Budæus ad honores sæpe prouocatus 813 Budæus an à Mineruæ ca= stris ad Iunonis præsidia transeat 790.798 Budæus mathematica me= thodo libros hos conse= cit 198 Budæus primus Gallos ab ignoratiæ ac stupiditatis calumnia uindicat 83 Budæus se ipso præceptore usus 54.196 Budæus simulandi nescius, et pudentissimus 798 Budæi ac Deloini dialogi= smus 789 Budæi ardor in literas 797. auiditas in uetustoru[m] no mismatu[m] exp[er]esione 696 candor

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cos 438.439 Beroaldus 98.568 Berossus the historian 498 Berytus of Syria 325 Bes 16.564 Bessale 20 Betonica 573 Bibedimos among the ancients at banquets 563 Rules and measures of drinking by p[ro]ud Paris. 564.568.569 Vulgate edition of the Bible 738 As it were themes of biblical books 762 Greek and Latin library 329 Lucullus's library 225. its luxury there 329 Bicogius Cicero M.F. 570 Bigati coins 637 Twenty times a hundred thousand sesterces squandered by Nero 410 Blondus 337.634.701 Bæotius, or Bossellus the Gaul 518 On what title he possesses his goods, ecclesiastical 706.707 Bos coin 207.624 Bossellus the Gaul 518 Bosselli 552 Cès ἰπι ἡλωτης Cîchκεν, proverb 624 word 624 Feeding of oxen 562.563 Britain tributary to the Romans 386 Britain was maintained in service by one legion 326 Brochus 615 That in Brutus's time coins marked with the name did not exist 544 Price of Bucephalus 292.110 men 293 Budæus often summoned to honors 813 Whether Budæus from the camp of Minerva passes to the strongholds of Juno 790.798 Budæus pursued these books by the mathematical method 198 Budæus first vindicates the French from the calumny of ignorance and stupidity 83 Budæus used himself as instructor 54.196 Budæus, ignorant of dissimulation, and most modest 798 The dialogue of Budæus and Deloini 789 Budæus's ardor for literature 797. eagerness in discovering the monuments of antiquity 696 candor

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INDEX. Candor, atq[ue] adeo labor 666.190. coiectura optima ac pertinax 134. constatia in hoc opere 702. de dictis suis fiducia 558. 587. de se sponsio 146. 166. deprecatio ad lectores 586. diligentia in ueritatis indagatione 552. 558. 571. exclamatio co[n]tra iniquitatè te[m]po. 783. in castigando fides 186. in patria pietas 80. 81. modestia 292. 355. 356. Sammaurianu[m] præd. 52. ualetudo 797. 813. apolo gia uelut de Plinij reprehensione 590 Budæi uxor ac liberi 797 Bulca themis 755 Busta Gallica 440 C Clitera, quæ nota 249 Caccus Parisinus 610 Caducorum iura 300 Cadus 580. 608 Cælatores 358 Cælatores insignes 356 Cælatores et inclusores quo utantur auro 274 Cælaturæ precium 332 Calendarium 111 Cæsariati, testons 665 Cæsar corruptor animosis simus 224. 359. 364 Cæsareæ urbes 327 Cæsaris animus subl. 219 Cæsaris clementia 178 Cæs. dictatoris numis. 163 alienu[m] æs 214. 218. animus 364. monarchia 381. donatiuum 307. furtum 223. corruptelæ 224. liburnicæ 655 Cæs. mortui pecunia 317 C. Domitius 333 C. Furius Cresinus 686 Caius princeps, ultra modu[m] prodigus 403. 407 Calderini lapsus. 108. 130. 244. 568 Caligulæ profusio 103. 403. 415 Cambyses 378 Cancellaria Rom. 731 Cancellarius Franc. 811 Cancellarius Guido à Ru[n]p[er]forti 448. 812. D. Antonius à Prato ibidem Cancellarij munus 811 Canon 300 Canon frumentarius 603 Canones pontificij 731 H h 5 Cano

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INDEX. Candor, and indeed labor 666. 190. Best and steadfast conjecture 134. constancy in this work 702. confidence in what he says 558. 587. pledge about himself 146. 166. appeal to readers 586. diligence in the investigation of truth 552. 558. 571. exclamation against the injustice of the times 783. faithfulness in correcting 186. in his country, piety 80. 81. modesty 292. 355. 356. Sammaurianu[m] præd. 52. health 797. 813. apology, as it were, concerning a criticism of Pliny 590. Budaeus's wife and children 797. Bulca themis 755. Busta Gallica 440. C. Clitera, which note 249. Caccus Parisinus 610. rights of caducous property 300. Cadus 580. 608. Engravers 358. Engravers of note 356. Engravers and inlayers, what gold they use 274. The price of engraving 332. Calendar 111. Cæsariati, testons 665. Cæsar, corrupter, most spirited 224. 359. 364. Imperial cities 327. Cæsar's mind, lifted up 219. Cæsar's clemency 178. Cæs. dictator's coins 163. alien money 214. 218. mind 364. monarchy 381. gift 307. theft 223. corruption 224. liburnian ships 655. Cæs. dead man's money 317. C. Domitius 333. C. Furius Cresinus 686. Caius princeps, excessively prodigal 403. 407. Calderini's mistakes. 108. 130. 244. 568. Caligula's extravagance 103. 403. 415. Cambyses 378. Roman Chancellery 731. Chancellor of France 811. Chancellor Guido à Ru[n]p[er]forti 448. 812. D. Antonius à Prato, there the office of Chancellor 811. Canon 300. Grain canon 603. Pontifical canons 731. H h 5 Cano

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INDEX. Canonizati publica religio Catasta obseruatiæ illib. 85 ne consecrati 726 Catastrophe, exitus fab. 79 Capelus 371 Catenæ Vulcaniæ 769 Capito Cossutianus 189 Cato Cypriâ gazam Ro= Capitolinus inter classicos mam deportauit 351 autores nô habedus 144 Catoniana censura 385 Capricorni nota in nomis= Catonis censura 161.162. mate 164 234 Caractæ in auro 264 Catonis locus restitutus Cardiaci 565.566 594.605 Cardinales aulici 776 Catorthoniata 784 Cardinales et episcopi im= Causarij milites 588 pune peccent 732 Cedrina stemmata 73 Cardinaliu[m] insolentiâ atq; Cellæ 55 arrogatiâ pstringit 776 Celoneum 253 Cardines Mathematici 31 Celsilo.557.564.565.616 Cardiulcus cor euelles 800 Celtiberorum gens nume= Cardo 13 rosa & diues 395 Caroleus nummus 664 Cemmeni montes 396 Carolei fortes nummi Aqui Cenchrites uinum 573 tanici 659 Census Atheniensium 527. Carolei Parisini dextantes 540 rectè uocentur 621 Census equestris & senato Carthaginiësia metalla 393 rius 102.169.170.193 Caruba in auro 264 Census olim maximus 148 Cassij et Bru. donatiu[m] 310 Census opes hominum ar= Castigatoris munus sæpe guebat 689 præstat Budæus 14 Census primæ classis Ro= Castrata siligo 600 manæ 634 Castor et Pollux iudicioru[m] Césus pro modo, tributum præsides 199 Romæ cōferebatur 385 Census

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INDEX. Canonized public religion Catasta of inviolate observance 85 not consecrated 726 Catastrophe, ending of a fable 79 Capelus 371 Chains of Vulcan 769 Capito Cossutianus 189 Cato carried the Cyprian treasure to Rome 351 Capitolinus not to be counted among the classical authors 144 Catonian censure 385 The mark of Capricorn in the name= mate 164 234 Cato’s censure 161.162. Caracts in gold 264 Cato’s place restored Cardiacs 565.566 594.605 Court cardinals 776 Catorthoniata 784 Cardinals and bishops sin with im= punity 732 Military men in lawsuits 588 The insolence and arrogance of cardinals is met with reproach 776 Cedar pedigrees 73 Cardines Mathematici 31 Cellæ 55 Cardiulcus, who wrenches the heart 800 Celoneum 253 Cardo 13 Celsilo.557.564.565.616 Caroleus coin 664 A numerous and wealthy people, the Celtiberians 395 The strong Carolean coins of Aqui= tania 659 Cemmeni mountains 396 The Parisian Carolean d e xtrans 540 Cenchrites wine 573 may rightly be called 621 Census of the Athenians 527. Carthaginian metals 393 Census equestris & senatorius 102.169.170.193 Caruba in gold 264 Census formerly the greatest 148 The donation of Cassius and Brutus 310 Census, the wealth of men was increased 689 The office of censor often performs [this] for Budæus 14 Census of the first class at Rome 634 Castrated wheat 600 Census, according to rank, was levied at Rome 385 Castor and Pollux, presidents of trials 199 Census

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INDEX. Census Ro. & classes 529 Centr[u] Betonica herb. 573 Centaurorum fabula 773 Centena uerbum in nume= 718 cis antiquis sæpe supple= 579.580 dum 405 Centenaria uinea 687 Centenariæ coenæ 630 Centenarij 273 Centenarij liberti 151 Centesima usura 111 Centesimæ duæ 112 Centesimus fructus 680 Centum aurei apud Vlpi= 661 num 149 Centum æris millia 197 Centu millia maximus olim 596 numerus erat 178 Centum nummi, duo aurei 616 681 215 Centum sestertia quantum 405 ualeant 169 Centies sestertium, compen 572.581.592.593 diosa locutio 138 Centies sestertium ut intel 537 ligatur. 406 Centies nonnunquam auto 709.783 res dicunt pro centies se 761 stertio 139 Centuria 687 Centurionu stipendiu 700 Centussis 12.630 Centussis noster 664 Cepio 398 Ceræ primæ 718 Ceramium 579.580 Ceratium in auro 16.222. 264.274 Ceruical Pers. regis 430 Chalcus 622 χαλκδs 664 Chaldæi Assyrioru sapien= 91 tes 91 Chares historicus 426 Charitatis lex 728.729 Charmidis medici facinus 426 197 χδρόβιοι 596 Cherronesus 380 Cheopina 616 Chiliades 215 Chilias chiliadum 405 Chorus 723 Choenix 572.581.592.593 Choregia 537 Christus, Hercules alexia= 709.783 cus 709.783 Christus Ianus gemunus 761 Christus imitandu se nobis 761 propinauit 717 Christi appellationes 761 Christi dogma paru plau= sibile

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INDEX. Census Ro. & classes 529 Centr[u] Betonica herb. 573 Centaurorum fabula 773 Centena uerbum in nume= 718 cis antiquis sæpe supple= 579.580 dum 405 Centenaria uinea 687 Centenariæ coenæ 630 Centenarij 273 Centenarij liberti 151 Centesima usura 111 Centesimæ duæ 112 Centesimus fructus 680 Centum aurei apud Vlpi= 661 num 149 Centum æris millia 197 Centu millia maximus olim 596 numerus erat 178 Centum nummi, duo aurei 616 681 215 Centum sestertia quantum 405 ualeant 169 Centies sestertium, compen 572.581.592.593 diosa locutio 138 Centies sestertium ut intel 537 ligatur. 406 Centies nonnunquam auto 709.783 res dicunt pro centies se 761 stertio 139 Centuria 687 Centurionu stipendiu 700 Centussis 12.630 Centussis noster 664 Cepio 398 Ceræ primæ 718 Ceramium 579.580 Ceratium in auro 16.222.264.274 Ceruical Pers. regis 430 Chalcus 622 χαλκδs 664 Chaldæi Assyrioru sapien= 91 tes 91 Chares historicus 426 Charitatis lex 728.729 Charmidis medici facinus 426 197 χδρόβιοι 596 Cherronesus 380 Cheopina 616 Chiliades 215 Chilias chiliadum 405 Chorus 723 Choenix 572.581.592.593 Choregia 537 Christus, Hercules alexia= 709.783 cus 709.783 Christus Ianus gemunus 761 Christus imitandu se nobis 761 propinauit 717 Christi appellationes 761 Christi dogma paru plau= sibile

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INDEX. sibile ap[er]d[m]udanos 506 Christi & eius comitatus cum nostris pontificibus comparatio 709 Christi ex[em]plar qui se eius uicarios nobis ingeru[n]t, nusqua[m] sequuntur 313 Christi natiuitas 328 Christi præceptoru[m] co[n]tem ptores arguit 728 Christi preciu[m] à Iuda æstimatum 636 Christi testamentum 717 Christo nato census Roma norum capitum 328 Christo ratio tandem reddenda 780 Christi sp[er]o[n]si aduersus spon sam suam Ecclesiam indignatio 729 Christiani hominis cor, tha lamus dei 800 Christia. athletæ typus 762 Christiani autores excellenti tissimi 754 Christianissima Fr[ati]ac. 707 Christophorus Longolius 660 Chrysammos 777.394 Chrysitis 777 Chrysoplysium 265 Chrysoplytes Paris. 265 Chus 572.575 Cibarius panis 597 Cibi ac potus rationem si= bi constare uolebat. Au= gustus 569 Cicero et Plin. humana Mi nerua scripsere 46 Cicero fugiens quantum pe cuniæ dono ab Attico ac ceperit. 340 Cicero Gabinio reconciliatus 388 Cicero meritò à Græcis ac= cusatus 24 Cicero ob accusatione Ver ris male audiuit 127 Cicero philosophiæ rudis non erat 47 Cicero prouinciam depo= suit 350 Cic. quanti habitarit 335 Cicero tenuis habitus 705 Ciceronis caput amputatu[m] quanti repensum 342 Ciceronis cum Roscio con tentio 237 Ciceronis entelechia 33 Ciceronis erratum in Ca= tone 560 Cic. facetum dictum 335 Cice

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sibile ap[er]d[m]udanos 506 Comparison of Christ and his retinue with our pontiffs 709 Christ’s example, those who present themselves to us as his vicars never follow it 313 The Nativity of Christ 328 Christ rebukes the despiser of teachers 728 The price of Christ assessed by Judas 636 Christ’s testament 717 The census of the Roman heads after Christ was born 328 An account must at last be rendered to Christ 780 The indignation of Christ, the betrothed, against his bride, the Church 729 The heart of a Christian man, the temple of God 800 The athlete as a type of the Christian 762 Most excellent Christian authors 754 Christianissima Fr[ati]ac. 707 Christophorus Longolius 660 Chrysammos 777.394 Chrysitis 777 Chrysoplysium 265 Chrysoplytes Paris. 265 Chus 572.575 Ordinary bread 597 Augustus wanted his diet and drink to be regulated in a proper way 569 Cicero and Pliny wrote with human wit 46 Cicero, fleeing, how much money he received as a gift from Atticus 340 Cicero reconciled to Gabinius 388 Cicero deservedly accused by the Greeks 24 Cicero was badly spoken of because of the accusation of Verres 127 Cicero was not unversed in philosophy 47 Cicero laid down his province 350 How much Cicero was housed 335 Cicero’s modest dwelling 705 How much was repaid for Cicero’s head when it was cut off 342 Cicero’s dispute with Roscius 237 Cicero’s entelechy 33 Cicero’s error in Cato 560 Cic. a witty remark 335 Cice

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INDEX Ciceronis filius temulentia inclytus Cistophori 209 Ciceronis oratio pro domo sua 336. pro lege Manilia Citrinarum mensarum precium 250 Ciceronis locus pro Cecina 15. pro Cluëtio 144. in Epistolis 338. 345. in Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in lege Agraria, seu contra Rullum Ciuitatem Ro. imperatores Romani dabant 354 Ciceronis locus pro Cecina 15. pro Cluëtio 144. in Epistolis 338. 345. in Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in lege Agraria, seu contra Rullum Classes ciuium Rom. 529 Ciceronis locus pro Cecina 15. pro Cluëtio 144. in Epistolis 338. 345. in Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in lege Agraria, seu contra Rullum Classis olim prima apud Romanos 148 Ciceronis locus pro Cecina 15. pro Cluëtio 144. in Epistolis 338. 345. in Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in lege Agraria, seu contra Rullum Classis primæ census 634 Ciceronis locus pro Cecina 15. pro Cluëtio 144. in Epistolis 338. 345. in Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in lege Agraria, seu contra Rullum Classis Xerxis 646 Ciceronis locus pro Cecina 15. pro Cluëtio 144. in Epistolis 338. 345. in Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in lege Agraria, seu contra Rullum Claudius Isid. diues 178 Ciceronis locus pro Cecina 15. pro Cluëtio 144. in Epistolis 338. 345. in Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in lege Agraria, seu contra Rullum Claui denaru libraru 658 Ciceronis locus pro Cecina 15. pro Cluëtio 144. in Epistolis 338. 345. in Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in lege Agraria, seu contra Rullum Clauicula Archimedis 650 Ciceronis locus pro Cecina 15. pro Cluëtio 144. in Epistolis 338. 345. in Rascio 144. 289. pro Sex. Roscio 125. 126. 132. 136. 144. in de Vniuersitate Ciceronis nomisma 163 Cic. opulentia unde 338 Cic. stomacho ferre 83 Ciceroni sua eloquentia au risera erat 341 Ciceronis uillæ 337 Ciceronem lapsum esse nil miri 46 Ciceronem perstringit 34 Cimeliarchium 172 Cineraceu argen. 265. 266 Cocoru precium 246. 247 Ciceronem lapsum esse nil miri 46 Cocle Syria 498 Ciceronem perstringit 34 Cœlu, & esse in coelo 752 Cimeliarchium 172 Cohortes in legionib. 700 Cineraceu argen. 265. 266 Cœnarecta 628 Circus maximus à Cæsare extructus 359 Cœna Vitelliana 412

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INDEX Cicero’s son, famed for drunkenness Cistophori 209 Cicero’s speech for his house 336. For the Manilian law Price of lemon-colored tables 250 Cicero’s passage in For Caecina 15. For Cluentius 144. In the Epistles 338. 345. In Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in the Agrarian law, or against Rullus Roman emperors granted Roman citizenship 354 Cicero’s passage in For Caecina 15. For Cluentius 144. In the Epistles 338. 345. In Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in the Agrarian law, or against Rullus Classes of Roman citizens 529 Cicero’s passage in For Caecina 15. For Cluentius 144. In the Epistles 338. 345. In Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in the Agrarian law, or against Rullus The first class among the Romans formerly 148 Cicero’s passage in For Caecina 15. For Cluentius 144. In the Epistles 338. 345. In Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in the Agrarian law, or against Rullus First class of the census 634 Cicero’s passage in For Caecina 15. For Cluentius 144. In the Epistles 338. 345. In Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in the Agrarian law, or against Rullus Xerxes’ fleet 646 Cicero’s passage in For Caecina 15. For Cluentius 144. In the Epistles 338. 345. In Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in the Agrarian law, or against Rullus Claudius Isid. wealthy 178 Cicero’s passage in For Caecina 15. For Cluentius 144. In the Epistles 338. 345. In Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in the Agrarian law, or against Rullus Keys of a thousand-pound denarii 658 Cicero’s passage in For Caecina 15. For Cluentius 144. In the Epistles 338. 345. In Frumentaria 176. 515. 520. 521. in the Agrarian law, or against Rullus Archimedes’ little key 650 Cicero’s passage in For Caecina 15. For Cluentius 144. In the Epistles 338. 345. In Rascio 144. 289. for Sex. Roscius 125. 126. 132. 136. 144. in On the Whole Cicero’s coinage 163 Cicero’s wealth, from where 338 Cicero to bear with his stomach 83 Cicero’s eloquence was an old joke for him 341 Cicero’s villas 337 Cicero’s having slipped that it is no wonder 46 Cicero is attacked 34 Cimeliarchium 172 Ash-gray silver 265. 266 The price of cucumbers 246. 247 Cicero’s having slipped, that it is no wonder 46 Cocles of Syria 498 Cicero is attacked 34 Heaven, and to be in heaven 752 Cimeliarchium 172 Cohorts in legions 700 Ash-gray silver 265. 266 Dining couches 628 Circus Maximus built by Caesar 359 Vitellius’ banquet 412

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INDEX. Cænæ Apitianæ 243 Cænobiarcha uulgo abbas 711 Coincius aurifex 266 Colossensiu[m] epistola 766 Collimare 670 Collineatio ibidem Columbarum pretia 159 Columella Senecæ blanditur 687 Columellæ ætas 17. 18. 19. 681 Colum. locus 109. 228. 675 Comagene 491 Comenda, fiducia 710. 720 Commercia finitimaru[m] gentium precium auri intendunt 262 Commercia nationes nobiles faciunt 495. 496 Commanda regio 348 Commodi imperatoris adoptatio 330 Concionatoris lepidi dictu[m] aduersus imperitos episcopos 720 Conciones maximo ære redemptæ 704 Cocordiæ simulachru[m] 257 Confarreare 730 Congiariæ Augusti 324 Congiarius cadus 607 Congius 617 Congij diuersa acceptio 576 Consulum & prætoru[m] Ro manorum potestas 347 Contignatio 30. coenatio= num capax in naui 651 Contumaciæ mulcta 632 Conuiuæ Alexandri et Per sarum regum 294 Conuiuarum ingens numerus 435 Copiæ Romanæ 102 Copiæ bellicæ Franc. 444 Coraxi populus 399 Cornel. Tacitus scriptoru[m] uecordissimus 503. 504 Cornel. Taciti locus 141 Coronatus 163 Coronati Cruciati 259 Corpus organicum 38 Corruptio ac sordes mirabilis 364 Corui humano sormone uo cales 171 Coruus 613 Coticularium aurum 274 Cotulæ 347. 572 Cræsi diuitiæ 379 Cramesinum 191 Crassus

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INDEX. Apitian banquets 243 Cænobiarcha, commonly abbot 711 Coincius, goldsmith 266 Colossian epistle 766 Collimare 670 Collineatio ibid. Prices of doves 159 Columella flatters Seneca 687 Columella's age 17. 18. 19. 681 Colum.'s passage 109. 228. 675 Comagene 491 Comenda, trust 710. 720 Commerce of neighboring nations raises the price of gold 262 Commerce makes noble nations 495. 496 Commanda region 348 Adoption of the emperor Commodus 330 Witty saying of a preacher against unlearned bishops 720 Sermons bought at a very great price 704 Image of Concord 257 Confarreation 730 Augustus's congiaria 324 A cask of congius measure 607 Congius 617 Various meanings of congius 576 The power of the consuls and praetors of the Romans 347 Contignatio, dining room capable of 30 in a ship 651 Punishment for obstinacy 632 Banquet of Alexander and the kings of Persia 294 Great number of guests 435 Roman troops 102 French forces 444 The people of Corax 399 Cornelius Tacitus, the most foolish of writers 503. 504 Passage of Cornelius Tacitus 141 Coronatus 163 Cruciate coronets 259 Organized body 38 Remarkable corruption and filth 364 Crows speaking in human language 171 Raven 613 Gold from the whetstone 274 Whetstones 347. 572 The wealth of Croesus 379 Cramesinum 191 Crassus

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INDEX. Crassus orator 502 Crassi auaritia 216. diuitiæ 179. 575. 596 Crastini cura 592. 593 Cratetis in mantica philosphari 803 Cruciati coronati 259 Curia aulica excordes homines facit 799 Crux sua cuiq[ue] tollêda 717 Cubus 514. 517 Cubici numeri 516 Cubiculum regis Persarum quàm opulentum 430 Culeus 607. 612 Culeus Parisinus 674 Culeus trimodius 657 Culci duplæres 654 Cunnus, ignauiæ symbolu[m] 511 Curia unde dicta 787 Curionis æs alienum 224. 361. conciones 704. corruptela Curtij locus 420. 421. 431 Cyathus 552. 565. 582 Cyathus Demetrij & Anti-goni 567 Cyathi amic. et amoris 567 Cyathi plura apud Græcos 566 nomina 566 Ad Cyathum stare 566 Cyathis potus suos metia= bantur antiqui Cyathissare quid sit 567 Cybi 606 Cybium ibidem Cypri opulentia 350 Cypria gaza publicata 351 Cyprianus & Lactan. 754 Cyriadoxa 772 Cyrus rex 488. 489. eius opes D D Daci, Getæ 237 Dactylotheca 368 Dæmonum obseruatio, ut animam præsidio uacuâ 491 Darii stateres 483 Darius Alexandro filia[m] cu[m] dote opima obtulit 431 Darius Histaspis F. 371 Darius primus 418 Darius ultimus 419 Darij Persarum regis lu= xus 298 Dar. miserabilis exitus 430 Dauid quando fuerit 486 Dauid oratio ad primores tribuum 486

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INDEX. Crassus the orator 502 Crassus’s avarice, riches 179. 575. 596 Tomorrow’s care 592. 593 To philosophize in Crates’ wallet 803 Crowned martyrs 259 The courtly curia makes mindless men 799 Each must bear his own cross 717 Cube 514. 517 Cubic numbers 516 How splendid the chamber of the Persian king was 430 Sack 607. 612 Parisian sack 674 Three-modius sack 657 Double mattresses 654 Cunnus, symbol of laziness 511 Where the curia got its name 787 Curio’s debt 224. 361. speeches 704. corruption The place of the Curii 420. 421. 431 Cyathus 552. 565. 582 Cyathus of Demetrius and Antigonus 567 Cyathi of friendship and love 567 There are more names for cyathi among the Greeks 566 Names 566 To stand to the cyathus 566 The ancients measured their drinks by cyathi bantur antiqui What cyathissare means 567 Cybi 606 Cybium ibidem The wealth of Cyprus 350 The publicated treasure of Cyprus 351 Cyprian and Lactantius 754 Cyriadoxa 772 King Cyrus 488. 489. his wealth D D The Daci, the Getae 237 Dactylotheca 368 Observance of demons, as if the soul were left without protection 491 Darius’s staters 483 Darius offered Alexander his daughter with a rich dowry 431 Darius, son of Hystaspes 371 Darius the first 418 Darius the last 419 The luxury of Darius, king of the Persians 298 His miserable end 430 When David lived 486 David’s speech to the chiefs of the tribes 486

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INDEX. tribuum 482 Dauidis diuitiæ 471.472. 474 Dauidis & Solomonis 0= pes 491 Dauidis encomium 760 De asini umbralitig. 767 Debitisse implicantium insania Debitoris magni culcitra 360 Decarchiæ 321 Decemprimatus ibidem Decies sæpe absol. ponitur pro decies sestertio 130 Decies centena 244 Decies sestertium, & dena sestertia 130.244.531 Decij Laberij quæstus Decoctores in iudicium uo cabantur 512 Decumanu[m] frumentu[m] 520 Decumanus limes 13 Decumana o[mn]ia magna 735 Decussare 14.15.163 Decussatio 12 Decussis 12.15 Decussis noster 665 Dedere ob noxam 747 Desructarium 613 Deiotarus rex à Pompeio honoratus 348 Delicijs hic frui non possumus, & Christi hæredes esse 718 Deloinus 789 Deloini eloquentia, iurisq; peritia 803. modestia 807.808 Demensum 594 Demetrius Poliorcetes 647 Demetrij cyathus 567 Demetrij liberti diuitiæ 218 Demetrij naues 649 Demetrij Phalerei profusio 533 Demosthenes Laidis proca citatem exhorruit 293 Demosthenis facultates 541 542.prudetia seu astutia 538. siletiu[m] magno rede= ptum 533.sordes 115 Demosthen. locus 112.287. 539.545.546.628 Demosthenis oratio de mu neribus trierarchiæ 534 Demosthenis pater opulen tus 546 Demostheni multa indicta 629 Denarius 148 Denarius

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INDEX. tribuum 482 Dauidis diuitiæ 471.472. 474 Dauidis & Solomonis 0= pes 491 Dauidis encomium 760 De asini umbralitig. 767 Debitisse implicantium insania Debitoris magni culcitra 360 Decarchiæ 321 Decemprimatus ibidem Decies sæpe absol. ponitur pro decies sestertio 130 Decies centena 244 Decies sestertium, & dena sestertia 130.244.531 Decij Laberij quæstus Decoctores in iudicium uo cabantur 512 Decumanu[m] frumentu[m] 520 Decumanus limes 13 Decumana o[mn]ia magna 735 Decussare 14.15.163 Decussatio 12 Decussis 12.15 Decussis noster 665 Dedere ob noxam 747 Desructarium 613 Deiotarus rex à Pompeio honoratus 348 Delicijs hic frui non possumus, & Christi hæredes esse 718 Deloinus 789 Deloini eloquentia, iurisq; peritia 803. modestia 807.808 Demensum 594 Demetrius Poliorcetes 647 Demetrij cyathus 567 Demetrij liberti diuitiæ 218 Demetrij naues 649 Demetrij Phalerei profusio 533 Demosthenes Laidis proca citatem exhorruit 293 Demosthenis facultates 541 542.prudetia seu astutia 538. siletiu[m] magno rede= ptum 533.sordes 115 Demosthen. locus 112.287. 539.545.546.628 Demosthenis oratio de mu neribus trierarchiæ 534 Demosthenis pater opulen tus 546 Demostheni multa indicta 629 Denarius 148 Denarius

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INDEX. Denarius drachmalis 122 Denarius diurnus 633 Denarius numus 48.107 Denarius & drachma idem 212.284 Denarius, idem & scrupulus 166 Denarius in auro 255. eius denor 265 Denarius noster 664 Denarius nunquam æreus 637 apud Romanos 637 Denarius Romanus 633 Denarius stipediarius 699 Denarij æstimatio 637. per fectio 12. p[ro]dus Denarij & sestertij æstima 175 Denarij mille, centum aurei 632 Denarij quales fuerint 207 Denarij unde dicti 640 Denarijs quaternis sester = 47.48.632 dius ualet 121 Deunx in poculis 564 Deus non fallitur 436 Dextans 24 Diabolus rerum aulicarum 800 serè sequester 800 Diaboli astutia 783 Dianæ sacerdos opulentissi 781.782 mus 348 Dianome 632 Dicæodotes 389 Dichalcum 622 Dictatorius ensis 815 Didrachmu[m] 207.622.691 Didrachmus aureus 258 Diffundi uina 611 Diem manibus dicere 666 Digitus 16.517 Digitis argutis, puocare 79 Dij maiores gētium, & se = 82 Diuolopop 48 Dionysiocolaces 426.427 Diobolaris 624 Diobolum 623 Dioscoridis locus restitutus 573 Dioscuri Castor & Pollux 797 Dipondius nummus bilibris 47.48.632 Discendi murus ardor 512 Disceptator summus Chri = 732 Discipulorum Christi stupi 635 ditas 635 Distichum hordeum 562 Ditescere cupientium insti = 781.782 tutio 781.782

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INDEX. Drachma denarius 122 Daily denarius 633 Denarius, coin 48.107 Denarius & drachma, the same 212.284 Denarius, the same & scruple 166 Denarius in gold 255. of it denor 265 Our denarius 664 The denarius is never bronze 637 among the Romans 637 Roman denarius 633 Stipendiary denarius 699 Valuation of the denarius 637. per fectio 12. p[ro]dus Valuation of denarius and sesterce 175 A thousand denarii, a hundred aurei 632 What kind of coins the denarii were 207 Whence denarii were so called 640 At four sesterces per denarius = 47.48.632 dius ualet 121 Deunx in cups 564 God is not deceived 436 Dextans 24 The devil of court affairs 800 almost as a broker 800 The devil's cunning 783 The very wealthy priest of Diana 781.782 mus 348 Dianome 632 Dicæodotes 389 Brass 622 Dictator's sword 815 Didrachm 207.622.691 Golden didrachm 258 To pour out wine 611 To speak to the Manes on the day of death 666 Finger 16.517 With nimble fingers, to play the flute 79 The greater gods of the nations, & se = 82 Diuolopop 48 Dionysiocolaces 426.427 Diobolaris 624 Diobolum 623 Restored passage of Dioscorides 573 Dioscuri, Castor & Pollux 797 Dipondius coin, two-pound 47.48.632 Ardor of learning 512 Supreme judge Christ = 732 Wonder of Christ's disciples 635 ditas 635 Barley in distichs 562 Instruction of those desiring to become rich = 781.782 tutio 781.782

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INDEX. Aulæ auersatur Budæus 799 Aulicacademiæ axiomata 779.781 Aulica curia excordes homines facit 799 Aulica uitæ quatenus sapienti adeunda 801 Aulica felicitas 75. simulatio 770.771.773 Aulicæ curiæ tumultus & inquietudo 771.772 Aulici antistites seu pontifices 753. sacerdotes 712 Aulici recocti 750 Aulici spintriæ & ærusatores 768 Aulicorum depulsoru[m] exerationes 96 Aulicorum institutio 779.781 Aulicoru[m] miseria 780.804 Aulicorum quorundam audaritia & improbitas 435 æcitas 715 Aulicoru[m] seruitus 771.772 Aulicorum uacillatio 798 Aulicos curioses taxat 250.251.455.803 Auletes Cleopatræ pater 387 A. Gellij locus 292.620 Aurata 227 Aureæ cöpædes Darij 432 Aurea domus Neronis 409 410 Aurea fortuna 810 Aurelius imp. 257 Aureus integer, solidus dictus 661 Aureus Romanus 258 Aurei æstimatio 150 Aurei æstimatio in iure 661 Aurei pecude uillosa signati 264 Aurifices Parisienses 358 Aurifodinæ præstantissimæ 393.396 Aurum duodeuicenariu[m] & uicenarium 274 Aurum in templi Solom. ædificationem expensum 475.476. Aurum Persæ in thesauris habere studebant 432 Aurum purum probum suu[m] 786 Aurum quantumcunq[ue] purum, aliquid habet tamen alieni metalli 266.267 Aurum Tolossanum 397 Auri bonitas in quatuor & uiginti caracteræ consummatur 264 Auri & argenti sparsio

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INDEX. The court is shunned by Budé 799 Axioms of the court-academy 779.781 The court makes men heartless 799 How far court life should be approached by the wise 801 Courtly happiness 75. simulation 770.771.773 The turmoil and unrest of the court 771.772 Court prelates, or pontiffs 753. priests 712 Courtly men, seasoned by experience 750 Courtly debauchees and parasites 768 Imprecations against court parasites 96 The training of court parasites 779.781 The misery of court parasites 780.804 The greed and wickedness of certain courtiers 435 Blindness 715 The servitude of courtiers 771.772 The vacillation of courtiers 798 He censures inquisitive courtiers 250.251.455.803 Auletes, Cleopatra’s father 387 A passage of Aulus Gellius 292.620 Gold-ornamented 227 The golden fetters of Darius 432 The Golden House of Nero 409 410 Golden fortune 810 Emperor Aurelius 257 Aureus, called integer, solidus 661 Roman aureus 258 The value of the aureus 150 The value of the aureus in law 661 Aurei stamped with a woolly beast 264 Parisian goldsmiths 358 Most excellent gold mines 393.396 Gold twelvefold and twentyfold 274 Gold expended on the building of Solomon’s temple 475.476. The Persians used to keep gold in their treasuries 432 Pure, genuine gold 786 Gold, however pure, nevertheless has something of foreign metal 266.267 Tolosan gold 397 The purity of gold is perfected in twenty-four carats 264 The scattering of gold and silver

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effusa 398 Auri ad argētum analogia uendita 268.271.401 ἀυλὸχειρ Auri admiratio 625 Auri indicatura 264.402 Auri appellatioe indignu[m], B quod infra dodratem sit Babylonia 275 Babylonis ædificatio Auri apud priscos rara mē 488 tio 355 Auri cælaturæ rara mentio Babylonicum talentu[m] 356 Babylonicum talentum & Auri libræ Romanæ pretiu[m] Euboicum 264 Bagoæ Persarum Auri in libra quot sint cera Carævænsel tia 264 Auri pernicies 625 Auri pretium 262 Auri pretiu[m] no[n] in arte nuc, 761.800 sed in materia est 358 Auri ramenta 393. segma 401 Auri summa nota 266 Auri ubicunq; mixti aut co[m] Batus fusi, separandi ratio 265 Auri unciæ pretium 263 Auro olim Roma non abun fertilitas dabat. 269.270 Auro opertu[m] theatrum 194 aut [th]eus 740 Autolyci 792 Autoritas co[m]sulatus magno uendita 704 aut[o]χειρ 740 Autopyrum 597 B Babylonia 491 Babylonis ædificatio 487. 488 Babylonici agri fertilitas 680 Babylonicum talentu[m] 472 Babylonicum talentum & Euboicum 372 Bagoæ Persarum 74 Carævænsel 397 Baiularium pondus 478 Ballux 394 Baptismatis uis 264.737. 761.800 Barsine, Darij filia 425 Barutus, quæ et Beryt. 325 Basilius & Nazianzenus æquales 755 Batus 613 Bætica Turdetania 392 Bætica Hispaniæ 326. eius fertilitas 393 Beatitudo quomodo inuesti ganda 717 Beli ætas 487 Bella no[n] decere ecclesiastie Hh 4

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spilled 398 Gold in analogy with silver, sold 268.271.401 ἀυλὸχειρ Wonder at gold 625 Price of gold 264.402 Unworthy of the name of gold, B because it is below the standard Babylonia 275 Construction of Babylon Gold was rare among the ancients 488 tion 355 Rare mention of gold engraving Babylonian talent 356 Babylonian talent and Price of a Roman pound of gold Euboic 264 Bagoas of the Persians How many carats in a pound of gold Carævænsel tia 264 Destruction of gold 625 Price of gold 262 The price of gold is not in the art, but 761.800 in the material 358 Gold filings 393. segma 401 Highest mark of gold 266 The method of separating gold wherever mixed or fused Batus 265 Price of an ounce of gold 263 In former times Rome did not abound in gold. fertility dabat. 269.270 Theater covered with gold 194 or [th]eus 740 Autolycus 792 Authority of the consulship sold for a great price uendita 704 aut[o]χειρ 740 Autopyrus 597 B Babylonia 491 Construction of Babylon 487. 488 Fertility of the fields of Babylonia 680 Babylonian talent 472 Babylonian talent and Euboic 372 Bagoas of the Persians 74 Carævænsel 397 Porter’s weight 478 Gold dust 394 The power of baptism 264.737. 761.800 Barsine, daughter of Darius 425 Barutus, which is also Beryt. 325 Basil and Nazianzen equals 755 Batus 613 Bætica Turdetania 392 Bætica of Spain 326. its fertility 393 Blessedness, how it is to be invested Beli age 487 Wars do not befit the Church Hh 4

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tos 438.439 Beroaldus 98.568 Berossus historicus 498 Berytus Syriæ 325 Bes 16.564 Bessale 20 Betonica 573 Bibedimos antiquorum in conuiuijs 563 Bibendi ratio ac mēsuræ a= p[ro]ud Paris. 564.568.569 Biblioru[m] editio uulgata 738 Biblicorum librorum uelut argumenta 762 Bibliotheca Græca Lati=náque 329 Bibliotheca Luculli 225. eius luxus ibidem 329 Bicōgius Cicero M.F. 570 Bigati nummi 637 Bis [etc] uicies sestertium à Nerone profusum 410 Blondus 337.634.701 Bæotius seu Bossellus Gal=licus 518 Bona sua quo titulo possi=deat ecclesiast. 706.707 Bos numimus 207.624 Bossellus Gallicus 518 Bosselli 552 Cès ἰπὶ γλῶτης CîCηκην, pro= 624 uerbium 624 Boum pastus 562.563 Britannia Romanorum uce[n]tigalis 386 Britannia una legione in of ficio continebatur 326 Brochus 615 Bruti tēpore signata nomi=smata non extare 544 Buccphali pretium 292. no men Budæus ad honores sæpe prouocatus 813 Budæus an à Mineruæ ca=stris ad Iunonis præsidiæ transeat 790.798 Budæus mathematica me=thodo libros hos consecit 198 Budæus primus Gallos ab ignoratiæ ac stupiditatis calumnia uindicat 83 Budæus se ipso præceptore usus 54.196 Budæus simulandi nescius, [etc] pudentissimus 798 Budæi ac Deloini dialogi=smus 789 Budæi ardor in literas 797. auiditas in uetustoru[m] no mismatu[m] exp[er]esione 696

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tos 438.439 Beroaldus 98.568 Berossus the historian 498 Berytus of Syria 325 Bes 16.564 Bessale 20 Betonica 573 Bibedimos among the ancients at banquets 563 Rule and measure of drinking by p[ro]ud Paris. 564.568.569 The common edition of the Bibles 738 As it were, the headings of biblical books 762 Greek and Latin library 329 Lucullus’s library 225. his luxury there 329 Bicōgius Cicero M.F. 570 Bigati coins 637 Twice [etc.] twenty sestertii expended by Nero 410 Blondus 337.634.701 Bæotius, or Bossellus the Frenchman 518 By what title one possesses one’s goods, ecclesiastical 706.707 Ox money 207.624 Bossellus the Frenchman 518 Bosselli 552 Cès ἰπὶ γλῶτης CîCηκην, pro- 624 verb 624 Feeding of oxen 562.563 Britain subject to the tribute of the Romans 386 Britain was held in service by one legion 326 Brochus 615 No coins marked in the time of Brutus are extant 544 Price of Bucephalus 292. no men Budaeus often summoned to honors 813 Whether Budaeus should pass from the camp of Minerva to the protection of Juno 790.798 Budaeus compiled these books by mathematical method 198 Budaeus first vindicates the Gauls from the slander of ignorance and stupidity 83 Budaeus used as his own teacher 54.196 Budaeus, ignorant of dissembling, most modest, etc. 798 The dialogue of Budaeus and Deloinus 789 Budaeus’s zeal for letters 797. eagerness in the exhibition of ancient coins 696

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INDEX Candor, atq[ue] adeo labor Cæsariati, testons 665 666.190. co[n]iectura optima ac pertinax 134. consta[n]tia in hoc opere 702. de dictis suis fiducia 558. 587. de se sponsio 146. 166. deprecatio ad lectores 586. diligentia in ueritatis indagatione 552. 558. 571. exclamatio co[n]tra iniquitatè tèpo. 783. in castigando fides 186. in patria pietas 80. 81. modestia 292. 555. 556. Sammaurianu[m] præd. 52. ualetudo 797. 813. apolo gia uelut de Plinij reprehensione 590 Cæs. corruptor animosis= simus 224. 359. 364 Cæsareæ urbes 327 Cæsaris animus subl. 219 Cæsaris clementia 178 Cæs. dictatoris numis. 163 alienu[m] æs 214. 218. animus 364. monarchia 381. donatiuum 307. furtum 223. corruptelæ 224. liburnicæ 655 Cæs. mortui pecunia 317 C. Domitius 333 C. Furius Cresinus 686 Caius princeps, ultra modu[m] prodigus 403. 407 Calderini lapsus. 108. 130. 244. 368 Caligulæ profusio 103. 403. 415 Cambyses 371 Cancellaria Rom. 731 Cancellarius Franc. 811 Cancellarius Guido à Ru- peforti 448. 812. D. An- tonius à Prato ibidem 811 Cancellarij munus 811 Canon 300 Canon frumentarius 603 Canones pontificij 731 H h 5 Cano 731

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INDEX Candor, and indeed labor Cæsariati, testons 665 666.190. best and steadfast conjecture 134. constancy in this work 702. confidence in what one has said 558. 587. pledge about oneself 146. 166. plea to readers 586. diligence in the investigation of truth 552. 558. 571. outcry against the injustice of the time 783. fidelity in correcting 186. patriotism in the fatherland 80. 81. modesty 292. 555. 556. Sammaurian priest 52. health 797. 813. apology, as it were, concerning Pliny’s criticism 590 Cæs. corruptor, most spirited 224. 359. 364 Cæsarean cities 327 Caesar’s mind, subl. 219 Caesar’s clemency 178 Cæs. dictator’s numis. 163 foreign bronze 214. 218. mind 364. monarchy 381. gift 307. theft 223. corruption 224. liburnian ship 655 Caesar’s money of the dead 317 C. Domitius 333 C. Furius Cresinus 686 Caius princeps, prodigal beyond measure 403. 407 Calderini’s mistake. 108. 130. 244. 368 Caligula’s extravagance 103. 403. 415 Cambyses 371 Roman Chancery 731 French Chancellor 811 Chancellor Guido of Ru- peforti 448. 812. D. An- tonius of Prato there 811 office of chancellor 811 Canon 300 grain canon 603 papal canons 731 H h 5 Cano 731

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INDEX. Canonizati publica religio 726 ne consecrati 726 Capelus 371 Capito Cossutianus 189 Capitolinus inter classicos 189 autores no habedus 144 Capricorni nota in nomis= 164 mate 164 Caractæ in auro 264 Cardiaci 565.566 Cardinales aulici 776 Cardinales et episcopi impune peccent 732 Cardinaliu[m] insolentiâ atq[ue] arrogatiâ p[er]stringit 776 Cardines Mathematici 31 Cardiulcus cor euellès 800 Cardo 13 Caroleus nummus 664 Carolei fortes nummi Aquitanici 659 Carolei Parisini dextantes rectè uocentur 621 Carthaginiësia metalla 393 Caruba in auro 264 Cassij et Bru. donatiu[m] 310 Castigatoris munus sæpe 14 præstat Budæus 600 Castrata siligo 199 Castor et Pollux iudicioru[m] præsides 199 Catasta obseruatiæ illib. 88 Catastrophe, exitus fab. 79 Catenæ Vulcaniæ 769 Cato Cypriâ gazam Romam deportauit 351 Catoniana censura 385 Catonis censura 161.162.234 Catonis locus restitutus 394.603 Catorthoniata 784 Causarij milites 588 Cedrina stemmata 73 Cella 55 Celoneum 253 Celsilo.557.564.565.616 Celtiberorum gens numerosa & diues 395 Cemmeni montes 396 Cenchrites uinum 573 Census Atheniensium 527.540 Census equestris & senatoriis 102.169.170.193 Census olim maximus 148 Census opes hominum arguebat 689 Census primæ classis Romanæ 634 Cēsus pro modo, tributum Romæ cōserebatur 385 Census

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INDEX. Public religion of canonization 726 not consecrated 726 Capelus 371 Capito Cossutianus 189 Capitolinus among the classics 189 authors are not to be had 144 Mark of Capricorn in names = 164 mate 164 Characters in gold 264 Cardiaci 565.566 Court cardinals 776 Cardinals and bishops may sin with impunity 732 The insolence and arrogance of cardinals [per]strikes 776 The Mathematical Cardines 31 Cardiulus will tear out the heart 800 Cardo 13 Caroleus coin 664 Strong Carolei coins of Aquitaine 659 The Parisian Carolei should rightly be called dextantes 621 Carthaginian metals 393 Caruba in gold 264 Gift of Cassius and Brutus 310 The office of censor often 14 Budæus performs 600 Milled wheat, deprived of its husk 199 Castor and Pollux, presidents of judicial cases 199 Catasta, of unblemished observance 88 Catastrophe, the end of a play 79 Chains of Vulcan 769 Cato transported the wealth of Cyprus to Rome 351 The censorship of Cato 385 The censorship of Cato 161.162.234 The passage of Cato restored 394.603 Catorthoniata 784 Soldiers of the cause 588 Cedar genealogies 73 Cell 55 Celoneum 253 Celsilo.557.564.565.616 The Celtiberian people, numerous and wealthy 395 Cemmenian mountains 396 Cenchrites wine 573 Census of the Athenians 527.540 Census of the equestrian and senatorial orders 102.169.170.193 The census was once the greatest 148 The census revealed the wealth of men 689 Census of the first class at Rome 634 The census was collected at Rome according to means, in the form of a tribute 385 Census

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INDEX. Census R[ecipe] & classes 529 Cestr[um] Betonica herb. 573 Centaurorum fabula 773 Centena uerbum in numeris 718 antiquis sæpe supple= 379.580 dum 405 Centenaria uinea 687 Centenariae coenæ 630 Centenarij 273 Centenarij liberti 151 Centesima usura 111 Centesimæ duæ 112 Centesimus fructus 680 Centum aurei apud Vlpiæ= 661 num 149 Centum æris millia 197 Centu[m] millia maximus olim 596 numerus erat 178 Centum nummi, duo aurei 681 Centum sestertia quantum 169 ualeant 138 Centies sestertium, compen 138 diosa locutio 138 Centies sestertium ut intel 406 ligatur. 406 Centies nonnunquam autores 139 dicunt pro centies se 139 s[er]t[em]tio 139 Centuria 687 Centurionu[m] stipendiu[m] 700 Centussis 12.630 Centussis noster 664 Cepio 398 Ceræ primæ 718 Ceramium 379.580 Ceratium in auro 16.222. Ceruical Pers. regis 430 Chalcus 622 Chaldaei Assyrioru[m] sapiens= 91 Chales historicus 426 Charitatis lex 728.729 Charmidis medici facinus 197 Ch[rist]o[n]s[is] 596 Cherronesus 380 Cheopina 616 Chiliades 215 Chilias chiliadum 405 Chorus 723 Choenix 572.581.592.593 Choregia 537 Christus, Hercules alexia= 709.783 Christus Ianus geminus 761 Christus imitandu[m] se nobis 717 propinauit 717 Christi appellationes 761 Christi dogma paru[m] plau= sibile

Transcription: Translated (English)

INDEX. Census R[ecipe] & classes 529 Cestr[um] Betonica herb. 573 Centaurorum fabula 773 Centena uerbum in numeris 718 antiquis sæpe supple= 379.580 dum 405 Centenaria uinea 687 Centenariae coenæ 630 Centenarij 273 Centenarij liberti 151 Centesima usura 111 Centesimæ duæ 112 Centesimus fructus 680 Centum aurei apud Vlpiæ= 661 num 149 Centum æris millia 197 Centu[m] millia maximus olim 596 numerus erat 178 Centum nummi, duo aurei 681 Centum sestertia quantum 169 ualeant 138 Centies sestertium, compen 138 diosa locutio 138 Centies sestertium ut intel 406 ligatur. 406 Centies nonnunquam autores 139 dicunt pro centies se 139 s[er]t[em]tio 139 Centuria 687 Centurionu[m] stipendiu[m] 700 Centussis 12.630 Centussis noster 664 Cepio 398 Ceræ primæ 718 Ceramium 379.580 Ceratium in auro 16.222. Ceruical Pers. regis 430 Chalcus 622 Chaldaei Assyrioru[m] sapiens= 91 Chales historicus 426 Charitatis lex 728.729 Charmidis medici facinus 197 Ch[rist]o[n]s[is] 596 Cherronesus 380 Cheopina 616 Chiliades 215 Chilias chiliadum 405 Chorus 723 Choenix 572.581.592.593 Choregia 537 Christus, Hercules alexia= 709.783 Christus Ianus geminus 761 Christus imitandu[m] se nobis 717 propinauit 717 Christi appellationes 761 Christi dogma paru[m] plau= sibile

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INDEX. sibile ap[er]t[er] mudanos 506 Christi et eius comitatus cum nostris pontificibus comparatio 709 Christi ex[em]plar qui se eius uicarios nobis ingeru[n]t, nusqua[m] sequuntur 313 Christi natiuitas 328 Christi præceptoru[m] co[n]tem ptores arguit 728 Christi preciu[m] à Iuda æstimatum 636 Christi testamentum 717 Christo nato census Roma norum capitum 328 Christo ratio tandem reddenda 780 Christi sp[eci]osi aduersus spon sam suam Ecclesiam indignatio 729 Christiani hominis cor, tha lamus dei 800 Christia. athletæ typus 762 Christiani autores excellenti tissimi 754 Christianissima Fr[ati]ac. 707 Christophorus Longolius 660 Chrysammos 777.394 Chrysitis 777 Chrysoplysium 265 Chrysoplytes Paris. 265 Chus 572.575 Cibarius panis 597 Cibi ac potus rationem si= bi constare uolebat Au= gustus 369 Cicero et Plin. humana Mi nerua scripsere 46 Cicero fugiens quantum pe cuniæ dono ab Attico ac ceperit. 340 Cicero Gabinio reconciliatus 388 Cicero meritò à Græcis accusatus 24 Cicero ob accusatione Ver ris male audiuit. 127 Cicero philosophiæ rudis non erat 47 Cicero prouinciam depo= suit 350 Cic. quanti habitarit 335 Cicero tenuis habitus 705 Ciceronis caput amputatu[m] quanti repensum 341 Ciceronis cum Roscio contentio 237 Ciceronis entelechia 33 Ciceronis erratum in Ca= tone 560 Cic. facetum dictum 335 Cic

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INDEX. visible in the opening of bad men 506 Comparison of Christ and his retinue with our pontiffs 709 Christ’s example, which those who present themselves to us as his vicars never follow 313 Nativity of Christ 328 He exposes the contempt of Christ’s preceptors 728 The price of Christ, estimated by Judas 636 Christ’s testament 717 After Christ was born, the census of the Roman heads 328 At last an account must be rendered to Christ 780 Christ’s beautiful indignation against his bride, the Church 729 The heart of a Christian man, the bedchamber of God 800 Type of the Christian athlete 762 Most excellent Christian authors 754 Christianissima Fr[ati]ac. 707 Christophorus Longolius 660 Chrysammos 777.394 Chrysitis 777 Chrysoplysium 265 Chrysoplytes Paris. 265 Chus 572.575 Coarse bread 597 Augustus wanted the regulation of food and drink to remain fixed for him 369 Cicero and Pliny wrote by human skill 46 How much money Cicero received as a gift from Atticus while fleeing 340 Cicero reconciled with Gabinius 388 Cicero rightly accused by the Greeks 24 Cicero had a bad reputation because of the accusation of Verres 127 Cicero was not unskilled in philosophy 47 Cicero relinquished the province 350 How much Cicero was worth 335 Cicero of modest means 705 How much was paid for Cicero’s head 341 Cicero’s quarrel with Roscius 237 Cicero’s entelechy 33 Cicero’s mistake concerning Cato 560 A witty remark of Cicero 335 Cic

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INDEX Ciceronis filius temulentia Cistophori 209 inclytus 350 Ciceronis oratio pro domo cium 250 sua 336. pro lege Manilia Ciuitatem Ro. imperatores Romani dabant 334 Ciceronis locus pro Cecina Classes ciuium Rom. 329 na 15. pro Cluëtio 144. Classisolim prima apud Ro in Epistolis 338. 345. in manos 148 Frumentaria 176. 315. Classis primæ census 634 320. 321. in lege Agraria, Claudius Isid. diues 178 contra Rullum Claui denaru libraru 658 349. in Oratore 10. in Paradoxis Clauicula Archimedis 650 179. in secunda Cleopatræ luxus 99. 312 Philip. 297. 390. pro Ra Cleopatræ pater 380 birio 144. 289. pro Sex. Cloacæ max. Romæ 370 Roscio 238. in Verrem Clodij luxuria 361 125. 126. 132. 136. 144. Clodij odium aduersus Ciceronem 336 in de Vniuersitate Clodij odium aduersus Ciceronem 336 Ciceronis nomisma Clodij cædes 363 Cic. opulentia unde Cn. Flauius scriba 269 Cic. stomacho ferre Cocci precium 198 Ciceroni sua eloquentia au Cochlea miranda 653 risera erat Cocoru precium 246. 247 Ciceronis uillæ Coctura quæ dicatur 612. Ciceronem lapsum esse nil 666 miri Coele Syria 498 Ciceronem perstringit Cœlu, & esse in cælo 732 Cimeliarchium Cohortes in legionib. 700 Cineraceu argen. 265. 266 Cœnarecta 628 Circus maximus à Cæsare Cœna Vitelliana 418 extractus 359

Transcription: Translated (English)

INDEX Cicero’s son, drunkenness Cistophori 209 illustrious 350 Cicero’s speech for the house cium 250 his own 336. On the Manilian Law The Roman commanders gave citizenship 334 Classes of Roman citizens 329 Cicero’s passage for Caecina The class of Roman citizens was once first among the Romans na 15. for Cluentius 144. In the Letters 338. 345. in in the Food Supply 176. 315. hands 148 320. 321. in the Agrarian Law, Class of the first census 634 against Rullus Claudius Isid. rich 178 349. in the Orator 10. in the Paradoxes Keys of money-changers 658 179. in the second Archimedes’ small key 650 Philip. 297. 390. for Ra Cleopatra’s luxury 99. 312 birio 144. 289. for Sex. Cleopatra’s father 380 Roscius 238. in Verres The great sewer of Rome 370 125. 126. 132. 136. 144. Clodius’ extravagance 361 in the Universe Clodius’ hatred against Cicero 336 Cicero’s coin Clodius’ murder 363 Cicero’s wealth, whence Cn. Flavius the clerk 269 Cicero could hardly bear with his stomach The price of beans 198 Cicero’s eloquence was naturally delightful to him The wonderful snail 653 Cicero’s villas The price of a cock 246. 247 Cicero having fallen, nothing is amazing Cooking as it is called 612. miri Coele Syria 498 Cicero is cut down Heaven, and to be in heaven 732 Cimeliarchium Coenarecta 628 Ash-colored silver. 265. 266 The Circus Maximus by Caesar excerpted 359

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INDEX Cænæ Apitianæ 243 Cænobiarcha uulgo abbas 711 Coincius aurifex 266 Colossensiu[m] epistola 766 Collimare 670 Collineatio ibidem Columbarum pretia 159 Columella Senecæ blanditur 687 Columellæ ætas 17. 18. 19. 681 Colum. locus 109. 228. 675 Comagene 491 Comenda, fiducia 710. 720 Commercia finitimaru[m] gentium precium auri intendunt 262 Commercia nationes nobiles faciunt 495. 496 Commana regio 348 Commodi imperatoris adoptatio 330 Concionatoris lepidi dictu[m] aduersus imperitos episcopos 720 Conciones maximo ære redemptæ 704 Cocordiæ simulachru[m] 257 Confarreare 730 Congiariæ Augusti 324 Congiarius cadus 607 Congius 617 Congij diuersa acceptio Consulum & prætoru[m] Ro manorum potestas 347 Contignatio 30. coenatio= num capax in naui 651 Contumaciæ mulcta 632 Conuiuæ Alexandri et Per sarum regum 294 Conuiuarum ingens numerus 435 Copiæ Romanæ 102 Copiæ bellicæ Franc. 444 Coraxi populus 399 Cornel. Tacitus scriptoru[m] uecordissimus 503. 504 Cornel. Taciti locus 141 Coronatus 163 Coronati Cruciati 259 Corpus organicum 38 Corruptio ac sordes mira= bilis 364 Corui humano sormone uo cales 171 Coruus 613 Coticularium aurum 274 Cotulæ 547. 572 Cræsi diuitiæ 379 Cramesinum 191 Crassus

Transcription: Translated (English)

INDEX Cænæ Apitianæ 243 Cænobiarcha, commonly abbot 711 Coincius, goldsmith 266 Colossians epistle 766 Collimare 670 Collineatio ibid. Prices of doves 159 Columella flatters Seneca 687 Columella's age 17. 18. 19. 681 Colum. passage 109. 228. 675 Comagene 491 Comenda, trust 710. 720 Trade of neighboring nations raises the price of gold 262 Trade makes nations noble 495. 496 Commana region 348 Adoption of Emperor Commodus 330 The witty saying of a preacher against ignorant bishops 720 Sermons redeemed at great cost 704 Image of Concord 257 Confarreation 730 Augustus' congiaria 324 A cask of congius 607 Congius 617 Different meanings of congius The power of Roman consuls and praetors 347 Contignatio 30. dining-room capable of in a ship 651 Penalty for contumacy 632 Banquet of Alexander and the kings of Persia 294 Huge number of guests 435 Roman forces 102 French military forces 444 The people of the Coraxi 399 Cornel. Tacitus, the most depraved of writers 503. 504 Cornel. Tacitus, passage 141 Coronated 163 Crusader knights 259 Organic body 38 Wonderful corruption and filth 364 Crows with human speech 171 Raven 613 Gold from the coticula 274 Cotulae 547. 572 The riches of Croesus 379 Cramesinum 191 Crassus

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INDEX. Crassus orator 802 Crassi auaritia 216. diuitiæ 179. 575. 596 Crastini cura 592. 593 Cratetis in mantica philoso phari 803 Cruciati coronati 259 Curia aulica excordes ho= 799 mines facit 717 Crux sua cuiq; tollêda 717 Cubus 514. 517 Cubici numeri 516 Cubiculum regis Persarum 430 quàm opulentum 430 Culeus 607. 612 Culeus Parisinus 674 Culeus trimodius 657 Culci duplæres 654 Cunnus, ignauiæ symbolu[m] 511 Curia unde dicta 787 Curionis æs alienum 224. 361. conciones 704. cor. ruptela Curtij locus 420. 421. 431 Cyathus 552. 565. 582 Cyathus Demetrij & Anti goni 567 Cyathi amic. et amoris 567 Cyathi plura apud Græcos 566 nomina 566 Ad Cyathum stare 566 Cyathis potus suos metia= bantur antiqui ibidem Cyathissare quid sit 567 Cybi 606 Cybium ibidem Cypri opulentia 350 Cypria gazæ publicata 351 Cyprianus & Lactan. 754 Cyria doxa 772 Cyrus rex 488. 489. eius opes D 237 Dactylotheca 368 Dæmonum obseruatio, ut animam præsidio uacuâ inuadant Damascena Syria 491 Damasci gazæ 419 Darici slateres 483 Darius Alexandro filia cu[m] dote opima obtulit 431 Darius Histaspis F. 371 Darius primus 418 Darius ultimus 419 Darij Persarum regis lu= xus Dar. miserabilis exitus 430 Dauid quando fuerit 486 Dauid oratio ad primores tribuum 486

Transcription: Translated (English)

INDEX. Crassus orator 802 Crassi avarice 216. wealth 179. 575. 596 Crastein care 592. 593 Of Crates in the philosopher's wallet phi 803 Crucified crowned men 259 Roman court makes men senseless 799 men 717 Each one must bear his own cross 717 Cubus 514. 517 Cubic numbers 516 King of the Persians' bedchamber 430 how opulent 430 Culeus 607. 612 Parisian culeus 674 Three-bushel culeus 657 Double sacks 654 Cunnus, symbol of laziness 511 Curia, whence the name is derived 787 Curio's debt 224. 361. speeches 704. cor. ruptela Site of the Curii 420. 421. 431 Cyathus 552. 565. 582 Cyathus of Demetrius and Anti gonus 567 Cyathi of friendship and love 567 The Cyathi had many names among the Greeks 566 names 566 To stand to the cyathus 566 The ancients measured their drinks by cyathi there ibid. What cyathissare means 567 Cybi 606 Cybium ibid. The wealth of Cyprus 350 The treasures of Cyprus seized 351 Cyprianus and Lactan. 754 Cyria doxa 772 King Cyrus 488. 489. his riches D 237 Dactylotheca 368 Observation of demons, how they invade the soul when it is without protection animam præsidio vacuam invadant Damascus Syria 491 Damascus treasures 419 Daric staters 483 Darius offered Alexander his daughter with a rich dowry 431 Darius, son of Hystaspes 371 Darius the First 418 Darius the Last 419 Luxuries of Darius, king of the Persians Darius' miserable end 430 When David was 486 David's speech to the leading men of the tribes 486

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INDEX. tribuum 482 Dauidis diuitiæ 471.472. 474 Dauidis & Solomonis o= pes 491 Dauidis encomium 760 De asini umbralitig. 767 Debitisse implicantium in= sania 362 Debitoris magni culcitra 360 Decarchiæ 321 Decemprimatus ibidem Decies sæpe absol. ponitur pro decies sestertio 130 Decies centena 244 Decies sestertium, & dena sestertia 130.244.531 Decij Laberij quæstus 242 Decoctores in iudicium uo cabantur 512 Decumanu[m] frumentu[m] 520 Decumanus limes 13 Decumana o[mn]ia magna 735 Decussare 14.15.163 Decussatio 12 Decussis 12.15 Decussis noster 665 Dedere ob noxam 747 Defrutarium 613 Deiotarus rex à Pompeio honoratus 348 Delicijs hic frui non possumus, & Christi hæredes esse 718 Deloinus 789 Deloini eloquentia, iurisq[ue] peritia 803. modestia Demensum 594 Demetrius Poliorcetes 647 Demetrij cyathus 567 Demetrij liberti diuitiæ 218 Demetrij naues 649 Demetrij Phalerei profusio 533 Demosthenes Laidis proca citatem exhorruit 293 Demosthenis facultates 541 542.prudetia seu astutia 538. siletiu[m] magno redeptum 533. sordes Demosthen. locus 112.287. 539.545.546.628 Demosthenis oratio de mureribus trierarchiæ 534 Demosthenis pater opulen tus 546 Demostheni muleta indicta 629 Denarius 148 Denarius

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INDEX. of the tribes 482 David's riches 471.472. 474 the riches of David and Solomon pieces 491 David's encomium 760 On the shadow of the donkey 767 Of debtors entangling in madness 362 The cushion of the great debtor 360 Decarchies 321 Decemprimatus there Tens often absolutely used for ten sesterces 130 One hundred times a hundred 244 Ten sesterces, and ten sestertia 130.244.531 The gains of Decius Laberius 242 Bankrupts were summoned to court cabantur 512 Decuman corn 520 Decumanus limes 13 All things decumana, i.e. great 735 To make a decussis 14.15.163 Decussatio 12 Decussis 12.15 Our decussis 665 To surrender for a wrong 747 Defrutarium 613 King Deiotarus honored by Pompey honored 348 We cannot enjoy luxuries here, and are Christ's heirs to be 718 Deloinus 789 Deloini: eloquence, and skill in law in expertise 803. modesty Demensum 594 Demetrius Poliorcetes 647 Demetrius' cup 567 Demetrius' freedmen's riches 218 Demetrius' ships 649 The profusion of Demetrius Phalereus 533 Demosthenes shuddered at Lais' wantonness 293 The resources of Demosthenes 541 542. prudence or cunning 538. silence redeemed at great price 533. filth Demosthenes' passage 112.287. 539.545.546.628 Demosthenes' speech on the duties of the trierarchy 534 Demosthenes' father wealthy 546 A fine imposed on Demosthenes 629 Denarius 148 Denarius

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INDEX Denarius drachmalis 122 Denarius diurnus 633 Denarius numus 48.107 Denarius & drachma idem 212.284 Denarius, idem & scrupulus 166 Denarius in auro 255. eius denor 265 Denarius noster 664 Denarius nunquam æreus 637 apud Romanos 633 Denarius Romanus 699 Denarius stipediarius 699 Denarij æstimatio 637. per fectio 12. podus 122.149 Denarij & sestertij æstima tio 175 Denarij mille, centum aurei 632 Denarij quales fuerint 207 Denarij unde dicti 640 Denarijs quaternis sester= 47.48.632 tius ualet 121 Deunx in poculis 564 Deus non fallitur 436 Dextans 24 Diabolus rerum aulicarum 800 serè sequester 800 Diaboli astutia 783 Dianæ sacerdos opulentissi 781.782 mus 348 Dianome 632 Dicæodotes 389 Dichalcum 622 Dictatorius ensis 815 Didrachmu 207.622.691 Didrachmus aureus 258 Diffundi uina 611 Diem manibus dicere 666 Digitus 16.517 Digitis argutis, puocare 79 Dij maiores gētium, & se= 82 lecti 82 Dionysiocolaces 426.427 Diobolaris 624 Diobolum 623 Dioscoridis locus restitutus 573 Dioscuri Castor & Pollux 797 Dipondius nummus bilibris 47.48.632 Discendi murus ardor 512 Disceptator summus Christus 732 Discipulorum Christi stupi 635 ditas 635 Distichum hordeum 562 Ditescere cupientium institutio 781.782 Diues

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INDEX Denarius drachmalis 122 Denarius diurnus 633 Denarius numus 48.107 Denarius & drachma idem 212.284 Denarius, idem & scrupulus 166 Denarius in auro 255. eius denor 265 Denarius noster 664 Denarius nunquam æreus 637 apud Romanos 633 Denarius Romanus 699 Denarius stipediarius 699 Denarij æstimatio 637. per fectio 12. podus 122.149 Denarij & sestertij æstima tio 175 Denarij mille, centum aurei 632 Denarij quales fuerint 207 Denarij unde dicti 640 Denarijs quaternis sester= 47.48.632 tius ualet 121 Deunx in poculis 564 God is not deceived 436 Dextans 24 The devil in court affairs 800 almost as a broker 800 The devil's cunning 783 Priestess of Diana, most wealthy 781.782 mus 348 Dianome 632 Dicæodotes 389 Dichalcum 622 Dictator's sword 815 Didrachmu 207.622.691 Golden didrachm 258 Spreading wine 611 To speak a day with the hands 666 Finger 16.517 With nimble fingers, to play 79 The great gods of nations, and the chosen 82 chosen 82 Dionysiocolaces 426.427 Diobolaris 624 Diobolum 623 Passage of Dioscorides restored 573 Dioscuri, Castor & Pollux 797 Dipondius coin, two-pound 47.48.632 Burning desire to learn 512 Christ, supreme judge 732 The amazement of Christ's disciples 635 ditas 635 Barley in two rows 562 Institution of those desiring to grow rich 781.782 Rich

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INDEX. Diues qui primus nominatus, creditoribus suis decoxit 178 Diuites soli apud Athenien ses censebantur 340 Diuitum exempla 746 Diuitum reiector Christus, pauperum assertor 737 Diuitiæ Claudij Isidori Crassi 178 Diuitiæ cur ecclesiasticis attributæ 713 Diuitiæ magnæ citò partæ, auaritiæ indicium 216 Diuitiæ præ sapientiæ studio co[n]tenendæ 766.767 Diuitiæ priuati hominis memorab. 692. & deinc. Diuitiæ uniuscuiusq[ue] olim à censu notæ erant 689 Diuitiarum contemptor Bu dæus 791 Diuitiarum eleuatio 746 Diuitiarum exemplum Lentulus Augur 355 Diuitiarum hodiernaru[m] cu[m] priscis collatio 703 Diuitiarum infelix exemplum 746 Diuitiarum terrenaru[m] abusus 767 Diuitijs inhi[n]ates taxat 705 Docti & prudentis an sit rempub. administrandam suscipere 773 Docti ut in aula degat 802 Doctorum hominu[m] frigus 720. secessus 786 Doctis resp. capessenda 816 Doctrinæ co[m]medatio 472 Δωφειημιον 48 Dodrans 16.20.47.48 Dodrans pollicis 20 Dodrantes lucere 24 Δοικιμαδεις 545 Dolium 610 Doliu[m] quadragenaru[m] 609 Domus P. Clodij ingentis pretij 360.363. Domus quanti Romæ loca=retur annua mercede 337 Domus Romanæ 332 Domus Caligulæ & Neronis 364 Domus aurea Neronis 409 Domorum Romanaru[m] pretia 332 Domus significatio 547 Donatiu[m] Antonij 309. Au gusti 324. Cæsaris 307. Cassij & Bruti 310. Hædriani 330. Pompeij 305 Dotata

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INDEX. The rich man who was first named, defaulted to his creditors 178 The rich alone were counted among the Athenians 340 Examples of the rich 746 Christ the rejecter of the rich, defender of the poor 737 The wealth of Claudius Isidorus Crassus 178 Why wealth was attributed to churchmen 713 Great wealth quickly acquired, a sign of greed 216 Wealth is to be held in contempt in preference to the study of wisdom 766.767 Wealth of a private man, noteworthy 692. & following Formerly the wealth of each man was noted by his census 689 Budaeus, despiser of riches 791 The elevation of riches 746 The example of Lentulus Augur in riches 355 Comparison of present wealth with that of earlier times 703 Unhappy example of wealth 746 The misuse of earthly riches 767 He denounces those who covet riches 705 Whether a learned and prudent man should undertake to administer the commonwealth 773 Whether the learned man should live at court 802 The coldness of learned men 720. their retirement 786 The commonwealth should be taken up by the learned 816 Entertainment for learning 472 Δωφειημιον 48 Dodrans 16.20.47.48 Dodrans of a finger-breadth 20 To shine as dodrantes 24 Δοικιμαδεις 545 Pot 610 A forty-gallon vessel 609 The great cost of the house of P. Clodius 360.363. How much a house in Rome was rented for each year 337 Roman houses 332 The house of Caligula and Nero 364 The golden house of Nero 409 The value of Roman houses 332 Meaning of domus 547 The gift of Antony 309. of Augustus 324. of Caesar 307. of Cassius and Brutus 310. of Hadrian 330. of Pompey 305 A dowry given

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INDEX. Dotata Megalia 631 Dotium apud priscos exiguitas 631 Drachma 15.16.18.116.206 637 Drachma apud Græcos æreæ non erat 637 Drachma & denarius idem 162.180. eodem pondere 149 637 Drachma, et pōdus & num mum significat 124 Drachma, merces diurna 692 692 Drachma Aeginæa & Attica 375 Drachma Attica 165.623 375 Drachma Romana, & Attica, grossus à nostris dicitur 166 Drachmæ æstimatio 645 Drachmæ centu[m] libra[m] num mariam faciunt 162 Drachmaru[m] myriades Græ ci usurpant no[n] nummorum 135 Drachmalis usura 113 Dramaticum poëma 22 Dromades cameli 420 Drypetis Hephæstiois uxor 425 425 Ducatoru[m] pretiu[m] 168.624 624 Ducenarij iudices 278 Ducu[m] maxima laus 815.816 Duella 15 Dulciaria 602 Duodecies festertium, cen[sus] sus Senatorius 129 Duodecimus denarius 112 Dupondius 12 Duracina persica 154. eoru[m] 12 pretium 252 Dux Borbonianus 814 Dynamis 38 Dynastæ 320 Ecclesia ægrotans 729 Ecclesiæ humiliatio 722. 723.729. firmitas 707. 734 734 Ecclesiam malè nunc administrari ab ijs q[uæ] illi præsunt 726 Ecclesiastici quam ratione[m] reddant, qui se non rectè gerunt 715 Ecclesiastici quo titulo sua[m] bona possideant 710 Ecclesiasticorum redituum dispensatio 734 Ecclesiasticorum uitia detegit 707.708 Ecclesiasticam re constitui 1 i 2 omnium 707.708

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INDEX. Dotata Megalia 631 Smallness of the dowry among the ancients 631 Drachma 15.16.18.116.206 637 The drachma was not a bronze coin among the Greeks 637 The drachma and the denarius are the same; of the same weight 149 637 Drachma, and also means a weight and a coin 124 Drachma, a day’s wage 692 Aeginetan and Attic drachma 375 Attic drachma 165.623 375 Roman and Attic drachma, called grossus by our people 166 Value of the drachma 645 A hundred drachmas make a libra numaria 162 The Greeks use myriads of drachmas, not of coins 135 Interest on drachmas 113 Dramatic poem 22 Dromedary camels 420 Drypetis, wife of Hephaestion 425 425 Price of ducats 168.624 624 Judges of two hundred 278 Greatest praise of leaders 815.816 Duels 15 Sweetmeats 602 Twelve thousand sesterces, senatorial census 129 Twelfth denarius 112 Dupondius 12 Duracine peach 154. of them 12 Price 252 French duke 814 Dynamis 38 Dynasts 320 The Church in sickness 729 Humiliation of the Church 722. 723. 729. firmness 707. 734 734 The Church is now badly administered by those who preside over it 726 What account ecclesiastics give who conduct themselves improperly 715 By what title ecclesiastics possess their goods 710 Distribution of ecclesiastical revenues 734 Exposes the vices of ecclesiastics 707.708 Ecclesiastical reform established for all 707.708

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INDEX. omnium interest 722 Echeneis, remora 772 Eclecta quæ dicatur 342 Exsancti, id est superordinati 179 Exthnagogos 48 Exmodius 582 Exmodus 182 Edictu perpetuu[m] 715.749 Eduardei Nobiles, nummi 776 Anglici 261.659 Elogium Gallorum 86.92 Eloquentia Ciceron. auri- 776 fera 341 Eloquentia ignaris tantum 755 inuisa 755 Eloquentia, publicè necessaria 745.778 Eloqvetiæ æstimatio 200. 201. lenocinia 742. præmia Eloquentiæ nomine prudentiam & sapientiam uete res complectebantur 91 Emblemata 357 Emmelia 723 Eniaphaχuor 48 Eniaphiop 581.582 Encyclopædia 745 Ensis mysticus, excommunicatio 439 Entelechia 33.38.39.43 Enthusiasmos 90 Epanaphora 31 Expectorare 447 Ephori historici ignorantiæ 496 Epicataphora 32 Epicurei 744 Epidecatum foenus 118 Epilogus huius operis 701 Episcopatus abbatijs iungentes arguit 719 Episcopi aulici 461.462. Episcopi no[n] temere pro ma[n] 732 lè gestis multentur 732 Episcopos & potifices ma[n] 733 los taxat 733 Episcoporum & antistitu[m] comitatus 734.712 Episcoporum priscorum à nostris discrimen 722 Epistates 594 Epistolæ ad Atticum, uice historiæ sint 339 Epitaphij agones 776 Epobelia 545 Equestris census 98 Equites plus quàm pedites semper accipi[n]t in mili- 305 Ensis mysticus, excommuni- 305 ticatio 305 Equites seu hippeis apud 305 Athenienses 531

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INDEX. omnium interest 722 Echeneis, remora 772 Eclecta quæ dicatur 342 Exsancti, id est superordinati 179 Exthnagogos 48 Exmodius 582 Exmodus 182 Edictu perpetuu[m] 715.749 Eduardei Nobiles, nummi 776 Anglici 261.659 Elogium Gallorum 86.92 Eloquentia Ciceron. auri- 776 fera 341 Eloquentia ignaris tantum 755 inuisa 755 Eloquentia, publicè necessaria 745.778 Eloqvetiæ æstimatio 200. 201. lenocinia 742. præmia Eloquentiæ nomine prudentiam & sapientiam uete res complectebantur 91 Emblemata 357 Emmelia 723 Eniaphaχuor 48 Eniaphiop 581.582 Encyclopædia 745 Ensis mysticus, excommunicatio 439 Entelechia 33.38.39.43 Enthusiasmos 90 Epanaphora 31 Expectorare 447 Ephori historici ignorantiæ 496 Epicataphora 32 Epicurei 744 Epidecatum foenus 118 Epilogus huius operis 701 Episcopatus abbatijs iungentes arguit 719 Episcopi aulici 461.462. Episcopi no[n] temere pro ma[n] 732 lè gestis multentur 732 Episcopos & potifices ma[n] 733 los taxat 733 Episcoporum & antistitu[m] comitatus 734.712 Episcoporum priscorum à nostris discrimen 722 Epistates 594 Epistolæ ad Atticum, uice historiæ sint 339 Epitaphij agones 776 Epobelia 545 Equestris census 98 Equites plus quàm pedites semper accipi[n]t in mili- 305 Ensis mysticus, excommuni- 305 ticatio 305 Equites seu hippeis apud 305 Athenienses 531

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INDEX. Equitum stipendium 700 Equi sarcinarij 550 Equorum ascensores apud Ezechielem 743 Equorum apud Iudæos pretium 478 Equorum pastus 562 Equorum uiatoriorum demensum 549 Equos binos olim habebat equites milites 479 Erasistratus medicus 203 Erinnys 592 Erratorum ueniam qua fiducia præsumat Bud. 196 Eschematismenos oratio 21 Esaias, sacroru[m] uatum Homerus 488. 727. 759 Ethelodulia 768 Ethnicorum etiam scripta nos ad theologicam philosophiam deducunt 757 Ethologiæ 457 Euangelica lex non abrogatur contraria consuetudine 594 Euangelica philosophia 761 Euangelium irritum non erit 715. 717 Euangelij loca explic. 632 Euangelioru[m] foecuditas 780 Euboicum talentu[m] 372. 376 Eustochia 670 Euthanasia 778 Euthymia 740. 765. 778 Eutropij ætas 679 Exclamatio in tepora 783 Excommunicationes Iulij 11. pontif. max. 441 Exegematicum poema 22 Exegetes 390 Exortiuhora 31 Expensa 107 Externorum opera apud Gallos 67. 89 F Fabulæ priscis historijs permistæ 494 Facultatibus lapsi senatores à principibus subluati 199. 704 Fascinantium more laudare 790 Fauere linguis 753. 790 Felicitas Galliarum 399 Felicitati modus ponendus 72 Ferociam præ se ferentes excussis uultus sordibus 94 Fertilitas soli memorabilis 679. 690 Fertilitas agri Parisini 681 I i 3 690

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INDEX. Stipend of horsemen 700 Baggage horses 550 Riders of horses in Ezekiel 743 Price of horses among the Jews 478 Feeding of horses 562 Allowance for traveling horses 549 Horsemen used to have two horses formerly 479 Erasistratus, the physician 203 Erinnys 592 With what confidence one may presume pardon for errors, Bud. 196 Eschematismenos, discourse 21 Isaiah, the Homer of the sacred prophets 488. 727. 759 Ethelodulia 768 The writings even of the Gentiles lead us to theological philosophy 757 Ethology 457 The evangelical law is not abolished by contrary custom 594 Evangelical philosophy 761 The Gospel shall not be made void 715. 717 Explanation of passages in the Gospel 632 The fecundity of the Gospels 780 Euboic talent 372. 376 Eustochia 670 Euthanasia 778 Euthymia 740. 765. 778 The age of Eutropius 679 An exclamation in the hour of trouble 783 Excommunications of Julius II, supreme pontiff 441 Exegetical poem 22 Exegetes 390 Exortiuhora 31 Expense 107 Works of outsiders among the Gauls 67. 89 F Fables mixed with ancient histories 494 Senators fallen from office restored by princes to their former positions 199. 704 To praise in the manner of enchanters 790 To speak favorably 753. 790 The happiness of Gaul 399 A limit must be set to happiness 72 Showing ferocity with the face cleansed of dirt 94 Remarkable fertility of the soil 679. 690 Fertility of the Parisian countryside 681 I i 3 690

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INDEX. 690. tritici in Afric. 679 Festus P[ro]peius sibi non constans 210. eiusdem locus 638. 639. Feudum uulgo dicitur in fide esse 714 Fideicommissum 711 Fidelia 610. 619 Fiduciaria sacerdotia 711 Figuræ, obliqua dicta uelut scommata 23 Figuratæ laudes 24 Flos & pollis 601 Flos frugiperdus 790 Fænum in cornu ferre 452 Fæni pondus 562 Fænus terræ 679 Forma, cuius sit 38 Fors fortuna 792 Fortunæ indignitas maxima 590. eius mira mut. 430 Francia Christianarum partium signifera 462 Francia felix, si se intra se contineat 78 Francia nunquam exhausta 442 Frâciæ administratio 747 Frâciæ calamitas 787. opulentia 437. reditus 300. 433. uirtus ac laus 67 Franciæ reditus sub quadrus pli ad Persicos 433 Franciæ sumen 526 Franciam finitimi populi in re nummaria pro scopo uelut habent 660 Frâciani agri fertilitas 525 Franci cur non latius imperium habeant 470 Francorum in fortunij causa 474 Franci nunc primùm de suo uocabulo regem habent 810 Franci Pedites Equitesq[ue] nummi 660 Francorum existimatione tuetur 56 Francorum opes 442. Parhisia 456. uexatio 463. leuamen ibidem Francicoru[m] nom[m]e in ratio cinijs principalibus 433 Franciscus Deloinus 701. 789. uide Deloinus Frâciscus 1. Rex 789. 810. Francisci nominis omen 816 Frigere in aula 752 Frontis & mentis sympathia 779 Frum

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INDEX. 690. wheat in Africa 679 Festus P[ro]peius inconsistent with himself 210. the same passage 638. 639. Fief is commonly said to be held in trust 714 Fideicommissum 711 Fidelia 610. 619 Fiduciary benefices 711 Figures, indirect expressions such as jests 23 Figurative praises 24 Flower and pollen 601 Fruit-bearing flower 790 To carry hay in the horn 452 Weight of hay 562 Hay tax 679 Form, whose it is 38 Chance, fortune 792 Fortune’s greatest indignity 590. its marvelous change 430 France, standard-bearer of the Christian nations 462 France happy, if it contain itself within itself 78 France never exhausted 442 Administration of France 747 France’s calamity 787. wealth 437. revenues 300. 433. valor and praise 67 France’s revenues beneath fourfold signs to the Persians 433 France’s crop 526 Neighboring peoples in monetary matters aim, as it were, at France 660 The fertility of French fields 525 Why the Franks do not have a wider empire 470 Cause of the Franks’ good fortune 474 The Franks now for the first time have a king from their own name 810 Money of Franks on foot and on horseback 660 Protected by the opinion of the Franks 56 The wealth of the Franks 442. Paris 456. harassment 463. relief there The name of the Franks in the principal rationalities 433 Franciscus Deloinus 701. 789. see Deloinus Franciscus 1. King 789. 810. Omen of the name Francis 816 To grow cold in court 752 Sympathy of brow and mind 779 Frum

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INDEX. Frumentarius canon 603 Frumentum generis nomen 620 Frumenti Gallici æstimatio 319. Siculi æstimatio ibi. Frumentoru[m] prouentus amplissimus 676. & deinc. Fulmen prodigiosum 789 Funebris agon apud Home rum 480 Furta Verris 101 Fusij Saluij robur 478 G Gabinius reus 388. decé millibus talentorum damnatus 289 Galatarum robur 585 Galaticum hordeum 562 Galeri rubri 776. 777 Galeripetæ 438 Gallia ipsa se celebrare possit 76 Gallia quondam auri ferax 396 Galliæ conuentus 471. felicitas 399. literæ 200. mores 747 Galli ad arma alacres 89. 454. discendis literis apti 54. 60. 79. eloquetiæ studiosi 56. 88. gloriæ cu pidi 76. olim priscis in cogniti 496 Galloru[m] docilitas 60. ingenia 86. 301. 790. mores mansueti 87. 88. Parrhisia 456. promptitudo in principis imperio 434. solertia 445 Gallorum existimationem & à literis & à prudentia asserit 56. & 58. & deinceps Gallorum priscorum memo rabilia consilia 93 Gallis olim dicendi facultas uernacula 56 Gallis olim infrugifera literarum studia 203 Gallicus sinus 397 Gallici populi uexatio 434 Gallica busta 440 Garus, liquamen 253 Gebenna mons 396 Gellij locus 292. 630 Gemæ præstatissimæ in the cis etia uilibus spl[en]ed. 759 Gemmarum autoritatis ordo 222 Gemmariorum ratio in pre tijs gemmarum æstimandis 221. 222. Genes

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INDEX. Frumentarius canon 603 Frumentum, generic name 620 Estimation of Gallic grain 319. Sicilian estimation there. Very abundant yield of grain 676. and thereafter. Prodigious thunderbolt 789 Funeral contest in Homer 480 Thefts of Verres 101 Strength of Fusius and Salvius 478 G Gabinius, accused, 388. condemned to ten thousand talents 289 Strength of the Galatians 585 Galatic barley 562 Red varieties of Galeri 776. 777 Galeripetae 438 That Gaul itself may be able to celebrate itself 76 Gaul once fruitful in gold 396 Councils of Gaul 471. prosperity 399. letters 200. customs 747 The Gauls eager for arms 89. 454. fit for learning letters 54. 60. 79. desirous of eloquence 56. 88. desirous of glory 76. formerly unknown among the ancients 496 Docility of the Gauls 60. talents 86. 301. 790. mild customs 87. 88. Parrhisia 456. readiness in obeying a prince's command 434. shrewdness 445 He maintains the reputation of the Gauls both from letters and from prudence 56. & 58. and following Memorable counsels of the ancient Gauls 93 The Gauls once had a native ability to speak 56 The Gauls once had unfruitful studies of literature 203 Gallic gulf 397 Violence against the Gallic people 434 Gallic burial mounds 440 Garus, sauce 253 Mount Gebenna 396 Place of Gellius 292. 630 Very excellent gems in things even of little value 759 Order of authority among gems 222 The method of gem dealers in estimating the prices of gems 221. 222. Genes

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INDEX. Geneseos liber 763 Genethliacoru[m] uanitas 502 Genialis pax 502 Gentilium scripta quid ad uersati sacram doctrinam conferant. 765 Genitiui plurales syncopata = cè posuerit in nominibus nummorum 131 Geodæsiæ 19 Georgica Vergilij 23 Germania octo legionibus per myriades drachma = obtenta Romanis 392 Germanorum militum biba Græcorum recentia esse omnia 498. nec ab his historiæ fide petendâ ibidè citas 571 Germanorum naues 657 Geryones tergeminus 783 Gigantes terrigenæ 707 Gigantum pedes 772 Glaunæ iis adunæs 623 Gloria huius uitæ uera & expressa 745.777 Gomor 594 Gorgiæ Leotini honos 200 Græcalingua quid Latinæ se præstet 37 Græcæ linguæ studiosi olim Grossus Galli 88 Græcæ linguæ commenda = Grossi Curij tio 34 Græcarum literarum auto = Guido à Rupeforti cancelarius

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INDEX. Genesis, book of 763 Vanity of wedding songs 502 Marriage peace 502 What the writings of the Gentiles contribute to sacred doctrine 765 Plural genitives, syncopated = what he has placed in the names of coins Geodesy 19 Virgil’s Georgics 23 Germany conquered for the Romans by eight legions 392 German soldiers’ speed 571 German ships 657 Geryon, triple-bodied 783 Terrigenous giants 707 Gigants’ feet 772 Glaunæ iis adunæs 623 The true and exact glory of this life 745.777 Gomor 594 The honor of Gorgias of Leontini 200 What Greek in the language gives to Latin 37 Former students of the Greek language: the Gauls 88 Appreciation of the Greek language 34 Guido of Rupeforti, chancellor of the auto =

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larius . 448.452 Gula Romanorum 246 Gulielmei nummi 274 Gulielmus parulus 701 Gymnasiarchia 537 gup 603 H Habe tibi tuas res in di= uortijs | 465 Hadrianus imperator 330. eius donatiuum ibidem Halys fluuius 379.431 Harpocrates 770.790 Hebræi literarum inuento= res | 497 Hebraicum talentum 472 Hecatombœum 624 Hecatobœa arma 207.625 Hecatonchir 748 Hecteus 581 Hectoris bigæ 770 Hederæ complexus 774 Hellanodicæ 790 Heminæ 547 Hemiolium 11 Hemixestus 563.616 Hephestionis funus memo= rabile 424 Heracliti scripta 737 Hercule maior Nabucho= donosor 488.490 Hermogenis ætas 663 Hermolaus Barb. 46.110. 157.354.666.684.701 Hermolai Barb. loc. de usu= ris 104. eiusde oscitantiæ 873. comendatio ibid. de se testimonium 667.669 Herodoti ætas 495 Herodoti locus 372.378 Herodoti locus de copijs Xerxis 582 Hestasis 537 Hesychius 582 Heteroplus 117 Hexagonus aspectus 31 Hexapedæ hexapodes'que 324 Hexaplum 9 Hieremiæ prophetæ ætas 487. eius sensus abditi 760. threni 730.729 Hieroglyphica Aegyptio= rum 90 Hieronis regis liberal. 614. nauis memorabilis 650 Hieronomi 734 Hieronymus & Aug. 754 Hieron. locus restitutus 21 I i S Hiero

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larius . 448.452 Gula Romanorum 246 Gulielmei nummi 274 Gulielmus parulus 701 Gymnasiarchia 537 gup 603 H Have with you your possessions in divisions | 465 Hadrian the emperor 330. his gift there Halys river 379.431 Harpocrates 770.790 Hebrews, inventors of letters | 497 Hebrew talent 472 Hecatombœum 624 Hecatobœa weapons 207.625 Hecatonchir 748 Hecteus 581 Hector's chariots 770 Ivy wreath 774 Hellanodicæ 790 Heminae 547 Hemiolium 11 Hemixestus 563.616 Hephestion's memorable funeral 424 Heraclitus's writings 737 Hercule greater than Nabucho- donosor 488.490 Hermogenes's age 663 Hermolaus Barb. 46.110. 157.354.666.684.701 Hermolaus Barb.'s place on usu- ries 104. his own slowness 873. commendation there, his testimony about himself 667.669 Herodotus's age 495 Herodotus's passage 372.378 Herodotus's passage about Xerxes's troops 582 Hestasis 537 Hesychius 582 Heteroplus 117 Hexagon aspect 31 Hexapeds and hexapods' 324 Hexaplum 9 Jeremiah the prophet's age 487. his hidden meaning 760. threni 730.729 Hieroglyphics of the Egyptians 90 King Hieron's generosity 614. his memorable ship 650 Hieronomi 734 Hieronymus & Aug. 754 Hieron.'s passage restored 21 I i S Hiero

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INDEX Hieron. sapientia Solomonis non uertit suam redimentes 240 Hicrosolyma 493. capta Histrionicæ artis precium 237.243 494 Homeri ætas 481.494 Hicrosolymitanus ager sterilis Homeri locus de talento 481 Hilarius Homeri locus alter 625 Hippas Homeri studiosus Alexa[n]der 527.528 Hippotrophium memorabile Macedo 92.201 Hiræ rex, de quo in Biblijs, Homo uersatilis 808 Suron apud quosdam uocatur Homines uiliores 597 Hirij piscinæ Hominu[m] census Romæ 177 Hispani & Galli historicis olim incogniti Hominu[m] ordines uarij 596 Hispaniæ opulentia Homo exterior & interior Hispaniæ reditus opimi consonare debent 780 392 Honor precarius 43 Historia animalium Arist. magno uendita Honorarium aduocatorum 662.663. magistratuum 353 Historia Herodoti Hoplitæ milites 541 Historia memorabilis Hora exortiua 31 Historiæ fab. comistæ Horatianus planus 770 Historiæ ueritas ab Aegyptijs & Chaldæis requirenda Horatij locus 59.98.775 Horoscopus 31 Historicorum quorundam maleuolentia in Iudæos & Christianos Hospitij tessera 730 Humana stoliditas 729.730 Humanæ fortunæ uicissitudo 445 Humanæ metis error 769 Histriones magno libertate Humani animi capaci. 147 Humani

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INDEX Jerome does not turn the wisdom of Solomon those redeeming their own 240 Jerusalem 493. captured the price of the theatrical art 237.243 494 Homer’s age 481.494 the Jerusalem field is barren Homer’s passage on a talent 481 Hilarius another passage of Homer 625 Hippas Alexander, a lover of Homer 527.528 memorable Hippotrophium Macedo 92.201 the king of Hira, of whom in the Bible, man of many turns 808 called Suron by some lesser men 597 Hirii pools the census of men at Rome 177 Spaniards and Gauls once unknown to historians various orders of men 596 the wealth of Spain the outer and inner man the rich revenues of Spain ought to agree 780 392 temporary honor 43 Aristotle’s History of Animals sold for a great sum fees of advocates 662.663. of magistrates 353 Herodotus’ History hoplite soldiers 541 memorable history hour of rising 31 fables mixed with histories Horatian verse 770 the truth of history must be sought from the Egyptians and Chaldeans Horace’s passage 59.98.775 Horoscope 31 the ill will of certain historians toward Jews and Christians token of hospitality 730 human stupidity 729.730 the vicissitude of human fortune 445 error of the human mind 769 actors’ great freedom capacity of the human mind. 147 Human

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INDEX. Humani corporis fabr. 43 Humanitas interpolis 737 Humilitas com[m]edabilis 741 Hybreas orator cordatissi= mus Antoniu[m] cohibet 311 Hyppogeu[m] mesuraneum 31 Hypōnematographus 390 Hyssopites uinum 579 I I litera, quæ nota 249 I am uerò 181.182 Ianus geminus, Christ. 761 Iconum in nomismatibus usus 665 Idios logos 389 Idoloru[m] cultus quando coe perit 487 Iecoris portæ 45 Iecur suillum 232 Ignis charitatis penè extin ctus 761 Ignorantia priscorum Lati norum et Græcoru[m] 502 Iliadis Homericæ encomiu[m] 92 Illa uerò 181 Impendia 107 Imperatorum Rom. in bel= lo potestas 347 Imperatorij nummi 660 Imperia magna sine pru= dentia retineri non pos= se 90.91 Imperium Augusti 318 Imperium non tam armis quàm literis et parari et retineri 89 In diem uiuentes 592 Inauraturis ut nihil depe= reat 265 Incendiu[m] magnu[m] 365.366 India quantum hauriret o= pum Romanarum 417 Indictio 301 Indignorum et indoctoru[m] promotio 737.788 Indoctos pontifices arguit 720 Industria ueneficij rea 685 Ineptus, et innocens ut Græ ce dicatur 36 Infrà quàm 229 Ingenio ac diligentia totu[m] constat in literis, non ge nere aut coelo 707 Innocens Græcè 36 Inncetia fretus animus 741 Inquirendum etiam in scri pta antiquorum 556 Institutionum Iustiniani locus 150.151 Insulæ beatorum 750 Integr

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INDEX. Human body, construction 43 Humanity interpolis 737 Praiseworthy humility 741 Hybreas, the most shrewd orator, restrains Antonius 311 Mesuranian hypogeum 31 Hypōnematographus 390 Hyssop wine 579 I The letter I, which is a sign 249 I am indeed 181.182 Janus Geminus, Christian 761 Use of images on coins 665 Idios logos 389 When the worship of idols began 487 Gateway of the liver 45 Pork liver 232 The fire of charity almost extinguished 761 Ignorance of the ancient Latins and Greeks 502 Encomium of Homer’s Iliad 92 That indeed 181 Expenses 107 Power of the Roman emperors in war 347 Imperial coins 660 Great empires cannot be maintained without prudence 90.91 The empire of Augustus 318 Empire is acquired and maintained not so much by arms as by letters 89 Those living for the day 592 So that nothing be lost in gilding 265 Great fire 365.366 How much of the wealth of the Romans India drew off 417 Indiction 301 Promotion of the unworthy and unlearned 737.788 He accuses unlearned popes 720 The work of sorcery is a crime 685 How “inept” and “innocent” may be said in Greek 36 Infrà quàm 229 Everything in literature depends on genius and diligence, not on birth or climate 707 “Innocent” in Greek 36 Mind relying on innocence 741 Inquiry should also be made into the writings of the ancients 556 A passage from Justinian’s Institutes 150.151 The Isles of the Blessed 750 Integr

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INDEX. Integritatis custodia in administratiua uitæ difficilis 776 Integro statu decedere 777 Intellectus 42. & deinceps Intellectus nouus ad. l. si hæres, ad leg. Falc. 118 Interpolis humanitas 737 Interpretationibus Latinis fide haud temere habeat Budæus 215 Interpretis Bibliorum la=psus 738 Intrà quàm 229 Ioachim rex Iudæorum 487. 488 Iob liber eschematismenos 21. 23. 762 Iocudus, seu Iucudus Vero nensis archit. 404. 605 Ioannes Euangelista 762. eiusdem locus 634 Iosephi libri perperam uersi 498 Iouis capitolini templi de=auratura 368 Iouis tesseræ bene semper cadunt, adagium 436 Iromus rex Tyri, q & Irâ siue Hira 475. 476. 500. Solomoni amic. iu[n]ct. 499 Irudo, sanguisuga 43 Isidorus Hispal. 514. 551 Isocratis oratio una maximo uendita 200. 341 Isodion, & isodios 353 Isphoræ 337 Italia armentosa 625. auri ferax 400. bonarum lite raru[m] magistra 670. eius fertilitas 523 Italici 670 Itali scriptores 81 Italorum industria 589 Italis non solis doctis esse licere 37 Italis primas in literis desert 81 Iudæ prod. persidia 636 Iudæa 491. ueritatis incu[n]nabula 507 Iudææ terræ solum 492 Iudææ uexatio à Nabuco donosor 487 Iudæi commercioru[m] ignari 495. Græcis et Lat. olim incogniti 494. 495. 497 Iudæorum disciplina militaris 491. opulentia 471 Iudæorum de antiquitate libri 499 Iudicij dei terror 719

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INDEX. Custody of integrity in the difficult administration of life 776 To depart from an intact condition 777 Understanding 42, and following A new interpretation of “if an heir,” on the Falcidian law 118 Humanity of Interpol 737 On Latin interpretations let him not readily trust the faith Budaeus 215 A lapse by the Interpreter of the Bible 738 Within as much as 229 King Joachim of the Jews 487, 488 The book of Job, eschematized 21, 23, 762 Iocudus, or Iucudus, architect of Verona 404, 605 John the Evangelist 762. his passage 634 The books of Josephus wrongly translated 498 The gilding of the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus 368 Jupiter’s dice always fall well, proverb 436 Iromus, king of Tyre, and also Ira or Hira 475, 476, 500. joined in friendship with Solomon 499 Leech 43 Isidore of Seville 514, 551 One speech of Isocrates sold for a very high price 200, 341 Isodion and isodios 353 Isphoræ 337 Italy, rich in herds 625; fertile in gold 400; teacher of good literature 670; its fertility 523 Italians 670 Italian writers 81 The industry of the Italians 589 That Italians alone are not permitted to be learned 37 That the first place in letters belongs to the Italians 81 The treachery of Judas the traitor 636 Judea 491; cradle of truth 507 The soil of the land of Judea 492 The oppression of Judea by Nebuchadnezzar 487 The Jews ignorant of commerce 495; formerly unknown to the Greeks and Latins 494, 495, 497 The military discipline and wealth of the Jews 491, 471 Books on the antiquity of the Jews 499 The terror of the judgment of God 719

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INDEX. Iugerum 17. eius mensura L 17.524 Iugerum quadratum 524 Iugerum seu arpennum Pa risinum 525 Iuliu secundu Pont. Max. perstringit 439.724 Iuno quæ intelligatur 90. 774 Iupiter in membranas suas respiciens 788 Ius aulæ moribus constitu= tum 750 Ius distributium 459 Ius gentium 800.prætoriu 628. summum 750 Iuris canonici libri 731 Iustitia diuina 800.eius se= ueritas 716 Iustitia quando uera fuerit 487 Iustit. uia quæ dicatur 721 Iustinus martyr philoso= phus 40.501 Iustini locus 432 Iuuenalis locus 97 Ixionidæ 774 K Kαναργια 545 κατὰς συνοις 203 καναδιδης 366 L Laberius poëta 170 Lactaria 602 Lactes 46 Lagoena 517.619 Laidis meretricis procaci= tas 297 Lampridius inter classicos autores non annumeran dus 143.145 Lampridij locus 661 Lances argenteæ memora= bili pondere 332 Larem salutare ibidem Latina lingua, discipula linguæ Græcæ 35 Laurentij Vallæ laus 556. eius lapsus 376.583 Læzarus Baysius 315 Legionis unius stipendia annua 700 Legiones Rom. 326.327 Legiones quadraginta 102 Legiones XLIII. sub Au= gusto 325 Legiones rarò plenæ 310. plenæ 328 Lentuli auguris opes 355. 705.eius mors 355 Leo decimus Pont. Max. 441.725.723.735 Leotini agri decumæ 522.

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INDEX. Iugerum 17. its measure L 17.524 Square iugerum 524 Iugerum, or Parisian arpennum Pa risinum 525 Julius Secundus, Supreme Pontiff mentions 439.724 Juno, what is meant by 90. 774 Jupiter looking at his own membranes 788 Law of the court established by custom 750 Distributed law 459 Law of nations 800. praetorian 628. highest 750 Books of canon law 731 Divine justice 800. its seve rity 716 When justice was truly such 487 The way of justice, as it is called 721 Justin Martyr, philoso pher 40.501 The passage of Justin 432 A passage of Juvenal 97 The Ixionids 774 K Kαναργια 545 κατὰς συνοις 203 καναδιδης 366 L Laberius, poet 170 Lactaria 602 Lactes 46 Lagoena 517.619 The shamelessness of the courtesan Laidis 297 Lampridius is not to be counted among the classical authors 143.145 A passage of Lampridius 661 Silver dishes of remarkable weight 332 To greet the household god there Latin language, disciple of the Greek language 35 Praise of Laurentius Valla 556. his errors 376.583 Læzarus Baysius 315 Annual pay of one legion 700 Roman legions 326.327 Forty legions 102 Forty-three legions under Au gustus 325 Legions rarely full, full 310. 328 The wealth of the augur Lentulus 355. 705. his death 355 Leo the Tenth, Supreme Pontiff 441.725.723.735 The tithe of the Leontine fields 522.

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INDEX. fertilitas 524.680 Leptis, magna Tacape 690 Lesbiæ structuræ canones 731 Lestrigones 781 Lex Adrastia. 800. Cincia 662. Trierarchica 343. Sumptuaria 629 Legum humanarum obseruatio 728 Legum uiolatio 259 Legu[m] uetustaru[m] multa pe=core constabat 625.626 Liber nullus ta[m] malus, ut no[n] aliquid habeat boni 551 Libroru[m] precium apud anti quos 293.341.342 Libroru[m] perniciosoru[m] exustio 635 Librorum sacrorum lectio=nis fructus 765 Librariorum errore multa in autoribus corrupta sunt 144.188 Liberales disciplinæ ad plebem redactæ 65 Liberalitates Vassasiani no tandæ. 416 Liberi patris imago precio sissima 282 Libertas Gallorum obsequiosa 301. eadem in Sæ Libertorum quorundam opulentia 178.217.704 Liberu[m] arbitriu[m] 741.805 Libra antiqua 208 Libra apud medicos 557 Libra, as, mina, pondo idem 12.123.258.372.373 Libra auri quid fuerit 248.485.614 Libra auri argetiq[ue] in iure 246.258.484.658 Libra auri obryzi 626 Libra centenaria 248 Libra cetenum denariorum 307. centum drachma=rum Libra & ære liberare 698 Libra, quæ & marca, quot grossos capiat 166 Libra quot sestertijs constaret 150 Libra Parisi. Zygostatica, numularia 165.559.654 Libra Parisina & Turo=nensis 375 Libra Parisina, Romana quadrante maior 478 Libra Romana eadem cum mina Græca 166. eius mo[n]dus deprehensus

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INDEX. fertility 524.680 Leptis, great Tacape 690 Canons of Lesbian structures 731 Lestrigones 781 Lex Adrastia. 800. Cincia 662. Trierarchica 343. Sumptuary 629 Observance of human laws 728 Violation of laws 259 Many of the old laws consisted of cattle 625.626 No book is so bad that it has not something good 551 The price of books among the ancients 293.341.342 Burning of pernicious books 635 Fruit of reading sacred books 765 Many things in authors corrupted by the error of copyists 144.188 Liberal disciplines reduced to the common people 65 To be noted. Liberalities of Vespasian. 416 Most precious image of Liber Pater 282 Obliging liberty of the Gauls 301. the same in Sæ Wealth of certain freedmen 178.217.704 Free will 741.805 Ancient libra 208 Libra among physicians 557 Libra, as, mina, pondo, the same 12.123.258.372.373 What a libra of gold was 248.485.614 Libra of gold and silver in law 246.258.484.658 Libra of pure gold 626 Centenary libra 248 Libra of a hundred denarii 307. a hundred drachmas To free by libra and bronze 698 Libra, which also marka, how many grossi it contains 166 How much a libra cost in sestertii 150 Paris libra, zygostatic, numularia 165.559.654 Parisian and Turonense libra 375 Parisian libra, greater than the Roman by a quarter 478 Roman libra, the same as the Greek mina 166. its weight discovered

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INDEX. Libræ argenti preciu[m] 167 Libræ diuisio 165 Libras aut Pondo Romani 467.468 de numerata pecunia uix dicant 181 Libella 106.107 Libripendes 107 Liburnicæ C. Cæsaris ce= drinæ 655 Lingonensis ager auri fe= rax 400 Lirani interpretis somniu[m] 692 Literæ ab Hebræis inuen= tæ 497 Literarum fructus in illis ipsis est 85.754 Literarum humaniorum ca lumniatoribus respon= det 742 Literaru[m] numero æquaban tur calices bibentiu[m] in hi larioribus conuiuijs 563 Literarum peritiam Gallis asserit 56. cur tandiu in Gallia iæcuerint 83 Literarum precium atq; ho nos 200 Literæ unciales 21 Literati cur apud aulicos in precio no[m] fuerint 469 Literatis ac doctis imperi= tos et indoctos præferri grauiter fert Budæus Literæ 572 Liturgiæ 537 Lituus 720 Liuij epitome, corrupta in quibusdam 643 Liuij locus 142.207.209. 210.211.271.284.285. 379 λοχαρί 307 Locus aiaduertendus. 454. 505.545.682.758.805 Logodædali aulici 798 Locoru[m] status mutari 486 Locoru[m] uocabula in sacris literis ex alijs autoribus no[n] agnoscuntur 486 Logodædalus Proteus 291 Logos, filius dei 761 Lollia Paulina 100 Lollius Paulinus 173 Longolius 660 Loquedi libertate pecunia uenalem habentes 624 Loricatorum uertex 814 Loti arbores preciosæ 334 ad Lotophagoshærere 756 Lucæ Euang. locus 595 Lucani locus 349 L. Crass

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INDEX. Libræ argenti price 167 Division of libræ 165 Libras or pondo of the Romans 467.468 about ready money they hardly speak 181 Libella 106.107 Libripendes 107 Liburnicæ of C. Cæsar, drinæ 655 The field of Lingones, rich in gold 400 The dream of Liranus the interpreter 692 Letters invented by the Hebrews 497 The fruit of letters is in those very persons 85.754 He answers the slanderers of the more humane letters 742 The cups of the drinkers in the more festive banquets were equal in number to letters 563 He asserts the knowledge of letters among the Gauls 56. why they so long lay neglected in Gaul 83 The price and honor of letters 200 Uncial letters 21 Why the learned were not held in price among courtiers 469 Budaeus is deeply offended that the unlearned and ignorant are preferred to the learned and educated Letters 572 Liturgies 537 Lituus 720 Livy’s epitome, corrupt in some places 643 Livy’s passage 142.207.209. 210.211.271.284.285. 379 λοχαρί 307 A place to be noted. 454. 505.545.682.758.805 The courtiers are logodædali 798 The condition of places is changed 486 The names of places in the sacred writings are not recognized from other authors 486 Logodædalus, Proteus 291 Logos, son of God 761 Lollia Paulina 100 Lollius Paulinus 173 Longolius 660 Those who have money and hence the freedom to speak, have it for sale 624 The crest of the loricati 814 The lotus trees are precious 334 to cling to the Lotophagi 756 A passage in Luke’s Gospel 595 A passage in Lucan 349 L. Crass

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INDEX. L. Crassus orator 333.334 L. Flori tempus 642 L. Scipioni peculatus obiectus 255 Lucus memorabilis 425 Lucullus subita iniquitate fortunæ destitutus 349. eius diuitiæ 225. luxus ibid. otium 350 Ludouici XI. dictu de opulentia regni sui 457. eius & Mariæ Anglicæ con nubium 463. eius ultima tempora & mors 787. 788.808.809 Ludus, id est, schola proban di nomismatis 273 Luerij Aruerni diuitiæ 398 Lugdunus urbs 396 Lugdunese argyrocopium 402. ars ibidem Lunæ coitus, interluniu[m] 24 Luscinarum precia 159 Lusitanici aurei uncial. 695 Lusus aleæ immensus 409 Lutetiani soli fertilitas 690 uide Parisinus ager. Luxuria prodigiosa 414 Luxuria RO. 193.232.315 Luxus capitalis Romæ non erat 190 Luxuries terræ mirab. 690 Lydij lapidis usus 264 Lysanias comes, tristitiæ discussor 803 M M, quæ nota fuerit 249 Macedones inter Græc. 89 Macrobij locus 238.246. 305 Macrochir Darius, Longi=manus 418 Maduit iam, & contractus est, prouer. Gall. 798 Magi, Persaru[m] sapietes 91 Magiæ uanitas 506 Magiriscus 357 Magister equitum, loricatorum uertex 814.818 Magistratus bene gerendi difficultas 808 Magistrat. monitores 805 Magistratum inuicè reue rentia apud Rom. 757 Magistratum Romanoru[m] commoda 345.350 Magist. in prouincias profecturis dari solita 352 Magistratus improbos ta= xat 446 Magni dicti sunt reges Per sarum 489 Magnif

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INDEX. L. Crassus, orator 333, 334 L. Florius, time 642 Accusation of peculation against L. Scipio 255 Memorable grove 425 Lucullus, deprived by sudden unfairness of fortune 349. his riches 225. luxury ibid. leisure 350 Louis XI, remark on the wealth of his kingdom 457. his and Mary of England’s marriage 463. his last times and death 787. 788. 808. 809 Ludus, that is, school, approving of the coinage 273 The wealth of the Arverni 398 Lugdunum, city 396 Lugdunese mint 402. art there Conjunction of the moon, the interlunium 24 The price of nightingales 159 Portuguese gold coins, ounce-weight 695 Immoderate gambling 409 Fertility of the land of Lutetia 690 see Parisian field. Prodigious luxury 414 Luxury of Rome 193. 232. 315 Capital luxury was not at Rome 190 Wondrous luxury of the land 690 Use of the Lydian stone 264 Lysanias, companion, dispeller of sadness 803 M M, what mark it was 249 Macedonians among the Greeks 89 Passage of Macrobius 238. 246. 305 Macrochir Darius, Long-handed 418 Has already withered and contracted, French proverb 798 Magi, wise men of the Persians 91 The vanity of magic 506 Magiriscus 357 Master of horse, crown of the cuirassiers 814. 818 Difficulty of governing well as magistrate 808 Magistrate’s advisers 805 Mutual respect among magistrates among the Romans 757 Advantages of the Roman magistracies 345. 350 Magistrates usually given to those going to the provinces 352 Bad magistrates are punished 446 The kings of Persia were called “the Great” 489 Magnif

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INDEX Magnificentia ueteru[m] multo erat nostra hodierna amplior Marlianum prædium 326 Mars & Venus Vulcanijs uinculis irretiti 344 Mars ultor 329 Martialis epigramma ex= plicatum 130 Massiliense gymnasium 86 31 Massilienses dotes 632 Martiani locus 406 Matthæi euangelistæ locus 633.680.691 31 Mathematici cardines 31 Mathematicoru[m] mos in de= monstrationibus 198 Matrimonia quæ concilia= uit Alexander Mac. 425 Medicus uulnerarius 197 Medicoru[m] improbitas 197 Medicorum pondera 556 Medicoru[m] præmia memora bilia 102.195.203.341 Medicos multos esse quàm paucos, cur melius habi= tum est 197 Medimnus 515.516.518.522.523 197 Medimnus, mimna apud Gallos 615 Medium intestinum 45 Megalia dotata 631 Kk Mellita

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INDEX The magnificence of the ancients was much greater than ours today Marlianum estate 326 Mars and Venus entangled in Vulcan’s chains 344 Mars the avenger 329 An epigram of Martial explained 130 Marseille gymnasium 86 31 The gifts of the Marseillais 632 Martianus’s passage 406 The passage of the Evangelist Matthew 633.680.691 31 Mathematical principles 31 The mathematicians’ custom in demonstrations 198 Marriages which Alexander the Great arranged 425 The wound surgeon 197 The dishonesty of doctors 197 The rewards of doctors 556 Memorable rewards of doctors 102.195.203.341 Why it has been considered better to have many doctors rather than few 197 Medimnus 515.516.518.522.523 197 Medimnus, mimna among the Gauls 615 The middle intestine 45 The richly endowed Megalia 631 Kk Mellita

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INDEX. Melita quæ dicâtur 415. Mesopotamia 492 602 Mesuraniu[m] hypogeon 31 Melophori 428 Metalla auri in Gallia 396. Mennonia regia 420 nunc exhausta 400 Memorabilis historia 510. Metallis abundat Hisp. 932 511. 512 Metallorum reditus ingens Menander Ephesius historicus 500 395 Mendacij obiectione ut Ci Metella uxor Syllæ 368 cero eluserit 335 Metreta & cadus 580 Mensorum uocabula 16 Michael Bodetus 400 Menstruæ usuræ 114 Mictum poëma 22 Mensuraru[m] cõsideratio 513 Millia apud Græcos simpli Mensuræ regiæ 552 citer dicta, drachmarum Mensuræ Parisienses 552. intelligenda 289 610. retinet uocabula antiqua 615 Millia æris 148 Mensurarum & ponderu[m] Mille æris 153 et uasoru[m] reciproca probatio 599. 604 Mille asses, aurei decê 363 Mentis à uultu dissonâtia, Mille millia auri 483 supplicium graue 778 Mille denarij 238 Merces ingenia exacuit 88 Mille nummu quantum uæ Merces pretiosæ 388 leant 168. 169 Mercurius, Christus 761 Mille talenta 298 Mercurius institor est quæstus 706 Millia & sestertia idem significant, eademq[ue] notæ Meretricum pretium 624 scribuntur 373 Meritare 236 Milliartus, millionum mulio 405 Mercé insula & urbs 486 Myllies centena millia, myriadu[m] myriada sign. 405 Merulæ lapsus 108 Millio numerus 215. 405 Mesenterium 45 Militare stipendium 645 Militaris disciplinæ instau=

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INDEX. Melita called so 415. Mesopotamia 492 602 Mesuraniu[m] hypogeon 31 Melophori 428 Gold mines in Gaul 396. Mennonia regia 420 now exhausted 400 Memorable history 510. Spain abounds in metals 932 511. 512 Great revenue from metals Menander of Ephesus, historian 500 395 By objection of a lie, how Cic Metella, wife of Sulla 368 ero escaped 335 Metreta & cadus 580 Names of the measurers 16 Michael Bodetus 400 Monthly interest 114 Mictum poem 22 Consideration of measures 513 Thousands among the Greeks are simply Royal measures 552 called, to be understood as drachmas 289 Parisian measures 552. Thousands of bronze 148 610. retains ancient names 615 A thousand bronze 153 Reciprocal proof of measures and weights and vessels 599. 604 A thousand asses, gold ten 363 Mind’s dissonance from the face, A thousand thousand of gold 483 grave punishment 778 A thousand denarii 238 Wages sharpen talents 88 A thousand coins, how much they Precious wages 388 are worth 168. 169 Mercury, Christ 761 A thousand talents 298 Mercury is a shopkeeper of gain 706 Thousands and sesterces signify the same thing, and are written with the same Price of prostitutes 624 signs 373 Meritare 236 Milliartus, millionum mulio 405 Mercé island and city 486 Myllies, hundred thousands, myriads signifies myriads 405 Merula’s fall 108 Millio, a number 215. 405 Mesenterium 45 Military stipend 645 Restoration of military discipline=

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INDEX. ratio 815 Mesopatrides 703 Militaris petul. 434.749 Mithridatis aureum simu= Militaris seditio 698 lachrum 350 Milites causarij 588 Mixtura in nomismat. 664 Militum molestiæ 749 Mna & mina, idem 123.281. Militum donaria præter sti 553 pendium 701 Modestiæ temporariæ si= Miloniana causa 363. mulatores 61 Milonis æs alienu[m] 360.362 Modestini iurisconsulti lo= Milonis Crotoniatae uora= cus 117 citas 576 Modius 549.552 Mimographi poëtæ hono= Modius tritici quantum p[ro]o rarium 170 deret 599 Mimorum pretia Ro. 242 Modij Parisini capacitas Minnus, minot Gallicè 518 552.610 Mina, libra, pondo, idem 123 Modij Romani magn. 550 Mina Attica 123.206,688 Momentum 16.255 289 Monetæ imminutæ crimen Mina Gallica 518 259.640 Mina Italica 208 Monetales uiri 634 Minerua astes, præstes 63 Monetarij redeptores 264 Minerua Achilli instans 63 Moralitates 457 Minerua in Athenæo colen Mortis dies ab exordio ui= da 773 tæ nobis cedit 801 Minerua Pallas cur finga= Moses populum ex Aegy= tur Iouis cerebro nata 90 pto deducit 493. eius æ= Mineruæ elypeus 412 tas 487.501.502. libri Mineruæ idem numen & 763 Palladis 89 Mulctarum modus 628 Mineruæ quàm Bellonæ nu Muli Mariani 718 me maiussemper hab. 818 Mulieresseruis se misc. 704 Minutum 16 Kk 2 Mul

Transcription: Translated (English)

INDEX. ratio 815 Mesopatrides 703 Militaris petul. 434.749 Mithridatis aureum simu= Militaris seditio 698 lachrum 350 Milites causarij 588 Mixtura in nomismat. 664 Militum molestiæ 749 Mna & mina, idem 123.281. Militum donaria præter sti 553 pendium 701 Modestiæ temporariæ si= Miloniana causa 363. mulatores 61 Milonis æs alienu[m] 360.362 Modestini iurisconsulti lo= Milonis Crotoniatae uora= cus 117 citas 576 Modius 549.552 Mimographi poëtæ hono= Modius tritici quantum p[ro]o rarium 170 deret 599 Mimorum pretia Ro. 242 Modij Parisini capacitas Minnus, minot Gallicè 518 552.610 Mina, libra, pondo, idem 123 Modij Romani magn. 550 Mina Attica 123.206,688 Momentum 16.255 289 Monetæ imminutæ crimen Mina Gallica 518 259.640 Mina Italica 208 Monetales uiri 634 Minerua astes, præstes 63 Monetarij redeptores 264 Minerua Achilli instans 63 Moralitates 457 Minerua in Athenæo colen Mortis dies ab exordio ui= da 773 tæ nobis cedit 801 Minerua Pallas cur finga= Moses populum ex Aegy= tur Iouis cerebro nata 90 pto deducit 493. eius æ= Mineruæ elypeus 412 tas 487.501.502. libri Mineruæ idem numen & 763 Palladis 89 Mulctarum modus 628 Mineruæ quàm Bellonæ nu Muli Mariani 718 me maiussemper hab. 818 Mulieresseruis se misc. 704 Minutum 16 Kk 2 Mul

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INDEX. Mulli piscis inges pretium Nati intra pomæria 454 97.245.412.673. Naturale corpus 38 Mulctæ antiquæ Romano= Nauis magnitudo ac uastia= rum tas miranda 647.648. Mulctarum modus 626.628 650.653 Mundus alius Romæ Naues antiquorum 657 Munerum præstandorum mos Naues onerariæ 656 apud Romanos Nauium priscarum cum no= Muræna stris collatio 645 Murenarum ingens nume= Nautica usura duplex 117 rus atq; adeò pretium 228 Nautici foenoris exemplum Muris pretium in fame 116 Mutianus Næxiæzenus et Basil. 754 Myrias Necuerò 182 Myrias myriadum, Græ= Nectarites uinum 577 cis maximus numerus est Negotiatorum cõsensus in 405 auri pretio 262.263 Myriades drachmarum, quid Nemesis Adrastia 84 ualeant Nequam 253 Myriades Græcorum Nero magiæ studiosus 506. 295 senatum castrat 703. quæ= Myrtites uinum ti funeratus 132. theatrum 578 auro operuit 408 Mythistoria Neronis alea, domus 101. 494 409. impietas aduersus N Christianos 502. prodi= Nabucodrosorus, Nabu galitas 162.410.414. stat chodonosor tuta 386. 490 Nestores in rep. 818 Nabuchodonosoris occasio Nicolai Perotti erratum 161 ad Iudæam inuadendam Nitocris regina 489 487 Nobi N N

Transcription: Translated (English)

INDEX. Mullus fish, very expensive Born within the pomerium 454 97.245.412.673. Natural body 38 Ancient Roman fines Size and vastness of a ship, admirable 647.648. of the Romans 650.653 Measure of fines 626.628 650.653 Another world at Rome Ancient ships 657 Custom of providing gifts Merchant ships 656 among the Romans Comparison of ancient ships with ours 645 Moray eel Double maritime interest 117 An immense number of moray eels, and indeed their price 228 Example of maritime usury Price of mice in famine 116 Mutianus Næxiæzenus and Basil. 754 Myrias Necuerò 182 Myrias of myriads, in Greek the greatest number is Nectarites wine 577 405 Consensus of merchants on the price of gold 262.263 Myriads of drachmas, what they are worth Nemesis Adrastia 84 Myriads of Greeks Nequam 253 295 Nero, fond of magic 506. Myrtites wine castrates the senate 703. quæ= 578 ti, buried 132. covered the theatre with gold 408 Mythistory Nero's gambling, house 101. 494 409. impiety against Christians 502. prodigality 162.410.414. statue 386. N Ancient statesmen 818 Nabucodrosorus, Nabu Nicolaus Perotti's error 161 chodonosor Queen Nitocris 489 490 Nobi Nabuchodonosor's occasion for invading Judea N 487 N

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INDEX. Nobiles Anglici numi 261 Nobilitas ac eruditio mutua ope nixæ 65 Nobilium culpa iacent literæ 65 Noctuam Athenas, prouerbium 623 Nomades & Nomadum ore uiuere 771 Nomentanus ager 689 Nomu. i. præfecturæ 372 Nomina ab asse & uncia deriuata quid signis. 620 Nomina uasorum 49 Nomophylacium 811 Nomophylax 448 Nonismatis extenuatio ac imminutio 658.664 Nomismata Franciæ prisca 659 Nomismata prisca 256. eorum usus fructus olim legebatur 259 Nomismata aurea Budæo expensa 162.255.662 Nomismatum priscoru[m] abrogatio pernitiosa 665 Nomismatum signandoru[m] institutum 665 Nonagenarius aspectus 30 Non sine Theseo facta esse memorabilia gesta, ut intelligatur Normanica pomaria Nonussis Nos numerus sumus Nosse seipsum, operæ pretium maximum Notæ antiquorum tam in numeris quàm in denarijs & sestertijs Noxa primigenia Noxa, quæ & Ata Numerandi ratio apud pri scos Latinos Græcosq[ue] Numerus maximus apud antiquos Numeri apud autores deprauati Numeri apud Plinium sæpe mendorsi Numerorum antiquæ notæ Numerorum corruptionis in autoribus occasio Nummarias, & eam concernentia Numaria ratio aliquando mutata Kk

Transcription: Translated (English)

INDEX. English noble coins 261 Nobility and learning sustained by mutual aid 65 Literature lies through the fault of the nobility 65 “To Athens an owl,” a proverb 623 Nomads & to live by the mouth of Nomads 771 Nomentan field 689 Nomu. i. prefectures 372 What names derived from a as and an ounce signify 620 Names of vessels 49 Nomophylacium 811 Nomophylax 448 Debasement and diminution of nomismata 658.664 Ancient nomismata of France 659 Ancient nomismata; their use and yield were once collected 259 Golden nomismata expended by Budæus 162.255.662 The pernicious abolition of the old nomismata 665 The institution of stamping nomismata 665 Ninetieth aspect 30 That things were done not without Theseus memorabilia gesta, so that it may be understood Norman orchards Nonussis We are the number To know oneself, the greatest worth of effort The ancient signs, both in numbers and in denarii and sestertii The original wrong Wrong, which is also Ata The method of counting among the ancient Latins and Greeks The greatest number among the ancients Numbers corrupted in authors Numbers often erroneous in Pliny Ancient signs of numbers The occasion of corruption of numbers in authors Coinage, and matters concerning it A ratio of money sometimes changed Kk

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INDEX. Nummariæ rei difficultas 279 Nummariæ rei ratio apud Græcos 622 Nummariam rem Romanâ constitui posse 633 Nummulariorum præfecti 267.268 Nummus aureus 247 Nummus & sestertius, idem 108.229 Nummi appellatione sester tius intelligitur 272 Nummo addicere, & mancipio dare 108 Nummi aurei Budæo expensi 255 Nummi aut sestertij centeni, aureum ualebant 150 Nummi gemmarum uice 259.658 Nummorum imminutionis causa 259 Numoru[m] sign. 620. et dein. Nuptiæ solennes 425 Nuptiarum Alexandri ma gni luxus 426 Nusseu[m] v[er]s 40 Oblationes 300 Obnuntiare 66 Obnuntiatio augurum 733 Obolus 10.116.557.622 Obseruare ad limen 435 Occasus 31 Otiùm Luculli 350 Otiis sui cuiq[ue] ratio redden=da 511 Octantes 13 Oculati arbitri 92 Odores uino commodi 612 Odyssea errorum 716 Oenochoë 566 Oenophorum 617 Officinæ Parisienses 358 Officium magistratus 484 Officiorum nouorum exco gitator Augustus 354 Oliu[m] 547 Olei uilitas Rom. 153.154 Oligarchia, regio nomine prætexta 64 Oλυκή 124 Oλυφα 602 Onomatheres 593 Operæ dodrans 48 Opertanea sacra 748 Ophir insula, quæ & Vr=phe 485 Opifices etiam iudicabant apud Athenienses 532 Opimianum uinu[m] 666. eius pretium

Transcription: Translated (English)

INDEX. Scarcity of money, difficulty 279 The system of money among the Greeks 622 That the monetary system could be established in Roman fashion 633 Prefects of the money-changers 267.268 Gold coin 247 A coin and a sestertius are the same 108.229 By the name of coin, a sestertius is understood 272 To assign by coin, and to give by mancipation 108 Gold coins expended by Budaeus 255 Coins, or one hundred sestertii, were equal to a gold coin 150 Coins in place of gems 259.658 Cause of the diminution of coins 259 Signs of money 620. and thereafter Nuptials, solemn 425 The luxury of the great wedding of Alexander 426 Nusseu[m] v[er]s 40 Offerings 300 To give warning against 66 Announcement by the augurs 733 Obolus 10.116.557.622 To keep watch at the threshold 435 Setting of the sun 31 The leisure of Lucullus 350 Each must render account of his own leisure 511 Octantes 13 Oculati arbitri 92 Scents suitable for wine 612 The error of the Odyssey 716 Oenochoë 566 Oenophorum 617 The Paris workshops 358 The office of a magistrate 484 Augustus, deviser of new offices 354 Oliu[m] 547 The cheapness of oil at Rome 153.154 Oligarchy, disguised under a royal title 64 Oλυκή 124 Oλυφα 602 Onomatheres 593 A payment of three-quarters of a unit 48 Opertanea sacrifices 748 Ophir, an island, which is also Vr=phe 485 At Athens even craftsmen were judged 532 Opimian wine 666. its price

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pretium 670.678 217.704 Opobalsami pretium 673 Palmus 16.21.517 Optimus maximus 728 Paludati duces 93 Opus materiam decuplo superans 357 Paludes patinarum 414 Orationes suas Cicero eme dabat 127 Padeclariæ annotatioes 54 Oratoriæ artis docedæ quæ stus 200 Panesicium Parisiense 595 Panis tria genera 597 Panis ciuilis 597 Panisquotidie absum[m]edi ab Orea 610 Orchestra 456 uno homine modus 596 Ordinum ductores ratione deo reddituri 749 Panes & obson. ex au. 403 Organicum corpus 38 Panes Græcanici 603 Orosij locus 318 Panes Iulij pot. Max. 602 Orti Parisienses 690 Panepistem[um] Politiani 517 Otacustæ 746 Pannonica seditio 698 Ou[m] μυτι 182 Pantheræ astus 174 Ou[m] μυτι πρὸς τὸν διονοομ 282 Papiæ leges multæ 151 Ouis mascul. generis 625 Paralipomenon locus 431 Oues chrysomallæ 458 Parasanga 419 Oxybaphus 352 Parægû sæpe fit iustum opus 55 P Parisiensis præfecturæ ui= Pæoniamanus ibid. neta 687 Palacæ 394 Paleæ 394 Parisini agri ferti. 681.690 Palæ & paleolæ auri 393. 394 Parmenio si essem, pecuniâ Palæmon grammaticus 685 quàm gloriam malle, Ale Palæstina 491 xandri dictum 431 Palympestos 207 Parrhisia Gallorum 183 Pallad. & Miner. num[m]e 89 Parricidarum poena 612 Palladiu[m] regni Fræciæ 706 Parthi 323 Pallatis liberti diuitiæ 104 Kk 4 Par[th]y

Transcription: Translated (English)

price 670.678 217.704 Price of opobalsamum 673 Palmus 16.21.517 Optimus maximus 728 Paludati commanders 93 Work surpassing the material tenfold 357 Puddles of pans 414 Cicero used to give out his speeches 127 Notes of Padeclaria 54 instruction in the oratorical art 200 Parisian Panesicium 595 Three kinds of bread 597 Civil bread 597 Daily bread consumed by one man Orea 610 Orchestra 456 measure 596 Leaders of the orders, to render account to God 749 bread and provisions from gold 403 Organic body 38 Greek breads 603 Passage of Orosius 318 Breads of Julius Pot. Max. 602 Paris gardens 690 Politian's Panepistemum 517 Otacustae 746 Pannonian uprising 698 Ou[m] μυτι 182 The stratagem of the panther 174 Ou[m] μυτι πρὸς τὸν διονοομ 282 Many laws of Papia 151 Male sheep, of the masculine gender 625 Passage in Paralipomenon 431 Golden-fleeced sheep 458 Parasanga 419 Oxybaphus 352 A crooked work is often made straight 55 P Prefecture of Paris made= Pæonia man, ibid. neta 687 Palacæ 394 Paleæ 394 Parisian fields, fertile 681.690 Palæ and paleolæ of gold 393. 394 Parmenio, if I were, money Palæmon, the grammarian 685 rather than glory, said by Ale Palestine 491 xander 431 Palympestos 207 The Gauls' Parrhisia 183 Pallas and Minerva, coins 89 Punishment of parricides 612 Palladium of the kingdom of France 706 Parthi 323 Freedmen of Pallatis, wealth 104 Kk 4 Par[th]y

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INDEX. Parysatis, Ochi regis filia Peculatus 625 425 Peculiaris titulus à domi= Pastinare, renouare 684 Pastos 78 Patina Aesopi tragici hi= strionis 241. Vitellij 414 Patina immensi sumptus ra rissimiq[ue] 412. 415 Patriæ charitas 80 Patrimoniorum profligato res multabantur 512 Paulus Aegineta 658 Pauli Aemulij triuphus 182 Paulus apostolus hypophe= tes sapientiæ 762 Pauli Cos. corruptela 360. 704 Pauli iuriscosulti locus 118 Pauonum pretia 229. 412 Pauperes à Christo hære= des instituti 718 Pauperes euecti, superbio= res 465 Pauperu uindex Christ. 737 Pauperum subleuatio 543 Paupertas honesta 704 Paupertas summum malum quibusdam uidetur 447 Pax legatum extremu Christi 764 Pecoris eligediratio 156 Pecuati nummi 659 294. 298

Transcription: Translated (English)

Parysatis, daughter of King Ochus Embezzlement 625 425 Special title from home= To dig over, to renew 684 Fed 78 Dish of Aesop the tragic ac= tor 241. Vitellius 414 Dish of immense expense, very rare 412. 415 Love of country 80 Those who squander patrimonies were fined 512 Paulus Aegineta 658 Triumph of Paulus Aemilius 182 Paul the apostle, instructor of wis= dom 762 Corruption of Consul Paulus 360. 704 Passage of the jurist Paulus 118 Prices of peacocks 229. 412 The poor, made heirs by Christ instituted 718 The poor, elevated, are proud 465 Christ, defender of the poor 737 The uplifting of the poor 543 Honest poverty 704 Poverty seems the greatest evil to some 447 Peace, Christ's last bequest 764 Proper choice of livestock 156 Coins of peculatus 659 294. 298

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INDEX. Persarum uia regia 419 Persepolis regiæ Persarum 797 excidium 420 Perses semiasinus 488 Persica duracina 554. ga= das ex umbraculis prodi za 421. tributa 378 Persicaru[m] opum ab Alexa[m]. Philosophia Christ. captarum summa 423 Persicarum præfecturarum thodoxa persuasio tributa 376 Persicum talentum 472 Persidis regionis immunitas 378 Persij locus 12 Personalia munera 329 Perscribere quid sit 317 Persuasio orthodoxa 756 Pertica Parisina 324. 325 Pes in numeris 10 Pes in mensuris 16. 317 Petra urbs 322 Pharao à Mose uexat. 501 Pharao aliâs Tecmosis dictus ibidem Pharao Amasis etiam dictus 311 Philadelphi naues 649 Philhellenes Galli 88 Philippei nummi 274. 659 Phippei stateres 483 Philologia 389 Pholologia, Budæi amica Philopatoris nauis 649 Philosophia ad res gerenda das ex umbraculis prodi re dcbet 802 Philosophia Christ. 766 Philosophia collimans, or= thodoxa persuasio 556 Philosophia cordatos facit 800 Philosophia duplex 808 Philosophia ethnica 766 Philosophia propriè appel lata 794 Philosophia uera 766 Philosophiæ libertas 804 Philosophiæ placita omnia cōplexus Solomon 760 Philosoph. studiu[m] miru[m] 512 Philosophiæ uigilantia 801 Philosophiam homini ne= cessaria esse 782 et dein. Philosophi in aulam cōmi= grent, atq; ad remp. ad= munistrandam 802. 803 Philosophi reipu. gerendæ non inepti 785 Philosophi respublicas ad= ministrantes 802 Philosophi ut studia sua in= K k 5 situant

Transcription: Translated (English)

INDEX. Persian royal road 419 Persepolis, of the Persian kings 797 ruin 420 Perses, half-ass 488 Persica duracina 554. ga= comes forth from the arbors za 421. tribute 378 Sum of the Persian wealth taken by Ale=xan. Philosophia Christ. captured 423 prefectures of the Persians orthodox persuasion tribute 376 Persian talent 472 Immunity of the region of Persis 378 Persij place 12 Personal duties 329 What perscribing is 317 Orthodox persuasion 756 Parisian pertica 324. 325 Foot in numbers 10 Foot in measures 16. 317 Petra, city 322 Pharaoh vexed by Moses 501 Pharaoh, otherwise called Tecmosis ibid. Pharaoh, also called Amasis 311 Philadelphus' ships 649 Philhellenes, the Gauls 88 Philippean coins 274. 659 Philippean staters 483 Philology 389 Philology, friend of Budæus Philopator's ship 649 Philosophy for public affairs must come forth from the arbors should 802 Christian philosophy 766 Philosophy aiming at, or= orthodox persuasion 556 Philosophy makes men wise 800 Double philosophy 808 Ethnic philosophy 766 Philosophy properly called 794 True philosophy 766 The liberty of philosophy 804 Solomon embraced all the precepts of philosophy 760 Wonderful study of philosophy 512 Vigilance of philosophy 801 Philosophy is necessary for man necessary to man 782 et dein. Philosophers come to the court, and to be employed in governing the commonwealth 802. 803 Philosophers not unfit for the government of the commonwealth 785 Philosophers administering commonwealths 802 Philosophers, as they apply their studies K k 5 situant

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INDEX. stituant 743 Pphilosophoru sectæ 744 Phlegon historicus 506 Phoenice 491 Phoenicia aliquando dicta Palæstina Iudææ 497 Phoenices negotiator. 496 φοροι, uectigalia 303 Phylarchi 320 Pictarum tabularum precio 203 Picturæ honor ibidem Pincerna 567 Pinta 616. Pinta Parisina 552 Pyræum 537 Piscinæ memorabiles 227 Piscinarij insignes 227 Pistoria opera 602 Pitharchici Franci 301 Planipedes ex nimi 753 Planus Horatianus 770 Platanus uitisq; aurea 429 Platonis de uniuersitate liber Latinus à Cicerone factus 15 Pleb. miseria 435. 747. 751 Plinius ab o[mn]ibus annotatur 590. autor excellentiss. 358. an Dioscoride legerit 574. è medicoru[m] libris multa hausit 556. interdu[m] memoriæ defectus 25. Li= uiu[m] sequitur 643. nonun= quam secu[m] pugnat 554 Plinij collectanea quæti po tuerint uendi 342 Plinij corruptio 254. 591 Plinij corruptelæ coniectu ra 305 Plinij erratum 27 Plinij historiæ utilitas 186 Plinij ingenium 280 Plinij laus 25. uanitas 507 Plinij loca corrupta multu[m] negotij Bud. faciunt 553 Plinij loca inter se collata 554 Plinij loca quædam deplo= rata 606 Plinij locus 11. 13. 14. 19. 20. 24. 25. 26. 27. 30. 100. 107. 151. 156. 157. 158. 160. 174. 178. 181. restitu tus 189. 191. 192. 194. 195 196. 197. 198. 203. 217. 228. 229. 233. 224. 236 241. 245. 250. 254. 258 261. 270. 273. 279. 281. 298. 304. 316. 318. 322. 332. 334. 357. 359. 362. 365. 366. 370. 372. 294. 413

Transcription: Translated (English)

INDEX. stituant 743 Philosophers' sect 744 Phlegon, historian 506 Phoenice 491 Phoenicia sometimes called Palestina of Judaea 497 Phoenicians, traders 496 φοροι, taxes 303 Phylarchi 320 Price of painted tablets 203 Honor of painting there Pincerna 567 Pinta 616. Parisian Pinta 552 Pyræum 537 Remarkable cisterns 227 Notable cistern-makers 227 Pistoria, bakery work 602 Pitharchici Franci 301 Planipedes ex nimi 753 Horatian Planus 770 The vine and the golden plane-tree 429 Plato's book on the universe made into Latin by Cicero 15 Poverty of the common people 435. 747. 751 Pliny is noted by everyone 590. most excellent author 358. whether he read Dioscorides 574. he drew much from the books of the physicians 556. sometimes lack of memory 25. Li= follows uium 643. not un= frequently he fights against his own times 554 Pliny's collected works that could have been sold 342 Corruption in Pliny 254. 591 Conjecture concerning Pliny's corruptions 305 Pliny's error 27 Usefulness of Pliny's history 186 Pliny's genius 280 Pliny's praise 25. vanity 507 Pliny's corrupt passages cause much trouble for Budaeus 553 Pliny's passages compared with each other 554 Certain passages of Pliny deplored 606 Pliny's passage 11. 13. 14. 19. 20. 24. 25. 26. 27. 30. 100. 107. 151. 156. 157. 158. 160. 174. 178. 181. restored 189. 191. 192. 194. 195 196. 197. 198. 203. 217. 228. 229. 233. 224. 236 241. 245. 250. 254. 258 261. 270. 273. 279. 281. 298. 304. 316. 318. 322. 332. 334. 357. 359. 362. 365. 366. 370. 372. 294. 413

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INDEX. 413.416.492.500.508. 509.530.550.560.575. 601.606.607.618.637. 638.641.642.643.644. 666.667.669.670.680. 683.684.685.686.694. 750. Plinij securitas in rei numariæ æstimatione 279 Pliniani numeri corruptissimi 182.281.362. Plin. iunior. diues fuit 342. Idem de Christianis 503 Plin. iunioris in epist. locus 112.142.343.632 Pluralitatem sacerdotioru[m] insectatur 712 Plutarch. de placitis philos. à Budæo uersus. 40 Plutarchi testimonio Bud. sæpe utitur 133 Plutarchi in uitis locus 122.128.132.217.226.283.284.289.291.295.296.297.359. 385 Pluto & Plutus 781 Pocillatores 567 Podargus 769 Poëmatis genera tria 22 Poëtæ Græcorum antiquis simi 494 Poëtarum & rhetorum salaria annua 200 Poliorcetes Demetrius 647 Politia popula. status 382 Polybius, Annibalis æqualis 395 Polybij ætas 323 Polyhistor, multiscius 487 Polytropus 756 Pollex 16.19 Pollicare 317 Pollis & flos 602 Pollucis dictum de talento, memorabile 374 Pomeria intranati 454 Pomorum mira precia Ro[mani]æ 153 Pompeius Magnus quantu[m] auxerit ærarium 302 Pompeij auctariu[m] ad popu. Ro. imperiu[m] 380. donati uum 304. 305. liberalitas & animi magnitudo 347. 348. triumphus 299.306 Pomponij Attici cōstantia, ac frugalitas 339. eiusde[m] cum Cicerone familiarietas ibidem Pomponij iurisconsulti locus 658 Pondus

Transcription: Translated (English)

INDEX. 413.416.492.500.508. 509.530.550.560.575. 601.606.607.618.637. 638.641.642.643.644. 666.667.669.670.680. 683.684.685.686.694. 750. Pliny’s security in the estimation of monetary matters 279 Pliny’s numbers, most corrupt 182.281.362. Pliny the Younger was rich 342. The same on Christians 503 A passage in Pliny the Younger’s letters 112.142.343.632 He attacks the plurality of priesthoods 712 Plutarch, on the opinions of philosophers, by Budaeus in verse. 40 Budaeus often uses Plutarch’s testimony 133 A passage in Plutarch’s Lives 122.128.132.217.226.283.284.289.291.295.296.297.359. 385 Pluto and Plutus 781 Cupbearers 567 Podargus 769 Three kinds of poems 22 The Greek poets are very ancient 494 The annual salaries of poets and rhetoricians 200 Demetrius Poliorcetes 647 Political state, commonwealth 382 Polybius, Hannibal’s contemporary 395 Polybius’s age 323 Polyhistor, all-knowing 487 Treachery 756 Thumb 16.19 To pledge by the hand 317 Pollis and flower 602 Pollux’s saying about talent, noteworthy 374 Boundary walls entered upon 454 The astonishing price of fruit in Romania 153 How much Pompey Magnus increased the treasury 302 Pompey’s contribution to the power of the Roman people 380. gifts 304. 305. his generosity and greatness of spirit 347. 348. triumph 299.306 Pomponius Atticus’s constancy and frugality 339. his friendship with Cicero there A passage on the jurist Pomponius 658 Weight

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INDEX. Pondus panis Parisini 597 Ponderum, mensurarum ac numerorum ratio cognata 49.599 Pondo, as, mina, libra, idem 12.123 Ponderum nomina, as, bes, &c. 49 Pondo trecenta Romana 395 Pontificalem luxum taxat 712 Pontificatus summi dignitas Romæ 219 Pontificis creandi auguriu[m] optimum 735 Pontifices auaros & ambitiosos taxat 706 Pontifices bellatores perstringit 723 Pontifices adhortatur suæ salutis 718 Pontificum & episcoporu[m] comitatus 734 P[ro]tifices maximos belli studiosos perstringit 438 Pontificij libri 731 Ponticum bellum Lucullus non confecit 349 Poppææ uxoris Neronis cædes 411. eius luxus ibi. Popularis actio 81 Populus Gallicus obsequio= sus suis principibus 434 Populi auaritiæ peruincen dæ artifex Demost. 538 Populi sex, baiuli &c. 597 Porcus Troianus 233 Portugallici aurei 695 Potores insignes 550 Præcalidum 463 Prædiorum pensitationes quando cedant 111 Præfecturæ Parthoru[m] 417. 418 Prælatorum, quos uocant, ambitum taxat 706 Prærogatiua tribus 67.735 Præscriptis uerb. agere 32 Præsules unde dicti 78.721 Prætorium castrense Ale= xandri Magni 428 Prætorium ius, et prætoria potestas 628.717 Prætorij sorices 202 Prætorianus senatus 65 Prætorianorum militum sti pendium 700 Præuaricationis indignatio 662 Prætorum reditus 681 Precario possidemus quic= quid

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INDEX. Bread, Parisian weight 597 The relation of weights, measures and numbers is cognate 49. 599 Pondo, as, mina, libra, the same 12. 123 Names of weights, as, bes, etc. 49 Three hundred Roman pondo 395 He taxes pontifical luxury 712 The dignity of the supreme pontificate at Rome 219 The best augury for creating a pontiff 735 He censures pontiffs as avaricious and ambitious 706 He rebukes pontiffs as men of war 723 He urges the pontiffs to his safety 718 The retinue of pontiffs and bishops 734 He rebukes the greatest pontiffs as devoted to war 438 Pontifical books 731 Lucullus did not bring the Pontic war to an end 349 The murder of Poppæa, wife of Nero 411. Her luxury there. Popular action 81 The Gallic people obedient to their princes 434 An artist for overcoming the avarice of the people, Demosthenes 538 The six, the carriers, etc. of the people 597 The Trojan pig 233 Portuguese gold coins 695 Distinguished drinkers 550 Very hot 463 When the payments on lands are to cease 111 The prefectures of the Parthians 417. 418 He censures the ambition of those whom they call prelates 706 Prerogative of the tribes 67. 735 To proceed by prescribed words 32 Whence bishops are so called 78. 721 The camp praetorium of Alexander the Great 428 Praetorian law, and praetorian power 628. 717 The praetorian mice 202 The praetorian senate 65 The pay of the praetorian soldiers 700 The indignation of prevarication 662 The revenues of the praetors 681 We possess on loan whatever

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quid habemus 714 Precationis dominicæ locus 593 Primarius panis 597 Primigenia noxa 724 Principes Romani imperatores dicti 193. nomine regio abstinuerunt 382 Principu[m] obseruatio q[uæ] difficilis, quamq[ue] grauis 773 Principum trium uiroru[m] in aula Gallica collatio 68 Principes literatos esse debere 65 Prisciani locus de ponderibus 206.208.209 Prisciani non esse opusculum illud de numeris et ponderibus 249.314 Priuatæ ratio 389 Priuati hominis æs alienu[m] immensum 218. diuitiæ memorabiles 389 Probandi nomismatis ludus 269 Procerum ignorantia 64 Proconsularis potestas 626 Professionis suæ cuiusq[ue] ratio reddenda 511 Profusor opum memorabilis 403 Prometheus 761 Pronæa, sophia 755 Pronuba legatio 96 Propedeumata 757 Prophetarum sacrorum ora cula 759.760 πρὸς λεπινην, apud Leptinem 337 Proteas, uinosus 376 Proteus, deus marinus uetu statistypus 276.291 Protogenes pictor 282 Prouerbium Græcum 324 Prouidentia 755 Prouinciam Cicero depo= suit 350 Prouinciæ Augusti, et pro uinciæ populi 328 Prouinciæ aliâs aliter diuisæ 320 Prouinciaru[m] administranda rum sub Aug. ratio 389 Prouincias ab se domitas im peratores Ro. pro arbitrio disponebant 347 Prouincias adituris magistratibus dari solita 352 Prouincialium stipendiario rum pensitationes 402 Prudentia unde sit 64. quæ sit 90.91 Pruden

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What do we have 714 Place of the Lord’s Prayer 593 Chief bread 597 Original guilt 724 Roman emperors, called princes, 193. abstained from the royal title 382 Observation of princes, which is difficult and burdensome 773 Comparison of the three rulers in the French court 68 Princes ought to be learned 65 Priscian’s passage on weights 206.208.209 That the work on numbers and weights is not by Priscian 249.314 Private calculation 389 The immense debt of a private man 218. memorable wealth 389 The game of testing coinage 269 Ignorance of the nobles 64 Proconsular power 626 Each person’s account of his own profession is to be given 511 Memorable squanderer of wealth 403 Prometheus 761 Pronaea, wisdom 755 Bridal embassy 96 Preliminaries 757 Oracles of the sacred prophets 759.760 πρὸς λεπινην, in Leptines 337 Proteas, wine-drinker 376 Proteus, sea god, old statue 276.291 Protogenes the painter 282 Greek proverb 324 Providence 755 Cicero laid down his province 350 The province of Augustus and the province of the people 328 Provinces formerly divided differently 320 The method of administering the provinces under Augustus 389 Emperors of the Romans disposed of the provinces they had subdued at their discretion 347 Provinces usually given to magistrates on their departure 352 Assessments of the tributary provincials 402 Prudence, whence it is 64. what it is 90.91 Pruden

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INDEX. Prudentia unde homini ingeneretur 90 Prudentia Gallis asserit 62 Psegma 372 Psephisma plebiscitum 114 Ptolemæus Auletes, Cleopatræ pater 388 Ptolemæus Cypri rex confiscatus 351 Ptolemæus Philopator 648. 649 Publica religione consecrati canonizati 726 P. Clodij domus 360. factio 351 Puer amasius centum millibus emptus 133 Puerperia numerosa 236 Pulmentariu[m] ferè omnes ad panem adhibent 597 Punctum 16 Purpura ignota hodie 191 Purpura insigne Romano-rum imperatorum 192 Purpuræ precium 191 Pustulatum argentum 266 Putei Annibalis 994 Pyetacium 328 Pyramides Aegyptiæ 509 Pyrum anginarium 732 Pythij Bithynij diuitiæ memorabiles 692. 746 Pyxides argirocopiorum 268 Q Quadrages sestertium, uide sestertium quid. Quadrans 16. 48. 49. 149. 564. 620 Quadrates ærei erant 635 Quadrantal 20. 514. 603. 604. 606 Quadrantalis aspectus 30 Quadrata forma 516 Quadrassis 12 Quadrigarum, id est, quaternorum equoru[m] preciu[m] apud Iudæos 478 Quadrigati nummi 638 Quadringenis in puctu sestertijs alea ludere 409 Quadringenta sestertia &c Quadringenta millia 123 Quadringenties sestertium 126 Quartarius 615. 617 Quaterdecies et quinquies=decies 399 Quatuor euangelia 801 Quinarius numerus 149 Quincuncialis herba 20 Quincuncialis ordo unde sit appellatus 50. 51 Quincun

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INDEX. Prudence, from where it is instilled in man 90 Prudence claimed for the Gauls 62 Psegma 372 Psephisma, plebiscite 114 Ptolemy Auletes, father of Cleopatra 388 Ptolemy, king of Cyprus, confiscated 351 Ptolemy Philopator 648. 649 Consecrated by public religion, canonized 726 P. Clodius’s house 360. faction 351 A boy-lover bought for one hundred thousand 133 Numerous births 236 Side dish, almost all use it with bread 597 Point 16 Purple, unknown today 191 Purple, insignia of the Roman emperors 192 The price of purple 191 Silver embossed with dots 266 Pits of Hannibal 994 Pyetacium 328 The pyramids of Egypt 509 A throat-lozenge pear 732 The remarkable riches of Pythius the Bithynian 692. 746 Silver caskets of the money-changers 268 Q Quadrages sestertium, see what a sestertium is. Quadrans 16. 48. 49. 149. 564. 620 Quadrates were of bronze 635 Quadrantal 20. 514. 603. 604. 606 Quadrantal aspect 30 Square form 516 Quadrassis 12 The price of quadrigae, that is, of four horses among the Jews 478 Quadrigati coins 638 To play dice for four hundred at a point with sestertii 409 Quadringenta sestertia &c Four hundred thousand 123 Four hundred times a hundred thousand sestertii 126 Quartarius 615. 617 Fourteen times and fifteen times ten 399 The four Gospels 801 The number five 149 Quincuncial herb 20 From where the quincuncial order got its name 50. 51 Quincun

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INDEX. Quincuncialis ordinum ratio 49 Quincunx in poculis 564 Quingēties sestertium 135 Quinquagenaria amphora 608 Quinta natura seu essentia 41 Q. Catuli domus 334 Quintiliani opes 200 Quiritare 246 R Rabirianæ orationis locus 289 Ramentum auri 378 Ramētitium auru[m] 372.378 Ratio priuata 389 Rationis sedes 63 Rationem quam poterunt reddere ecclesiastici male uersantes 715 Rationes posthumæ 747 Rationes ut redderent Romani imperatores 226 Reditus regni Fraciæ 300. imperij Romani 384. Aegypti 387 Redimitum caput 786 Regalia 300 Regem qualem esse oporteat 64 Reges deuicti currum in iu go trahentes 490 Reges Franc. alienis oculis C auribus utentes 443 Reges traijci 752 Regum felicitas 75 Regulibri tertij locus 481 Regum maxima laus 815 Regia libra 165 Regia maiest. expressa 659 Regij consiliarij quales esse debeant 64 Regij nominis odium apud Romanos 382 Regina Saba 486.500 Regna in prouincias redacta 390 Relati in album diuinæ prouidentiæ 782. inter diuos 713 Religione exolui 724 Religione publica consecrati 726 Reliquiæ sanctorum 717 Remorum longitudo immænis 649 Reorum exemptor 748 Rependere auro 203 Res omnis in assem eiusq[ue] partes diuiditur 19 Rerum præclare gestarum laus

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INDEX. The ratio of the quincunx in orders 49 Quincunx in cups 564 Five hundred thousand sesterces 135 A fifty-amphora vessel 608 The fifth nature or essence 41 Q. Catulus’s house 334 The wealth of Quintilian 200 To cry out 246 R A passage from Rabirius’s speech 289 Gold filings 378 Ramētitium gold 372.378 Private account 389 The seat of reason 63 The reckoning that churchmen who are badly versed will be able to give 715 Posthumous accounts 747 Accounts that the Roman emperors were to render 226 The revenues of the kingdom of France 300. of the Roman empire 384. of Egypt 387 A crowned head 786 Regalia 300 What sort of king ought to be 64 Vanquished kings drawing the chariot in the yoke 490 Kings of France using other men’s eyes C ears, 443 Kings to be transported across 752 The happiness of kings 75 A passage in the third Regulibrum 481 The greatest praise of kings 815 A royal pound 165 Express royal majesty 659 What royal counsellors ought to be like 64 Hatred of the royal name among the Romans 382 Queen of Sheba 486.500 Kingdoms reduced into provinces 390 Those enrolled in the book of divine providence 782. among the gods 713 To be released from religion 724 Consecrated by public religion 726 The relics of the saints 717 The immense length of the Remi 649 One who exempts the accused 748 To repay in gold 203 Everything is divided into a whole as into a penny, and into its parts 19 The praise of splendid deeds

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INDEX. laus sine literarum præ= reditus 384.417. termini conio nulla est 76 381. uires quantæ fuerint Rerum permutatio 625 314 Reru[m] potiri sine prudentia Rom. aurei didrachmi 287. & literis non possis 91 eorum ualor 401 Resp. abusiuè dicta 703 Romani, no[n] omneis sese de= Respublica hæres institui dentes recipiebant 382 non poterat 344 Ro. quondam incogniti 496 Respublica ut bene admini Romanoru[m] capitum census stretur 437 Christo nato 325 Reip. exenteratores 767 Romanorum census Sylla Reip. mala unde 809 dictatore 308 Rhetorum & poëtarum an Romanoru[m] imperium qua= nua salaria 200.416 liter partum 89 Rhodites uinum 578 Rom. numerus summus non Roboris miraculum 478 ultrà centum millia 530 Roma olim auri indiga Romanorum principum di 269.270.630 uersorum denarij ponde Romæ amplitudo 359 re pares 273 Romæ omnia cara 621 Romanorum priscoru[m] pau Romana ditio quàm latè pertas 638 patuerit 319. ut admini= Romanoru[m] tributoru[m] sum= strata sit 320 ma ex Plutarcho 299 Romana iura ab Athenien Rosati nummi 261.659 sibus 628 Roscius histrio 237.238 Romana opulentia & lu= Roscianum salarium Ro= xuria 158 mæ 238 Romanæ uires se ipse conse Roxane, Oxyartæ Bactri= cerunt 659 ani filia 425 Rom. imperij magnit. 305. Rude donari 442 opes 172.387. ratio 322 Rubri maris uectigal 388 Rusti

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INDEX. Praise without the conjunction of letters is nothing 76 381. How great the forces were Change of things 625 314 To possess things without prudence, Roman aurei didrachms 287. & without letters you cannot 91 their value 401 The Commonwealth, said abusively 703 Romans did not all accept themselves as heirs The Commonwealth could not be instituted 344 the Romans, once unknown, 496 The Commonwealth, when well admini Roman heads census strated 437 born after Christ 325 Commonwealth exenterators 767 Roman census of Sylla Ill of the Commonwealth, whence 809 dictator 308 The annual salaries of rhetoricians & poets 200.416 Whether the Roman empi= Rhodian wine 578 re had already The miracle of strength 478 from literature 89 Rome was once in need of gold Roman numbers, the highest not 269.270.630 beyond a hundred thousand 530 Rome’s size 359 Roman princes’ di= At Rome everything is dear 621 verse denarii by weight Roman dominion, how far wide 638 it extended 319. how it was adimi= Roman taxes sum= nistered 320 total from Plutarch 299 Roman laws from the Athenians Rosati coins 261.659 628 Roscius the actor 237.238 Roman opulence & luxu= The Roscian salary of Ro= ry 158 me 238 Roman strength brought itself to perfection Roxane, daughter of Oxyartes the Bactrian 659 425 Magnificence of the Roman empire 305. Rude to be given as a gift 442 wealth 172.387. reason 322 Red Sea customs duty 388 Rusti

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INDEX. Rusticoru[m] obstinatio 678 S Sabellicus 98.129.368 Saba, portus 486 Sabæ oppidum 485 Sabæi populi ibidem Sacerdotum ignorantia & error 727 Sacerdotes diuitiarum studiosi Sacerdotium opimu[m] in Pon to 348 Sacerdotia qualiter paren = tur in Francia 711 Sacerdotiorum pluralitate[m] insectatur 118. & deinc. Sacrae doctrinæ dignitas, atque amplitudo 764 Sacrae res, uerborum fucum respuunt 759 Sacrarium ueritatis 762 Sacrarum modò literarum & iuris studium quidam olim Gall. attribuebat 92 Sacrarum scripturarum sty lus 763 Sacrosancta scripta 757 Salamandra 574 Sales Gallicorum mimorum 60 Salgamaria uasa 611 Salinarum institutio 385 Salinator unde dictus ibidè Sammaurianum Budæi 52 Samijs uasis non litandum 755 Sanctio pragmatica 706 Sanctorum priscorum constantia 727 Sapientes huius mundi 769 Sapientia circa quæ uerse = tur 90 Sapietia ipsa se aperuit 761 Sapientia omnia nobis bonâ 742 conciliat 742 Sapientia opibus omnibus præstabilior 740 Sapientiæ indag. 743.744 Sapietia studij fructus 764 Sapietia Solomonis 738. &r rata indidem ab interpre te 738 Sardanapali pyra & opes 473. exitus ibidem Sarcta tecta 725 Satanas 592 Satio agroru[m] 526. & dein. Satrapiæ Persarum 371 Saturnus Belo æqualis 487 Saturni ædes 793. seculum 488 Satyricoru[m] Francorum li = Ll licentiæ

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Stubbornness of the rustics 678 S Sabellicus 98.129.368 Saba, port 486 Sabæ, town 485 Sabæan peoples ibidem Ignorance and error of priests 727 Priests eager for riches Rich priesthood in Pontus 348 How priesthoods are obtained in France 711 He attacks the plurality of benefices 118. & after Dignity and breadth of sacred doctrine 764 Sacred matters reject verbal garnish 759 Sanctuary of truth 762 Some once attributed the study of sacred letters and law to the Gauls 92 Style of the Holy Scriptures 763 Most holy writings 757 Salamander 574 Jests of French mimes 60 Salgamaria vessels 611 Institution of saltworks 385 Where Salinator got his name, ibidem Sammaurianum of Budæus 52 Sacrifice is not to be made with Samian vessels 755 Pragmatic sanction 706 Constancy of the ancient saints 727 Wise men of this world 769 What wisdom is concerned with 90 Wisdom itself revealed itself 761 Wisdom brings us all good things 742 Wisdom preferable to all riches 740 Inquiry into wisdom 743.744 Fruit of study 764 Wisdom of Solomon 738. &r Derived from the interpreter therefrom 738 Sardanapalus' pyre and riches 473. his end ibid. Well-built roofs 725 Satan 592 Sowing of fields 526. & after Satrapies of the Persians 371 Saturn, equal to Belus 487 Temple of Saturn, age 793. seculum 488 Licentiousness of the satirical French Ll licentiæ

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INDEX. centia 456 Scamnum suppedaneu[m] Per= sarum 430 Scarus piscis 411 Scauri ædilis magnificetia 365.266. miranda opera 175. luxus 368. theatrum 409 Scena sumptuosa 366 Scena uelut est uita nostra humana 746 Scenæ decus, proceres 469 Scenicoru[m] figuræ 456. quæ stus 243 Sceptici philosophi 452 Schemata 21. 22. coru[m] usus 23.24 Scipio quatum attulerit pæ triæ 315 Scorta diobolaria 624 Scripturæ sacræ lectio 766 præstantia 759. dein. Scripta ueterum expendenda 356 Scrupulum 16. 17. 18. 206. 248.262.264.265.524 Scurræ albati 776 Sculptores insig. 356.357 Sectæ philosophorum 744 Sectores 776 Secularium literaru[m] studiu[m] sapientiæ an obsit 742 Seculum aureum 486 Secundis rebus insolescetes 777 Sedere in ordinibus 784 Seditio militaris 698 Selibra panis 596 Sementis ratio 526.527 σεμιφαλίς 602 Semigrossus 165 Semiobolus 16 Semipes 517 Semisextariolus 563 Semisses usuræ 671 Semissis aspectus 30 Semuncia 15.16.18 Semuncia nummi 364 Semuncia uenire bona ibi. Senarius, perfectus num. 19 Senatoribus salaria constituta 199 Senatorius cæsus, duodecies sestertium 129 Senatus collatio exacta à Nerone 411 Senatusconsulti Claudiani abrogatio 704 Seneca philosophus admodu[m] diues 355.676.688. 689.705 Senecæ accusatio ad Nero nem 688 Senecæ locus 180.181.252

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INDEX. centia 456 Scamnum suppedaneu[m] Per= sarum 430 Scarus piscis 411 Scauri ædilis magnificetia 365.266. miranda opera 175. luxus 368. theatrum 409 Scena sumptuosa 366 Scena uelut est uita nostra humana 746 Scenæ decus, proceres 469 Scenicoru[m] figuræ 456. quæ stus 243 Sceptici philosophi 452 Schemata 21. 22. coru[m] usus 23.24 Scipio quatum attulerit pæ triæ 315 Scorta diobolaria 624 Scripturæ sacræ lectio 766 præstantia 759. dein. Scripta ueterum expendenda 356 Scrupulum 16. 17. 18. 206. 248.262.264.265.524 Scurræ albati 776 Sculptores insig. 356.357 Sectæ philosophorum 744 Sectores 776 Secularium literaru[m] studiu[m] sapientiæ an obsit 742 Seculum aureum 486 Secundis rebus insolescetes 777 Sedere in ordinibus 784 Seditio militaris 698 Selibra panis 596 Sementis ratio 526.527 σεμιφαλίς 602 Semigrossus 165 Semiobolus 16 Semipes 517 Semisextariolus 563 Semisses usuræ 671 Semissis aspectus 30 Semuncia 15.16.18 Semuncia nummi 364 Semuncia uenire bona ibi. Senarius, perfectus num. 19 Senatoribus salaria constituta 199 Senatorius cæsus, duodecies sestertium 129 Senatus collatio exacta à Nerone 411 Senatusconsulti Claudiani abrogatio 704 Seneca philosophus admodu[m] diues 355.676.688. 689.705 Senecæ accusatio ad Nero nem 688 Senecæ locus 180.181.252

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INDEX Senecæ uinx 687 Septem Græciæ sapientes 494 quando extiterint 501 Septuaginta cellulæ in Ae= 501 gypto 501 Septunx 20, 564 Sepulchra regu[m] Aegy. 309 Seria 609. 619 Sermo filius dei 761 Sermo interior & exterior 779 Seruiliæ Bruti matris mar= 210. 223 garita 210. 223 Seruitia picturam non doce 204 bantur 204 Seruitus spontanea 768 Seruius Tullius Romanoru[m] 529 rex 529 Seruorum cura maxima ha 216 benda 216 Seruoru[m] inges numerus 216 Seruorum Romanorum fru 603 galitas 603 Scurum dei temere se uocas 441 pontifex Iulius 441 Sesculysses 11 Sescunx, sescuncia 9 Sescuplum, sexcuplum 9 Sesostris regis superb. 490. 510 490 Sesqui 10 Sesquialter 9 Sesquiculeare dolium 611 Sesquiopera, sesquiplaga 11 Sesquipedalia tigna, uer. 10 Sesquipondium 193 Sesquunx, sesquuncia 9. 12 Sesquiplum 9 Sestans, uide sextans 144 Sestertiu[m] in recto casu 144 Sestertium bis & uicies mil 144 lies à Nerone, prodigè 144 effusum 410 Sestertiu[m] decies 244. 631. duodecies 244. 213. quæ terdecies 143. tricies quadragies 171. sexagies 239. 338. cēties 172. 286. 344. ducenties 339. quæ dringenties 172. quingē ties 135. nouies millies 414. bis & uicies millies 414. bis & uicies millies 410. uicies & septies mil 410. uicies & septies mil lies 403. quadragies mil lies 416 Sestertius nummus 48. 107 108. 620. 664. unde di= 108. 620. 664. unde di= ctus 123 Sester. nuqua æreus fuit 158 Sestertius denarij quarta 158 pars 272 Sestertius centenis aureis 150 æstimatus 150 Ll 2 Sest

Transcription: Translated (English)

INDEX Senecæ uinx 687 Septem Græciæ sapientes 494 quando extiterint 501 Septuaginta cellulæ in Ae= 501 gypto 501 Septunx 20, 564 Sepulchra regu[m] Aegy. 309 Seria 609. 619 Sermo filius dei 761 Sermo interior & exterior 779 Seruiliæ Bruti matris mar= 210. 223 garita 210. 223 Seruitia picturam non doce 204 bantur 204 Seruitus spontanea 768 Seruius Tullius Romanoru[m] 529 rex 529 Seruorum cura maxima ha 216 benda 216 Seruoru[m] inges numerus 216 Seruorum Romanorum fru 603 galitas 603 Scurum dei temere se uocas 441 pontifex Iulius 441 Sesculysses 11 Sescunx, sescuncia 9 Sescuplum, sexcuplum 9 Sesostris regis superb. 490. 510 490 Sesqui 10 Sesquialter 9 Sesquiculeare dolium 611 Sesquiopera, sesquiplaga 11 Sesquipedalia tigna, uer. 10 Sesquipondium 193 Sesquunx, sesquuncia 9. 12 Sesquiplum 9 Sestans, uide sextans 144 Sestertiu[m] in recto casu 144 Sestertium bis & uicies mil 144 lies à Nerone, prodigè 144 effusum 410 Sestertiu[m] decies 244. 631. duodecies 244. 213. quæ terdecies 143. tricies quadragies 171. sexagies 239. 338. cēties 172. 286. 344. ducenties 339. quæ dringenties 172. quingē ties 135. nouies millies 414. bis & uicies millies 414. bis & uicies millies 410. uicies & septies mil 410. uicies & septies mil lies 403. quadragies mil lies 416 Sestertius nummus 48. 107 108. 620. 664. unde di= 108. 620. 664. unde di= ctus 123 Sester. nuqua æreus fuit 158 Sestertius denarij quarta 158 pars 272 Sestertius centenis aureis 150 æstimatus 150 Ll 2 Sest

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INDEX. Sestertij in genitiuo 141 Sestertij & denarij æstima tio 175 Sestertij nota 152.180.236 250. pondus 557. ualor 97.149.176.519.681 Sestertij uocabulu[m] Græcis ignotum 282.302 Sestertio in ablatiuo non= nunquam dicitur 141 Sestertio quadragies 143 Sestertia centum, & sester= tiu[m] centies, quid dif. 124 Sestertia quadringenta, & quadringeta millia sester tium nummorum idem 123 Sestertia sexcenta 237 Sestertia singula, millia sin gula numorum sign. 123 Sestertia tria millia parum Latinè dicatur 144 Sestertia trigintâ 337 Sestertia unde dicta 123 Sestertioru[m] æstimatio 168 Sestertiorum uarietas 640 Sestertium pro sestertioru[m] per syncopam 141 Sestertijs Græci non nume rabant 302 Sestertijs millibus corruptè apud autores legi 157 Sestius Niger 574 Sexagenarius aspectus 30 Sexcuple & sescuplum dif= ferunt 9 Sextans 49.621 Sextantarij asses 638 Sextantarij modi 570 Sextantes pro assibus 639 Sextarius 513.547.549 Sextarius octo pintas capit 552 Sextarius bilibris 582 Sextarius Gallicus 518.522 Sextarius Roma. 557.563 Sextarius uini 668 Sextula 15.18 Sextus & sexagenarius a= spectus 30 Sextus decretalium & Cle= mentinæ 731 Siciliæ frumentu[m] 520.521 Siciliquum 16.18.24 Siclus 476.508.509 Siculo agro non cedat Fran cianus ager 526 Silentium magno redemptu[m] 533 Siligo quid 601 Siliqua 16.49 Siliquæ granum 264 Simplicitas Fracis ing. 443 Similago

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INDEX. Sestertius in the genitive 141 Sestertius and denarius estima- tion 175 Sestertius, mark 152.180.236 250. weight 557. value 97.149.176.519.681 The word sestertius unknown to the Greeks 282.302 Sestertio in the ablative is sometimes so called 141 Sestertio quadragies 143 Sestertia centum, and sesterti- um centies, what difference 124 Sestertia quadringenta, and quadringenta mille of sester- tii nummi, the same 123 Sestertia sexcenta 237 Sestertia singula, single thousands sin- gle coins sign. 123 Sestertia tria millia, spoken rather un-Latinly 144 Sestertia triginta 337 Whence sestertia are called 123 Estimation of sestertiorum 168 Variety of sestertiorum 640 Sestertium for sestertiorum by syncope 141 The Greeks did not count in sestertijs 302 Sestertijs millibus, corruptly read in authors 157 Sestius Niger 574 Sexagenarius aspectus 30 Sexcuple and sescuplum differ 9 Sextans 49.621 Sextantarij asses 638 Sextantarij modi 570 Sextantes for asses 639 Sextarius 513.547.549 A sextarius holds eight pints 552 Bilibral sextarius 582 Gallic sextarius 518.522 Roman sextarius 557.563 Sextarius of wine 668 Sextula 15.18 Sextus and sexagenarius aspectus 30 Sixth of the decretals and Clementines 731 Sicilian grain 520.521 Siliquum 16.18.24 Siclus 476.508.509 The French field yields less than the Sicilian field 526 Silence dearly purchased 533 What siligo is 601 Siliqua 16.49 A grain of siliquae 264 Simplicity of Fracis ing. 443 Similago

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INDEX Similago, simula'ue 600 Simon magus 506 Simoniacos taxat 708 Simulachroru cultus quan= do institutus 487 Simulatores perstring. 471 Simulationis difficultas 80 Simulatione aulicam per= stringit 778 Sitometrium 595 s'ipou s'ixa 113 Solatorum aureorum ualor 263 Sol stupeda fertilitas 690 Solidus 483.658 Solidi, aurei 664. duodena= rij 169 Solidi Parisienses & Turo nenses 375 Solomon & ditissimus, & sapientissimus 738 Solomon encyclopædia ab= soluit 740 Solomon in ænigmatibus à puero uiectus 500 Solomon trismegistus, sa= pientiæ antistes 760 Solomonis epistola ad Va= phre Aegypti rege 474 Solomonis philosophia 508 symbola 757 Solomonis & Dauidis opes 491 Solonis mensuris ututur Pa risienses 616 Sophene 491 Sophia, quæ & pron. 755 Sophistæ dicedi magist. 87 Sordes trib. pl. ac cos. insi gnis 364 In Sordibus esse 94 Sorices prætorij 202 Sorites 745 Spartianus inter classicos autores no c[on]sendus 143 Spes ambitiosorum 775 Spicæ mutilæ, non aristatæ 526 Spira 100 Spiritualia quæ dican. 728 Spithamæ 16 Sportula, centum quadran= tes 620 Stannum 581 Stare ad cyathum 566 Stater 16.483.692 Stater Atticus aureus 258 Stater multiplex, Cyzice= nus, Atticus, Persicus, Ly simacheus 695.696 Stathmi, mansiones 418 Stat yra Darij filia 425 Ll 3 Sterl

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INDEX Similago, simula'ue 600 Simon magus 506 Simoniacs only 708 Worship of images, how instituted 487 Deceivers exposed 471 Difficulty of simulation 80 Simulation of courtly exposure 778 Sitometrium 595 s'ipou s'ixa 113 Value of golden salators 263 The sun's fertile stupidity 690 Solidus 483.658 Solidi, aurei 664. duodena= rij 169 Solidi Parisienses & Turo nenses 375 Solomon, both richest and wisest 738 Solomon, encyclopaedia ab- solved 740 Solomon, defeated in riddles by a boy 500 Solomon Trismegistus, high priest of wisdom 760 Solomon's letter to Pharaoh, king of Egypt 474 Solomon's philosophy 508 symbola 757 The riches of Solomon and David 491 Solon's measures used by the Parisians isienses 616 Sophene 491 Sophia, who also pron. 755 Sophists, masters of speaking 87 Sordes, mark of tribunes and consuls signs 364 To be in filth 94 Praetorian rats 202 Sorites 745 Spartianus among classical authors is no[t] to be considered 143 Ambition of the ambitious 775 Earheads mutilated, not awned 526 Spira 100 Spiritual things, what are called 728 Spithamae 16 Sportula, one hundred quadrantes 620 Stannum 581 To stand at the cup 566 Stater 16.483.692 Attic golden stater 258 Multiplex stater, Cyzicenus, Atticus, Persian, Ly simacheus 695.696 Stathmi, mansions 418 Stat yra, daughter of Darius 425 Ll 3 Sterl

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Transcription: ATR-1

INDEX. Sterlinus quid 165 Stertinij medici ingens quæ stus Romæ 195 Stigmate inuruntur nobiles pueri 237 Stipendium medicoru[m] Romæ 195 Stipendium militare 645. 697. 700 Stipendia apud Gallos olim literatis non attrib. 79 Stipendia emerita 588 Stoici 784 Stipendia implere 765 Stomachus propriè dictus 618 Strabo quo tempore fuerit 319. eius autoritas 86 Strabonis locus 205. 395. 613 Studij fructus in ima uena reconditus 589 Studioru[m] quis tenor tenendus 754 Studiosi nomine indig. 85 Stupiditas mortalium 729 Sub uexillis retineri 699 Subsiciuum 17 Successio apostolorum & discipuloru[m] domini qualis esse debuerit in nostris sacerdotibus 719 Suetonius de Christianis 502. 504 Suetonij locus 102. 140. & deinceps 275. uide Tran quillus Suffenus sibi quisq; 806 Suffragium prærogatiuum 67 Suidæ locus corruptus 480 Suillæ carnis salsura 619 Suillum iecur 232 Suillius accusator 662 Summa opum maxima 423 Summa pecuniæ immensa 315 Summum bonum 741 Superbiæ abijciendæ exem plum 430 Superfætatio miranda 236 Supplicia æterna ut euite[mus] 718 Suprà quàm 229 Super choenicen ne sedeas Superbia, cupiditas, uolu[m] ptas, Geryones tergeminus 783 Superindictiones 301 Supremus disceptator & iu dex Christus 732 Sus ganeæ aptus 232 Suum

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INDEX. Sterlinus, what 165 Stertinius, the physician, a great qu st at Rome 195 Noble boys are branded with a mark 237 Physicians’ stipend at Rome 195 Military pay 645. 697. 700 Pay among the Gauls in former times not given to men of letters 79 Retired service pay 588 The Stoics 784 To fulfill service pay 765 The stomach, properly so called 618 Strabo, at what time he lived 319. his authority 86 Passages in Strabo 205. 395. 613 The fruit of study hidden in the inmost vein 589 What course of studies should be followed 754 In need of the name “student” 85 The stupidity of mortals 729 To be kept under the standards 699 Subsiciuum 17 The succession of the apostles and of the disciples of the Lord, what it ought to be among our priests 719 Suetonius on Christians 502. 504 Passage in Suetonius 102. 140. and thereafter 275. see Tran quillus Suffenus, each to himself 806 Preferential vote 67 A corrupt passage in Suidas 480 Salting of pork 619 Pork liver 232 Suillius, the accuser 662 The greatest abundance of wealth 423 An immense sum of money 315 The highest good 741 An example to be thrown aside from pride 430 Wonderful superfetation 236 Eternal punishments, that we may avoid them 718 More than 229 Do not sit above the choenix Pride, desire, pleasure: Geryon with three bodies 783 Superindictions 301 Christ, the supreme judge and arbiter 732 A pig fit for the stewhouse 232 His own

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

INDEX. Suum saginatio 233 Susa, regia Memnonia 419 420 Susiani thesauri 420 Sylla 20. talentum millia im perauit Asiæ 306 Sylla uxorem languida re= pudiat 368 Symbola 757 Symmoriæ 534.535 Symmoritæ 540 Symposiacus antiquorum mos 563 Synclides, co[n]uenæ 396.397 Syntax Athen. 536.541 Syria terraru[m] maxima 491 Syrorum nomen 492 T Tabularum pictaru[m] pre= tia 203 Tacitus scriptorum uecor= dissimus 503.504 Taciti locus 105 Taciti pulcher locus 662. restitutus 663 Talentum 213.289.293 Talentum Aegyptiu[m] 271.489 Talentum apud Homerum 480. apud Polluce[m] 374. Vitruuium 480 Talentu[m] Atticu[m] 206.207. Talentu[m] Babylonicu[m] 371 Talentu[m] Euboicum 209. 376 Talentum Hebraicum 308 Talentum magnum 210 Talentum nummariu[m] 484 Talentum ponderale 485 Talentum pro siclo 476 Taletu[m] Siculu[m] duplex 480 Talentum xx. millia Asiæ à Sylla imperata 306 Taletu[m] unum tantu[m] apud Hebræos 480 Talenti consideratio 206. 212.213 Talenti significatio 483. ualor 290.295.399.481 uariatio apud autores 211.480 Talentu[m] auri uiginti 205 Talentu[m] non fuisse æqualia auri et argenti 480 Talentu[m] omnia ad unam for mulam redacta 375 Talentu[m] Parisina 654 Talentorum auri pretium 341 Talentoru[m] uocabulu[m] Ro= mani ignorabant 361 Talthybiadæ 77.488 Ll 4 Tant

Transcription: Translated (English)

INDEX. Suum saginatio 233 Susa, regia Memnonia 419 420 Susiani thesauri 420 Sylla 20. talentum millia im perauit Asiæ 306 Sylla uxorem languida re= pudiat 368 Symbola 757 Symmoriæ 534.535 Symmoritæ 540 Symposiacus antiquorum mos 563 Synclides, co[n]uenæ 396.397 Syntax Athen. 536.541 Syria terraru[m] maxima 491 Syrorum nomen 492 T Tabularum pictaru[m] pre= tia 203 Tacitus scriptorum uecor= dissimus 503.504 Taciti locus 105 Taciti pulcher locus 662. restitutus 663 Talentum 213.289.293 Talentum Aegyptiu[m] 271.489 Talentum apud Homerum 480. apud Polluce[m] 374. Vitruuium 480 Talentu[m] Atticu[m] 206.207. Talentu[m] Babylonicu[m] 371 Talentu[m] Euboicum 209. 376 Talentum Hebraicum 308 Talentum magnum 210 Talentum nummariu[m] 484 Talentum ponderale 485 Talentum pro siclo 476 Taletu[m] Siculu[m] duplex 480 Talentum xx. millia Asiæ à Sylla imperata 306 Taletu[m] unum tantu[m] apud Hebræos 480 Talenti consideratio 206. 212.213 Talenti significatio 483. ualor 290.295.399.481 uariatio apud autores 211.480 Talentu[m] auri uiginti 205 Talentu[m] non fuisse æqualia auri et argenti 480 Talentu[m] omnia ad unam for mulam redacta 375 Talentu[m] Parisina 654 Talentorum auri pretium 341 Talentoru[m] uocabulu[m] Ro= mani ignorabant 361 Talthybiadæ 77.488 Ll 4 Tant

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INDEX. Tantali talenta 766 Tapetes preciosi 366 Tarara 396 Tarbelli ibidem Tarius Rufus 705 tau[m]is 484 Tele 303. 337 Telephium uulnus 97 Templum Solomonis quan to tepore extructu[m] 474. 475. quarto sumptu 476 Templu[m] Solomonis, typus eius lapsus ecclesiæ costituedæ 762 Tenesis regio 486 Terræ mira fertilitas 679. 690 Terrestris usura, & nautica 117 Tertull. locus memorabilis 730 de Christi morte 505 Teruncius 150. 620 Tessera & cubus 514 Tessera hospitij 730 Tesserarum constituenda= 516 rum ratio 516 Testamentu[m] domini in pro cinetu nuncupatum 350 Testamentum ut rumpatur 718 Tetartemorium 30. 48. 522 Tetradrachmum 207. 691 Tetrobolum 623 Thalamegos nauis fluuialis Philopatoris 634 Thalthybius, Agamenonis caduceator 488 Tharseis insula 485 Theatru[m] auro opertu[m] 408 Theatrum M. Scauri 365 Theatricorum actorum a= pud Gallos sales 60 Theodorus Gaza 46. 375. eius lapsus 582 Theramenes aulici 799 Theriotrophium 233 Theseia amicitia 771 Theseo sine facta non esse memorabilia gesta 91 Thetes, opifices 527 Theticus census 524 Threnodiæ 729 Thucydides ab exilio 644 Thucydidis locus 644 Tiresias Thebanus 738 Tiridates 407. Româ cur uenerit ibidem Togati & insulati 93 Tollonones et tollones 253 Tollere manum de tabula nescire 282 Tonelli 612 Tracti

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INDEX. Tantali talenta 766 Precious carpets 366 Tarara 396 Tarbelli ibid. Tarius Rufus 705 tau[m]is 484 Tele 303. 337 Telephium wound 97 Temple of Solomon when it was built in how much time 474. 475. at the fourth expense 476 Temple of Solomon, a type of its fall of the church to be founded 762 Tenesis region 486 Wondrous fertility of the earth 679. 690 Interest on land and maritime interest 117 Tertullian, memorable passage 730 on Christ's death 505 Teruncius 150. 620 Tessera and cube 514 Guest-token 730 Arrangement of tesserae to be made 516 ratio 516 Testament of the Lord proclaimed in procession 350 Testament is to be broken 718 Tetartemorium 30. 48. 522 Tetradrachm 207. 691 Tetrobolum 623 Thalamegos, a river ship of Philopator 634 Thalthybius, herald of Agamemnon 488 Tharseis island 485 Theatre covered with gold 408 Theatre of M. Scaurus 365 Wit in theatrical performances among the Gauls 60 Theodorus Gaza 46. 375. his error 582 Theramenes, courtier 799 Theriotrophium 233 Theseia friendship 771 That without Theseus notable deeds were not done memorable exploits 91 Thetes, craftsmen 527 Thetic census 524 Threnodies 729 Thucydides from exile 644 Thucydides' passage 644 Tiresias the Theban 738 Tiridates 407. why he came to Rome ibid. Togati and insulati 93 Tollonones and tollones 253 To lift the hand from the tablet, not to know how 282 Tonelli 612 Tracti

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Tracti de coelo 729 Traiani animus erga Christianos 604 Tranquillus de Christianis 502.503.504 Traquilli locus 22.98.131.192.307.362 765 Tranquillitas animi 765 Trececa pondo Romana 395 Tressis 12 Tricessis ibidem Tribules 504 Tribunitia potestas 627 Tribus Athenienses 536 Tribus erat Romæ xxxv 327 Tributum Iudaicum 692 Tributum Athenienses no[n] pendebant 534 Tributum pro modo census Romæ exigebatur 385 Tributa & uectigalia diffèrunt 303 Tributa Persica 377 Tributa populus Romanus pendere aliquando desijt 390 Tributa populi Romani 380.381 Tributorum populi Roma ni summa 299 Tributorum tolerans Fran cia 457 Tributis argentum impera bant Ro. non auru[m] 356 Triclinarioru[m] Babylonico rum ingens precium 189 Tricogius Torquatus 371 Triens 16.149.284.309. 364.620 Trientalis aspectus &c.30 Trientarium foenus 121 Trierarchia Atheniensis 334.337.340.343 Trioboli homo 623 Triobolum 623. eius nota ibidem 412 Tripatinum 412 Tiremes & quinquere=mes & ulteriora uocabula 647 Tritemorum 622 Tritus 581 Triticum Francianum 559 Tritici fertil. in Africa 679 Tritici p[ro]odus 558.561.599 πιθμοριον 48 πιτον ιμιδαχμον ibidem 336 Triumviralis partitio 313 Ll 5 Triunx

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Things brought down from heaven 729 Trajan’s attitude toward Christians 604 Tranquillus on Christians 502.503.504 Passage in Tranquillus 22.98.131.192.307.362 765 Peace of mind 765 Roman trececa, in weight 395 Tressis 12 Tricessis ibid. Tribules 504 Tribunitian power 627 Athenian tribes 536 There were thirty-five tribes at Rome 327 Jewish tribute 692 Athenians did not pay tribute 534 Tribute was levied at Rome according to the census 385 Tributes and taxes differ 303 Persian tributes 377 The Roman people at some time ceased to pay tribute 390 Tributes of the Roman people 380.381 Sum of the tributes of the Roman people Tributorum tolerans, France 457 Silver, not gold, was paid as tribute by the emperors 356 A huge price for Babylonian triclinarii 189 Tricogius Torquatus 371 Triens 16.149.284.309.364.620 Triental aspect, etc. 30 Trientary interest 121 Athenian trierarchy 334.337.340.343 A man of three obols 623 Triobolum 623. its sign there 412 Tripatinum 412 Tiremes and quinqueremes and further terms 647 Trithemorum 622 Tritus 581 French wheat 559 Fertility of wheat in Africa 679 Wheat production 558.561.599 πιθμοριον 48 πιτον ιμιδαχμον ibid. 336 Triumviral division 313 Ll 5 Triunx

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INDEX. Triunx & triuncis 149 gitabat Nero 385 Trogi locus 399 Vectigaliatriu[m] generu[m] 384 Troianus porcus 233 Vectigalium uocabulis pri Tropus orationis multi= scis manetibus, p[er]esitatio plex 730 tamen no[n] respondet 661 Turdetania eadem, quæ & Vectigaliu[m] imminutio 118. Bætica, aurifera 392 661 Turdus uocalis 160 Velites, uelitari 83 Turdoru[m] precium 231.232 Veneti à Gallis bello laces= Tutelares regni uirtutes siti 438 Sis Veniam à deo temere præ= Tiberij rapacitas 407 sumentes 716 V Veniales tesseræ 731 V litera, quæ nota 249 Venialia donatiua 74 Valerius Maximus Plinio Venire semuncia 364 antiquior 334 Ventriculus 618 Vaphris regis Aegypti re= Venus Coa imperfecta 452 sponsio ad Solomonem Venus Palatina dictus L. 475 Crassus 367 Variana clades sub Augu= Verbum unum improbum sto 327 seuerè castigatum 628 Varronis locus 17.156.230 Vergilius quantum recepe Vasa argētea preciosa 332 rit pro pauculis uersibus Vasarium 352 344. eius sensus ibidem. Vasorum differentiæ 610 eius aurei uersus ibidem Vasorum nomina, triens, Verris surta 101.172.173 quadrans &c. 49 Veritas antiq[ui]s ignota 307 Vectigalia bina eodem an= Veritas co[m]perta à nobis re= no exigētes, ut reprimen tineri nequit ibidem di sint 311 Veritas hominum contuber Vectigalia omitti iubere co nalis 727 Veritatis

Transcription: Translated (English)

INDEX. Triunx & triuncis 149 gitabat Nero 385 Trogi locus 399 Vectigaliatriu[m] generu[m] 384 Troianus porcus 233 Vectigalium uocabulis pri Tropus orationis multi= scis manetibus, p[er]esitatio plex 730 tamen no[n] respondet 661 Turdetania eadem, quæ & Vectigaliu[m] imminutio 118. Bætica, aurifera 392 661 Turdus uocalis 160 Velites, uelitari 83 Turdoru[m] precium 231.232 Veneti à Gallis bello laces= Tutelares regni uirtutes siti 438 Sis Veniam à deo temere præ= Tiberij rapacitas 407 sumentes 716 V Veniales tesseræ 731 V litera, quæ nota 249 Venialia donatiua 74 Valerius Maximus Plinio Venire semuncia 364 antiquior 334 Ventriculus 618 Vaphris regis Aegypti re= Venus Coa imperfecta 452 sponsio ad Solomonem Venus Palatina dictus L. 475 Crassus 367 Variana clades sub Augu= Verbum unum improbum sto 327 seuerè castigatum 628 Varronis locus 17.156.230 Vergilius quantum recepe Vasa argētea preciosa 332 rit pro pauculis uersibus Vasarium 352 344. eius sensus ibidem. Vasorum differentiæ 610 eius aurei uersus ibidem Vasorum nomina, triens, Verris surta 101.172.173 quadrans &c. 49 Veritas antiq[ui]s ignota 307 Vectigalia bina eodem an= Veritas co[m]perta à nobis re= no exigētes, ut reprimen tineri nequit ibidem di sint 311 Veritas hominum contuber Vectigalia omitti iubere co nalis 727 Veritatis

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INDEX. Veritatis cultus penes quos fuerit ante aduentum domini 506 Veritas in alto iacet 277 Veritatis numen Budæo sacrosanctius omnibus scriptoribus 25 Veritatis uis 55.504.779 Verò particulæ usus 181 Veruactum 526 Verus imperator 257 Veterani mulites 699 Vespasianus tributis & ue 412. C= etigalibus grauis 412. C= ius fauor erga literas 199 liberalitas 412 Vestæ ignis 707 Veterani 699 Veterum autoritati quantu[m] deferat Budæus 26.32 Vetustas ut à priscis adum brata 270. sub uexillis retineri Vicariorum culpam præsta bunt, qui eos ouibus suis præficiu[n]t, sacerdotes 711 Vicena stipendia merere solitos ueteranos 699 Vicesis 12 Vicinoru[m] inuidia in re pro spera 685 Vicissitudo rerum 443 Victimæ inauratæ 777 Victoriæ diuersæ alia atq[ue] alia etia[m] monumet[a] 511 Victus cuique sui reddenda ratio 511.512 Viginti talenta auri 205 Vinea domini 725 Vineæ colendæ ars 682 Vineæ consitio ibidem 682 Vinearum calamitates 678 Vinearum precium 682 Vinearum reditus uberrimus 676. & deinceps Vineta cultui apud nos non semper respondere, quid causæ sit 677 Vinetorum Parisinoru[m] fertilitas ibidem 159. Vinitoris scrui preciu[m] 233.234 Vinitores nostri no[n] perinde industrij nec periti 677.678 Vinitorum priscorum industria ac frugalitas 678 Vinum Count 604 Vinum Græcum 604.605 Vinum dulce 608 Vinu[m] reces ac mustu[m] suauè ætatem non fert 612 Vinum 612

Transcription: Translated (English)

INDEX. Who had the worship of truth before the Lord’s coming 506 Truth lies hidden in the depths 277 Bude’s reverence for truth greater than that of all writers 25 The power of truth 55.504.779 Use of the particle vero 181 Harvested corn 526 True emperor 257 Veteran soldiers 699 Vespasian, burdened by taxes and levies 412. C= and revenue 412. C= favor toward letters 199 liberality 412 Vesta’s fire 707 Veterans 699 How much Bude yields to the authority of the ancients 26.32 Antiquity, as preserved from the ancients under the standards 270. sub uexillis retineri The fault of vicars will be borne by the priests who appoint them over their flocks 711 Veterans who used to earn twenty years’ service 699 Vicesis 12 Envy of neighbors in a prosperous affair 685 Mutability of affairs 443 Gilded victims 777 Various victories and different monuments 511 Each person must give account for his own life 511.512 Twenty talents of gold 205 The Lord’s vineyard 725 The art of cultivating vineyards 682 Planting vineyards in the same place 682 Calamities of vineyards 678 Price of vineyards 682 The very abundant income from vineyards 676. & deinceps Why vineyards do not always correspond to the cultivation among us 677 The fertility of the vineyards of Paris, there 159. Price of a vineyard laborer 233.234 Our vine-dressers are not equally industrious or skilled 677.678 The industry and frugality of ancient vine-dressers 678 Wine, count 604 Greek wine 604.605 Sweet wine 608 Wine does not readily endure heat and must 612 Wine 612

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INDEX. Vinum uetustissimum 666 Vini amphora 551 Vini apud Parisios uilitas miranda 154 Vini parciores erant anti= qui 570 Vini potores insignes 550 Vini precium apud priscos 675 Vini precium maximum 673.675 Vina ut seruarentur 675 Vinorum ætas 673 Vina annos ferre 219 Vinorum apud Parisienses precium maximum 672 Vinorum diffusio 611 Vinorum Francicorum uæ rietas ac præstantia 674 Virorum duorum aulicoru[m] exempla diuersa 460 Virorum duorum proboru[m] exempla diuersa 449 Virtutis ac doctrinæ algor 790 Vitæ ac professionis suæ cu iusq; ratio reddenda 512 Vitæ huius gloria 740.777 Vitellij luxus 101.411.414 Vitis platanusq; aurea 429. 430 Vitisprodigiosæ fertilitatis 689 Vitem tenentes Centurio= nes 708 Vitium cultura 676 Vitium obuenire 66 Vitruiij locus molestissi= mus 636 Vitruiij locus restit. 404 Viuorum exuuias petentes sectores taxat 796 Vlpiani iurisc. tepora 661 Vlysses Homericus 756 Vlyssis socij ibidem Vncia 9.12.16.17.517. 668.669 Vncia apud medicos 557 Vncia agri 17. auri 263. uini 668 Vnciæ argenti ualor 268 Vncia auri plus quàm libra auri 258 Vnciæ distributio 165. scru pula 248 Vnciæ in libra quot ibid. Vncialis altitudo 669 Vnciales literæ 12 Vnciaria usura 32 Vnectores, aliptæ 723 Vnio Cleopatræ 220.222 Seruiliæ unio 223 Vniones

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INDEX. Oldest wine 666 Amphora of wine 551 Amazing cheapness of wine at Paris 154 The ancients drank less wine 570 Notable drinkers of wine 550 Price of wine among the ancients 675 Highest price of wine 673.675 For wines to be preserved 675 Age of wines 673 Wines to stand the years 219 Highest price of wines among the Parisians 672 Spread of wines 611 Variety and excellence of French wines 674 Different examples of two courtiers 460 Different examples of two good men 449 Coldness of virtue and learning 790 Each person must give an account of his life and profession 512 Glory of this life 740.777 Luxury of Vitellius 101.411.414 The golden vine and plane tree 429.430 A vine of prodigious fertility 689 Centurions holding a vine-rod 708 Cultivation of the vine 676 A fault to occur 66 Vitruius’ very troublesome passage 636 Vitruius’ passage restored 404 Butchers seeking the remains of the dead 796 The times of Ulpian the jurist 661 Homeric Ulysses 756 The companions of Ulysses, there also Ounce 9.12.16.17.517.668.669 Ounce among physicians 557 Ounce of land 17. of gold 263. of wine 668 Value of an ounce of silver 268 An ounce of gold more than a pound of gold 258 Distribution of ounces 165. scruples 248 How many ounces in a pound there are. Ouncial height 669 Ouncial letters 12 Interest at one ounce in the hundred 32 Anointers, ointment-makers 723 Union of Cleopatra 220.222 Union of Servilia 223 Unions

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INDEX Vniones sorbiles conuiuis appositi 241 Vnionu precia 220.221.222 Vocabula multa iamdiu no intellecta 53 Vocabula locoru 486. men soru 16. pecuniæ signatæ 48. uasorum 49 Voluntas dei ut fiat, precantes, quid petamus 779 Vomitandi consuetudo 411 Vranophron 795 Vrbanos magistratus ambitiosos taxat 772 Vrbes ut capiantur 90 Vrbis adornandæ studiosus Augustus 329 Vrbis ornandæ ratio 354 Vrna 550.615 Vrphe insula 474 Vsura centesima III. sesqui centesima 113 Vsura ciuilis & legitima secundu Iustinianum 119 Vsura drachmalis 114 Vsura duplex 117 Vsuræ hodiernæ 121 Vsuræ mestrue fuerut 114 Vsuræ semisses 110 Vsuras co[n]cernes locus Her molai Barbari 109 Vtilitas huius libri 148 Vtilitas publica cum priuæ ta quibusdam pugnare uidetur 446 Vulcania uincula 769 X 641 X terminata nomina, genitiuum per e faciunt 10 Xenium aduentitium magi stratibus dari solitu 353 Xenomania 444 Xerxes togatus, Lucullus dictus 228 Xerxiscrudele facinus 746 Xestes 572.616 Y Xphriolusura subsesquipla 120 Z Zelus domini 440 Zeugitæ 527.528 Zoroastres 500 Zygostatica libra 165 FINIS.

Transcription: Translated (English)

INDEX Edible onions served at banquets 241 Price of onions 220.221.222 Many words long since not understood 53 Words for places 486; for men 16; for coined money 48; of vessels 49 Praying that God’s will be done, what we ask for 779 The habit of vomiting 411 Uranophron 795 He censures ambitious city magistrates 772 How cities are to be captured 90 Augustus eager to adorn the city 329 The method of adorning the city 354 Urn 550.615 Island of Vrphe 474 Interest at one per cent; three-quarters per cent 113 Civil and lawful interest according to Justinian 119 Interest by the drachma 114 Double interest 117 Modern interest 121 Interest formerly was 114 Half-interest 110 Passage concerning interest, Hermolaius Barbarus 109 The usefulness of this book 148 Public usefulness seems in some respects to conflict with private 446 Vulcan’s bonds 769 X 641 Names ending in X form the genitive with e 10 A gift brought from outside, customarily given to magistrates 353 Xenomania 444 Xerxes in a toga, called Lucullus 228 The cruel deed of Xerxes 746 Xestes 572.616 Y Xphriolusura subsesquipla 120 Z The zeal of the Lord 440 Zeugitæ 527.528 Zoroaster 500 Balance scale 165 END.

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Transcription: ATR-1

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 50 60 61 62 63 63 64 64 65 65 66 66 67 67 68 68 69 69 70 70 71 71 72 72 73 73 74 74 75 75 76 76 77 77 78 78 79 79 80 80 81 81 82 82 83 83 84 84 85 85 86 86 87 87 88 88 89 89 90 90 91 91 92 92 93 93 94 94 95 95 96 96 97 97 98 98 99 99 100 100 101 101 102 102 103 103 104 104 105 105 106 106 107 107 108 108 109 109 110 110 111 111 112 112 113 113 114 114 115 115 116 116 117 117 118 118 119 119 120 120 121 121 122 122 123 123 124 124 125 125 126 126 127 127 128 128 129 129 130 130 131 131 132 132 133 133 134 134 135 135 136 136 137 137 138 138 139 139 140 140 141 141 142 142 143 143 144 144 145 145 146 146 147 147 148 148 149 149 150 150 151 151 152 152 153 153 154 154 155 155 156 156 157 157 158 158 159 159 160 160 161 161 162 162 163 163 164 164 165 165 166 166 167 167 168 168 169 169 170 170 171 171 172 172 173 173 174 174 175 175 176 176 177 177 178 178 179 179 180 180 181 181 182 182 183 183 184 184 185 185 186 186 187 187 188 188 189 189 190 190 191 191 192 192 193 193 194 194 195 195 196 196 197 197 198 198 199 199 200 200 201 201 202 202 203 203 204 204 205 205 206 206 207 207 208 208 209 209 210 210 211 211 212 212 213 213 214 214 215 215 216 216 217 217 218 218 219 219 220 220 221 221 222 222 223 223 224 224 225 225 226 226 227 227 228 228 229 229 230 230 231 231 232 232 233 233 234 234 235 235 236 236 237 237 238 238 239 239 240 240 241 241 242 242 243 243 244 244 245 245 246 246 247 247 248 248 249 249 250 250 251 251 252 252 253 253 254 254 255 255 256 256 257 257 258 258 259 259 260 260 261 261 262 262 263 263 264 264 265 265 266 266 267 267 268 268 269 269 270 270 271 271 272 272 273 273 274 274 275 275 276 276 277 277 278 278 279 279 280 280 281 281 282 282 283 283 284 284 285 285 286 286 287 287 288 288 289 289 290 290 291 291 292 292 293 293 294 294 295 295 296 296 297 297 298 298 299 299 300 300 301 301 302 302 303 303 304 304 305 305 306 306 307 307 308 308 309 309 310 310 311 311 312 312 313 313 314 314 315 315 316 316 317 317 318 318 319 319 320 320 321 321 322 322 323 323 324 324 325 325 326 326 327 327 328 328 329 329 330 330 331 331 332 332 333 333 334 334 335 335 336 336 337 337 338 338 339 339 340 340 341 341 342 342 343 343 344 344 345 345 346 346 347 347 348 348 349 349 350 350 351 351 352 352 353 353 354 354 355 355 356 356 357 357 358 358 359 359 360 360 361 361 362 362 363 363 364 364 365 365 366 366 367 367 368 368 369 369 370 370 371 371 372 372 373 373 374 374 375 375 376 376 377 377 378 378 379 379 380 380 381 381 382 382 383 383 384 384 385 385 386 386 387 387 388 388 389 389 390 390 391 391 392 392 393 393 394 394 395 395 396 396 397 397 398 398 399 399 400 400 401 401 402 402 403 403 404 404 405 405 406 406 407 407 408 408 409 409 410 410 411 411 412 412 413 413 414 414 415 415 416 416 417 417 418 418 419 419 420 420 421 421 422 422 423 423 424 424 425 425 426 426 427 427 428 428 429 429 430 430 431 431 432 432 433 433 434 434 435 435 436 436 437 437 438 438 439 439 440 440 441 441 442 442 443 443 444 444 445 445 446 446 447 447 448 448 449 449 450 450 451 451 452 452 453 453 454 454 455 455 456 456 457 457 458 458 459 459 460 460 461 461 462 462 463 463 464 464 465 465 466 466 467 467 468 468 469 469 470 470 471 471 472 472 473 473 474 474 475 475 476 476 477 477 478 478 479 479 480 480 481 481 482 482 483 483 484 484 485 485 486 486 487 487 488 488 489 489 490 490 491 491 492 492 493 493 494 494 495 495 496 496 497 497 498 498 499 499 500 500 501 501 502 502 503 503 504 504 505 505 506 506 507 507 508 508 509 509 510 510 511 511 512 512 513 513 514 514 515 515 516 516 517 517 518 518 519 519 520 520 521 521 522 522 523 523 524 524 525 525 526 526 527 527 528 528 529 529 530 530 531 531 532 532 533 533 534 534 535 535 536 536 537 537 538 538 539 539 540 540 541 541 542 542 543 543 544 544 545 545 546 546 547 547 548 548 549 549 550 550 551 551 552 552 553 553 554 554 555 555 556 556 557 557 558 558 559 559 560 560 561 561 562 562 563 563 564 564 565 565 566 566 567 567 568 568 569 569 570 570 571 571 572 572 573 573 574 574 575 575 576 576 577 577 578 578 579 579 580 580 581 581 582 582 583 583 584 584 585 585 586 586 587 587 588 588 589 589 590 590 591 591 592 592 593 593 594 594 595 595 596 596 597 597 598 598 599 599 600 600 601 601 602 602 603 603 604 604 605 605 606 606 607 607 608 608 609 609 610 610 611 611 612 612 613 613 614 614 615 615 616 616 617 617 618 618 619 619 620 620 621 621 622 622 623 623 624 624 625 625 626 626 627 627 628 628 629 629 630 630 631 631 632 632 633 633 634 634 635 635 636 636 637 637 638 638 639 639 640 640 641 641 642 642 643 643 644 644 645 645 646 646 647 647 648 648 649 649 650 650 651 651 652 652 653 653 654 654 655 655 656 656 657 657 658 658 659 659 660 660 661 661 662 662 663 663 664 664 665 66

Transcription: Translated (English)

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 50 60 61 62 63 63 64 64 65 65 66 66 67 67 68 68 69 69 70 70 71 71 72 72 73 73 74 74 75 75 76 76 77 77 78 78 79 79 80 80 81 81 82 82 83 83 84 84 85 85 86 86 87 87 88 88 89 89 90 90 91 91 92 92 93 93 94 94 95 95 96 96 97 97 98 98 99 99 100 100 101 101 102 102 103 103 104 104 105 105 106 106 107 107 108 108 109 109 110 110 111 111 112 112 113 113 114 114 115 115 116 116 117 117 118 118 119 119 120 120 121 121 122 122 123 123 124 124 125 125 126 126 127 127 128 128 129 129 130 130 131 131 132 132 133 133 134 134 135 135 136 136 137 137 138 138 139 139 140 140 141 141 142 142 143 143 144 144 145 145 146 146 147 147 148 148 149 149 150 150 151 151 152 152 153 153 154 154 155 155 156 156 157 157 158 158 159 159 160 160 161 161 162 162 163 163 164 164 165 165 166 166 167 167 168 168 169 169 170 170 171 171 172 172 173 173 174 174 175 175 176 176 177 177 178 178 179 179 180 180 181 181 182 182 183 183 184 184 185 185 186 186 187 187 188 188 189 189 190 190 191 191 192 192 193 193 194 194 195 195 196 196 197 197 198 198 199 199 200 200 201 201 202 202 203 203 204 204 205 205 206 206 207 207 208 208 209 209 210 210 211 211 212 212 213 213 214 214 215 215 216 216 217 217 218 218 219 219 220 220 221 221 222 222 223 223 224 224 225 225 226 226 227 227 228 228 229 229 230 230 231 231 232 232 233 233 234 234 235 235 236 236 237 237 238 238 239 239 240 240 241 241 242 242 243 243 244 244 245 245 246 246 247 247 248 248 249 249 250 250 251 251 252 252 253 253 254 254 255 255 256 256 257 257 258 258 259 259 260 260 261 261 262 262 263 263 264 264 265 265 266 266 267 267 268 268 269 269 270 270 271 271 272 272 273 273 274 274 275 275 276 276 277 277 278 278 279 279 280 280 281 281 282 282 283 283 284 284 285 285 286 286 287 287 288 288 289 289 290 290 291 291 292 292 293 293 294 294 295 295 296 296 297 297 298 298 299 299 300 300 301 301 302 302 303 303 304 304 305 305 306 306 307 307 308 308 309 309 310 310 311 311 312 312 313 313 314 314 315 315 316 316 317 317 318 318 319 319 320 320 321 321 322 322 323 323 324 324 325 325 326 326 327 327 328 328 329 329 330 330 331 331 332 332 333 333 334 334 335 335 336 336 337 337 338 338 339 339 340 340 341 341 342 342 343 343 344 344 345 345 346 346 347 347 348 348 349 349 350 350 351 351 352 352 353 353 354 354 355 355 356 356 357 357 358 358 359 359 360 360 361 361 362 362 363 363 364 364 365 365 366 366 367 367 368 368 369 369 370 370 371 371 372 372 373 373 374 374 375 375 376 376 377 377 378 378 379 379 380 380 381 381 382 382 383 383 384 384 385 385 386 386 387 387 388 388 389 389 390 390 391 391 392 392 393 393 394 394 395 395 396 396 397 397 398 398 399 399 400 400 401 401 402 402 403 403 404 404 405 405 406 406 407 407 408 408 409 409 410 410 411 411 412 412 413 413 414 414 415 415 416 416 417 417 418 418 419 419 420 420 421 421 422 422 423 423 424 424 425 425 426 426 427 427 428 428 429 429 430 430 431 431 432 432 433 433 434 434 435 435 436 436 437 437 438 438 439 439 440 440 441 441 442 442 443 443 444 444 445 445 446 446 447 447 448 448 449 449 450 450 451 451 452 452 453 453 454 454 455 455 456 456 457 457 458 458 459 459 460 460 461 461 462 462 463 463 464 464 465 465 466 466 467 467 468 468 469 469 470 470 471 471 472 472 473 473 474 474 475 475 476 476 477 477 478 478 479 479 480 480 481 481 482 482 483 483 484 484 485 485 486 486 487 487 488 488 489 489 490 490 491 491 492 492 493 493 494 494 495 495 496 496 497 497 498 498 499 499 500 500 501 501 502 502 503 503 504 504 505 505 506 506 507 507 508 508 509 509 510 510 511 511 512 512 513 513 514 514 515 515 516 516 517 517 518 518 519 519 520 520 521 521 522 522 523 523 524 524 525 525 526 526 527 527 528 528 529 529 530 530 531 531 532 532 533 533 534 534 535 535 536 536 537 537 538 538 539 539 540 540 541 541 542 542 543 543 544 544 545 545 546 546 547 547 548 548 549 549 550 550 551 551 552 552 553 553 554 554 555 555 556 556 557 557 558 558 559 559 560 560 561 561 562 562 563 563 564 564 565 565 566 566 567 567 568 568 569 569 570 570 571 571 572 572 573 573 574 574 575 575 576 576 577 577 578 578 579 579 580 580 581 581 582 582 583 583 584 584 585 585 586 586 587 587 588 588 589 589 590 590 591 591 592 592 593 593 594 594 595 595 596 596 597 597 598 598 599 599 600 600 601 601 602 602 603 603 604 604 605 605 606 606 607 607 608 608 609 609 610 610 611 611 612 612 613 613 614 614 615 615 616 616 617 617 618 618 619 619 620 620 621 621 622 622 623 623 624 624 625 625 626 626 627 627 628 628 629 629 630 630 631 631 632 632 633 633 634 634 635 635 636 636 637 637 638 638 639 639 640 640 641 641 642 642 643 643 644 644 645 645 646 646 647 647 648 648 649 649 650 650 651 651 652 652 653 653 654 654 655 655 656 656 657 657 658 658 659 659 660 660 661 661 662 662 663 663 664 664 665 66

bub_gb_2Iqok-Lv-wcC-page-921.png

Transcription: ATR-1

Biblioteca Nazionale V. E. Roma

Transcription: Translated (English)

National Library V. E. Rome

bub_gb_2Iqok-Lv-wcC-page-922.png

Transcription: ATR-1

1 2

Transcription: Translated (English)

1 2

bub_gb_2Iqok-Lv-wcC-page-923.png

Transcription: ATR-1

1 2

Transcription: Translated (English)

1 2

bub_gb_2Iqok-Lv-wcC-page-924.png

Transcription: ATR-1 2

1 2

Transcription: Translated (English)

1 2

bub_gb_2Iqok-Lv-wcC-page-926.png

Transcription: ATR-1

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 104 105 105 106 106 107 107 108 108 109 109 110 110 111 111 112 112 113 113 114 114 115 115 116 116 117 117 118 118 119 119 120 120 121 121 122 122 123 123 124 124 125 125 126 126 127 127 128 128 129 129 130 130 131 131 132 132 133 133 134 134 135 135 136 136 137 137 138 138 139 139 140 140 141 141 142 142 143 143 144 144 145 145 146 146 147 147 148 148 149 149 150 150 151 151 152 152 153 153 154 154 155 155 156 156 157 157 158 158 159 159 160 160 161 161 162 162 163 163 164 164 165 165 166 166 167 167 168 168 169 169 170 170 171 171 172 172 173 173 174 174 175 175 176 176 177 177 178 178 179 179 180 180 181 181 182 182 183 183 184 184 185 185 186 186 187 187 188 188 189 189 190 190 191 191 192 192 193 193 194 194 195 195 196 196 197 197 198 198 199 199 200 200 201 201 202 202 203 203 204 204 205 205 206 206 207 207 208 208 209 209 210 210 211 211 212 212 213 213 214 214 215 215 216 216 217 217 218 218 219 219 220 220 221 221 222 222 223 223 224 224 225 225 226 226 227 227 228 228 229 229 230 230 231 231 232 232 233 233 234 234 235 235 236 236 237 237 238 238 239 239 240 240 241 241 242 242 243 243 244 244 245 245 246 246 247 247 248 248 249 249 250 250 251 251 252 252 253 253 254 254 255 255 256 256 257 257 258 258 259 259 260 260 261 261 262 262 263 263 264 264 265 265 266 266 267 267 268 268 269 269 270 270 271 271 272 272 273 273 274 274 275 275 276 276 277 277 278 278 279 279 280 280 281 281 282 282 283 283 284 284 285 285 286 286 287 287 288 288 289 289 290 290 291 291 292 292 293 293 294 294 295 295 296 296 297 297 298 298 299 299 300 300 301 301 302 302 303 303 304 304 305 305 306 306 307 307 308 308 309 309 310 310 311 311 312 312 313 313 314 314 315 315 316 316 317 317 318 318 319 319 320 320 321 321 322 322 323 323 324 324 325 325 326 326 327 327 328 328 329 329 330 330 331 331 332 332 333 333 334 334 335 335 336 336 337 337 338 338 339 339 340 340 341 341 342 342 343 343 344 344 345 345 346 346 347 347 348 348 349 349 350 350 351 351 352 352 353 353 354 354 355 355 356 356 357 357 358 358 359 359 360 360 361 361 362 362 363 363 364 364 365 365 366 366 367 367 368 368 369 369 370 370 371 371 372 372 373 373 374 374 375 375 376 376 377 377 378 378 379 379 380 380 381 381 382 382 383 383 384 384 385 385 386 386 387 387 388 388 389 389 390 390 391 391 392 392 393 393 394 394 395 395 396 396 397 397 398 398 399 399 400 400 401 401 402 402 403 403 404 404 405 405 406 406 407 407 408 408 409 409 410 410 411 411 412 412 413 413 414 414 415 415 416 416 417 417 418 418 419 419 420 420 421 421 422 422 423 423 424 424 425 425 426 426 427 427 428 428 429 429 430 430 431 431 432 432 433 433 434 434 435 435 436 436 437 437 438 438 439 439 440 440 441 441 442 442 443 443 444 444 445 445 446 446 447 447 448 448 449 449 450 450 451 451 452 452 453 453 454 454 455 455 456 456 457 457 458 458 459 459 460 460 461 461 462 462 463 463 464 464 465 465 466 466 467 467 468 468 469 469 470 470 471 471 472 472 473 473 474 474 475 475 476 476 477 477 478 478 479 479 480 480 481 481 482 482 483 483 484 484 485 485 486 486 487 487 488 488 489 489 490 490 491 491 492 492 493 493 494 494 495 495 496 496 497 497 498 498 499 499 500 500 501 501 502 502 503 503 504 504 505 505 506 506 507 507 508 508 509 509 510 510 511 511 512 512 513 513 514 514 515 515 516 516 517 517 518 518 519 519 520 520 521 521 522 522 523 523 524 524 525 525 526 526 527 527 528 528 529 529 530 530 531 531 532 532 533 533 534 534 535 535 536 536 537 537 538 538 539 539 540 540 541 541 542 542 543 543 544 544 545 545 546 546 547 547 548 548 549 549 550 550 551 551 552 552 553 553 554 554 555 555 556 556 557 557 558 558 559 559 560 560 561 561 562 562 563 563 564 564 565 565 566 566 567 567 568 568 569 569 570 570 571 571 572 572 573 573 574 574 575 575 576 576 577 577 578 578 579 579 580 580 581 581 582 582 583 583 584 584 585 585 586 586 587 587 588 588 589 589 590 590 591 591 592 592 593 593 594 594 595 595 596 596 597 597 598 598 599 599 600 600 601 601 602 602 603 603 604 604 605 605 606 606 607 607 608 608 609 609 610 610 611 611 612 612 613 613 614 614 615 615 616 616 617 617 618 618 619 619 620 620 621 621 622 622 623 623 624 624 625 625 626 626 627 627 628 628 629 629 630 630 631 631 632 632 633 633 634 634 635 635 636 636 637 637 638 638 639 639 640 640 641 641 642 642 643 643 644 644 645 645 646 646 647 647 648 648 649 649 650 650 651 651 652 652 653 653 654 654 655 655 656 656 657 657 658 658 659 659 660 660 661 661 662 662 663 663 664 664 665 665 666 666 667 667 668 668 669 669 670 670 671 671 672 672 673 673 674 674 675 675 676 676 677

Transcription: Translated (English)

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 104 105 105 106 106 107 107 108 108 109 109 110 110 111 111 112 112 113 113 114 114 115 115 116 116 117 117 118 118 119 119 120 120 121 121 122 122 123 123 124 124 125 125 126 126 127 127 128 128 129 129 130 130 131 131 132 132 133 133 134 134 135 135 136 136 137 137 138 138 139 139 140 140 141 141 142 142 143 143 144 144 145 145 146 146 147 147 148 148 149 149 150 150 151 151 152 152 153 153 154 154 155 155 156 156 157 157 158 158 159 159 160 160 161 161 162 162 163 163 164 164 165 165 166 166 167 167 168 168 169 169 170 170 171 171 172 172 173 173 174 174 175 175 176 176 177 177 178 178 179 179 180 180 181 181 182 182 183 183 184 184 185 185 186 186 187 187 188 188 189 189 190 190 191 191 192 192 193 193 194 194 195 195 196 196 197 197 198 198 199 199 200 200 201 201 202 202 203 203 204 204 205 205 206 206 207 207 208 208 209 209 210 210 211 211 212 212 213 213 214 214 215 215 216 216 217 217 218 218 219 219 220 220 221 221 222 222 223 223 224 224 225 225 226 226 227 227 228 228 229 229 230 230 231 231 232 232 233 233 234 234 235 235 236 236 237 237 238 238 239 239 240 240 241 241 242 242 243 243 244 244 245 245 246 246 247 247 248 248 249 249 250 250 251 251 252 252 253 253 254 254 255 255 256 256 257 257 258 258 259 259 260 260 261 261 262 262 263 263 264 264 265 265 266 266 267 267 268 268 269 269 270 270 271 271 272 272 273 273 274 274 275 275 276 276 277 277 278 278 279 279 280 280 281 281 282 282 283 283 284 284 285 285 286 286 287 287 288 288 289 289 290 290 291 291 292 292 293 293 294 294 295 295 296 296 297 297 298 298 299 299 300 300 301 301 302 302 303 303 304 304 305 305 306 306 307 307 308 308 309 309 310 310 311 311 312 312 313 313 314 314 315 315 316 316 317 317 318 318 319 319 320 320 321 321 322 322 323 323 324 324 325 325 326 326 327 327 328 328 329 329 330 330 331 331 332 332 333 333 334 334 335 335 336 336 337 337 338 338 339 339 340 340 341 341 342 342 343 343 344 344 345 345 346 346 347 347 348 348 349 349 350 350 351 351 352 352 353 353 354 354 355 355 356 356 357 357 358 358 359 359 360 360 361 361 362 362 363 363 364 364 365 365 366 366 367 367 368 368 369 369 370 370 371 371 372 372 373 373 374 374 375 375 376 376 377 377 378 378 379 379 380 380 381 381 382 382 383 383 384 384 385 385 386 386 387 387 388 388 389 389 390 390 391 391 392 392 393 393 394 394 395 395 396 396 397 397 398 398 399 399 400 400 401 401 402 402 403 403 404 404 405 405 406 406 407 407 408 408 409 409 410 410 411 411 412 412 413 413 414 414 415 415 416 416 417 417 418 418 419 419 420 420 421 421 422 422 423 423 424 424 425 425 426 426 427 427 428 428 429 429 430 430 431 431 432 432 433 433 434 434 435 435 436 436 437 437 438 438 439 439 440 440 441 441 442 442 443 443 444 444 445 445 446 446 447 447 448 448 449 449 450 450 451 451 452 452 453 453 454 454 455 455 456 456 457 457 458 458 459 459 460 460 461 461 462 462 463 463 464 464 465 465 466 466 467 467 468 468 469 469 470 470 471 471 472 472 473 473 474 474 475 475 476 476 477 477 478 478 479 479 480 480 481 481 482 482 483 483 484 484 485 485 486 486 487 487 488 488 489 489 490 490 491 491 492 492 493 493 494 494 495 495 496 496 497 497 498 498 499 499 500 500 501 501 502 502 503 503 504 504 505 505 506 506 507 507 508 508 509 509 510 510 511 511 512 512 513 513 514 514 515 515 516 516 517 517 518 518 519 519 520 520 521 521 522 522 523 523 524 524 525 525 526 526 527 527 528 528 529 529 530 530 531 531 532 532 533 533 534 534 535 535 536 536 537 537 538 538 539 539 540 540 541 541 542 542 543 543 544 544 545 545 546 546 547 547 548 548 549 549 550 550 551 551 552 552 553 553 554 554 555 555 556 556 557 557 558 558 559 559 560 560 561 561 562 562 563 563 564 564 565 565 566 566 567 567 568 568 569 569 570 570 571 571 572 572 573 573 574 574 575 575 576 576 577 577 578 578 579 579 580 580 581 581 582 582 583 583 584 584 585 585 586 586 587 587 588 588 589 589 590 590 591 591 592 592 593 593 594 594 595 595 596 596 597 597 598 598 599 599 600 600 601 601 602 602 603 603 604 604 605 605 606 606 607 607 608 608 609 609 610 610 611 611 612 612 613 613 614 614 615 615 616 616 617 617 618 618 619 619 620 620 621 621 622 622 623 623 624 624 625 625 626 626 627 627 628 628 629 629 630 630 631 631 632 632 633 633 634 634 635 635 636 636 637 637 638 638 639 639 640 640 641 641 642 642 643 643 644 644 645 645 646 646 647 647 648 648 649 649 650 650 651 651 652 652 653 653 654 654 655 655 656 656 657 657 658 658 659 659 660 660 661 661 662 662 663 663 664 664 665 665 666 666 667 667 668 668 669 669 670 670 671 671 672 672 673 673 674 674 675 675 676 676 677

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Transcription: ATR-1 2

1 2

Transcription: Translated (English)

1 2